Berisha, Albanians Between The Western and Eastern

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH
Vol. V, Issue 12/ March 2018
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Albanians between the Western and Eastern

Church during the 11th -15th Centuries:
Religious and Political Affiliations
Prof.Ass.Dr. GJON BERISHA

Assistant Professor
Institute of History “Ali Hadri”, Prishtina
Abstract:
This study aims to shed light into the ecclesiastical position of
Albanians and their religious and political links and orientations. The
position of Illyrian – Albanian territories between East
(Constantinople) and West (Rome) made them encounter many
political, cultural and economical challenges throughout Middle Ages.
The division marked through the Line of Theodosius, which
geopolitically continued with the division of the church in the year of
1054 to be further divided during the Fourth Crusade (1204), affected
the Albanian territories as well. Politically, they represented the border
between Byzantine Empire and the Latin influence, while religiously
they represented the zone between the Orthodox Church and the
Catholic Church. The Byzantine Eastern Rite Church, headed by
Durres Archdiocese, dominated until the 11th century, which gathered
around itself 15 Episcopal seats; on the other hand, with the division
of the church in 1054, there were still ecclesiastical centers in the
Albanian territories which continued their communication with Rome
to come on the surface towards the end of 11 th century under the
archdioceses of Tivar (Antibar), which became the promoter of the
catholic rite during 13th-15th centuries, especially in the Northern
Albania, Zeta (Doclea), day Kosova. These territories were under the
attack of Serbian Orthodox Church and Serb rulers. Despite these
religious movements, the Albanians territories continued to face a
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Gjon Berisha- Albanians between the Western and Eastern Church during the
11th -15th Centuries: Religious and Political Affiliations
religious catholic-orthodox symbiosis, without any collision among

Albanian population.
Key words: Albanians, Catholic Church, Orthodox Church, 11th-15th

centuries, Rome, Papacy, Constantinople, Arbëria, Zeta, Kosova,
Durres, Tivar.
INTRODUCTION
The object of this study, deals with one of the most important
political, cultural and religious problematics pertaining to
Albanian territories during the Medieval period. The study
aims to analyze the Christian position of Albanians and their
relations with their respective religious and political
affiliations.
Albania constitutes a geographical unit,1 albeit one with
two faces: one looks towards the sea and the other towards the
mountains. The leading cities of the Adriatic on the Balkan
side, apart from Ragusa (Dubrovnik), are all situated in
territories that were part of Medieval Albania: Shkodra
(Scutari), Durrës (Dyrrachium) and Vlora (Aulona) were
starting points of the famous Via Egnatia, “the unique road
built by the Romans from sea to sea”.2 Particularly Durres
constitutes the starting point of a major pathway between West
and East, along which the beating pulse of this main vein of
communication could be felt strongly during the Middle Ages.3
The religious affiliations towards either the Western or
Eastern Church, along with the religious structural
organization in Albanian territories came as a result of specific
1 ÇABEJ, Eqrem. Shqipëria midis Lindjes dhe Perëndimit. Tiranë: MÇM,

1994, p. 8.
2 L’Albania: Nozioni Geografiche Statistico-Amministrative. Scutari:
Tipografia dell’ “Immacolata”, 1911, p. 52.
3 JIREĈEK, Konstantin. “Die Lage und Vergangenheit der Stadt Durazzo in
Albanien”. Illyrisch-Albanische Forschungen I. München und Leipzig, 1916, p.

160.
EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018
6446
historical and cultural circumstances present in these

territories throughout Medieval times. The historical analysis
of the administrative and religious arrangement throughout the
11th-15th centuries, and even prior to that period, it becomes
evident to us that the religious affiliations of the local
inhabitants did not at all times represent their religious
sentiments. Often times, the answer to the question of which
Church they would adhere to, was a product of their current
political position and a representation of their political
aspirations. As such, we assume that a reasonable explanation
to this phenomenon is precisely related to the geographical
position of Albanian territories, in which they were situated in-
between the most prominent religious and political centers at
the time, namely between Constantinople and Rome, causing
thus an intertwining of political, cultural and religious
interests. Albanian medieval territories were situated precisely
on the borders of the political influence of the Byzantine
Empire and the Roman Empire, meaning thus that the
territories were incorporated within the religious influence of
both the Orthodox Church and the Catholic Church. Holding a
position of such importance often times meant that gaining the
support of medieval Albanians was of particular interest to both
Empires.
Practicing a particular set of Christian rites as required
by either Church, had its own ethnic and political implications.
As such, the rites practiced by medieval Albanians were in
many cases a survival strategy adopted in lieu with the
reigning Empire at the time. We assume that such has been the
case with medieval Albanians who practiced the rites of the
Serbian Orthodox Church, and that Catholicism, on the other
hand, represented a national religion for medieval Albanians.
Similarly, it should be taken into account that the conversion to
Catholicism was often times considered by the Albanian
nobility as a means to establish relations with the western
powers. On the other hand, Catholicism in Albania did not

6447
come about as a result of its geographical proximity to the Holy

See, but rather that presenting Catholicism to Albania was
within the intentions and interests of the Holy See in the
attempts to expand Catholicism.
The frequent conversions of the Albanian medieval
nobility, as a result of their political interests rather than
religious sentiments, often times portrayed them as “unstable”
in this regard. However, it is believed that precisely this sort of
religious diversity contributed in a peaceful inter-religious
cohabitation and the overall development of religious tolerance
in these territories.
Political and religious positions

As far as the geographical position of Albanian medieval
territories is concerned, it is evident that they were established
in-between the political influence of both Rome and
Constantinople, and that until the 8th century the Church of
Illyricum was under the administration of Rome through the
vicar of Thessaloniki.4 After the division of the Roman Empire
in 395, the Albanian territories were incorporated within the
administration of the Eastern Empire. Even though at a period
when religious institutions were equated with state
institutions, the religious adherence of medieval Albanians, as
evidenced by an abundance of correspondence between Illyrian
archbishops, appears to have been gravitating towards the
western Church. A loyalty of this nature towards the Church of
Rome was also evidenced in 535, when Emperor Justinian
annexed provinces of Dardania and Praevalis to Justiniana
Prima, despite the emergence of schismatic divisions within
4 DUCHESNE, Louis. “L'lllyricum ecclesiastique”. Byzantinische Zeitschrift

vol. I, 1892, p. 543; LEMERLE, Paul. hilippes et la acedoine orientale a
l epoque chretienne et Byzantine. Paris: E. de Boccard, 1945, pp. 242-243;
OSTROGORSKI, George. Historia e Perandorisë Bizantine. Tiranë: Dituria,
1997, pp. 32-33.
6448
Illyrian archbishops.5 The rivalry between Rome and

Constantinople eventually led to dogmatic divisions between
the Church, resulting to the schism of Photius and eventually
leading to the great schism of 1054,6 and finally the division of
1204.7 The first provinces from the Illyrian territories that were
adjoined to Constantinople were New Epirus, namely the
Archbishopric of Durrës (Dyrrachium, Durazzo). In fact, it
wouldn’t be until the 8th century, during the reign of the
Emperor Leo III the Isaurian (732-733),8 when the iconoclastic
crisis occurred, that New Epirus, Prevalis and southern Italy
would be included within the borders of Constantinople.
The religious transformations that occurred in Illyrian-
Albanian territories during the 6th-10th centuries were
developing parallel to political transformations that occurred in
the region during the same period.
The influence and power of the Church of
Constantinople was therefore growing parallel to the political
and administrative power that the Byzantine Empire was
enjoying. This phenomenon became even more apparent with
the increase of political and administrative power that the
Theme of Durrës was experiencing, which in turn also had an
5 Corpus juris civilis. Novellae, ed. R. Schoell, Berolini, 1895, (Novellae XI), p.
94; ZEILLER, Jacques. Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces
danubiennes de l’Empire Romaine (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises
d'Athènes et de Rome. fasc. 112). Paris: E. de Boccard, 1918, pp. 387-388.
6 Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae aetatis illustrantia, college Tholloczy,
L.- Jiriček, C. –Sufflay, E., vol.I. Vindobonae: Holzhausen, 1913, doc. 126;
ŠUFFLAY, Milan. “Die Kirchenzustände im vortürkischen Albanien. Die
orthodoxe Durchbruchszone im katholischen Damme”, Illyrisch-Albanische
Forschungen vol.I. München und Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1916, p. 199.
7 SOLOVIEV, Alexandre V. “Eine Urkunde des Panhypersebastos Demetrios,
Megas Archon von Albanien”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, bd.34, 2 (1934), pp.

304-310; DUCELLIER, Alein. “L’Arbanon et les Albanais au XIe siecle”.
L'Albanie entre Byzance et Venise, Xème-XVème siècles. London: Speclum,
1987, (kap.IV), p. 367.
8 HERGENRÖTHER, Joseph. Photius, patriarch von Constantinopel. Sein
leben, seine schriften und das griechische schisma.Vol. I, Regensburg, G.J.

Manz, 1867-69, pp. 236-237; GRUMEL, Venance. “L'annexion de l'illyricum
oriental de la Sicile et de la Calabre au Patriarcat de Constantinople”.
Recherches de science religieuse, 1952, no. 40, p. 191.
6449
influence on the juridical expansion of the Church of Durrës

over the Illyrian-Albanian bishoprics and archbishoprics. The
Theme of Durrës expanded its dominance so greatly, that by
the 10th century it extended its influence over Tivar (Antibar,
Bar) and Vlorë, incorporating thusly a number of 15 bishoprics
within its authority (suffragans).9 The 10th century represents a
period that is marked as the pinnacle of influence that the
Church of Constantinople enjoyed in medieval Albanian lands,
an authority that would later be replaced with the Church of
Rome.
It becomes evident that from the 10th century and
thereafter, the position of the Eastern Church in medieval
Albanian lands took a rather defensive position. This
observation becomes even more apparent when we take under
consideration that at the same period the Eastern Church had
to fight against the increasing Latin influence on the north, as
well as against the expansion of the Bulgarian Church in the
region of the Metropolitan See of Ohrid. The 11th and 12th
centuries were rather tumultuous, when in 1020 in attempts to
improve relations with the occupied Bulgarians, Basil II
(Emp.Bulgar.) accepted the conjointment of southern Orthodox
bishoprics which were under the administration of Ohrid, while
at the same time the influence of Tivar and Ragusa steadily
increased through the upcoming centuries in Northern Albania.
From this period on, the evidence suggest of the existence of a
Church which even though was under the Byzantine
9 “…θρóνος τεσσαρακοστος δευτερος Δυρράχιον μητρόπολις: ó Στεφανιαχών, ó

Χονοβιας, ó Κροών, ó Ελισσου, ó Διοκλείας, ó Σκοδρών, ó Δριβάστου, ó Πολαθων,
ó Γλαβινίτξας ητοί Aκροκεραυνίας, ó Αύλωνίας, ó Λυκινιδων, ó Αντιβαρεως, ó
Τζρενικίον, ó Πολυχεροπόλεως, ó Γραδιζίον”, PARTHEY, Gustav Friedrich
Constantin (ed.). Hieroclis synecdemus et notitiae Graecae episcopatuum:
accedunt Nili Doxapatrii Notitia patriarchatuum et locorum nomina
immutata, Berolini: In aedibus Friderici Nicolai, 1866, pp.124-125, 220-221;
Acta Albania. Vol. I, (Prolegomena) p.IV; DARROUZES, Jean. Notitiae
episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae: texte critique, introduction et
notes I Geographie ecclesiastique de l'Empire Byzantin, Institut Francais
d'Etudes Byzantines, Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Etudes
Byzantines.). Paris: Inst. Francais d'Etudes Byzantines, 1981, pp. 309-399.
6450
regulation, maintained Roman traditions, as documented in

northern Albania, Prevalis (Doclea/Zeta) and Dardania. In
relation to this, the establishment of a Bishopric seat of the
Roman Catholic Church in Tivar in 1066-1067,10 marked an
important period of the strengthening and expansion of the
Catholic Church in medieval Albanian lands. This came about
as a result of the political transformations occurring in the
region, particularly considering that the province of Prevalis
with the cities of Shkodër, Drisht, Danjë, Shas, Tivar and Ulcin
were politically separated from the Byzantine Empire, thusly in
an attempt to distance themselves from the Byzantine and
Slavic influence, their rulers fastened their ties with Rome.11 It
would be precisely in Tivar where the center of Roman
Catholicism would be established, extending thus the Roman
influence in medieval Albanian lands which would later serve
as a barrier, or rather guardians, of Catholicism in regions
where the Slavic Orthodox Church had already infiltrated.
During the same period in the region of Durrës - Arbër, a
similar process of separation from Byzantine was occurring,
that is both in a political and religious sense. Whereas during
the 11th century, the formation of the Byzantine Theme of
Durrës θέμα Δυρραχίου, was a Byzantine military-civilian
province) was heavily influenced by the local element, in
different conditions and circumstances, it was precisely the
local element that influenced the separation from the Byzantine
Empire. The process of “disintegration” of the Empire brought
forth the first signs of new concepts of “nationality” and
“religion”, which concepts were no longer determined by
political or religious entities, but rather concepts that were
10 FERMENDŢIN, Eusebius. Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica cum

insertis editorum documentorum regestis: ab anno 925 usque ad annum 1752
(MSHSM XXIII). Zagreb: Academia Scientiarum et Artium Slavorum
Meridionalium, 1892, doc. 6; Acta Albaniae I, doc. 63; MARKOVIĆ, Ivan.
Dukljansko-Barska Metropolija. Zagreb: Tisak A. Scholza, 1902, pp. 26-32;
GRUBER, Dane. “O dukljansko-barskoj i dubrovačkoj nadbiskupiji do polovice
XII stoljeća”, Vjesnik Zemaljskog Arkiva, 1912/13, no.1-5/14, pp. 37-38.
11 Acta Albaniae I, doc. 63.

6451
differentiated through linguistic and religious ties.12 Albanians

Αλβανοι) are mentioned as such for the first time by the
Byzantine historian M. Attaleiates, who was a participant in
the uprisings of 1043 and 1078, which revolts partially occurred
in Albanian territories. In relation to this event, Attaleiates
expressed his surprise that Albanians, which up until that
point had been equal citizens of the Empire and more so shared
the same religious affiliations with the Byzantines, were
bizarrely transformed into their enemies.13 As far as their
religious identity is concerned, Attaleiates clarifies that the
conversion to Catholicism of Albanians was in the process of
being a finished deed.
Albanians in the Middle Ages

Documenting medieval Albanians as arbëror signaled their
religious differentiation from the Byzantines. As such
Albanians, or Arbanians, the inhabitants of Albanon, Arbanon,
were not Byzantine citizens, nor followers of the Orthodox
Church, neither romaios as evidenced by the medieval
chroniclers and officials. As such, a new name emerged for this
ethnic group – namely albanoi – an appellation which was
attached to the Catholic members of the group who inhabited
12 TAPKOVA-ZAIMOVA, Vasilka. “L’idée byzantine de l’unité du monde et

l’Etat Bulgare”, Résumés des Communications-ler Congrès International
d'Études du Sud-Est Européen. Sofia 1966, p. 228.
13 “Η πρώτη αναφορά σε Ἁλβανούς” αλλά και “Αρβανίτες” γίνεται αναφορικά με
γεγονότα γύρω στά 1043 από τον Μιχαήλ Ατταλειάτη, όπου αναφέρεται σε
Αλβανούς “σελ. 9 “...καὶ οἵ ποτε σύμμαχοι καὶ τῆς ἰσοπολιτείας ἡμῖν
συμμετέχοντες, ὡς καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς θρησκείας, Ἀλβανοὶ καὶ Λατῖνοι ὅσοι μετὰ τὴν
ἑσπερίαν Ῥώμην τοῖς Ἰταλικοῖς πλησιάζουσι μέρεσι...”, και “σελ. 18“…ὁ
προμνημονευθεὶς Γεώργιος, ᾧ Μανιάκης ἐπώνυμον, ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλικῆς ἀρχῆς
ἐπαναστὰς μετὰ τῶν ἐκεῖσε συνόντων στρατιωτῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ Ἀλβανῶν, διὰ
παρόρασιν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνιαθεὶς καὶ προηγησαμένας ἔχθρας μετ' αὐτοῦ δεδιώς,...”
αλλά και σε Αρβανίτες “σελ. 297 “...εἶχε γὰρ καὶ Ῥωμαίων πολλῶν στρατιωτικόν,
Βουλγάρων τε καὶ Ἀρβανιτῶν, καὶ οἰκείους ὑπασπιστὰς οὐκ ὀλίγους,...”. Cfr.:
ATTALEIOTAE, Michaelis. Historia. recognavit Immanuel Bekkerus, ed
Bonnae 1853, pp. 9, 18, 297; XHUFI, Pëllumb. “La “debizantinizzazione” dell'
Arbanon”, The Medieval Albanians. Athena: The National Hellenic Research
Foundation Centre for Byzantine Research, 1998, p. 60.
6452
the area of Arbanon and its surrounding, whereas other

Orthodox inhabitants of Albanian territories continued to be
identified according to their religious affiliations such as:
romaioi, bulgaroi, skllavinoi.14
Religion played a major role in shaping the identity of
medieval Albanians, but it also influenced their political and
cultural affiliations, which observations are mostly attested by
the fact that territories in northern and central Albania were
closely tied with the West. One of these regions that were
within the authority of the Catholic Church, was the region of
Arbanon. In 1166 Arbanon had one archbishop, namely Lazarus
of Arbër (Lazarus episcopus Arbanensis), whose coronation was
carefully prepared by Pope Alexander III, who in the same year
reserved a special privilege for bishop Lazarus (Lazri) by
allowing him to ordain one of the three altars of the Church of
Saint Tryphon in Kotor.15 This bishopric seems to have had a
special importance for the Pope, seeing that he appointed a
special status to it by connecting it directly with the Holy See.
Rome would further advance the expansion of its presence in
Arbanon, when by the 13th century, Prince Dhimitër of Arbanon
decided to ordain Roman clergy in Arbanon in 1208. This
significant moment in history of Arbanon was not coincidental,
but rather signified a moment where Arbanon made a political
separation from Byzantine, by aligning itself with the West.
By the 12th century, the Catholic Church had already
expanded its influence insofar as Durrës, a place which up until
that point was known as a bastion of Orthodox Christianity.
This is clearly evidenced through a letter sent by Pope
Alexander III on the 3rd of January 1168 to “abbots and other
latins, to clergy and seculars alike who reside in Durrës”, in
which he urged the people to support his delegate, the
14 FRASHËRI, Kristo. “Trojet e shqiptarëve në shek.XV”, Studime për epokën

e Skënderbeut, vol. I. Tiranë: ASHRPS Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, 1989,
pp. 11-12.
15 Acta Albaniae I, doc. 43 and 93.

6453
Archbishop of Ragusa, Tribun, rather than the Orthodox

Archbishop of Durrës, Mihail. These initiatives imply that
Durrës must have had regular correspondence with the Holy
See in Rome, as also evidenced by the fact that in December of
1200, Pope Innocent III appointed an archdeacon in Durrës.
The Albanian nobility also played an important role in
establishing relations with Rome, particularly so after the
Fourth Crusade in 1204 initiated by Pope Innocent III which
was followed by the fall of Byzantine, an event that marked a
period when the nobility experienced a twofold emancipation,
both a political and a religious one. Such was the case with the
noble Albanian family Skuraj who, as gathered by an
inscription in 1201, biased towards Rome in a religious, cultural
as well as political sense.16
It can be argued that the establishment of relations and
codependence with either the East or the West was a result of
historical and cultural conditions in which the inhabitants of
these territories found themselves in during the earlier
centuries.
Seeing that religious conversions were directly related
and often times developed parallel to political transformations,
it can be assumed that such religious transformations were not
at all times conclusive. The established relations with Rome
came to a halt after 1210, when the Despotate of Arta was
created, at which juncture the rulers of the Despotate vested
relations with the Orthodox world. Years later when the Anjous
took hold of Durrës, the status of Catholicism in these areas
was once again strengthened. In this regard, the Dominican
and Franciscan clergy played an important part in establishing
what once were tarnished relations with Rome. However, the
frequent variations between the Dominican and Franciscan
Order, a phenomenon observed even by foreign travelers, made
it difficult for religious followers to adjust to the appropriate
16 XHUFI, Pëllumb. “Skurajt e Arbërit”, Studime Historike, 1991, no. 2,

pp.103-105, 107.
6454
rites. This phenomenon, however, paved the way for a dual

coexistence and at times a fuse of the Catholic and Orthodox
rites. As such, there were times when the rites of the two were
so utterly mingled, that it became difficult to distinguish the
one from the other. This phenomenon was also observed and
chronicled by an anonymous traveler of the early 14th century,
who described the inhabitants of medieval Albania as neither
latin nor schismatic (nec sunt pure catholici, nec sunt pure
scismatici).17
The Regnum Albaniae and Holy See: Catholic identity

Establishing and maintaining the Catholic practice in Albanian
lands during the 13th and 14th centuries is greatly attributed to
the Albanian aristocracy. This period coincides with a time
when the Holy See aimed to reestablish its authority in the
western Balkans, particularly after the refoundation of
Byzantine in 1261, as well as at a time when Charl Anjou I was
planning on building a universal Roman-Byzantine empire once
he’d manage to conquer Constantinople. This period also
coincides with a time when the Albanian aristocracy was facing
a serious threat from the expansion of Serbian feudal lords,
which threat they believed could be overcome only by allying
with the Catholic Anjous whom they considered to be a superior
ally in relation to the Byzantine Empire, which alliance they
coronated in 1272 when the Anjous established the political
formation known as Regnum Albaniae.18 In establishing a firm
position in the Balkans, the Holy See considered the Albanian
territories to be of particular importance. In this sense, the
Holy See had continuously supported the Albanians and often
times prompted and even used them to incite Crusades against
17 Anonymi descriptio Europae Orientalis: Imperium Constantinopolitanum,

Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Ruthenia, Ungaria, Polonia, Bohemia” anno
MCCCVIII exarata. Edidit, praefatione et adnotationibus instruxit Olgierd
Górka, Cracoviae: Sumptibus Academiae Litterarum, 1916, p. 28.
18 Acta Albaniae I, doc.451; KIESEWETTER, Andreas. “I Principi di Taranto e
la Grecia (1294-1373/83)”, Archivio Storico Pugliese, 2001, no.LIV, pp. 61-62.

6455
the heretics and “schismatics” of the East. This allegiance came

about as a result of the development of a national conscience
among medieval Albanians, an identity which was recognized
and supported by the Papacy.
Catholicism was one of the main ideologies that was
related to the political and religious visions of the Popes of
Avignon and those of the local nobility of Regnum Albaniae in
the XIV century. The Holy See considered Catholicism as a
means to extend its religious and political power in the
Balkans, whereas the local nobility considered it as a political
means to establish relations with the West. Supported by both
subjects, the Holy See and the local nobility, Catholicism
reached its peak in south-eastern Balkans at the half of the 14th
century. The number of bishoprics, parishes and clergy grew
exponentially, whereas the medieval Albanian lands within
Regnum Albaniae became a true stronghold of Catholicism
against the Orthodox rite. By counting on the role of the local
nobility, the Papacy began to establish correspondence with the
local rulers by the last quarter of the 14th century. There are
numerous medieval Albanian families which are mentioned in
the letters of Pope John XXII in 1319, which include Muzaka,
Arianiti, Blinishti, Matranga, Jonima, with whom the Pope
discussed the waging of Crusades against the rulers of Raška
(also known as Rassa and Rascia, alb.: Rasha),19 who were
persecuting Catholics from medieval Albanian territories
conquered by Serbian kings. This endeavor established a
mutual trust between the Albanian nobility and the Holy See.
The enormous trust that the Pope placed on the
Albanian aristocracy was a strong indicator of how the Pope
perceived the local aristocracy and the influence it had on the
region. A great example of this relationship was the
19 “ Dilectis filiis, nobilibus viris entulo usatio Comiti Clissanie, Andree

Musatio regni Albanie Marescalco, et Theodore Musatio Prothosevastoni,
salutem etc.” , THEINER, Augustin. Vetera monumenta Historica Hungariam
sacram illustrantia. Maximan partem nondum edita ex tabulariis Vaticanis.
Tomus primus (1216-1352), Romae: Typis Vaticanis, 1859, doc. 1264.
6456
appointment of the Bishop of Kruja, Andrea, as a missionary in

representing the Pope in an anti-Serbian movement in
Albanian territories.20
On the other hand, the Catholic Church maintained its
influence in Doclea/Zeta throughout the centuries, and its
authority remained firm even during the Church clashes (863,
1054), and furthermore its influence remained strong even
when the territory was under the occupation of the Serbian
Kingdom and was facing the potential expansion of the
Autocephalous Serbian Church (1219). Even at those times, the
dioceses of southern Dalmatia and northern Albania remained
a strong pillar for the Papacy in its battle against the influence
of the Slavic Orthodox Church in the Balkans during the
Ottoman period.
The political factor and religion in Zeta and Kosova

during Middle Ages
The region of Doclea (Zeta) located in the northwestern region
of northern Albania was inhabited by a majority of Albanians
descendent from Illyrians, as well as what was a remainder of a
population with roman origins, who throughout the centuries
had inhabited parts of medieval Albania. In this region, the
first Slavic colonization had not left any traces in its community
life. Even Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, did not include
Dioclea within these territories where the Emperor Heraclius
(610-641)21 had approved the establishment of Slavs. The
Illyrian-Albanian continuity of Dioclea is proved by a series of
various elements, including those economic (similarities
between the status of Budua, Tivari, Ulcin and Shkodër), social
(the phenomenon of blood feud), cultural and religious (early
20 Acta Albaniae I, doc. 648 (in note); JIREĈEK, Konstantin. Geschichte der
Serben, Bd. 1 Bis 1371 (Allgemeine Staatengeschichte. 1. abt.: Geschichte der
Europaischen Staaten). Gotha: F.A. Perthes, 1911, p. 352.
21 “Constantine Porphyrogenitus De Administrando Imperio”, Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus Emperor of the East, Gy Moravcsik. Washington DC, 2006,

pp. 153-154.
6457
Christianity and its relation to Rome), which elements speak of

similarities between regions of northern Albania and cities of
modern day Montenegro. Even after the conquest of Doclea
(Zeta) from Stephen Nemanya in 1198, Doclea was considered a
unit in itself under the patronage of the heir of the French
Queen Helena, the wife of Stephen Urosh I. According to
sources, the territories south of Kotor, including Tivar, Ulcin,
Podgorica, Shkodër, Drisht, Shas etc., were all considered
Albanian lands.22
Regarding the structural matters of the Church during
the 10 -11th centuries in these territories, it is known that they
th
were included within the authority of the church of Tivar,

which eventhough was declared an archbishopric in 1077, it
was denied the right to become a metropolis but was instead
placed under the authority of Ragusa. For more than half a
century, the Albanian bishoprics fought to separate from the
dependence of Ragusa, conflicting thus not only with the
Ragusans but also with the Pope himself. The situation altered
in 1199 when the metropolitan authority for the bishoprics of
northern Albanian lands (modern day Albania) was transferred
to the archbishopric of Tivar. As such, jurisdictional matters
and the title were all within the authority of Tivar, which
resulted from a long feud between Tivar and Ragusa to gain
authority over Albanian lands as well, a feud which ended in
1255 known as the process of Napoli (Perugia) in favor of
Tivar.23 During this period, all the bishoprics situated in
22“Jer Zeta i Sjeverna Albania tvore jedan jepini biološki facies: nerazdruživo
povezane su one jednakom plastikom tla, istom ilirskom krvlju, istim
historijskim bolima”, ŠUFFLAY, Milan. Srbi i Arbanasi: njihova simbioza u
srednjem vijeku, sa predgov. St. Stanojevica (Biblioteka arhiva za arbanasku
starinu, jezik i etnologiju. Istor. serija 1.). Beograd: Sem. za arban. filolog.
1925, p. 52; XHUFI, Pëllumb. Dilemat e Arbërit (një studim mbi Shqipërinë e
shek.XI-XVI). Tiranë: Pegi, 2006, p. 37.
23 Acta Albaniae I, doc.236, 267; Illyricum Sacrum VII, 43. Cfr.:
СТАНОЈЕВИЋ, Борба за самосталност католичке цркве у немањићској

држави, Volume 13 of Посебна издања: Друштвени и историски списи),
Београд: Српска краљевска академија, 1912, p. 155; FINE, The Late
6458
northern Albania were suffragans of the Archbishopric of Tivar,

which included: Ulcin, Shurdhah, Shas, Shkodër, Sapa, Danja,
Balec, Drisht, Pult, Prizren and Arbër.24
The Serbian expansion towards coastal lands of Adriatic
was strongly supported by the Serbian Orthodox Church, which
from 1219 had its own archbishopric independent from the
Ohrid Archbishopric. The reinforcement of the Serbian Church
was followed by a series of political and religious measures
intended to impose Serbian-Slavic Orthodox Christianity on the
inhabitants of Zeta. Orthodoxy extended in medieval Zeta
during the 13th century, in what was a predominantly Catholic
land. Its influence increased steadily from 13th -14th centuries,
especially through the founding of various Orthodox
monasteries that were provided with various gifts from Serbian
rulers. Orthodoxy therefore spread due to favors completed
towards the Orthodox clergy and the church, and on the other
hand by persecuting the Catholic clergy and confiscating their
properties and riches, while also prohibiting the ordaining of
young Catholic priests in vacant positions.25
The repressive measures undertaken by Serbian rulers
through their political and religious authority instigated the
Albanian nobility in Zeta and northern Albania to organize a
resistance against these actions. In this instance, we recall that
the uprising of 1319 against Urosh II Milutin was organized
within a short period, which came about precisely as a result of
these harsh repressions against Catholics. The arduous
situation in which medieval Catholic Albanians found
themselves in Zeta and northern Albania, continued even
during the reign of Milutin’s successors, and particularly so
during the reign of Tsar Stephen Dushan (1331-1355), whose
reign also caused an uprising of the nobility and clergy in Zeta
Medieval Balkans. A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the
Ottoman Conquest, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1994, p. 46.
24 ŠUFFLAY, MIlan. “Kirchenzustände”, p.218.
25 MURZAKU, Thoma; MULLAI, Abaz. Historia e Ballkanit: nga antikiteti i
vonë deri në shek. XVII,.Tiranë 2005, pp. 97-98.

6459
against the denial of their religious and political rights

(meaning so their traditional rights). It is why when Stephen
Dushan came to power he was faced with the Albanian uprising
of Zeta under the command of Dhimitër Suma.26
As such, the authority of Tivar encompassed a region
where the Slavic influence of the Autocephalous Serbian
Church organized by Saint Sava (after 1219) was amplifying. It
is unsurprising therefore that Tivar served mostly as a
guardian of Catholicism by appointing trusted people in the
main positions of the Church, such as the case of Johannes de
Plano Carpini27 or Guillelmus Adae28. Its duty was to first end
the conflict between the Catholic churches (Bar and Ragusa)
and secondly to protect the Catholic Church from the influence
and expansion of the Slavic Orthodox Church. Through the help
of the Holy See, Tivar was recognized as a western stronghold
against the Slavs, a similar position which would later be
appointed to Albania in regards to Slavic Orthodoxy in the
Balkans.
The position of Albanians and their church would soon
improve after the death of Dushan, in a period when these
territories were ruled by an Albanian noble family, namely that
of Balshaj. The successes of Balshaj towards their political
emancipation and establishment of an independent rule were
strongly supported by the local inhabitants, which harboured
hostile feelings towards the Serbian rulers and their cruel
administration. To best adapt to the newly emerged
circumstances, Balshaj decided to alter their religious rite by
converting a year later (1369) to Catholicism. This act marked
26 БОЖИЋ, Иван. “Албанија и Арбанаси у XIII, XIV и XV веку”. Глас

САНУ, Одељење историјских наука, књг. CCCXXXVIII, Београд 1983, p.
37.
27 FABIANICH, Donato. Storia dei frati minori dai primordi della loro
istituzione in Dalmazia e Bossina. Kap.II, p. 48; SIRDANI, Martin.

Françeskanët në Shqypni, p. 17; ŠUFFLAY, Srbi i Arbanasi, p. 90.
28 BROCARDUS, “Directorium ad passagium faciendum”, Ch. Kohler, Recueil
des Historiens des Croisades, Documents Armeniens II. Paris: Imprimerie

Nacionale, 1906, pp. 365-517 .
6460
an important stride for the internal and foreign policies of this

principality. Balshaj also adapted to the ethnic and cultural
environment, which was inhabited by Albanians who mostly
followed the Catholic rite. Another differentiation that Balshaj
were aiming to make is that by converting to Catholicism they
also marked a strong dissimilarity with the neighboring
Serbian-Orthodox principalities. In foreign matters, the
conversion to the Catholic rite opened the way to forming new
alliances and connections with the Catholic powers of the west.
The province of Dardania, similar to Illyrian territories,
is a territory where Christianity was embraced quite early on in
the first few centuries after Christ. This has been evidenced
through a presence of an organized Church hierarchy and the
existence of bishoprics and ecumenical and provincial councils
assembled during Late Antiquity and the Early Medieval
period. Regarding the ecclesiastical organization, Dardania was
under Metropolitan of Scupi, later Justiniana Primae.29
The enforcement and consolidation of an existing
hierarchy of the Dardanian Church, is reflected by the conflicts
between Rome and Constantinople, where the popes of Rome in
their attempts to reinforce the influence of the Church were
seeking the support of the metropolises and bishoprics of the
Dardanian Church. In this context, the hierarchy of the
Dardanian Church played an important role in claiming a
position against the jurisdiction of Constantinople, representing
thus a region within the Latin cultural influence and where the
Latin language was spoken.
Even though Justinian was a Byzantine Emperor, he
had insisted that churches within Illyrian territories were to be
incorporated under the authority of the Archbishopric of
Justiniana Prima, under the jurisdiction of the Roman Papacy.
Throughout the centuries, the territories that are now modern
29MIRDITA, Zef. “Gjashtë shekujt e parë të krishtenizmit në trevat iliro-

shqiptare”. Krishterimi ndër shqiptarë (Simpozium ndërkombëtar, Tiranë 16-
19 nëntor 1999). Shkodër: Ipeshkvia e Shkodrës, 2000, pp. 49-50.
6461
day Kosova and Macedonia had fallen under the rule of

Bulgarian and Byzantine rulers, a series of events which
reflected on the church and the cultural life of the locals. For a
long period, the territory of Dardania was under the
jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, up until the 10th
century where it is mentioned once again as being part of the
Shkup bishopric “Thronos Skupion”.30
It is of significant importance to note that throughout
the Slavic invasion, Christianity became an important identity
factor for the local populace, who differed from the newcomers
not only by language but by religion as well.
Created and enforced by the Bulgarian tsars, The
Archbishopric of Ohrid managed to include within its
jurisdiction a number of Albanian bishoprics, including the
bishopric of Nish, Prizren, Shkup, etc.31
Under the political administration of the Theme of
Shkupi and under the religious jurisdiction of the Archbishopric
of Ohrid (and after the destruction of the state of Samuil by
Basil II in 1019), Byzantine Orthodoxy experienced a great
expansion in these areas. This is best exemplified through the
presence of “Greek” Orthodox) clergy who served as bishops in
Prizren and Lipjan throughout the XI and XII centuries, at the
same time when Skopje had been transformed into a mostly
Byzantine city.32
The period when the Dardanian-Macedonian Church
was oriented towards Byzantine coincides with the Great
Schism of 1054, a period characterized by the clash of the
Churches of Constantinople and Rome. In such circumstances,
it was the Church of Ohrid which was trusted as a bastion of
Byzantine against Rome.
30 ИВАНОВ, Йордан. Български старини из Македония. София: БАН

Наука и изкуство, 1931 reprint 1970) 1931, p. 57.
31 СНѢГАРОВ, Иванъ. История на Охридската архиепископия-
патриаршия. Tom.1-2, София: Кооп. печ. “Гутенбергъ”, 1924, pp. 54-59.
32 ŠUFFLAY. “Kirchenzustände”, p. 198.

6462
Despite all of these events, it is evident that the practice of

Catholicism in these areas had not ceased. Although these
territories were under the political administration of Byzantine,
the existence (1019-102033) only two bishops in the region of
Dardania by the end of the Bulgarian reign, namely one in the
north and the other one located in the south by Sharri
Mountains (Scardus), indicates that the number of followers of
the Eastern rite must have been minimal. Such evidence
reveals to us that the majority of the population remained
faithful to the traditions of the Western rite. However, from the
XI century and onwards religious relations between the
medieval kingdom of Rascia and the Holy See were impaired,
which we can assume that resulted from the continuous
expansion of the Eastern rite through the invasion of
Bulgarians, Byzantines, and later on the invasion of the region
by the Serbian rulers.
The relations with the Holy See were strongly influenced
by the political movements occurring in those areas. This is
best observed when after the Fourth Crusade (1204) the
territories of modern day Kosova that were under the Bulgarian
reign of Tsar Kaloyan continued to be within the jurisdiction of
the Roman Catholic Church. It is at the same time when
Catholic bishoprics reemerge in Prizren, Nish and Shkup.34
However, the situation changed for the worse for the Catholic
Church and Albanians inhabiting these areas after the
formation of the Autocephalous Serbian Church in 1219. It is
precisely during the same period when Prizren was conquered
33СНѢГАРОВЪ. История на Охридската, pp. 54-56; GELZER, Heinrich.

“Üngedruckte und wenig bekannte Bistümerverzeichnisse der orientalischen
Kirche”, Byzantinische Zeitschkift II, (Leipzig 1893), pp. 42-43; Acta Albaniae
I, doc. 58; НОВАКОВИЋ, Стојан. “Охридска архиепископија у почетку XI
века”, Глас СКА, LXXVI (1908), pp. 46-51; Гръцки извори за българската
история: fontes graeci historiae bulgaricae. Tом VI. Издание на
Българската Академия на Науките. София 1965, pp. 40-47.
34 THEINER, Augustin. Vetera monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium
Historiam Illustrantia (Maximam partem nondum edita ex tabulariis

Vaticanis): tomus primus, 1198-1549. Romae 1863, doc. 45.
6463
by the Nemanjic Dynasty, when Catholic churches were being

ordained to Orthodox ones.35 These events coincide with a time
when the Catholic bishoprics of Kosova were obliterated from
historical sources only to reappear once again later. Their
reappearance in historical sources occurred when the Catholic
Church of Rome initiated its endeavor against the Independent
Serbian Orthodox Church. In this pursuit, the Catholic
Archbishopric of Tivar played an important role, through which
the Papacy strengthened the influence of the Catholic Church
in Albanian lands. As a result of this initiative, the Catholic
bishoprics in Kosova reappear as evidenced by their mentioning
in a letters of Pope Benedict XI (1303)36 and those of Clement
VI (1346)37, specifically the bishoprics and parishes of Trepça,
Graçanica, Prizreni, Shkupi, Novoberda, Janjeva etc. That the
Catholic community was present in these territories is also
evidenced through the Code of Stephen Dushan, in which local
Catholics are referred to as those of the “latin religion”, “latin
believers”, “nonbelievers” and “heretic latins”, a colloquial which
clearly illustrates the hostile stance of the Serbian Kingdom
against the local Catholics.
The same rejection was also done to the Catholic rite.
Under the supremacy of Tsar Dushan, whose Code called the
Catholic rite the “Latin heresy”, the good relations between the
local Catholic population and the Serbs came to an end. The
Code of Stephen Dushan was promoted for the first time in the
same Shkupi in May 1349 and it contained harsh statutes
against the “Latin heresy”, against the conversion of Serbians
by Latin clerics and against mixed marriages between “half
believers” and “Christians” i.e.an Orthodox). If a “Christian”
should adopt “the azymite rite”, he was to be exhorted to return
35 “…tamen nonulli Reges Rassie, predecessores tui, monasteria, ecclesias,

insulas ac villas predictas suis temporibus occuparunt, et tu nunc ea occupas
et detines occupata…”, THEINER, Monumenta Slavorum I, doc.280; Idem,
Monumenta Hungaricam I, dok.1061.
36 Ibid.,doc. 649
37 Idem, Monumenta Slavorum I, doc.280.

6464
to “Christianity”. 38 In this situation the good relations between

the papacy and Catholic Albanians became quite tight.
The Catholics in medieval Serbian kingdom were mostly
Albanians from Zeta, Kosova, Macedonia and other regions
from modern day northern Albania, who represented the people
who “practiced the Catholic religion and where the Roman rite
was being preserved”. It is why in these regions bordering
Albanian-Slavic lands, being a Catholic meant that one was
also arbëror (medieval Albanian), an opinion which was
supported even by Pjetër Bogdani, who said that “as an
antonomasia the Slavs would refer to the Catholic faith as
arbanaška vera”,39 meaning thus the religion of Albanians.
When these territories were finally conquered in the 13th
century, the headquarters of the Serbian Church was
transferred from Zhicha (where it was once positioned) to
Peja.40 After it gained its autocephalous status, the Serbian
Church served as a warfare organization which used its
authority to enforce the Serbian occupation in Albanian lands.
The religious and royal political ambitions of the Serbs were to
replace the role of the Church of Constantinople in these
regions. It is precisely why during the first few days after the
occupation (1198), the Serbs paid particular importance to the
ordainment of local Albanian Catholic churches into Slavic
Orthodox churches. It is for this precise reason why the
headquarters of the Serbian Orthodox Church was transferred
to Peja. Some Albanian cities would even serve as temporary
38 НОВАКОВИЋ, Стојан. Законик Стефана Душана Цара Српског 1349.

и 1354.. Београд 1898, pp. 11, 153-155, 192, 195; СОЛОВЈЕВ, Александар
Васиљевич. Законик цара Стефана Душана 1349. и 1354. године, Извори
српског права 6. Београд: Српска Академија Наука и Уметности, 1988, pp.
3, 174, 176-177.
39 BOGDANI, Pjetër. Cvnevs Prophetarum de Christo Salvatore Mvndi, et eivs
Evangelica Veritate; italice, et epirotice contexta; Et in duas Partes divisa a

Petro Bogdano macedone .... Pars prima, Patavii MDCLXXXV, [fl.IV].
40 JIREĈEK, Konstantin. Историја Срба I, Београд: Књижарница Геце
Кона, 1922, p.246. note. 3; MALCOLM, Noel. Kosova: një histori e shkurtër.
Prishtinë-Tiranë: Koha ditore, 2001, pp. 47, 51
6465
headquarters to Serbian rulers and feudal lords, who through

cultural, economic and social impositions attempted to rule over
the Catholic population who up to that point had managed to
deflect the Byzantine influence. Most Catholic churches, as well
Byzantine ones who served as temples to the local Albanians,
were usurped and transformed into Orthodox churches of the
Pravoslav rite (a rite solely followed by the Orthodox Slavs).
The same policies were followed in altering local names of
places into Slavic ones, as well as imposing Slavic names on the
local inhabitants. There is a plentitude of evidence in church
registers, as well as later on in Ottoman cadastral registers,
which suggest that the local Albanian population had
undergone a process of slavization of traditional onomastics.
It is therefore unsurprising that such aggressive policies
orchestrated and supported by Serbian kings left many traces
in the local Albanian population, which appear evident
particularly in the slavicized antroponyms that have become
known to us through various acts from the courts of Serbian
kings directed to the monastery of Hilandar, Deçan, Graçanicë,
Archangels (Mëhill and Gabriel) in Prizren etc. Even in these
acts the presence of a local Albanian population throughout the
Medieval period is evident.
CONCLUSION
Albania’s particular geographical position, at the place where

the two worlds of East and West both embraced and clashed,
provided the backdrop against which were played out ecclesial
phenomena such as apostasies, conversions, proselytism and
heresies. Medieval Albania also became the place where
Christianity was perceived in two different ways, the western
(Roman-Catholic) way, and the eastern (Byzantine-Orthodox)
one. The divide between these two perceptions had a clear
politico-cultural background. It matured in the form of a
dogmatic separation long ago. In the 9th century, it exploded for

6466
the first time with the so-called "Photian schism", and in 1054
it climaxed in the great and conclusive schism which continues
to divide the Christian world even today.
While politically it pertained to the Eastern Empire, the
Church of to Illyrian prefecture was attached to Rome on the
administrative-juridical plane, even if not on the dogmatic one.
Letters of the first popes give evidence of their close relations
with the metropolises of Doclea, Dyrrachium and Nikopolis.
The emperor of Illyrian origin, Justinian (527-565),
strengthened the relations of the Albanian metropolitan sees
with Rome.
Bishops of Albanian dioceses had the opportunity to
express their position in the rivalry between Rome and
Constantinople concerning hegemonies in the Balkans during
the so-called "Acacian schism" (484-519). On that occasion the
bishops of Dardania, Praevalitana and Epirus Vetus firmly took
the side of the Pope. The strengthening of the Patriarchate of
Constantinople at the expense of the Church of Rome also
brought about the strengthening the position of the Church of
Dyrrachium in the framework of the Albanian dioceses. This
situation is confirmed for us by the Notitiae of Leo VI and by
Jan Cimishi. In the 11th century the Byzantine chronicler
Mihail Ataliati declared that the Arberi professed a common
religion together with the Byzantines.
In the 12th century, Tivar became the principal seed-
ground from whence Roman Catholicism expanded into other
Albanian areas which until that time had been predominantly
Orthodox. This is conspicuously verified in the case of Kosova,
were the Serbian invasion of 1198 discovered a sizeable
Catholic community. In all events, the political factor continued
to be inconsistent. A Byzantine revival after 1281 under the
hegemony of the Serbian of the tzar Stephen Dushan sufficed to
fan the embers of Orthodoxy into flame again.
Although Illyrian-Albanian territores were situate
between East and West (according to Emperor Theodosius

6467
model) and they were ruled time after time, they could never
cange their ethno-cultural strukture, crystallized during the
centuries of Albanian nation.

6468

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EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH

Vol. V, Issue 12/ March 2018

Impact Factor: 3.4546 (UIF)

Albanians between the Western and Eastern

Prof.Ass.Dr. GJON BERISHA

religious catholic-orthodox symbiosis, without any collision among

Key words: Albanians, Catholic Church, Orthodox Church, 11th-15th

1 ÇABEJ, Eqrem. Shqipëria midis Lindjes dhe Perëndimit. Tiranë: MÇM,

Albanien”. Illyrisch-Albanische Forschungen I. München und Leipzig, 1916, p.

historical and cultural circumstances present in these

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018

come about as a result of its geographical proximity to the Holy

Political and religious positions

4 DUCHESNE, Louis. “L'lllyricum ecclesiastique”. Byzantinische Zeitschrift

Illyrian archbishops.5 The rivalry between Rome and

Megas Archon von Albanien”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, bd.34, 2 (1934), pp.

leben, seine schriften und das griechische schisma.Vol. I, Regensburg, G.J.

influence on the juridical expansion of the Church of Durrës

9 “…θρóνος τεσσαρακοστος δευτερος Δυρράχιον μητρόπολις: ó Στεφανιαχών, ó

regulation, maintained Roman traditions, as documented in

10 FERMENDŢIN, Eusebius. Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica cum

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018

differentiated through linguistic and religious ties.12 Albanians

Albanians in the Middle Ages

12 TAPKOVA-ZAIMOVA, Vasilka. “L’idée byzantine de l’unité du monde et

the area of Arbanon and its surrounding, whereas other

14 FRASHËRI, Kristo. “Trojet e shqiptarëve në shek.XV”, Studime për epokën

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018

Archbishop of Ragusa, Tribun, rather than the Orthodox

16 XHUFI, Pëllumb. “Skurajt e Arbërit”, Studime Historike, 1991, no. 2,

rites. This phenomenon, however, paved the way for a dual

The Regnum Albaniae and Holy See: Catholic identity

17 Anonymi descriptio Europae Orientalis: Imperium Constantinopolitanum,

la Grecia (1294-1373/83)”, Archivio Storico Pugliese, 2001, no.LIV, pp. 61-62.

the heretics and “schismatics” of the East. This allegiance came

19 “ Dilectis filiis, nobilibus viris entulo usatio Comiti Clissanie, Andree

appointment of the Bishop of Kruja, Andrea, as a missionary in

The political factor and religion in Zeta and Kosova

Porphyrogenitus Emperor of the East, Gy Moravcsik. Washington DC, 2006,

Christianity and its relation to Rome), which elements speak of

were included within the authority of the church of Tivar,

СТАНОЈЕВИЋ, Борба за самосталност католичке цркве у немањићској

northern Albania were suffragans of the Archbishopric of Tivar,

vonë deri në shek. XVII,.Tiranë 2005, pp. 97-98.

against the denial of their religious and political rights

26 БОЖИЋ, Иван. “Албанија и Арбанаси у XIII, XIV и XV веку”. Глас

istituzione in Dalmazia e Bossina. Kap.II, p. 48; SIRDANI, Martin.

des Historiens des Croisades, Documents Armeniens II. Paris: Imprimerie

an important stride for the internal and foreign policies of this

29MIRDITA, Zef. “Gjashtë shekujt e parë të krishtenizmit në trevat iliro-

day Kosova and Macedonia had fallen under the rule of

30 ИВАНОВ, Йордан. Български старини из Македония. София: БАН

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018

Despite all of these events, it is evident that the practice of

33СНѢГАРОВЪ. История на Охридската, pp. 54-56; GELZER, Heinrich.

Historiam Illustrantia (Maximam partem nondum edita ex tabulariis

by the Nemanjic Dynasty, when Catholic churches were being

35 “…tamen nonulli Reges Rassie, predecessores tui, monasteria, ecclesias,

EUROPEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH - Vol. V, Issue 12 / March 2018