SINTESA: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik

Volume 8, Nomor 2, September 2017; pp. 83–92

https://ejournal.warmadewa.ac.id/index.php/sintesa
ISSN Online: 2615-305X Dipublikasi: 30 September 2017

Gender Equality and Justice Among Balinese Women in the Life of Traditional
Custom in Bali
I Wayan Gede Suacana1 and Diah Rukmawati2
1. Ketua Pusat Kajian Governance dan Kearifan Lokal Universitas Warmadewa
2. Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Fisipol Universitas Warmadewa
[email protected]
How to cite (in APA style):
Suacana, I, W, G., & Rukmawati, D. (2017). Gender Equality and Justice Among Balinese Women in the Life of
Traditional Custom in Bali. Sintesa: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik. 8(2), pp.83-92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/
sintesa.8.2.1059.83-92

Abstract

In the traditional activities and rituals of Hindu in Bali (both in the Desa Pakraman, in banjar or in groups of
relatives, and neighbors) appeared between the man with the women running a relatively balanced role. There
was segregation in the types of ceremonial events between for men and for women are. Difficult to say whether
or not gender equality had been going on, because it's all the activities carried out is highly normative.
However, in terms of gender equity, both male and female adults have had and given swadhrama/
responsibilities in each of customary activities.
Keywords: Balinese women; gender justice and equality; indigenous village

I. INTRODUCTION

The status and the ranking of women have become a central issue in the social life of modern
society. This is due to the tendency of the gap between the roles of men and women to be based more
on biological and physiological aspects. The dichotomy of that role gets a place in patriarchal culture
which is one of the causes of discriminatory treatment and is less favorable for women (Arjani,
2003).
The difference in the status of the roles between men and women, often called gender
differences, is actually a common proposition as long as it does not cause gender inequality. But, in
reality, gender differentiation often lead to various inequalities or injustices. These forms of injustice,
as revealed by Fakih (1996) are: negative labeling toward sexes (stereotypes), the process of
marginalization due to gender differences which results in poverty (marginalization), the lowering of
certain sex roles ( subordination), the dual role of one gender (double burden), and acts of violence,
both physical and non-physical (violence).
These forms of gender injustice are not in accordance with human rights, so the Indonesian
Government seeks to realize gender equality and justice through various policies, as stated in
Presidential Instruction No. 9 of 2000 concerning Gender Mainstreaming in National Development.
Gender Equality and Justice is a term that contains two concepts, namely gender equality and gender
justice. Gender equality means the equality of conditions between men and women to obtain
opportunities and their rights as human beings, in order to be able to play a role and participate in
political, economic, social, cultural, national security, and equality in enjoying the fruits of the
development. While gender justice is a process to be fair toward men and women (Bali Provincial
Government and PSW Unud, 2005).
Today, gender injustice and inequality in people's lives surfaced, both at national and local
levels. In Bali Province gender disparities occur in various fields of life, such as in the fields of
education, employment, politics and others. This condition is shown by the results of the National
Socio-Economic Survey by the BPS (Central Bureau of Statistics) in 2002, which shows that for the
education sector, the number of illiterate women is far greater than those of men who have completed
high school above: 21 , 0%: 32.1%. The gender gap in the employment sector is evident from the
differences in male and female labor force participation rates, namely: 75.9%: 59.0%. In the political
field, the gender gap is reflected in the differences in the number of male and female population
involved in the legislative, executive and judicial institutions.
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So far there is an assumption that gender issues in Balinese society need not be disputed,
because basically the division of roles between men and women or gender roles in Balinese society
in general and indigenous peoples in particular, takes place fairly and equally, in the sense that there
are no problems. However, if examined more closely, the assumption can be biased. The findings of
the Bali Provincial Government and the University of North Sumatera PSW in 2005 showed that the
social role, especially formal activities such as meetings in Pakraman and Banjar villages were still
dominated by men.
Thus, even though religious social rules in Balinese society recognize the existence of gender
equality as seen in the concept of purusa and pradana, in practice the position of Balinese women is
often weaker than that of men.
In the adat (traditional custom) structure, the role of women is only as an actor, and they rarely
get the opportunity to make decisions in village meetings. In activities related to adat, especially in
communion (deliberation) that decide everything related to religious issues or other social activities,
the role of men is still more dominant. Likewise, a hierarchical structure that prioritizes men's
position and rights places women only as a support and complement in social activities, customs and
religion.
In addition to these conditions, there are four other fundamental problems that surround Bali
women today, both those living in urban and rural areas (Mantra, 1993). First, the problem of
education is due to lack of ability and opportunity, especially in poor families. Second, the problem
of parenting in the family. There is an attitude that spoils boys more than girls. This attitude is related
to the position of men who are the successors of their parents' obligations and with customary
relationships, such as singing in the banjar (traditional group of community). Third, there is still a
reluctance of women to be actively involved in outside activities. Fourth, there is humiliation in
materialistic life which prioritizes material. The real form is this situation in the form of fear is said
to be ancient or not modern, outdated only because it does not use certain clothes or jewelry.
In connection with the phenomena outlined earlier, this study examines further the gap,
injustice, equality and gender justice especially in the life of the customs of Balinese women who
live in urban and rural areas in Bali.
Gender Equality and Justice
The starting point of development policy for the empowerment and enhancement of women's
roles is gender equality and justice and the welfare and protection of children in family life,
community, nation and state (Depdagri, 2005).
In the appendix to Presidential Instruction No. 9 of 2000, there are three important concepts to
be understood and internalized related to gender issues, namely:
1. Gender Mainstreaming in development is all strategies that are built to integrate gender into an
integral dimension of planning, drafting, implementing, monitoring and evaluating national
development policies and programs. The aim is to ascertain whether women and men have access
to, participate in, have control over, and obtain the same benefits from development. By carrying
out gender mainstreaming, gender disparities which in turn lead to gender problems, can be
identified. Thus, the ultimate goal of gender mainstreaming is to narrow and even negate the
gender gaps.
2. Gender Equality is a common condition for men and women to get the opportunity and their
rights as human beings, in order to be able to play a role and participate in political, economic,
socio-cultural, defense and national security activities, and similarity in enjoying the results of
development.
3. Gender Justice is a process to be fair to men and women. In order for a fair process for women
and men to materialize, steps to stop things - which have socially and historically prevented
women and men from being able to play a role and enjoy the results of the roles they play-are
required.
The application of gender equality and justice in a careful planning is very important to be
considered and has a great meaning, not only for family life, but also for the life of the nation in the
future in preparing strong and potential development resources.
Village Communities in Bali

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The concept of village in Bali is still ambiguous (dualism), namely: first, it belongs to villages
that carry out various government administration or official activities are known as service villages'
or 'administrative villages'. Second, Pakraman village, this is a term that refers to a traditional group
with the basis of customary ties, and is bound by the existence of three main temples called
Kahyangan Tiga or other temples that function like that, called Kahyangan Desa (Pitana, 1994;
Diantha, 2003; Parimartha, 2003; Windia, 2003). Based on the consideration of its uniqueness,
distinctiveness of characteristics, and the nature of its original autonomy, this paper chooses
Pakraman village, so that the intended village community is that of Pakraman village.
The existence of the Pakraman village community in Bali in the long journey of its history has
always been related and in line with the dynamics of Balinese culture. Even though they have certain
traits and characteristics, because they are autonomous, variations in local forms and rules occur
between one Pakraman village and the others. From these diverse variations, researchers about Bali
and the Council of Adat Institutional Trustees based on the dominant tradition that characterizes
Pakraman village, classify Pakraman villages into three types (Swellengerebel, 1960; Danandjaja,
1980; MPLA, 1991; Reuter, 2005), i.e.: Bali Aga Village (mountain area), Apanage Village (plain
area) and Anyar Village (newest).
However, nowadays Pakraman village in Bali has been regulated through Regional Regulation
No. 3 of 2001 concerning Pakraman Village. According to article 1 point 4 of the regional regulation,
Pakraman village is a unit of customary law communities in the Province of Bali that has a unity of
tradition and manners of social relations of the people of the community from generation to
generation in a kahyangan tiga or kahyangan desa that has certain territories and assets themselves
and have the right to take care of their own households.
Balinese Women Role in Customary Activities
The role of Balinese women and men in some customary activities is still discriminated
against. This can be seen when traditional village meetings discussing religious or social issues are
held, where men still dominate the policy making decisions and meeting decisions. However, the
implementation of the activities was mostly taken by women. In such a situation, women's
representation in traditional village gatherings did not appear to be recognized. One of the most
dominant Balinese women's customary activities is the role and obligation in the practice of making
religious ceremonial materials, both in the household environment and in the surrounding
community, even in the traditional village where he lives.
In various resources, men's access is more dominant than women, caused by limited ownership
of certain resources in the house concerned. Besides that, it was also caused by the presence of the
patrilineal kinship system in the community which caused women's personal resources to be lower
than those of men (Bali Provincial Government and PSU Unud, 2005).

II. METHOD

Research Locus
This research was conducted in Gianyar District, as the representation of Central Bali and
Denpasar City, representing South Bali. From each district and city, one Pakraman village was taken,
namely the Pakraman Penestanan Village which represented the rural area and the Pakraman Sumerta
Village representing urban areas. The selection of the two Pakraman villages was carried out
purposively (deliberately) based on the consideration that the two were considered capable of
describing gender equality and justice in the customs activities for Balinese women. This is because
indigenous peoples in Bali have relatively homogeneous conditions, especially in terms of cultural
and religious practices adopted. In addition, the selection of locations like this is also done on the
basis of consideration to be able to provide an overview of the conditions of gender equality and
justice for Balinese women in rural and urban areas.
Population and Sample
The population of this study is all households in each Pakraman Village that have been
determined as the research location. From each of the villages, 20 households were taken purposively
to get respondents with criteria: married women and recorded as krama (community member) wifes/

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luh. The choice of women is prioritized for women who have households that are still intact or not
widowed. This is done to get a full picture of gender issues that exist in the Balinese community. In
addition to this sample, several key informants were also selected, such as career women who were
community leaders or political and religious leaders.
Data Collection Technique
Data collection was carried out through observation of women's activities, especially those
related to customs in the research location. In addition, questionnaires were also distributed and
structured interviews and structured interviews were conducted. Structured interviews were carried
out to 20 informants and unstructured interviews or depth interviews conducted on several key
informants.
Data Analysis
Data were analyzed by applying qualitative data analysis technique that was supplemented by
limited quantitative data analysis technique after the data were processed. Data are displayed in the
instrument in the form of frequency distribution tables, averages, graphs and maps. Qualitative data
analysis was done by presenting similarities, differences, interrelationships, categories, main themes,
concepts, ideas, and logic analysis of initial results, and weaknesses or gaps in the data. Furthermore,
the data were described by building categories that place behavior on the process that occurs by
organizing data around the topic, or the main question. (Cassel & Symon, 1994). This step is called
data reduction, i.e. selection, focusing on simplifying, abstracting and transforming crude data
obtained from the field. After that, triangulation is carried out, namely an analysis of certain
information from unstructured interview (from key informant) and the results of structured
interviews (informant), and results of field observations and re-checking by comparing them with
various other sources and documents.
To give depiction of gender equality and justice, a gender analysis technique is applied,
namely systematically parsing data and information about the position, functions, roles and
responsibilities of men and women in development programs and the factors that influence them.
There are 4 main factors that must be considered in order to identify whether there is a gender gap or
not, namely the factor of access, participation, control and benefits (Rosalin, 2001).
Data analysis of this study was carried out continuously from the beginning to the end of the
research so as to produce grounded theory (Mantra, 2004). The reasoning used is inductive reasoning
because it allows to describe the background in full and can make the relationship between
researchers and respondents become explicit, can be known and accountable, and encounter multiple
facts in the data.

III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Overview of Bali Province

The province of Bali is located in the east of Java Island and is included in the series of islands
of Nusa Tenggara which was once called the Lesser Sunda Islands. The Province of Bali covers
several island, but the main one is Bali. The area extends from North to South at position 8 .03’40”-8
.40’48” of South Latitude (SL) and extends from West to East at position 114 .25’53”-115 .42’40”
of East Longitude (EL). As an archipelago province, besides Bali which is the main island, there are
also Nusa Penida Island, Nusa Ceningan Island, Nusa Lembongan Island, Menjangan Island and
Serangan Island.
The Province of Bali has borders with the Java (North) Sea, the Indonesian Ocean (South), the
Bali Strait/East Java (West) Province, and the Lombok Strait/West Nusa Tenggara Province (East).
In general, the Province of Bali has a tropical sea climate which is influenced by monsoons.
There is a dry season and rainy season interspersed with transition seasons with rainfall ranging from
0.0-425.4 mm. The average maximum temperature ranges from 29,8 C-33,4 C and the average
minimum temperature is 21,9 C-32,5 C. The highest temperature occurred in November and the
lowest occurred in July with an average humidity of 73.3 to 82.1% (BPS Provinsi Bali, 2003: 3-4).
The Province of Bali was established on August 14, 1958 through Law Number 64 of 1958. At

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that time, the capital was Singaraja. However, with the decision of the Minister of Home Affairs and
Regional Autonomy dated June 23, 1960 Number 52/2/36-136 which was taken on the basis of the
resolution of the Bali Level I Regional People's Representative Assembly (Indonesian term is
“DPRD”), the position of the capital was transferred to become Denpasar (Soemargono, 1992). Until
now, Denpasar has remained the capital of Bali Province.
Administratively, Bali Province is divided into nine districts and cities, 51 sub-districts, 565
village (the village headed by a kepala desa, who is elected by popular vote) and 79 kelurahan (a
kind of village in urban area headed by lurah, a civil servant appointed by local government (city or
district)). The nine districts and cities are Jembrana District (4 sub-districts, 51 villages, 259 banjars);
Tabanan District (8 sub-districts, 117 villages, 756 banjars); Badung District (6 sub-districts, 61
villages, 547 banjars); Gianyar District (7 sub-districts, 69 villages, 317 banjars); Klungkung District
(4 sub-districts, 59 villages, 272 banjars); Bangli District (4 sub-districts, 69 villages, 317 banjars);
Karangasem District (8 sub-districts, 71 villages, 595 banjars); Buleleng District (9 sub-districts, 146
villages, 572 banjars); and Denpasar City (3 sub-districts, 43 villages, 448 banjars) which became the
capital and center of government of Bali Province (BPS Province of Bali, 2005). In the beginning,
Denpasar City became part of Badung District, but since February 27, 1992 each has officially
become a different District/City.
Each district and city shows different characteristics. In the context of demography, the most
heterogeneous regions are the City of Denpasar, Badung, Gianyar and Tabanan which are often
called "Sarbagita". These differences occur due to the touch of tourism, either as a domicile, a visit,
or an area supporting tourism. The population growth of the island of Bali during the 1990-2000
period was 1.31%. This figure is higher than the population growth of Java island 1.19%, but lower
than the national population growth of 1.49%. In Bali, population growth ranged from 0.32% -
3.32%, dominated by Denpasar city at 3.32%, which was influenced by urbanization, and the lowest
occurred in Klungkung district 0.32% (BPS Bali, 2005).
The province of Bali has an area of 5,632 km2 or 0.29% of the Indonesian archipelago. The
population of Bali Province reached 3,179,898 people in 2005 with a density of 565 people/km2.
Most of the population (93.18%) are Hindus. The highest population density (3,450 people / km2) is
in Denpasar City, exceeding the population density of Bali (565 inhabitants/km2). The district that
has the widest area and the largest population is Buleleng, which is 588,662 people or 19.05% of the
population of Bali. The district/city with the lowest population is Karangasem (166,552 people), and
the lowest population density is in Jembrana District (259 inhabitants/km2).
Characteristics of Respondents
In this study, the unit of analysis is households. Households are defined as the smallest social
unit consisting of husbands, wives, children and other family members, who are bound in one
economic unit and eat in one kitchen. While the respondents were women who had status as luh
(wife) in the banjar/pakraman village.
Respondents taken for this study amounted to 40 people; each of the 20 people in the village of
Pakraman Penestanan Gianyar represents the Village Region category; and 10 people in the village
of Pakraman, Sumerta Denpasar, representing the category of City Region. Field data shows that the
age of respondents ranged from 25-60 years. Overall, the majority of respondents (45.0%) were in
the age group of 25-35 years, followed by the age group of 36-50 years (30.5%), while the smallest
number (24%) was in the oldest age group namely in over 50 years.
In general, the education level of the respondents is quite high. This can be seen from the
condition that there were many respondents who completed high school education, namely 66% and
only 3% of respondents did not graduate from elementary school. Participants who succeeded in
completing higher education were 31%. Meanwhile, the number of household respondents both those
who live in the village area and in the city is relatively small or few. Only a small percentage of
respondents, namely as much as 5%, have household members above 5 people and as many as 10%
of respondents have household members 4-5 people. Respondents with 2-3 household members
reached the highest number, 85%.
In general, the types of work undertaken by respondents vary. They are spread in various types
of livelihoods such as civil servants, farmers, craftsmen, private employees and others.
Women’s Role in Indigenous Activities

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The role of women in the village and in the city is very complex both in the family and in the
community in various traditional activities (Sudemen, 2003). As women who are married, it can be
ascertained that in addition to being a wife who has to take care of their household, they also hold
other roles in the village environment both pakraman/adat and dinas villages. They have certain
duties or obligations that must be borne together with the obligation to take care of the household.
In general, in Balinese culture, the involvement or contribution of women to these tasks is
included as part of his responsibility in his position as the wife of a husband who has become a
member or krama of the Pakraman/adat village. The obligations of women in both research locations
are increasing when they also work for earning a living (entrepreneurship) for various reasons. Thus,
this activity will bring consequences to its role as women, namely to become more and more. Thus,
the dual role of women in the city and village of Pakraman can be classified into two, namely
domestic roles and public roles. Domestic role is its role in household life and traditional role in
Pakraman village, while its public role is participation in working for a living.
In relation to customary activities, the role of women is usually related to obligations that must
be carried out and carried out in the respective Pakraman villages. Obligations in Pakraman village
according to Agung (1984: 9) include: (1) implementing ayahan desa (duties in the village), such as
voluntary work to repair or build temples belonging to Pakraman village, holding a ceremony for
dewa yadnya (ngodalin) in the temple, organizing butha yadnya (mecaru) and makiyis ceremonies
once a year (tilem kesanga), organizing development for the benefit of Pakraman village, and
carrying out other tasks for Pakraman village; (2) duties of complying with the regulations that apply
in the village of Pakraman both written and unwritten in awig-awig, namely the so-called pasuara and
sima that apply. In addition, the village manners are also obliged to maintain security and peace
together, to maintain the good name of the village, and to carry out mutual cooperation between each
other.
Whereas the obligation as krama Banjar Pakraman/adat, in essence, is part of the obligation of
krama of Pakraman Village. In the broad outline, the obligations to the Banjar adat are to carry out
obligations which are the duties of the banjar, which include: helping in holding the Dewa Yadnya
ceremony, Pitra Yadnya, Manusa Yadnya, Rsi Yadnya and Butha Yadnya. So, the most prominent
obligation in the life of krama Banjar is to carry out mutual cooperation with the principle of kinship
in the communion to live together in conditions of joy and sorrow.
This obligations, if connected with the obligations that are generally carried out by Balinese
women, especially in the two research locations, the outline can be detailed as follows: (1) The
obligation to help each other in a series of traditional ceremonies and religious ceremonies, such
marriage ceremonies, death, cutting teeth, ngotonin which are ceremonies of the life cycle and other
ceremonies which are obligations relating to joy and sorrow. (2) Obligations carried out relate to
religious ceremonies in the village of Pakraman at certain times that have been determined with the
obligation to contribute energy, mind and material for the smooth running of the ceremony. This
activity, for example, is carrying out the customary obligations of ngayahang and contributing
pepeson (material objects or money) and participating in preparing the means of religious
ceremonyies, such as banten and the like. (3) The obligations carried out relate to the activities of
formal and non-formal organizations concerning women's activities, such as activities in the PKK
(Family Welfare Development) organization, as well as the arts and temporary social associations.
Traditional obligations in the household and in the village which are domestic roles are
obtained automatically from their socio-cultural environment as a logical consequence of their social
identity. The inherited role is expressed with "sasana manut linggih, linggih manut sesana", which
means the role must be in accordance with the position or identity in a more specific sense, and
identity includes certain specific roles as well.
Because the traditional role - the role in the household and in the village as a domestic role - is
obtained automatically, it is binding on women, especially in the context of the ideal assessment of
Balinese women, namely anak luh luwih, anak luh luwih, which means women can perfectly carry
out their roles as housewives, carry out roles within the community, namely as villagers, and carry
out roles as breadwinners (working women).
The role or obligation to help fellow citizens, including in the family sphere in a series of
traditional ceremonies and religions, is more often referred to as menyama beraya activity. Menyama
beraya is a mutual helping activity, a sense of kinship towards family and community members in the

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neighborhood of the banjar or village community. The activity of menyama beraya is a customary
activity and obligation that has grown its roots in Balinese society. This activity was carried out in
the context of conducting the Panca Y adnya ceremony namely Dewa Y adnya, Rsi Yadnya, Pitra
Yadnya, Manusa Yadnya and Butha Yadnya. This activity is directed at the formation of a sense of
kinship, togetherness, a sense of solidarity and a sense of belonging which are manifested in forms
like nguopin/matatulung (providing energy assistance by carrying out something), mejenukan
(coming by carrying goods or material and giving blessing and moral support).
The implementation of these activities is actually an application of Hindu philosophy known
and believed to be Tat Twam Asi, which means he is you, you are him. Tat Twam A si teaches that in
his life, people are always guided to be able to understand others. This is in accordance with the
nature of humans who cannot live alone but need each other's help because human beings are
essentially one. This is the basis of a harmonious way of life in Pakraman village, which is
commonly referred to as paras-paros, sigilik-saguluk, salunglung-sabayantaka that contains the
concept of being united in a state of joy and sorrow until the last breath. (Agung, 1987).
The obligation in this kind of activity is related to religious ceremonies in Pakraman village,
which are obligations that must be fulfilled and carried out in order to participate in preparing
ceremonial facilities, expediting ceremonies, succeeding and participating in carrying out the
ceremony. Since someone became a member of the Pakraman village, he was required to fulfill
obligations and understand rights as members of the community. Thus, a person tries to harmonize
himself so as not to tarnish and cause disorder in society. People try not to be ostracized for violating
regulations that have been set or agreed upon. If that happens, it will bring disgrace and blemishes
that are reprehensible in society, and therefore, a prominent aspect of the function of Pakraman
village is as a place of education to develop solidarity as something meaningful (Bagus, 1994). The
things that are valuable in Pakraman village are things that are able to unite the lives of their citizens.
This customary obligation can be in the form of providing voluntary assistance (ngayahang),
contributing material/oney (papeson), as well as the obligation to attend traditional activities at
certain times according to their position and status in Pakraman village. The meaning of ngayah is
the willing to sacrifice, togetherness, a sense of unity, mutual assisting, a sense of devotion and
prioritizing the public interest in the village of Pakraman.
Meanwhile, women's obligations in both formal and informal organizations can be in the form
of activities or activities in the Family Welfare Development organization with all activities that must
be supported by all citizens. In addition, informal activities can be in the form of association or
sekehe both permanent and temporary, such as association or sekehe of arts (pesantian, sekonghe
gong/dance or other arts). Temporary associations can be in the form of agricultural fields such as
sekehe mamula, sekehe panen and others whose interests are at any time.
Almost every type of ceremony above is always marked and is considered completed if using a
ceremonial facility called banten. Banten is offerings in religious ceremonies (Dinas Pengajaran Tk I
Bali, 1993). The name, shape and types of banten vary according to the cultural views of the Balinese
people that are imbued with the Hindu religion. The name, shape, type, and quantity (amount) needed
are dependent on the type and level of the ceremony. Balinese people recognize the level of
ceremonies: nista, madya, and main ceremony, which are often adjusted to their economic capacities.
To prepare banten - whose numbers and types are varied and which are often considered
complicated - are handed over to women, so that making the banten is considered the responsibility
of women. Providing the banten begins with the activities of preparing the means of the offering i.e.
sajen and mejejahitan and arranging and preparing facilities for ceremonies or metanding.
Some of the obligations or roles that must be carried out by women in the two locations of this
research are inherent according to their status and position. The complexity of the role played by
Balinese women as well as the role in the effort to join in earning a living certainly requires the
ability to regulate the implementation of these obligations so that imbalances in roles that can lead to
inequality and injustice in fulfilling these obligations do not occur.
Gender Equality and Justice
Women's activities in customary activities in this study are divided into 4 types, namely:
pasangkepan (gatherings), mutual cooperation, ceremonial and pesantian activities (group religious
singing).
From the research results, it appears that customary activities are generally carried out by adult
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men and women. This can be seen from the percentage of respondents following acknowledgment. In
the village, an average of 48 percent of respondents stated that adult men carried out customary
activities, and an average of 52 percent stated that adult women played a similar role. Whereas in
cities, the participation of men and women in carrying out these activities, respectively, was 55
percent and 45 percent. This means that in the implementation of relative adat activities, there is
already Justice and Gender Equality between adult men and adult women, both in rural and urban
areas.
The dominant fields of activity including five types of ceremonies in Hinduism (Panca
Yadnya) are the ceremony for Dewa Y adnya (ceremonial offerings to God with all its
manifestations), ceremony for Pitra Y adnya (ceremonial offerings for ancestors), the ceremony for
Resi Yadnya (ceremony offerings for pinandita and saints), ceremony for Manusa Yadnya
(ceremonies in the stages of life as humans), and the ceremony for Butha Y adnya (ceremonies for
butha kala and lower forms of life). Most of the respondents (86%) in the village and in the city
stated that there was a clear separation between the types of ceremonial activities for adult men and
women. Only 14 percent said that certain roles in Panca Y adnya activities could be replaced. This
fact shows that adat and religion in Bali have arranged in great detail the types of activities that are
usually carried out by adult men and women at the Panca Y adnya ceremony. It is difficult to say
whether gender equality has taken place, because indeed all activities carried out are very normative.
But, in terms of gender justice, both men and women have had and given swadarma (their respective
obligations in traditional activities).
In the case of traditional/pakraman village pesamuan (deliberation) that discuss religious or
social issues, the roles of adult men and women in the city (75%) and villages (86%), and are still not
equal and fair from a gender perspective. Adult men, because of their patrilineal lifestyle and culture
(following father's lineage), still dominate policy decisions and meeting decisions, but in carrying out
their activities, women work more. The representation of Balinese women in gatherings (meetings)
of traditional villages in Bali is not yet apparent. One of the dominant Balinese women's customs
activities is the role and obligation in the practice of making religious ceremonial materials both in
the household environment and in the surrounding community, even in the traditional village/
pakraman where they live. Therefore, respondents stated that the aspirations of adult women are very
rare (14% in the city and 5% in the village) to be able to ‘dominate’ the results of the meeting
decisions (pasangkepan) in traditional/pakraman villages. In other words, strategic decisions in
customary activities are still dominated by men.
The provision of banten (offerings) for religious ceremonies is fully carried out by women
both in rural and urban areas. Most of the urban women (86%) and rural women (93%) cannot
estimate the average customary activities carried out in their families and in their respective
Pakraman villages. This is because in the Hindu religious tradition in Bali, there are Panca Y adnya
activities, which include religious ceremonies, namely Dewa Yadnya, Bhuta Yadnya, Pitra Yadnya,
Rsi Yadnya and Manusa Yadnya. According to Lontar Agastya Parwa, each of these means oil dan
seeds offerings to Lord Shiva, Agni at the god's place of worship; to respect the pastor and to read the
scriptures; the ceremony of death so that the spirit reaches Shiva's realm; welfare of plants and
holding tawur and Panca W ali Krama ceremonies; and to provide food to the community.
Even though the intensity of the traditional activities cannot be predicted, Balinese women by
custom and tradition dominate the implementation of the Panca Y adnya ceremony. In the Dewa
Yadnya ceremony, for example, they deliver canang with its catches each Kliwon (once every five
days), Kajeng Kliwon (15 days), Purnama and Tilem (once a month), and each Tumpek, Buda
Kliwon, Buda Cemeng, Anggar Kasih, Buda Umanis, which is held once a month. The Dewa Yadnya
ceremony is carried out based on the calculation of wuku, wewaran, and sasih. The Dewa Yadnya
ceremony is also carried out in the form of a pujawali or ngodalin ceremony in the temple or in
sanggah merajan. The ngodalin ceremony is preceded by a melaspas pura or pelinggih ceremony for
those who had just made a holy place. There are also ceremony of mendem pedagingan for those
whose pelinggihs have not been filled with pedagingan and also the ceremony of menyusun
pedagingan (adding pedinggih pedagih or sanggah merajan) for those who have done mendem
pedagingan for more than ten years. The Dewa Yadnya ceremony is also held in the form of a
celebration of a holiday like Melasti in the framework of Tawur Kesanga, in addition to Galungan,
Saraswati and other Hindu feasts. From here, how high the intensity and routine of women in the
implementation of God Yadnya ceremony is seen. This has not yet covered additional activities from
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 Gender Equality and Justice Among Balinese Women in the Life of Traditional Custom in Bali

the other four types of Yadnya ceremonies. There is no exaggeration if Balinese women are said to
be very busy with traditional activities, especially on their Y adnya or religious ceremonies, because
there seems to be no day without working for the ceremonies in question.
In implementing obligations or ayahan in the village, 85 percent of rural women stated that
they could hold up the ayahan system that had been set in the awig-awig of pakraman village. Awig-
awig had arranged what and how the ayahan krama lanang (men’s) and krama istri (wife’s) are
carried out. The same proposition is shown by 74 percent of women's statements that both rural and
urban women did not consider the differences in terms of obligations or village obligations as a form
of gender inequality and injustice.
Pakraman village in urban areas, according to respondents' testimonies, 67 percent has been
flexible in terms of setting the schedule for the implementation of activities, making it possible for
most residents to participate, including those who are located as civil servants. However, rural
women generally still feel that they do not yet have the flexibility to schedule for customary
activities. 82 percent of respondents stated that customary activities are still carried out at the same
time as the working hours of civil servants and the private sector. If they cannot take part in the
activity, they are usually subject to sanctions in the form of submitting a sum of money, which is
called dedosan, unless they are looking for a replacement, such as their daughters who are considered
capable of carrying out the customary activities. The amount of dedosan varies between one
Pakraman village and the others.

IV. CONCLUSION

In traditional activities and Hindu religious rituals in Bali, both in Pakraman village, in the
banjar, as well as in groups of relatives and neighbors, men and women play a relatively balanced
role. There is already a separation between the types of ceremonial activities for adult men and
women. It is difficult to say whether gender equality has taken place or not, because indeed all
activities carried out are normative. But, in terms of gender justice, both men and women have had
and been given swadarma (their respective obligations in traditional activities). In the traditional
village or Pakraman village gathering activities discussing religious or social issues, the role of adult
men and women in cities and villages is still not equal and fair from gender perspective. Adult men,
because of their patrilineal life system and culture (following father's lineage) still dominate the
determination of policy and decision-making in a meeting, but in the implementation of their
activities, women do more. In terms of implementing the obligation or village ayahan, the majority of
women in rural and urban areas stated that they could take the ayahan system that had been
established in the awig-awig of Pakraman village. They generally do not consider the differences in
terms of their obligations or village functions as a form of gender inequality and injustice. Pakraman
village in urban areas is relatively more flexible than Pakraman village in the countryside in terms of
managing the schedule for the implementation of traditional/religious activities.

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