11 - Chapter 4

Chapter IV
PRINT AND THE IMAGINED COMMUNITY

OF MAPPILAS
CHAPTER IV
PRINT AND THE IMAGINED COMMUNITY
OF MAPPILAS
Historians have frequently noted the importance of print technology in

furthering community formations.1 Following Benedict Anderson's assertion
about nations being imagined communities, one may argue that what is true
about a nation is also true of other forms of communities and identities. 2
Anderson's espousal of the centrality of print in the formation of nationalism
has generated renewed concern with the role of press in fashioning public
discourse in colonial India.3 Hence, in contrast to Anderson's focus on the
newspapers and novels in the formation of national identity, the historical and
cultural context of colonial Malabar calls for a perusal of the press and
literature in illuminating the dynamics of identity construction of Mappilas.
Print brought about a revolution in the transmission of knowledge. It

transformed the oral transmission in which knowledge was passed in the
middle ages. 'It was only in 19th century, 400 years after it started setting
established in Christendom, that it was established in the Islamic world. 4 The
orthodox Ulema, ever wary of the possibility of religious innovation (bidath),
would have been deeply concerned about the introduction of printing.
1
See Francis Robinson, "Islam and Impact of Print in South Asia"in his Islam and
Muslim History in South Asia, OUP, Delhi, 2000. See also J.B.P. Moore, Muslim
Identity, Print Culture and Dravidian Factor in Tamil Nadu, Orient Longman,
Delhi, 2004.
2
Bendict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread
of Nationalism, Verso, London, 1991.
3
Aysha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam
Since 1850, OUP, Delhi, 2001, p.49.
4
Francis Robinson, op. cit., p.67.
173
Muslims came to adopt printing when they felt that Islam itself was at stake
and print was a necessary weapon in defence of the faith.5
It was the Christian missionaries who introduced printing press in India

during the Portuguese period, the first being set up at Goa by Jesuit
Missionaries. As early as 1727, the Christian missionaries had printed books
on Islam and the first book on Islam was published by a missionary in Tamil,
Islamanavanchvadi (Book of Islamism).6 In the first half of 19th century,
Gundert established the Basel Mission Press at Tellichery, from where he
published the early missionary journals in Malayalam, Rajyasamacharam
(1847 AD), Paschimodayam (1847 AD) and Jnananikshepam (1848 A.D).7
These missionary presses were intended for the promotion of Christianity and
therefore the Muslims of Malabar could not depend upon them to get their
religious works printed. Hence they used to get their works printed from
Bombay where Arabic litho presses had already been established. Manasikul
Malabari (Haj guide) written by Padoor Koyakutty Thangal was printed at
Bombay in H.E 1278 (1862/3AD).8 Thiyyannabi, written by Ahmad Koya of
Calicut was printed at Bombay Mirgani Press in H.E-1305.9 (1887/8 AD)
The first printing press (Arabi-Malayalam) was established in 1867

AD at Tellichery. One Tikukil Kunhahamad had worked in the Basel Mission
Press and later, along with his father Koyali Haji, set up a Muslim litho press
at Neyyam Vettil house in Tellichery.10 Those who learnt the technical side of
5
Ibid., p.74.
6
JBP Moore, op. cit., p.79.
7
K.P. Kunhimoosa, "Achukudangalude Ittillam" in Chandrika, Calicut, dated 9th
July1995.
8
C.N. Ahmad Moulavi and K.K.M. Abdul Kareem,(eds) Mahathaya Maappila
Saahitya Paaramparyam (Mal), (hereinafter MMSP), Al Huda Book Stall,
Kozhikode, 1978 p.303.
9
Ibid., p.45.
10
O. Abu, Arabi-Malayala Sahitya Charithram, Kottayam, 1971, p.126.
174
printing from this press, established Arabic litho presses at Tellicherry and
other centres like Ponnani, Tirurangadi, Valapattanam, Kasargod etc. 11 Very
often, the printers themselves were the publishers. Hence, though the authors'
name was not mentioned, the names of publisher, press and date of printing
were emphatically mentioned in early Arabi-Malayalam works. 12 During the
last quarter of 20th century, publishing became a lucrative business and many
stepped in to this field by obtaining the 'right of issue' from the authors. The
Mappilas leapt at the opportunities provided by lithographic press and
everything was published large scale, from Malapattus to Moulids, from
works on Tasawuf (Mysticism) to commentaries on Hadiths. Realizing the
business potential, the publishers collected the old manuscripts of various
ballads, Moulids, Sufi works, commentaries of hadith etc., from the priests,
families of earlier scholars and got them published. It is interesting to note
that prior to the 20th century, the publishers were unable to introduce new
subjects for its discourse. Almost all works composed before the introduction
of press were put to print during the last quarter of 19 th century. Thus, the
knowledge of Arabi-Malayalam manuscripts, normally the preserve of a
select few, was now available to anybody at a nominal price. As Tithi
Bhattacharya observed, 'the specificity of printed book is always mitigated by
its abstract receptivity. Once a book is printed no one can predict who will
read it and how. Thus, as a technological form, print calls for an anonymous
audience'.13 What had previously been the monopoly of the learned and holy
men, because the books (written by scribes) were rare and costly, was now
available to anybody who could read Arabic script. As Nazir Husain, an Urdu
scholar of 19th century put in, 'God has been gracious in providing books.
Books which one could not see in dreams or concieve of in imagination, are
11
For the list of Muslim litho presses in Malabar, see the Appendix IV.
12
O. Abu, op. cit., p.126.
13
Tithi Bhattacharya, The Sentinels of Culture: Class, Education and Colonial
Intellectuals in Bengal, OUP, Delhi, 2005, p.110.
175
now available for couries'.14 Thus, printing made a tremendous impact in the
dissemination of Islamic knowledge in Malabar.
Once the printing technology became familiar to Mappilas,

lithographic presses were set up at different Muslim centres of Malabar.
From Tellicherry, the location of print now turned to South Malabar also. At
Ponnani, Aniyapurath Mammu established a litho press while Karakkaad
Saeed of Tellicherry established one at Valakkulam. 15 At Tirurangadi the first
litho press was established in H.E 1304 (1886/87 AD) by Chalilakath Ahmad
with three shareholders from Tellichery. Later, Ahmed himself took up the
ownership and renamed it as Amirul Islam Press.16 Subsequently, litho
presses were established at other centres like Parappanangadi, Chaliyam,
Kondotty, Tirur, Vengara, Kodungallur etc.17 But Tellichery remained as the
headquarter of Islamic printing and it had around twleve litho presses
publishing Islamic books. After the entry of print, a new generation of poets
and writers also sprang up. Thus, the efflorescence of Mappila literature
could be linked directly to the technology of print.
A survey of the entire gamut of printed works – Arabi-Malayalam

poetry, missionary tracts, journals, books and pamphlets – of Mappilas is
necessary to understand the Mappilas as a community. The survey of the
print-discourses help us to comprehend the religious leanings, hopes, worries
and joys in short, the whole mentalities of the Mappilas. Any 'gaze' at the
community, neglecting this print culture of Mappilas, would provide only a
14
As quoted in Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband,
1860-1900, OUP, Delhi, 1982, p.205.
15
K.P. Kunhi Moosa, "Achadisalakal Sthapichavar, Aksharangale Snehichavar", in
Tellichery Times, Tellichery, 2002.
16
Abu Rashida, "Chalilakath Family" (Mal.) in C.H. Ibrahim Hajee Souvenir
Tirurangadi, 2001. During 1921 rebellion, the rebels burnt the press and later it was
restarted with the support of the British by C.H. Ibrahim kutty.
17
Judicial Department. Govt. of Madras, R2/M-10 dated., 10th Octo. 1910, KRA.
176
turncated view. Hence, a humble attempt to peel out the Mappila 'common
sense' as reflected in print form, is attempted in the following pages.
Arabi-Malayalam Literature
Though the Mappila literary tradition could be traced back to early 17 th

century, when Muhiyudhinmala was composed, much of these earlier works
were printed and published only in late 19th century. During the pre-print
phase, umpteen works were composed either in Arabic or in Arabi-
Malayalam. There were many professional scribes who used to copy these
works.18 It was in the pre-print phase that Mayinkutty Ilaya, a member of
Arakkal family of Kannur, translated Quran in eight volumes, in 1868 AD and
managed to get 100 copies of this voluminous work written by scribes and
distributed to various mosques of Malabar.19 Being a member of royal family,
it was affordable for him to spend more than one lakh for preparing 100
manuscript copies of an 8-volume work during the middle of 19 th century.20
Though scribes were there, memory and orality were the medium through
which the earlier works withstood time. Written copies were used only as an
aid to memory and oral transmission. In the absence of print-media, the only
means of preserving knowledge was by memorizing it. There were many in
Malabar who could memorize the entire Quran and they were called Hafil'.
May be because of this oral transmission of texts, the date and author
of earlier Mappila poems were inserted inside the poem itself. For eg, the
date and authorship of Muhiyudhin Mala could be known from the content of
the poem itself.21 In Rifai Mala also the author mentions the date of
18
MMSP, op. cit., p.225. Many Mappilas were having the surname Khatib in the
early decades of 20th century.
19
Ibid., p.53.
20
C.K. Kareem (ed.), Kerala Muslim Charithram Shtithivivarakanakku Directory
(Mal), Vol. 1, Charithram Publications, Cochin, 1991 (herein after KMD) p. 669.
21
Khazi Mohemad athennu perullovar
177
composition within the text itself, but the name of author is absent. 22 It shows
that the direct association of the work with the author, was not a strong
priority before print. But even after the emergence of print, it was not the
author but the publishers and date of publication (not composition), which
were mentioned in these works, as most of these works were composed before
print and had no indication of either the date or the authorship. The earliest
works, which were put to print in Malabar, were the Malapattus and
Madhupattus (eulogies), which were more popular than the Quran among
Mappilas. The publishers were bound by the taste of their readers, long
trained to enjoy such songs, which assured them rapid sales. Hence, the early
phase of print culture in Malabar, saw the mushrooming of works in Mappila
poetry. It is to be noted that, it was print, which saved hundreds of Arabi-
Malayalam works, known for literary merit from literary extinction. Thus, in
the case of Arabi-Malayalam literature, 'print far from widening the gap
between literary culture and oral tradition, actually bridged it and brought
them together in the form of a printed folklore'. 23 Folklore in print, occupied a
prominent place in Mappila literary culture in late 19 th and early 20th century.
As observed by Burnell, in 1873, "the Mappilas are by no means destitute of
literature. They have a few treatises on their ceremonial law.... and several
remarkable songs, religious and historical. All these are vastly superior to the
miserable strings of conciets, which pass for poetry in South India and are
Kozhikotte thura thannil pirannovar.

[By examining all these texts, this was composed by Kazi Mohemad of Calicut
Port]. See O. Abu, op.cit., p. 71
22
. Kollam Thollayirathambethezhamantil
Korthen immala njan nottambathettil
[This was composed in Kollam Era 987 (1813 AD) in 158 rhymes]. See O.Abu, op.
cit., p.71.
23
Stuart Blackburn, Print, Folklore and Nationalism in Colonial South India,
Permanent Black, Delhi, 2003, p.3.
178
remarkable for a manly tune of thought, which must have come from
Arabia".24
Arabi-Malayalam
From the beginning of 17th century, a new type of poetical composition

developed in Malabar in a pidgin called Arabi-Malayalam. Though
Mappilas's mother tongue was Malayalam, it was generally felt to be an un-
Islamic language and hence unsuitable as a medium for Islamic propaganda.
Hence, recourse to a curious hybrid called Arabi-Malayalam or Mappila
Malayalam, which made indiscriminate use of Arabic, Tamil, Canarese,
Sanskrit, Urdu etc. It was Malayalam rendered in Arabic script. We come
across such practices in Kannada, Tamil and even in Punjab. As A.C Burnell
put in, 'it is not known who introduced the Arabic character and adapted it to
the Dravidian languages. But, its use extends over the whole of Tamil
country and since the last few years, it has been the favourite character of all
Mohammadans in Southern India'.25
Arabic, being the language of Quran, gained popularity wherever

Islam had gained a foothold including Malabar. Knowledge of Arabic was
always considered to be essential to knowledge of Islam itself as Muslims
recited their daily prayers in Arabic and read Quran. Since the Mappilas
wanted both Arabic and their mother tongue, they retained Malayalam for
written discourse, but rendered it in the Arabic script. 'The translation of any
language into Arabic script not only facilitated the Arabic vocabulary but
fostered a psychological bond between the non-Arab and Arab Muslims'. 26 In
24
A.C. Burnell, Specimens of South Indian Dialects, No.2, 1873, as quoted in C.K.
Kareem (ed.), O. Abu Smaraka Grantham, Tellicherry, 1982, p.163.
25
A.C. Burnell, as quoted in Report on Census of Madras Presidency, 1871,
Appendix, Vol.I Madras, 1874, p.173.
26
Richard M.Eaton, The Rise of Islam and Bengal Frontier: 1204-1760, OUP,
Delhi, 1994, p.293.
179
Arabi-Malayalam, the Mappilas never used expressions commonly associated
with Hindu deities in discussing matters related to Islam. For instance, for
Daivom (God) they used Allah and for Pravachakan (prophet) they used only
Rasul. Hence, these Arabi-Malayalam works were completely unintelligible
and even inaccessible to non-Muslims. The retention of Arabic script and
extensive use of Arabic terms, not only distinguished them from non-Muslims
but also provided a distinct identity in Malabar's religious landscape.
Mappilas always expressed their deep impulses and thoughts in this medium
which they reverently called Quran script. Hence, they identified
passionately with the symbol, Arabi-Malayalam script. It was as part of their
cultural self defence that the Mappilas opted for this curious blend of
languages. This was the case with Tamil Muslims who had their own mixture
called 'Tulukka Tamizhu'.27
Early Works in Arabi-Malayalam
Around 6000 works have been composed in Arabi-Malayalam dialect.

Out of this a 1000 might have been put to print. 28 The concern of authors
expressed in this literature, spanned a wide range of issues but majority of
which was religious in nature. The most popular theme, whether in poetry or
prose, was Islam itself.29
27
JBP Moore, op. cit., p.37.
28
KKM Kareem, "Arabi-Malayala Sahityam", Prabhodanam, 1998, pp.79-83.
29
Around 136 Mappila poets have been identified by KKM Abdul Kareem in his
MMSP and most of them deal with Islamic theme.
180
Malapattus
The earliest printed works in Arabi- Malayalam belong to the genre

called Malapattus, which signified a Mappila literary style. These were
otherwise known as Nerchapattus. These were also known as
Sabeenapattukal as it was sung in the night. 30 All these Malapattus were
eulogies of Islamic divinities and were appended with intercessionary prayers
called 'Iravu' and certain malas like Nafeesath mala have got two Iravus. It
was believed that collective recital of such works would bring about miracles
in life. These Malas were recited in times of trouble as these poems address
not the problems of the other world but of this world itself. An 'easy delivery'
is a common prayer found in the Iravus attached with most of the malas
which also shows that a major chunk of readership belonged to women. Take
the three popular malas, Badar Mala, Nafeesath Mala and Manjukulam Mala,
in all these, we come across reference to the miraculous power of the
respective divinities for an 'easy delivery'.31
Contextually, it is to be noted that, when the British rulers denied

natural justice to Mappilas in 19th century, they were alienated from social life
and were forced to rely upon the supernatural forces for relief and this was
provided by the Malas. May be because of this, Malapattus rivalled all other
genres of Mappila literature in terms of popularity. Also, it was these
Malapattus that brought Mappilas into the world of literature. Umpteen such
songs were published in Malabar during the period 1875-1950, many of
which were composed much earlier and several editions of these were
published. This situation underlines the proverbial saying that 'print did not
produce new books, only more old books'. What we witness here is a
30
In Persian language, sabina means 'those used in night'.
31
Manjakulam Mala, p.94, Badar Mala, p.55 and Nafeesath Mala, p.84 in Moulid
Malayalam, Ashrafi Book Centre, Tirurangadi, 2000.
181
'paradox of a modern technology in the service of pre-modern traditions. 32
Though some of these poems were produced much before the introduction of
print, they continued to enjoy uninterrupted popularity till the middle of 20 th
century, when they had much increased readership. For instnace, Muhiyudhin
mala was composed in 1607 AD and began to have printed version only in
1870', hundreds of editions of it were brought out with in a period of 80 years.
Prominent among these malas, in terms of popularity, were

Mohiyudhin Mala, Rifai Mala, Nafeesath Mala and Manjakulam Mala.33
Among these, the most popular was Muhiyudhin Mala, which deals with the
life and miracles of a Sufi Shaik of Bagdad, Muhiyudhin Abdul Kader Jilani
who lived in 11th century AD.34 It was composed in 1607 A.D by Qazi
Mohemad of Calicut and was considered to be the earliest Arabi-Malayalam
work. Hundreds of impressions of this were brought out in Malabar from
various litho presses, which show the popularity of the same. In the backdrop
of the fact that Qadiriya Tarika was the most formidable Sufi order in
Malabar, the popularity of this was quite natural. Every Muslim house in
Malabar kept a copy of it as an object of veneration. It was even mandatory
on the part of Muslim bride to study it by heart. Throughout the work we
come across references to the miracles performed by the Shaik. He was
depicted as observing fast for one month immediately after birth as he was
born in the first day of Ramzan, the month of fasting for Muslims. He was
also imbued with the power to see the heart of his murids (disciples) as
transparent as an object inside the glass bottle. 35 All the later Malapattus
were modelled after Muhiyudin Mala and hence it remained as the core text
from where the later poets made their derivative discourses.
32
Stuart Blackburn, op. cit., p.1.
33
K.V. Mohemad Musaliyar, Muhiyudhin Mala Vykhyanam, Quilandy, 1986, p.1.
34
Ibid.
35
Ibid.
182
Rifai Mala, the second in popularity, deals with another Sufi Shaik for
whom a number of disciples were there in Malabar. The poem contains
similar descriptions about the miracles of Rifai Shaik. Nafeesath mala deals
with the miracles of a Sufi Saint, Nafessathul Misriya, the grand daughter of
the orthodox Caliph Ali, who lived in 8 th Century AD in Egypt.36 This mala
was specifically recited by women of Malabar for a smooth delivery.
Mampuram Mala deals with the life and miracle of Sayid Alavi Thangal, a
Qadiriyya Sufi pir, who lived in Tirurangadi, during the first half of 19 th
century. Several such malas were composed in Malabar by various poets.37
Most of these Malas were of anonymous authorship, but published in
umpteen editions. It was composed in an age of Bhakti movement in Malabar
that swept across until the 3rd decade of 20th century, when the cult was
bemoaned by reformists. It was through these malapattus that the problem of
how to translate the highly sophisticated tradition of Islamic mysticism, in
terms meaningful to illiterate Mappilas, was resolved. For, 'poetry was
practically the only vehicle for influencing the illiterate masses, who have had
an incredibly good memory for verse'.38
Mystical Poems
Another genre of Mappila literature was the philosophical works,

which normally could not stir the imagination of common folk. Kappapattu
of Kunjayan Musaliyar of 18th century, is foremost among them. As the title
itself denotes, the song equates human life with a ship. A.C. Burnell writes,
'this song is one much in favour and deservable so. It is an allegory of the fate
of the body, which is compared to a ship, the ribs to the framework, and the
36
Hidayathul Muhmineen, Book.2, Issue 2, December, 1951, Calicut, pp.2-3.
37
For details on Malas, see O. Abu, Arabi-Malayala Sahitya Charitram, Kottayam,
1971, pp.121-122. See Appendix V.
38
Annemarie Schimmel as quoted in Richard M. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur: Social
Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, Routledge, London, 1978, p.141.
183
spine to the keel. It describes the voyage of life and dangers the body meets
from rocks and shoals of temptations by Satan, its wreck or safe conclusion of
voyage.39 Kunjayan Musaliyar, who was a Khalifa of Qadiriya Tarika in
Malabar, lavishly deployed metaphors pertaining to sea and sea voyage. This
song was so popular that all Arabi-Malayalam poetry after the composition of
this poem came to be known as Sabina pattus, sabina being the Arabic term
for ship.40 The poem reminded that both Ulemas and Qasis would have to
suffer on the day of judgement for not leading the community through the
right path.41 In short, the poem tries to instill in the minds of the believers a
kind of immutable belief in God and inspires them to lead a moral life.
Safala Mala of Kulangara Veetil Moidu Musaliyar (died. 1920)

popularly known as Shujai, deals with Islamic mysticism from the genesis to
the death of prophet Mohamed. It is a didactic Mahakavya in Arabic-
Malayalam, which invites man, who is lured by worldly pleasures, to the path
of spirituality.42 Another work of this group is Naseehath Mala composed by
Kunhikoya of Tirur. This work reminds the people of the nothingness of
material life and the permanence of life after death.
War Songs or Padapattus
War songs constitute a major category of Mappila ballads. About a

hundred padapattus were composed in Malabar and most of these were
composed during the later half of 19 th century. Almost all battles fought by
prophet and orthodox caliphs during the formative phase of Islam, have been
39
A.C. Burnell, Specimens of South Indian Dialects as quoted in K.K.M. Kareem
Kappapattum Nulmadhum: Oru padanam(Mal.), Tirur, 1983, p.28.
40
K.K.M Kareem, Kappapattum Nul Madhum: Oru Padanam (Mal), Tirur, 1983,
p.29.
41
Balakrishnan Vallikunnu, Mappila Samskarathinte Kaanapurangal (Mal), Capital
Publishers, Kozhikode, 2000, p.46.
42
C.K. Kareem, (ed), op. cit., p.671.
184
dealt with in these songs.43 Among them, the most popular were Badar
padapattu, Uhd padapattu, Makkam fath, Futuhsham, Hunain padapattu,
Khandak and Khaibar padapattu. These were the histories of Islamic battles
in verses. These songs which were sung at social gatherings continuously
reminded the Mappilas of the sacrifice made by the Shahids (martyrs) for the
cause of Islam. Among the battles, the Badr battle was a perennial source of
inspiration to scores of Mappila poets and around 18 poems were written in
Malabar about Badr war.44 This war has got a special sanctity in the minds of
Mappilas in general. In times of trials and tribulations, it provided relief and
mental courage to them. The holy warriors of Badr were believed to possess
eternal life. This must be the reason that by 1896 itself, the Badar patapattu
of Moyinkutty Vydiar had already gone three editions of 1000 copies each. 45
The miraculous power of this padapattu could be seen from the fact that 'a
blood stained copy of Badr patapattu was found on the body of a 'fanatic' in
Manjeri temple, where the Moplas found dead in the battle against British
troops in 1896, with a talisman scrawled in ink which would add up 15 in any
direction.46 Since the battle of Badr took place in the month of Ramzan,
Mappila rebels in 19th century usually selected this month for the pitched
battle with enemies and for becoming Shahids.47 All these show that the
Mopla poets like Vydyar, through these war poems, were attempting to
43
Similar war songs were popular in Arabi-Tamil called Padappor Charitam during
19th Century AD. See JBP Moore, op. cit., p.32.
44
See Appendix VI.
45
F.Fawcett, Letter No.1567. Judicial 30th September, 1896, p.99, Madras, TNA.
The first edition of Badar padappattu came out only in 1888.
46
Ibid., p.99.
47
The Police authorities in Malabar always took precautionary measures during the
month of Ramzan. A news report of Kerala Sanchari Support this concern of
authorities. It says 'The Ramzan festival was over without any disturbance in Ernad
and Walluvanad Taluks. Many were afraid that there would be an outbreak in those
Taluks this year also Kerala Sanchari, Calicut, 10th March 1897, MNNPR, TNA.
185
synthesize the Islamic social psyche with the throbbings of contemporary
historical situation in Malabar.
Through the narration of important chapters in early Islam, Vydiar and

other poets provided a new life to the dead consciousness of Mappila
community and inculcated a spirit of pride and valour among the Mappilas.
For, Vydyar in his Malappuram padapattu says, 'nothing is more pleasing to
God than sacrificing one's body and soul in defence of God and none are more
honoured than these Shahids.48 Again in Badr Padapattu he says, 'The prophet
swore to army that such happiness would be theirs [in paradise] if they died
fighting bravely. Hearing this, Umar, who was eating dates, cast the dates
away, saying that he wished to waste no time in eating dates and rushed like a
lion, killed many and died fighting. 49 In short, all war songs reminded
Mappilas about the bliss that awaited martyrs, who died in the fight against
infidels.
Other war songs of Vydyar were Salasil Kissapattu, Elippada (an

imaginary war) and Saliqath Kissapattu.50 Chettuvai Parikutty (1848-1886)
has written a famous war song called Futuh Sham in 1887, which deals with
Syrian victory of pious caliphs, Umar and Abobacker.51 The dramatic
description of the sorrow of Umaiban, the wife of martyr Ibn Saeed, whose
married life lasted only for a month, touches the hearts of its readers. This
was the favourite song of the story-tellers (Kissapattu artists) of Malabar. 52
48
F. Fawcett, "War Songs of Mappilas of Malabar", Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXX,
Nov. 1901, p.506.
49
Ibid., p.508.
50
As Saliqath Qissa deals with an imaginary war between Prophet and the Queen of
Saliqath, Thattangara Kuttiamu Musliyar issued a fatwa against this song. See
Balakrishnan Vallikkunnu, "Mappilapattile Kalapamudra", Chandrika, Calicut, 5th
August 2001.
51
C.K. Abdul Kader, Chettuvai Pareekutty (biography), Calicut, 1960. pp. 85,100.
52
MMSP, op. cit., p.373.
186
Hunaipadapattu of Maliyekkal Kunhahamed Sahib (d.1905) written in 1879
deals with Hunain War between Caliph Ali and Dabul Himar. Vyasana Mala
of Kunhutty Musaliyar (d.1951) deals with the battles of Caliph Ali.
Muhthath pada by Vallanchira Moideen Haji of Manjeri, Khandak pada and
Futuh Tayif by Kadampiyath Kunhiseethi koya in 1889, Makkam Fath by
Tannur Munhiyudhin Mulla etc. are other works in this genre.53 In short, there
were around 100 poems, which belong to this category of war songs.
Within the war songs, there was a separate category, which extolled the
heroic exploits of not the Islamic war heroes but of martyrs of Malabar who
died in the battles against the indigenous and European enemies.
Malappuram padapattu, Mannarghat Padapattu, Manjeri padapattu
Kaprattu Krishna Panikkar pattu, Cherur padapattu, Cherur Chinthu,
Muttiara Shahadakkal etc. were the popular padapattus of Malabar. Almost
all these were composed in a period of continuous hostility between Mappilas
and the English in 19th century. No wonder, these war songs were identified
by the British authorities as the inspiration behind many of the rural revolts of
Malabar in 19th century. As F.Fawcett, the British Police Superintendent in
Malabar opined, 'these poems must be read if the Mappilas are to be
understood'.54 He further states, 'How much stronger force on life and the
Government and use of life there is in songs, which stir the heart of a people
to the core.. No people of Madras presidency sings songs of this kind as do
the Mappilas.... You cannot read the songs I am sending you without feeling
the terrible strength of the spirit which animates them'. 55 Hence, all these
above mentioned war songs were prohibited and the copies were seized and
burnt.56
53
Ibid., pp.395-398.
54
F. Fawcett's letter, No.1567, Note no: 45, p.100.
55
Ibid., p.97.
56
187
Among the war songs of second type, the prominent one was
Malappuram padapattu of Moyinkutty Vydyar, composed in 1886.57 The
poem deals with the story of the 44 Shahids who died in the Malappuram
revolt between the retainers of Paranambi and Mappilas in 1728 AD. 58
Another padapattu of this type was Cherur padapattu, composed jointly by
Cherur Mammadkutty and Muhiyudhin, which deals with the Cherur riot of
1843, in which seven Mappilas died. Within a short period after the
occurence of the revolt, this poem became very popular in Malabar and was
instrumental in the percolation of anti-British sentiments in Malabar. Hence
the government banned it and the Malhar ul Muhimmath press (where it was
printed in 1844) at Tirurangadi was seized by the Government.59 Khayyath of
Parappanangadi also wrote a poem dealing with the same incident called
Cherur Chinthu, which was banned by the Government.60 Still another poem
on the same incident was Kapratt Krishna Panikkar Pattu. About this A.C.
Burnell says, 'As far as the literary merit is concerned, the best is Kapratt
Krishna Panikkar Pattu. The poem on this event (Cherur riot 1843) was
written by a 'Mopla of Mannarghat'.61 All the copies of this song were seized
and burnt by the British and the only remaining copy of it was collected by
Burnell.
The British officials in Malabar had taken keen interest in this kind of
war songs, as they were in search of a cause for the frequent Mappila
outbreaks of 19th century.62 They could detect the inflammatory potential of
57
The first impression of this came out in 1886 from Malharul Uloom Press,
Tellichery, MMSP, p.357.
58
For details of this poem, see 'Works on History' in this chapter.
59
MMSP, op. cit., p. 387.
60
Ibid., p.391.
61
A.C. Burnell, Specimens of South Indian Dialects, No.2, 1873 as cited in C.K.
Kareem (ed.), O. Abu Smaraka Grantham (Mal.), Tellichery, 1982.
62
See F.Fawcett, "War Songs of Mappilas of Malabar". Indian Antiquary, Vol.30,
Nov-Dec. 1901. Also see F.Fawcett, letters, No. 1567, Judicial, 30th Sept. 1896,
188
such songs and their opinions prevailed upon the government to proscribe
such songs. In short, these songs provided Mappila the fuel to fight against
their oppressors, both lord and the state and thereby it created a sense of 'us'
against 'them'. Even when the copies of Cherur padapattu were confiscated
and burnt by British, the poem was transmitted orally and memory of the
heroic fight was kept alive in Malabar. Thus, these war songs were crucial in
the formation of an identity among Mappilas.
Hagiographic works
Mappila Hagiographic works were called Madhupattus or Kissapattus

which eulogize prophet Mohamed and other historical personalities of Islamic
history.63 While Madhus (eulogies) were exclusively eulogies of prophets, the
malas eulogized both Shahids and Sufi Shaiks. While Malas were recited for
satiating worldly desires, the Madhus represented the selfless urge for union
with the prophet. Hence when there existed divergence between seeker and
sought in Malas, in Madhus, both converged.64 The most prominent figures
eulogized through Madhu pattu or Kissapattu were prophet Mohamed,
prophets like Adam, Yusuf, Ibrahim, Prophet's wives, the pious Caliphs and
Caliph Ali's sons - Hasan and Husain.
The most prominent Madhu is Nool Madhu of Kunjayan Musliyar

written in 1737 AD. It extols the virtue of prophet Mohamed in 666 verses
and comes second in popularity to Muhiyudhin mala.65 It has been equated
with Krishnagatha of Cherusseri that narrates the story of Krishna and both
were the reflection of a common cultural stream of 18th century Kerala.
Extra-Ethnic works
pp.98-100.
63
See Appendix VII.
64
Balakrishnan Vallikkunnu, op. cit., pp.24-25.
65
C.K. Kareem, op. cit., p.349.
189
This genre of works was not exactly Islamic but were adaptations from
Persian or Arabic works and they include stories, novels, dramas, books on
maxims etc. Generally the stories are set in Islamic countries. There were a
few works, which were translations from Sanskrit literature. But the bulk of
them were from Persian, Arabic or Hindusthani, which the Mappilas
considered, quite erroneously as being connected with Islam. Badrul Munir
Husanul Jamal, the favourite poem composed by Moinkutty Vaidyar is a
classic example of this genre. It is an adaptation from a Persian work 'Nazr-i-
Benazir' by Qaja Muinudhin Sha. More than translating Perso-Islamic
romantic literature in to Arabi-Malayalam, Vydyar attempted to adapt the
whole range of Perso-Islamic Civilization to the Malabar cultural universe.
Indigenous metaphors like 'cassia flower', 'plantain tree', 'coral reef',
puliyangam (duel with Tiger) abound in Badrul Munir.66 As F. Fawcett
observed, 'the poem [Badrul Munir Husanul Jamal] seems to offer but an
instance of how old stories are used and passed on, just as Boccacio and
Shakespeare handled older materials and moulded it into what they have left
us'.67 Thus the authors of this literature presented Islamic imagery and ideas in
terms readily familiar to rural Mappilas and they could identify the exogenous
with indigenous or Perso-Islamic with that of Malabar. The fact that 175
reprints of Badarul Munir were brought out in Malabar, either in Arabi-
Malayalam or Malayalam shows the popularity of the song.68
The influence of traditions connected with Persia and Shism was very
strong in Mappila literature. Jinpada, Balqiz kissa, Hasan Kissa,
Saqoompada, Kilathi mala, Pakshipattu, Kuppipattu, Saliqath pada, Salasil
pada etc .are examples where Shia influence could be detected. 'During the
pre-reformist phase in Malabar, the authors were not worried about the theme
66
Balakrishnan Vallikunnu, op. cit., p.91.
67
F.Fawcett, "A Popular Mopla Song", Indian Antiquary, March 1899, p.65.
68
190
or content of such works but later these works were shunned as anti-Islamic.
The idea of Islam as a closed system, as observed by Eaton, with definite and
rigid boundaries was largely a product of 20th century reform movements.69
The early novels printed in Malabar were translations from Persian.

Chahar Darvesh the Persian work of Amir Khusrau was translated by
Muhiyudhin of Tellichery and published in 1886 in four volumes by K.
Hasan. Though the work was not basically connected with Islam or Islamic
History, the author claimed that 'the reading of this work would cure of
diseases by the grace of God'. 70 It shows that any book, if presented with a
claim of healing power, could be sold out. Another work of this genre is the
translation of Alif laila, the celebrated 'Arabian Nights'. This was translated
jointly by Kunhimoosa and Kuhayan T.C and published in 8 volumes in 1900
AD.71 Other famous Persian works like Amir Hamza, Khamar Zaman,
and Nurjahan were translated in to Arabi-Malayalam by Nalakath
Kunhimoidinkutty (d.1920) of Ponnani.72 Most of these were classical tales
of Persia, characters having no connection with Malabar. This pre-occupation
reflected their tendency to look for inspiration outside Malabar and identify
with a trans-Indian tradition.
Didactic Novels in Arabi-Malayalam
Novels were also published in Arabi-Malayalam with the intention to

reform the religious life of the community. The earliest novels written in
Malabar were Khilr Nabiye Kanda Nafeesa (Nafeesa who saw prophet Khilr)
and Hiyalilakath Zainaba written by K.K.Jamaludhin Moulavi (1909-1965) of
Nadapuram in early 1920's. Criticism of social evils figured in both these
69
Richard M. Eaton, Note. no. 26, p.271.
70
71
Ibid., p.439.
72
191
novels. Both were puritanic in nature and echoed reformist ideology and the
message projected was quite straightforward. The first novel Nafeeza
revolves around the protogonist Abdurahiman Moulavi who questions the un-
Islamic practices like tomb-worship, Moulud etc and finally he is being ousted
from home by his father.73 In Hiyalilakath Zainaba, written in 1929, the
author introduces a Muslim lady Zainaba with reformist zeal. She engages in
debate with a traditional Sunni Musaliyar on contentious issues like Ratib,
mortuary rites, intecessionary prayers etc. and defeats the Musaliyar in the
debate.74 Both works had tremendous effect on the Mappilas as both question
the very foundation of the age-old belief system of Mappilas.
Secular Works
Another branch of knowledge to which Mappilas contributed much

was medicine and astronomy.75 The translations of Ashtangahridaya and
Amarakoshapadartham were available in Arabi-Malayalam. All such works
were composed by the professional physicians among Mappilas. Astronomy
was another area to which Mappila contributed much as they had to use it on
many an occasion like fixing the day of Id, Ramzan, timings of Namaz etc.
Prose Works
One of the far-reaching effects of print was the more or less

simultaneous invention of modern prose. Translation from Arabic, Persian or
Urdu constituted the main chunk of prose writing in Arabi-Malayalam
literature. Hence, in Arabi-Malayalam, the very word Tharjuma (translation)
73
K.K. Jamaludhin Moulavi, Khilr Nabiye Kande Nafeesa (A.M) ,(first impression
1928), Reprint, Yuvatha, Calicut, 1997, preface. Also see MMSP, op. cit., pp.563-
64.
74
K.K. Jamaludhin Moulavi, Hiyalilakath Zainaba (A.M) (first impression, 1929)
ReprintYuvatha, Calicut, 1997.
75
See Appendix. No VIII.
192
carries an altogether different meaning as a byword for prose. 76 The earliest
prose works belong to the genre of didactic works like Vellāti Ma'sāla, Nurul
Iman and Nurul Islam. Following the model of these works, many prose
works prescribing the religious codes of daily life were composed and
published in Malabar.77 All the textbooks of Madrasas were printed in
Arabic-Malayalam script, which Mappilas reverently called 'Quran Script'.
Debates reflected in Print media
Print provided an additional fillip to the ongoing debates that ravaged

the Mappila religious landscape during the latter half of 19 th century. The
most prominent among them was known as Kondotty-Ponnani Kaitharkam.78
This feud played a crucial role in the efflorescence of Arabi-Malayalam
literature in Malayalam. The earliest in this genre is the elaborate work
written by Puthiyakath Bava Musaliyar of Ponnani. 79 The work, addressed to
the disciples of Kondotty Thangal, exhorts them to keep away from the wrong
path. It is a collection of fatwas substantiating the fact that the rituals
connected with Kondotty Tarika are anti-Islamic and opposed to the principle
of Touhid, the unity of God. Countering this work of Ponnani faction,
Musaliyarakath Ahmad Musaliyar of Kondotty wrote Al-Busthan justifying
the Kondotty Tarika.80 In reply to this, Puthanveetil Ahmad Musaliyar of
Ponnani faction wrote a counter tract Hayathudhin Wa Mamathul Muanidhin
in 1899 and it was published by Karakkal Saeed Ali. 81 It was approved by the
leading qazis of Malabar and it was after the publication of this book, certain
76
M.N. Karassery, "Arabi-Malayalam", in Kerala Muslims: A Historical
Perspective, (ed), Asgar Ali Engineer, Ajanta Publishers, Delhi, 1995, pp.168-173.
77
See Appendix IX.
78
It was a religious feud between the Tarika of Kondotty Tangal and the orthodox
school represented by Ponnani theologians.
79
The copy of this is kept in Rousathil Uloom College Library at Feroke.
80
81
Ibid., p.322.
193
customs like Muharam celebration and the prostration by disciples before
Thangal., were abolished at Kondotty Takia. Another work of this nature was
Risalath fi Nakshabandi by Tanur Abdurahiman Sheik (d. 1904) criticizing
the Tarika of Nakshabandi.
Reformist versus Traditionalists
Following Eisenstein's observation that print contributed heavily for

the Protestant Reformation in Europe,82 it could be argued that it was print
which facilitated the reform movement within Malabar Islam. With the
emergence of the reformist group from 1920's, a kind of 'tract war' began to
sweep Malabar. As we have seen in chapter III, the polemical debates were
the order of the day in 1930's and 40's and these debates were carried on
mainly through the print media in the forms of bills and tracts. As put in by
K. Umar Moulavi, a reformist leader, 'this (issuing of bills and tracts) is the
earliest and cheapest means to educate people about the true positions related
to theological issues and to expose the hollowness of the opponents of Islam.
My critics always called me 'notice Moulavi'.83 Print culture helped to
consolidate and diffuse more widely the reforming spirit in Malabar society
which naturally collided with the interest of Orthodox Ulema. 'Ironically', as
suggested by Robinson, 'while print enabled the Ulema to extend their
influence in public affairs, it also seriously damaged the roots of their
authority, as their monopoly over the transmission of knowledge was
broken.84 A series of tracts, both in prose and poetry, legitimizing their
respective positions were composed by both reformists and traditionalists.
The earliest in this genre is Al-Irshadathul Jifriya fi Radi ala Lalath by Sheik
82
Elizabath Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, Cambridge
University Press, 1979, Vol.I, p.33.
83
K.Umar Moulavi, Ormayude Theerath (Mal), Cochin, 2000, p.71.
84
Francis Robinson, (ed.), op. cit., p. 80.
194
Jifri of Calicut (1726-1808) criticizing the views of Abdul Wahab of Najd, the
founder of Wahabi Movement.85
Regarding the direction of Mosque, a serious debate had occurred in

Malabar in the first decade of 20 th century, which was also reflected in
literature. Chalilakath wrote a pamphlet Tuhfathul Ahbab (AM) which was
published by Sulaiman Musliyar. Again, when an open debate between two
groups of scholars about the direction of mosque occurred at Pulikkal in 1910,
the whole story of the debate was incorporated in a pamphlet which was
published in 1910 by P.N. Ahmad Moulavi with the title Ishtihar.86
Even prior to the emergence of the Reform Movement in the 1920's,

Karimpanakkal Kunhipokker Musliyar (d. 1936) had written Irshadul Amma
in 1891, opposing the mortuary rituals of Mappilas to which a critique was
composed by Chappangadi Hasan Musliyar.87 He also wrote Imamath
Bidathil Jahiliya, criticizing the beliefs, which were against the principle of
Touhid.88 Similarly M. Kunhava Vydyar of Ponnani (d.1950) wrote
Bidathmala criticizing the innovative rituals of Malabar Muslims.89
Regarding the dispute over the placement of hands criss crossed at the
time of namaz, the Sunnis rebuked the reformist through a pamphlet Kai
Kettalinte Chattam (The rule of placing the hands) that was countered by the
reformist leader M.C.C Abdurahiman in his Chattathinoru Chottu.90
Sadakathulla Moulavi wrote a counter critique to this called Chottinoru
Thattu. While the reformists pray with their palms crossed over the chest, the
85
P.P Mammad Koya Parappil (herein after Parappil Koya), Kozhikotte
Muslingalude Charithram (Mal), Focus Publication, Calicut, 1994, p.93.
86
P.N. Ahmud Moulavi, Ishtihar, Amirul Islam Press, Tirurangadi, 1910.
87
88
Ibid., p.502.
89
Ibid., p.509.
90
K. Moidu Moulavi, Ormakurippukal (Mal), PH, Calicut, 1992, p.61.
195
traditionalists held them crossed below the navel. The point here is that even
a trivial issue like this was hotly debated and much paper was wasted for the
same. It also shows that many levels of intra community conflict marked
Muslim thought and influenced their attitude.
When Issudhin Moulavi wrote a pamphlet Muslianmarude Pallakkadi

(A blow to Musaliyar's belly) ridiculing moulud and ratib, which were a
source of income to traditional Musaliyars, Pangil Ahmedkutty Musaliyar
provided the tit for tat through his Randakshara Moulavimarude
Mandakkadi91. Against Athouhid of P. Abdul Qudir Moulavi exposing the
innovative rituals of Sunni folk.. P. Moosa Moulavi wrote Al-Qaulussadid fi
Radi Athouhid which tried to legitimize the Tawassul Isthigaza or
intercessionary prayers, practiced by traditional Ulema.92 To this K.M.
Moulavi wrote a counter-critique titled Fathul khavi fi Radi alal Furthavi
(AM), reiterating the formulations of Abdul Kader Moulavi of Kannur in his
'Athouhid'.93 Athouhid was instrumental in disseminating the reformist
ideology in Malabar. Vakkom Abdulkader Moulavi's Saussabah was a reply
to the Sunni Musaliyars, when they depicted him as enemy of Islam through
their fatwas.94
In 1925, Abdullakutty Musaliyar of Ponnani wrote 'Ehlan', despising

Aikya Sagam and its journal Al-Irshad and branding the Sangam as Wahabis.
Against this book, the secretary of Aikya Sangam wrote a letter in
Mathrubumi, severely criticizing the Musaliyars of Ponnani, whom he
91
Samastha 60th Annual Souvenir, 1985, p.86. Most of the reformist moulavis were
known by their initials like K.M. Moulavi, E.K. Moulavi etc. and the traditional
Ulema rebuked them as Randakshara Moulavi.
92
KKM Kareem, K.M.Moulavi Sahib (Mal), Al-Kathib Publications, Tirurangadi,
1985, p.191.
93
Ibid.
94
E.K. Moulavi, "V.A Kader Moulavi" in Vakkom Moulavi Prabandangal
Smaranakal, VM Foundation, Trivandrum, 1982, p.179-182.
196
considered as the real culprits in innovating the un-Islamic rituals in
Malabar.95 Besides 'Athouhid', Abdulkader Moulavi wrote two other works,
Siyarathul Khubur and Khatamunnubuva.96 While the former exposed the
hollowness of tomb worship, the latter exposed the claim of Mirza Gulam's
prophethood. His last work, Pravachaka Samaptiyum Mirza Khadiyaniyum
(The end of Prophethood and Mirza Qadiyan) was also an attack against
Ahmadiyas.97
When Ibn Husan, a Qadiyani scholar from Kannur wrote Tuhfathul

Malabar (AM), Maulana Chalilakath wrote Qadiyani Khandanam during the
first decade of 20th century.98 Radul Wahabiya of Karipanakkal Muhiyudhin
Kutty (Tellicherry Mahikkal Garaib Press, 1927), Hujjath ul Kaviyathul
Wahabi Radd (song), Hidayathul Muslimeen Wahabi Radd (prose),
Sulalathussalam Wahabiradd (song), Suwalun wa jawabun by Abdullkutty
Musaliyar (Malharul Muhimmath, Tirurangadi, 1926) Waliya Radul
Wahibiya (prose), Wahabi kissa (prose), Kadiyan sual Jawab (published by
Haji UM Abdulla, Ponnani), Qadiyante Radd Tharjama (UM Abdulla and
Sons Ponnani) etc., are works of polemical nature, published in Malabar, in
the context of intra-community ideological war through the print-media.99
K.M. Moulavi's Al Wilayathu Wal Karamathu, (Tirurangadi, 1948)

exposes the orthodox claims about the miracles of saints and other holy
men.100 It was a reply to the Sunnis regarding their allegation that Mujahids
did not recognize the miracles of prophets and walis. Another book of K.M.
95
Mathrubhumi, 15th May, 1925.
96
Yuvakesari, Issue.9, 1946.
97
Ibid.
98
K.K.M Kareem, Note no: 92, pp.36-37.
99
See for details K.O. Samsudhin, Mappila Malayalam (Mal), Trivandrum, 1978,
pp.106-136.
100
K.K.M Kareem, Note no: 92, p.187. Also see Islamic Seminar Review,
Ernakulam, 1965, p.250.
197
Moulavi, Al hidaya lla Mahqil Bidi Wa dwalala (AM), enlightened the
Muslims to keep away from the innovative practices like nercha, kodikuthu
and mortuary practices. Against this, Chundangayil Moideenkutty Musaliyar
wrote a critique Radul Wahabiya, which was again contested by K.M.
Moulavi by another work, Tanbiul Muslimun.101
The Satya Vivechanam published by P.T Mohamadali (Janmabhoomi

Press, Calicut), deals with the judicial proceedings of the Muthanur Palli case
of 1954.102 Throughout the deliberations of the case, major issues of
contention between the two factions, were severely debated in the court and
thus it forms an important source book to study the Sunni-Mujahid debate in
Malabar.103 In 1949 the Servants of Islam Society of Calicut wrote Shia
Kunjungalude Ilakiyattam, criticizing the Sunni leader Pathi Abdul Qadar
Musaliyar and in retort, N. Ahmad Haji (d.1977) wrote Hidayathul
Muhminin.104
Popular poets also were involved in this polemical debate through

print. In 1932 Kadampott Alavikutty wrote a poem Parishkara mala
attacking the reformists and Aikya Sangam, to which Pulikottil Hydru (1879-
1975) in a poetic style of his own replied with his Parishkara
Ghandanakavyam in the same year.105 Hydru extols the Aikya Sangam in the
following words.
101
Ibid., p.182.
102
This was a horrible incident that occured in Muthanur, a village near Manjeri in
Ernad Taluk, which shows the intensity of the rift between Mujahids and Sunnis.
When a Moulavi, who had affinity towards reformist died, his body was denied
burial by the Mahallu committee and his body remained unburied for one week.
Later the Sunnis filed a case but the Mujahids won the case.
103
P.T. Muhammadali in this book Sathyavivechanam narrates the whole arguments
and counter arguments of both parties in court.
104
Samastha 60th Anniversary Souvenir, p. 100.
105
MMSP, op. cit., p. 532-35.
198
Aikya Sangam is shining like the sun
It is the light of Muslims
As per the advice of semi-literate Alims
The ignorant idiots worship at tombs
Islam cannot be established thus 106
Mundampra Unni Mammad (1868-1930) of Areekode wrote Kodikettamala

dealing with an incident that occured at Areacode in 1917. It was a poem that
exposed the anti-Islamic rituals connected with Kondotty nercha varavu.107
Nallalam Beeran, another popular poet of Malabar, wrote a poem debasing
the reformist group, specifically of Isudin Moulavi in the following words:
‘Friends, an organization called Thimiya Sangam has emerged in Malayalam,
which turns upside down the religion of Islam. Pretending to be a scholar, a
dajjal (Anti-Christ) among them, reached Calicut and began preaching among
people.108 In reply to this, Pulikottil wrote a poem in which he used
unparliamentary words.109
Another poet, N. Kunhikammu master (d.1958) of Kondotty wrote two

poems about Aikya Sangam and their ideology, Aikya Bhushanam and
106
Pulikottil Hydru, "Duruchuramala", Pulikkottil Krithikal (Mal) (ed.), M.N.
Karasseri, Wandoor, 1979, p.191.
Kathiram Thilankum Nalla Aikyasamajam
Karinnu Islammorilulla Sirajam
Kathakettavar Khabaril Karammal Pooja
Kazhikkunnathum Muri Alimingale kaula
Islam matham athukondu Sthapikkoola
107
A.P. Ahmad, "Areekodinte Dhesiyakavi", Prayanam Souvenir, YMA, Areacode,
nd, pp.25-29.
108
109
Ibid., p.535.
199
Khurafath Mala.110 Kannan Pareekutty, (d.1958) wrote Kodikuthumala,
despising the rituals like Kodikuthu and nercha ceremonies.111 Besides the
above-mentioned poems of Pulikottil Hydru, many of his poems like
Kaliyugam, Kathukuthumala, Sthreemardimala, Maranmarude Thakaru etc.
were aimed at reforming the Muslim community, to make them keep pace
with the changing world.112 His poems laid bare all customs and usages which
were against the Islamic belief and the progress of the community.
Print, because of its inherent capacity to stock and diffuse information,

had given an extra vigour to these debates and preserved them for the future
generation.
Works on History
History or the past was used by Mappila writers as a resource for

constructing, mobilizing and consolidating their community identity. Just as
the modern nation states used the past to legitimize and valorize its project, so
too, Mappila community used the past as a legitimizing discourse. Islam,
being a historical relgion, Muslims generally gave greater significance to
Tarikh (History) and it was a part of their syllabi in Madrassa. So just like
their counterparts in other parts of the world, Mappilas also evolved their own
genre of historical literature. To them, history was a great reminder of the
knowledge of past experience, which should keep them steadfast in their faith.
Very often, Mappila scholars wrote history in the form of poetry,

which were often dramatic, rich in colour and taste, alive with feelings as was
natural to the genre of poetry in which they were written. To quote David
110
Ibid., p.535.
111
Ibid., p.532.
112
M.N. Karasseri, (ed.), op. cit. , Preface XVI.
200
Schulman, 'History is written in the dominant literary genre of a particular
community located in space at a given moment in time... Each community
writes history in the mode that is dominant in its own literary practice. 113 It
was difficult to extricate Malabar Mappilas from their literary mode and to
make them write history in prose in a period when their dominant mode of
expression was poetry. This conscious recasting of poetry for communitarian
purpose had an electrifying effect on the Mappila psyches, be it literate or
illiterate.
Tuhfathul Mujahideen of Zaik Zainudhin and Fathul Mubeen of Qazi

Mohamed of Calicut were the earliest historical works in verse written in
Malabar. These two were works written during the Portuguese period and
hence reflect the tension and tribulations of the community due to the hostility
of the Portuguese. Thuhfath is the earliest historical treatise written in Kerala.
Though written with a specific purpose of inciting the fellow Muslims to fight
against the Portuguese, Zainuddhin provides a graphic picture about the
evolution of the community up to the Portuguese period. Copies of this tract
in Arabic were sent to all leading mosques of Kerala during 17 th century and
this work was instrumental in creating an anti-Christian (Nasar)
consciousness among Mappilas. Fathul Mubeen, written by Qasi Mohamed,
the celebrated author of Muhiyudhin Mala, deals with the history of the battle
between Portuguese and the Muslim-Nair combined forces in 17 th century.114
Along with this, a detailed history of the origin and spread of Mappila
community have been provided in it. In the preface to the work, Qasi
Mohamed says, 'It is to invite the attention of other Muslim rulers of the
world that I write this work. Let this news (about the battle) spread to
different directions of the world, particularly Syria and Iraq. Then they would
113
N. Rao, D.Schulman and S.Subramanyam (eds.), Texture of Time: Writing
History in South India 1600-1800, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2001, pp.5-6.
114
201
come to know about 'Zamorin and his fight against Portuguese'. 115 As the
intention was clear, he wrote it in Arabic in the mode of poetry, the dominent
mode of expression during the period. Since both Tuhfath and Fathul Mubin
were written in Arabic, they could not influence the rural Mappilas to whom
Arabic remained an unintelligible language. It was in 20th century that these
works were translated into Malayalam and there by reached a wider audience.
In 1935, K. Moosakutty Moulavi of Tirurangadi translated Tuhfath in to
Malayalam and serialized it in Al-Murshid, a Journal (AM) published from
Tirurangadi by K.M. Moulavi.116 Similarly, Fatuhul Mubin was also translated
and put to print during the first half of 20th century. Both these Mnemo-
historic works dealing with earlier instances of resistance to the Portuguese
were used later to construct a Mappila identity.
Malappuram padapattu of Moyinkutty Vaidyar written in 1885 is a

classic example for Mnemo-history. The first half of the poem is devoted to
the narration of the introduction and growth of Islam up to the period of
Malappuram battle in 1728 AD. An elaborate narration of the evolution of
the community; prophet's mission in Arabia, Perumal's conversion and his
meeting with Malik ibn Dinar and his mission in Kerala, Zamorin's tolerance,
agrarian background of Malappuram and the tenant-lord conflict, etc. 117 are
described in extenso. 'This narration of the historical evolution of the
community in a work that deals with an incident in 18th century Malabar was
not accidental but intentional. It was like building a padippura (gate house)
bigger than the house itself'.118 'It many not be considered as history by the
conventionally oriented observers of modern period probably because, it is
115
Ibid., op. cit., p.156.
116
K.K.M. Kareem, Note no: 92, p.174.
117
K.K.M Kareem, Malappuram Khissapattu: Vyakhyanam (Mal) - Islamiya Book
Stall, Alway-d.n.
118
Balakrishnan Vallikunnu, op. cit., p.144.
202
not dull enough to count as historical narrative'. Ofcourse history and non-
history are interwoven in such poems.
Keralacharithram pattu (Song of Kerala History) of Pulikottil Hydru

(1879-1975), is another work in poetry that exclusively deals with the history
of Muslims in Kerala from its genesis. 119 It is the longest poem written by
him. The poet narrates the early history of Mappilas, the secular nature of
Zamorin and the Portuguese encounter with Mappilas. Zainudhin's Tuhfathul
Mujahidin, Firishta's History, Akbar Sha Khan's Ayine Haqiq (an history text
in Urdu), Ibrahimkutty Moulavi's Kushful Asrar, Shamsalla Qadiri's Ancient
Malabar (Urdu) and Keralolpathi are the sources which poet depended on in
composing this poem.120 By quoting these sources he was trying to legitimise
the authenticity of the narrative. He makes repeated references to the tolerant
outlook of Zamorins and the cruelty of the Portuguese. Being written in
poetic mode, this was well received by the community.
Mappilas were not averse to the mode of prose in the realm of history.
The works of Shujai Moidu Musaliyar (d. 1920) deserve special mention in
this regard. His voluminous work Failul Fayyal (1887) in Arabic-Malayalam,
covers the history of Islam from the genesis to Abbasiya Caliph Nazir. 121 His
work Fathul Fatah (3 Vols), the last volume of which was completed in 1909
is another work on history. Kasfuthathar fi Akbari Malaibar composed by
Ibrahim Moulavi, in two volumes, is another work in Arabi-Malayalam
dealing with the history of Malabar.122
Ibrahim Moulavi of Pulikkal (d.1951) wrote Malabar Charithram

(AM) in 1929.123 Earlier, Mohamed Ibn Umar Ba Alavi had written a text in
119
M.N. Karasseri, (ed), op. cit., pp.141-172.
120
Ibid., pp.169-171.
121
122
O.Abu, op. cit., p.130.
123
203
Arabic on the history of Mappilas which claimed that Islam reached Kerala
during the time of prophet itself'. 124 Another work in Arabic was Kazi
Abubacker Kunhi's Sharah Vithriya, a comprehensive history text which
sheds light into the ancient history of Kerala Muslims. 125 An Arabic work on
Mappilas was written by Hazrath Mohamed Ibn Malik, an Islamic missionary
who had worked in Malabar Coast and later this was translated by Husain
Mullakoya Thangal, the Qazi of Calicut in 1890, for Gopalan Nair, who
published it in Malayalam with title Malayalathile Mappilamar.126 Rihalathul
Muluk, is another work on Malabar Muslims written by a Sufi saint of
Kerala.127
Vallanchira Khunhamad (1842-1906) of Manjeri wrote 'Akbarul Hind'

narrating the history of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sulthan and their heroic fight
against the British. Initially the publishers were reluctant to publish it, fearing
that it would invite the wrath of the British authorities. 128 Parol Husain
Moulavi's (d. 1954) Tipu Sulthan (AM) also depicts the history of Tipu
129
Sulthan. In the backdrop of the anti-British stance of the Mappilas, such
works on Muslim rulers who engaged in fierce resistance against the British,
might have fuelled the Mappila's fight against oppressors and facilitated the
formation of an identity among Mappilas.
Thus, history as a mode of organizing community-memory was not

unknown to Malabar Muslims. 'Indeed for the three groups of semitic origin
in Kerala, (the Jews, Syrian Christians and the Mappilas) as also for the
Nambudiris or Thiyyas, there was a rich and complex tradition of Mnemo-
124
125
Ibid., 158.
126
Parappil Koya, op. cit., p.113.
127
128
Ibid., p. 484.
129
Ibid., p. 560.
204
history that they had evolved, to organize their collective memory', says
G.Arunima.130 In both modes, poetry as well as prose, the Mappila scholars
tried to narrate their own perception of their past. Thus, the history of
Mappilas was intrinsically tied up with the history of remembering.
Print and Anti-Christian Discourse
The fear among Muslims in the context of Christian missionary

propaganda provided inspiration for the growth and development of Muslim
press in Malabar and Travancore. Interestingly enough, the Muslims were
forced to switch over from Arabi-Malayalam to Malayalam in the context of
this debate with Christians. The 'defenders of Islam' wrote their tracts in
chaste Malayalam as against Arabi-Malayalam script, which was illegible
either to Christians or to the general public. Besides, by 20 th century, the
Mappila attitude that Malayalam was the language of Hindus also began to be
softened. This switch over from Arabi-Malayalam to Malayalam in its pure
form, gradually led to its acceptance even by the orthodox Muslim Ulema.
The new generation of educated Muslims discarded Arabi-Malayalam and
began to produce their works in Malayalam.
In response to the propaganda of Christian missionaries, a host of tracts
were published in Malayalam during the last decades of 19 th century. The
uneasiness felt at the propaganda of missionaries was reflected in the pages of
these religious tracts, as well as Muslim journals of the period between 1890-
1930. This uneasiness felt by educated Muslims, as pointed out by Rafiudhin
Ahmad in Bengal's context, about missionary activities seemed more a
reaction to the nature of the latter's propaganda than to any large scale
conversion.131 Christian missionaries in north Malabar, like Herman Gundert
130
G. Arunima, "Print, Language, Public Sphere in Colonial Keralam", IESHR, 43,1
Sage, Delhi., 2006, pp.63-75.
131
Rafiudhin Ahmad, The Bengal Muslims: 1871-1906: A quest for Identity, OUP,
Delhi, 1996, p.97.
205
and Samuel Ambatt, depicted Muslims and their divinities in derogatory
terms.132 They profusely used imagery like 'Devil Muhamad' in their
missionary tracts.133 Such writings of missionaries provoked furious rebuttals
from the Muslim press, embittering the dialogue between Christian crusaders
and the Muslims. The debate of the 'defenders of Islam' in Malabar like
Makti Thangal with Christian missionaries, imparted an acerbic tone to the
Muslim press in Kerala during the first decades of 20 th century. The
increasing apprehension of Muslims was reflected in their writings, which
evolved in to propaganda in self-defense.
It was Makti Thangal (1874-1912), a native of Ponnani, who started
the ideological crusade against Christian missionaries in Kerala. 134 In Iman
Salamath (Protection of Faith), Makti appealed to Muslims to set aside a
portion of their earning for the protection and propagation of religion. 135 The
principal means, through which he tried to counteract the growing influence
of Christian missionaries, was the publication of religious tracts. The
following are the main tracts he published -Kadora kudaram (1884),
Satyadarsini (1891), Parkalitha Porkalam (1891), Kristiya Mooda Proudi
Darpanam (1900).136 All these were in a sense counter-tracts to Christian
pamphlets like Vishuda Venmazhu (Vidwankutty) Kadorahani (Varapuzha
mission), Vijnanolmulaveumazhu, Vijnanadarpanam (Paduva 1894), Abdul
132
See Chapter III.
133
M.R. Raghava Varier, Amma Vazhi Keralam (Mal), Trichur 2006, p.149.
134
See Chapter III. It was almost during this period, in Bengal, Munshi Meherulla
(1861-1907) began his anti-Christian missionary activities. Mehrulla's first treatise
Hollowness of Teachings of Christianity in Bengali and Makti's Kadora Koodaram
came out in 1886 itself.
135
K.K.M. Kareem, Sayyid Sanahulla Makti Tangal (Biography-Mal) (hereinafter
SSMT) KIM, Tirur, 1981, p.24.
136
KKM Kareem (Compiler), Makti Thangalude Sampoornakrithikal, 1981, (herein
after MTSK), KIM Tirur, pp.987-1047, Makti's other works include: Thandan
Kandamala, Thandante Kondata Chenda, Christeeya Vayadappu, Makti Samvada
Jayam, Dampacharavichari, Islam valu Dhaiva valu, Palilla payasam,
Moodahankaram Mahandhakaram, etc.
206
Qader Mudalaliyum Munsifum (Kottayam, 1895) etc. All the tracts of Makti
were written in highly sanskritised Malayalam, not only for reaching out to
the general public but also to prove that Muslims were not lagging in their
command over Malayalam language. To use Amilcar Cabral's terminology,
Makti was using this chaste Malayalam as a 'weapon of the weak'. Makti also
turned against Hinduism, when he published a tract called Satyadarshini in
1901, which was a critique of Hinduism and its, polytheistic practices. 137 A
separate journal, Ahamodayam was started to expose the hollowness of
Hinduism.
After Makti, the task was undertaken by his disciples all over Kerala.
Chekku Molla of Kondotty, a disciple of Makti, who engaged in polemical
debates with Christians, wrote Islam Christhava Samvadam.138 A.K. Ali
Mohamed Sha, another disciple, wrote Satyaviswasa Sakshyam in 1937.
About his guru, he wrote, 'Through the umpteen works that extol the virtue of
Islam and through organizing sermons, Makti Thangal enlightened Mappilas
about the greatness and glory of Islam. 139 When Father Mannassery came out
with his Satyamataneshanam which despised prophet as a womanizer and a
bandit, C.K. Bava Sahib, editor of Muhamadali (1920-21) countered it
through his book, Satyamatasaram. Ishaath, a Muslim missionary journal,
published a series of articles in 1934 against the book of Manassery. 140 Later
Father Manassery through an article in 'Ishaath' titled Samudaya Samakhan
repented to Muslim community for offending their sentiments.141
B. Mahinkutty's Valal Pracharicha Matham Ethu? (which is the
religion that was spread by sword?), published in 1936, is an attempt to
counter the missionary allegation that Islam was a religion spread by sword.
137
K.K.M. Kareem, MTSK, p.237.
138
K.K.M. Kareem, SSMT, op. cit., p.95.
139
Ali Mohamed Sahib, Satya Sakshyam (Mal.), Kodungallur, 1937, p.118.
140
Ishaath, Vol.2, No.3, 1934 (Kottayam).
141
Ishaath, Vol.2, No.5, 1934 (Kottayam).
207
The book raised a serious complaint that the prescribed textbooks of schools
were indirect means to spread Christianity. 142 A.M. Abdul Kader of Eriyad
(d.1962) wrote three works in this genre - Apposthalanmarude
Aswasapradan, Vedopedesam and Christhu Daivamalla.143 Abdurahiman
Musaliyar's Raddunnasara (AM) and Puthanveetil Ahmad Musaliyar's
Hayathudhin (A.M) were polemical works against Christianity.144
Towards the middle of 20th century, some Islamic missionary tracts
turned their focus towards Hinduism also, especially in the context of
missionary work of Arya Samaj in Kerala. As early as 1924, Aikya Sangam
had taken a decision to establish a missionary organization to counter the
Arya Samaj.145 Moulana Muhamadali Memorial Library, Cochin published
Samathvam Evide? (Where is equality) which laid bare the ideology of Arya
Samaj.146 It equated Arya Samaj with a dam, which tries to arrest the flow of
scheduled castes to other religions. Supporting the views of B.A Sukumaran,
the Izhava leader, that Islam was the only assylum to the lower castes of
Malabar, the book exhorted the daliths to keep away from Arya Samaj and
embrace the democratic religion of Islam. 147 Similarly C.V. Abdurahiman
Hydros (1885-1947) of Cochin, a disciple of Makti, wrote three works with
the intention of attracting daliths to Islam. They were Islamum
Ayithocharanavum (Islam and untouchability), Islamum
Harijanodharanavum (Islam and Harijan Uplift) and Islamika Sahodaryam
(Islamic Brotherhood) and all these works tried to uphold the universal
142
Mathrubhumi, Book review, March 7, 1936.
143
C.K. Kareem, (ed.), KMD, op. cit.,p.7.
144
O. Abu, Arabi-Malayala Sahitya Charithram (Mal.), NBS, Kottayam, 1971.
p.135.
145
Mathrubhumi 29, May 1924.
146
Moulana Mohamadali Library, Samathvam Evide? (Mal.), Kamal Book Depot,
Cochin, 1936.
147
Ibid., p.15.
208
brotherhood of Islam and the democratic space within it. 148 All these works
were published from Malabar Islam Book Depot, which he himself set up at
Cochin in 1913, with a missionary intention.
K.H. Sulaiman wrote Swantanta Samudayavum Muslingalum

(Muslims and the independent community) in 1935 as a reply to E.
Madhavan's Swatantra Samudayam (Independent community). Madhavan, in
his work, had advised Ezhavas to free themselves from the fold of Hinduism
149
and form an independent community. He had also criticized Muslims for
their opposition to Sarada Bill (fixing the age of marriage) and their objection
to eating pork.150 Sulaiman, in his book, countered all the allegations of
Madhavan, on the basis of 'Scientific truth'. 151 B. Mahinkutty’s Islamum
Athakritharum (Islam and Untouchables) published by Ishaath society,
Alleppey in 1936, is another attempt to prove the egalitarian face of Islam.
The above survey shows that many tracts were published during the
first half of 20th century, running down Christianity and Hinduism and
replying to Christian tracts against Islam in the same vein. The increasing
apprehension of Muslims was reflected in these writings, which evolved in to
a sort of propaganda in self-defense. This missionary literature of Muslims
helped to restore confidence in their faith in Islam and arouse a consciousness
in them of the superiority of Islamic culture.
Muslim Literature during the Reform phase
148
149
K.H. Sulaiman, Swantantra Samudayavum Muslingalum (Mal.), Sarasan
Publicity Bureau, Cochin, 1935.
150
This book was proscribed by Travancore and Cochin govts.
151
An example of the authors 'Scientific truth' would be contextual. According to
him Islam prohibited pork eating on a scientific basis. The pig when involved in
mating with one invites other partners for the same. In the character formation the
food that is eaten is important and hence a pork eater will turn to be as immoral as
pigs in sexual relations (K.H. Sulaiman, op. cit.,p.24 ).
209
We also come across umpteen prose works in Malayalam, which shed
light on the different aspects of Islamic life. An analysis of all these works
would be out of the scope of this study. 152 These works reflect the concern of
Muslim literati in Malabar in the context of onslaught of modernity. For
instance, when socialist ideology began to exercise its influence in the public
sphere of Malabar, Muslim scholars tried to depict Islam as the best socialist
ideology. In 1938, C.N. Ahmad Moulavi wrote 'Islamile Danavitharana
Paddathi (The distribution of wealth in Islam) which tried to counter the
arguments of socialist writers against Islam and other religions. 153 A Malik
Muhamad's Islamum Sthithisamathavum (Islam and Socialism) published in
1936, was another venture in this respect and this was written to prevent
Muslims from drifting towards communist movement, which was making
inroads in Malabar in 1930's. 154
Another attempt of the Muslim literati was to depict Islam as the best
option in the modern context. For instance, A. Ammu of Calicut, in his
Pravachakanum Adunikathavum (Prophet and Modernity) published in 1931,
examines the life and message of prophet Mohamed in the backdrop of
modernity and proves that the message of Islam is the most relevant ideology
in the modern world.155 This work also signifies the command that Muslim
writers achieved over Malayalam language as it profusely used sanskritised
Malayalam.156 'Gender justice' was another issue taken up by the literati
during this period. T.K. Mohamed's Islamile Sthrikal (Women in Islam)
152
A list of such works has been given in Appendix.XI.
153
Shihabudhin, "C.N. Ahmad Moulavi" (Mal.), in Prabhodanam, Special Issue,
1998, Calicut, pp.96-97.
154
A. Malik Mohamed, Islam and Socialism (Mal.), Manomohanam Press, Kollam,
1936.
155
A. Ammu, Nabiyum Adunikathavum (Prophet and Modernity) (Mal), Madrasathul
Muhamediya Sahitya Samiti, Calicut, 1931.
156
Deepika, Vol.1, Issue 10, 1932.
210
published in 1932, deals with the Islamic concept of women. 157 K.M.
Moulavi's Islamum Sthreekalum (Islam and Women) is another venture in this
regard. Similarly, Sahrudopaharam published by E.M. Habeeb Mohamed in
1930, is a collection of essays by Muslim scholars on various subjects related
to Muslims in Kerala.158 These essays give us a picture about the concerns
and aspirations of educated Muslims in 1920's and 1930's. It is to be noted
that although most of these Malayalam works were printed outside Malabar,
majority of the authors and readers were from Malabar and hence these works
had great impact in shaping the mentality of the Muslims of Malabar.
Muslim Journals and Community consciousness
An assessment of the vernacular press has to be part of an enquiry in to

the construction of separate identity. The expanding print and publication
market served as the main fount of the communitarian discourse. The
dissemination of this discourse was facilitated by an exponential growth of
print market, particularly after the relaxation of government control. In 1835,
Charls Metcalf abolished restrictions on printing, especially native printing.
Vernacular press is an excellent source from where to begin exploring the
early narrative on Muslim identity. As Aysha Jalal points out 'Gyanerdra
Pandey's single minded determination to portray 'communalism' as a
'construction' of colonial discourse entails missing out much of the context
and texture of communitarian narrative of the period. 159 Hence, an analysis of
the vernacular press in the first half of 20 th century, enables us to perceive its
vital contribution in the construction of a narrative of identity.
157
T.K. Mohamed Veliyamkode, Islamile Sthrikal (Women in Islam), National Book
Depot, Ponnani, 1932.
158
E.M. Habib Mohamed Edava, (ed.), Sahrudopaharam (Mal.), T.V. Press, Quilon,
1930.
159
Aysha Jalal, op. cit., p.52.
211
The Muslims of Kerala were aware of the importance of print media in
the development of a community. In an appeal by the editor of Kerala
Chandrika, a Muslim weekly started in 1919, this urgency was echoed. He
says, "In the present context, journals are the light houses of any community
or nation. It is the citadel that protects the community. In the absence of
journals for Muslims, it will steep in darkness. Nobody will listen to such
community and will be trampled by other communities, who are involved in a
rat race for development. It is only after the publication of Kerala Chandrika
that Government and other communities became aware of the civic rights of
the Muslims".160 A.M. Abdul Kader, the editor of Muslim monthly also airs
the same view in an article in Mathrubhumi titled 'Mappilas of Malayalam'.
He says, 'On a war footing, efforts have to be made to create real
consciousness about religion through books, magazines, dailies and
pamphlets'.161 Syed Bava Sahib also enlightened the Muslims about the
urgency of appropriating the print media. He says, 'Had the Muslim press
been popular in Kerala, the community would not have been so steeped in
ignorance and poverty .... The progress and reform of the community depends
on the quality and quantity of print media owned by a community. The
development of the community is directly proportional to the popularity of
press among its members. While an increased number of people belonging to
Nair, Christian and Ezhava communities feel that it is a disgrace not to
subscribe a newspaper which work for the welfare of their respective
communities, the Muslims are ignorant about such a development per se ......
Hence, the wealthy section of the community have to share a part of their
wealth to resolve this lacuna within the community.162
160
Mathrubhumi, 12th July, 1923.
161
Mathrubhumi, August 7, 1923.
162
Syed M. Bava Sahib, "Muslims and Journalism" in Sahrutdayopaharan (ed.),
E.M. Habeeb Mohammad, TV. Press, Quilon, 1934, pp. 33-50.
212
The above concern of the Muslim literati in the early decades of 20 th
century shows that the Muslims also became aware of the potential of print
media, in the over all development of the community.
It was the anti-Islam propaganda of Christian missionaries and the

Islamic revivalist movement that provided the initial pull for the development
of Muslim journalism in Malabar. There were many short-lived Muslim
journals in Arabi-Malayalam and Malayalam. The first Muslim journal in
Malayalam was Kerala Deepakom published by Kadar Haji of Kochi, in
1878.163 The chaste Malayalam in which it was written was the language of
better-educated urban middle class and hence had a restricted clientele. Thus,
owing to the indifference of Muslims towards reading a Malayalam journal, it
had a premature death. Kadars Haji also published a second journal
Satyaprakasam in 1899. It was natural that these journals had a very little
popularity among the rural Muslim masses, to whom the language of
'Malayalam' itself was a 'forbidden one'.
C. Saidalikutty, the Pioneer of Muslim Jouranlism in Malabar
The doyen of Muslim journalism in Malabar was C. Saidali Kutty

Master of Tirur in Malabar. Born in 1856 at Tirur, he served as a school
Inspector in Malabar.164 He was a multi faceted personality but it was in the
domain of journalism that he is remembered for. He registered a Salahul
Iqwan company at Tirur with six directors. In 1899, he started the 'Salahul
Iqwan' a monthly from Tirur and it lasted for about eight years. 165 In an
editorial of the same in 1903, Saidali Kutty wrote 'our Salahul Iqwan was
started in H.E. 1317 (1899). Now we are entering the 4 th year. The
163
C.H. Mohammed Koya, "Kerala Muslims and Journalistic Activities" in P.A.
Syed Mohammed (ed.), Kerala Muslim Directory, Kerala Publication, Cochin, 1960,
pp. 459-467.
164
165
Ibid., p.407.
213
difficulties in the past three years were beyond our limit and God alone knows
about the trails and tribulations. During the first year, 177 issues were
brought out and those issues touched up on all knowledge that a man should
know. Besides this, a brief description of the attributes (Sifath) of Allah was
also given in those issues'.166 The paper dealt with all the developments in the
Muslim world, including the reforms within Turkey.167 The translation of
Aliflaila was published serially in Salahul Iqwan.
After the demise of Salahul Iqwan in 1909, he started another journal

168
Rafiqul Islam (AM) which lasted for two years. Makti Thangal,
Chalilakath Abdulla Moulavi, Madampi Alavi Musliyar, V.M. Moulavi
Kokkur were the main scholars who wrote scholarly articles in this journal. 169
A study of the back volumes of this journal shows that the reverberations
within Malabar Islam were amply reflected in its pages. For instance, in one
of the issues, the journal provides a clue to the polemical debates that ravaged
Malabar. The editor says, "As far as the Malabar Muslims are concerned, they
are not yet free from the heat and dust of debates... the rift between the
clappers (Kaimuttukar) and non-clappers (Kaimuttillathavar) of Calicut Town
which had begun generations before, still continues. The debate around
Wahadathul Wajud in Balapattanam is almost settled. The Ahmadiyas of
Kannur have spread to Calicut also. The La-majud debate of Taliparamba has
spread to Cochin and Travancre areas. The Qibla dispute in Tirurangadi has
reached to all parts of Malabar. It is requested that all these rival groups may
settle their points in the light of scriptures and avoid any breach of peace and
tranquillity of the country".170
166
Salahul Iqwan, Issue 1, Book 4, 1903.
167
168
Ibid., p, 408.
169
Ibid.
170
Rafiqual Islam, Vol.2. Issue 4, 1910 as reproduced in MMSP, op. cit., p.408-409.
214
C. Saidali Kutty Master himself wrote many articles, most of which
were translation from Arabic and English journals like Al Muayyid, Review of
Religions, Health Magazine, etc.171 Most of the developments in Islamic
world were covered in it and thereby kept the Muslims of Malabar in touch
with the latest developments around the world. Even articles dealing with the
necessity of breast feeding (translation of an article from Indian Ladies
Magazine) coud be seen in Salahul Iqwan.172 It was through 'Salahul Iqwan'
that Saidalikutty manufactured the consent among the Mappila for liturgical
change of Khutaba (Friday Sermon) into regional language.173 Saidalikutty
published a series of articles, explaining the urgency of rendering Khutuba in
regional language, as Arabic was Greek to majority of Mappilas. He used to
report in Salahul Iqwan, a regular news item, regarding the popular
enthusiasm in various mahals where the sermon had been delivered in
Malayalam.174
Saidalikutty published a series of lead articles in Salahul Iqwan

proving that earth is round in shape, which was appreciated by the educated
section and condemned by the orthodox Ulema of Malabar.175 It was to
counter the argument of Nuhukannu Musaliyar in his Fathunnur (AM) that
Saidalikutty published three articles regarding the shape of earth. 176 He wrote
two regular columns, one titled Muslims and new education and the other
171
172
Salahul Iqwan, 1st October, 1901.
173
Salahul Iqwan, Book.2, Issue 7, December 1900. This has been discussed in
Chapter III.
174
See various issues of Salahul Iqwan of 1900- 1901, pp.64-65, [Book 2, Issue 7,
1900 Dec.7. Vol. 3, Issue 7-1901 and Vol. 3, Issue 14, 1901] as reproduced in
MMSP..
175
Abu Majida, "Kerala Muslimukalum Pathrapravathanavum", Prabhodanam
special issue, 1998, pp.105-113.
176
K.K.M Kareem, Note no. 28, p.80.
215
Muslims and Science in Salahul Iqwan and later these two collections were
published in book form.177
Makti Thangal wrote two articles in Salahul Iqwan exhorting the

Muslims to get rid of the system of Matriliny, which he believed was against
the tenets of Islam.178 Both these journals were in Arabi-Malayalam and
hence it could make inroads among the rural Mappilas of Malabar. While
Salahul Iqwan lasted for eight years from 1899 to 1906, the Rafiqul Islam
lived for five years from 1906 to 1910. Having got wide range of circulation
among Muslim public and the Ulema in particular, both could bring about a
qualitative change within the Muslim community of Malabar. Both published
valuable articles, contributed by the Muslim intellectuals of the day like
Hamadani Thangal, Makti Thangal and Vakkom Moulavi and gave a new
thrust to the movement of revivalism that set in motion in Malabar. As Makti
Thangal wrote in Salahul Iqwan, "by reading my books, the enlightened
Muslims as well as Hindus are defeating the Christians in debates. It is a
matter of joy to Muslims and sorrow to Christians that much knowledge about
Islam, hitherto unknown, have become familiar in Kerala and thereby the
light of Islam glows in this land".179 In a letter in Salahul Iqwan, Makti
lamented, 'If anybody reads my articles and books, faith will sprout in him
and the faith of the ambivalent will be fixed ... But this kind of joy or
enthusiasm (in defeating the Christians) cannot be seen among the Malayalam
Muslims, because their wisdom is still enveloped by clouds'.180
Missionary Journals of Makti Thangal
177
MMSP, op.cit., p.411.
178
Salahul Iqwan, Vol.4, Issue 9, 18th November,1902 and Salahul Iqwan, Vol.4,
Issue 10, 1st January, 1903.
179
Salahul Iqwan, Vol.5, Issue 8, 21st July, 1903.
180
Salahul Iqwan, Vol. 5, Issue 4, 1st May 1903.
216
It was Makti Thangal (1847-1912), the 'defender of Islam', who
profusely used the print media in his effort to counter Christian allegations
against Islam. Besides writing in other journals like Salahul Iqwan, he
himself started journals at different parts of Kerala. In 1890, he had started
Mohamadiya press at Cochin. But even prior to that in 1888, he started a
weekly Satyaprakasam with Kadars Haji as sub editor, which lasted only for
nine months.181 In 1894, he started a fortnightly, namely Tuhfuth Akiyar
Hidayathul Ashrar, which fought relentlessly against Muslims orthodoxy.182
Makti's next venture in this domain was paropakari, a fortnightly from

Calicut, which lasted for three years. It was through paropakari that he used
to provide 'tit for tat' to Christian missionaries. He dared to start 'Paropakari'
in Malayalam, when majority of Muslims were unable to read Malayalam. It
was the Hindus who helped him to publish this magazine. 183 After the demise
of Satyaprakasam, which Makti started from Travancore, he shifted his venue
to Calicut.184 In Makti Manaklesam, his autobiographical account, he says
'Due to Paropakari, I was forced to dispose of my house and I have been
wandering like a cat with its babies, without food and help. My own
brotheren are afraid of giving me a rented house'.185
He planned to start a new journal called 'Nityajeevan' and he appealed

the Muslims of Malabar to help him financially in this regard. In Salahul
Iqwan he wrote, 'Due to the allegations and verbal assaults of Christians, the
sorrows of Muslims are increasing. Islam is in trouble due to the inability to
give defensive reply to them..... . In the absence of proper financial assistance,
I am unable to print and publish them (the replies to the allegations). Once
181
KKM Kareem, SSMT, op. cit., p.18.
182
Ibid., p. 20.
183
Makti Thangal, Makti Manaklesam, in MTSK, p.1035-36.
184
Parappil Koya, op. cit., p.249.
185
KKM Kareem, , MTSK, op. cit., pp.1033-35.
217
these replies are published, the Christians will perish and Islam will
succeed.....186 In 1909, he started Turkey Samacharam which used to publish
articles on Osmania Caliphs and their socio-economic progress, but it could
not survive beyond six months.187 The sudden demise of all the journals
started by Makti Thangal due to lack of public support, speaks about the
general condition of Muslims in literacy during the dawn of 20th century.
Nationalist Journals
Calicut, the capital of Malabar District of Madras presidency, was also

the cultural capital of Malabar Muslims. Many Muslim magazines and
journals were published from Calicut during the first half of 20th century. In
1922, the first Muslim newspaper in British Malabar was started and this was
published every Wednesday. Karaparambu Imbi Mohamed, a progressive
nationalist Muslim of Calicut, was the editor. 188 The paper, which mainly
covered war news, lasted only for one year.
Hidayath started in November 1922 from Calicut, was another journal

of nationalistic moorings, with K. Ahmad as the editor. 189 Later, when the
press was disposed of by the owner, he was forced to stop publishing and a
'Hidayath protection sangam' was orgaized by the editor for raising fund for
setting up a press for Hidayath and it was revived in 1924. But it could not
survive after 1926, but within this short span of life, Hidayath stood for
Hindu-Muslim Unity in Malabar.
Al-Ameen and the Mappilas
186
Salahul Iqwan, Vol. 3, Issue 18, 1902.
187
KKM. Kareem, SSMT, op. cit., p.23.
188
Parappil Koya, op. cit., p. 249.
189
Ibid., p. 249.
218
Among the Muslim journals of Calicut, the most lasting impact was
made by Al-Ameen, the monthpiece of the 'nationalist' Muslims of Malabar.
The soul of this journal was Mohamad Abdurahiman, the veteran leader of the
congress party in Malabar. It was started on 12th October 1924 (on a
Miladunnabi day) as a trimonthly but became a daily on 4 th August, 1930.190
During the post Rebellion period, the loyalist newspapers published cooked
up reports about the rebellion, with deliberate intention of wrecking the
national movement. As Vidwan T.K. Raman Menon, the sub editor of Al-
Ameen observed, 'During that period, except Mathrubhumi, all Malayalam
papers (Keralapatrika, Manorama, Kerala Sanchari and Mitavadi) and all
English papers (West Coast Reformer, West-Coast spectator and Champion)
did not dare to publish articles in favour of national movement or against the
government. It was at this juncture that the second nationalist paper,
Al-Ameen began to be published from Calicut.191 Even the nationalist paper
Mathrubhumi took a partisan stand in covering the rebellion.192 Thus, an
effective media to counter such a move and to present a matter of fact picture
of the rebellion before the general public necessitated the establishment of a
national newspaper in Malayalam. 193 It was in this backdrop that
Abdurahiman Sahib decided to start Al-Ameen. But along with this, he had
some other objectives like the reform and regeneration of Muslim community
and to inculcate national consciousness among Muslims.
It is difficult to summarise all the subjects covered by a newspaper like

Al-Ameen, which survived for one and half decades. To what extent this
190
S.K. Pottekkat et al., Mohamed Abdurahiman: A Political Biography (Mal),
Calicut, 1978, p. 139.
191
Ibid., p. 146.
192
See Chapter, 'Representation of the Rebellion and its Aftermath'.
193
Mohamed Poozhikuthu, Muhamed Abdurahiman pursuits and perspectives of
nationalist Muslim, an un-published Ph.D thesis submitted to University of Calicut,
2005, p.186.
219
nationalist newspaper of the Muslims of Malabar helped to bring about an
identity among the Malabar Muslims, is the pertinent question here. Al-
Ameen was never hesitant to use Islamic idioms for nationalist cause. The
paper profusely quoted from Quran and Hadith, even when dealing with the
most secular subjects. In an article in Al-Ameen of 6th July 1930 captioned
Jihadul Akbar, with regard to Civil Disobedience Movement, the writer
observes:
'If love of one's country is a part of his faith, if Islam is a religion that
extols the message of freedom, it is the duty of true Muslim to sacrifice
everything for the freedom and salvation of mother country and renounce life
in the path of God....The great nabi [prophet], the Khalifas and Imams
employed their valuable lives to win freedom from Unrighteousness and
injustice. The flag of Islam bears the sign of establishment of freedom. The
holy Qura shows the way to the ladder of freedom ...If there are any among
Muslims who deride this passive resistance, they are guilty of having
contravened the order of Islam. They are rats that nibble and eat up the great
message of great nabi ... The great nabi himself has said that air, water and
salt should not be taxed ...Muslim who die in the war of salt law breaking will
certainly deserve compensation from God and will be blessed...... May this
war of salt Satyagraha, the war of freedom, this Jihadul Akbar be
victorious.194
In connection with boycott of foreign cloths, Al-Ameen wrote, 'If

Kerala welcomes foreign cloth chucked out from other province, it reflects
everlasting dishonour on the people and will be an unpardonable sin that we
commit against our woeful motherland and that this action calculated to help
194
Al-Ameen, 6th July 1930, MNNPR, July-Aug, 1930, p. 1069, TNA.
220
foreign capitalism, which has sucked India to dry skeleton, will not be
approved even by Allah'.195
Regarding the same issue, Al-Ameen exhorted the Muslims of Kerala

to engage themselves in manufacture of Swadeshi cloth and thus help the
material uplift of them, not to disgrace their holy religion by bringing foreign
cloth during Ramzan month and to prove to the world by helping the
Swadeshi movement that Muslims of Kerala are not behind others in
patriotism.196
Al-Ameen took up all the issues concerned with the Mappilas of

Malabar like repeal of Mopla Outrages Act, Restoration of Mamburam
Tangals, fight against Anadaman scheme, education of the Muslims etc. Al-
Ameen deplored that the government of India did not provide the same
concessions to Haj pilgrims as they give to Christian and Hindu pilgrims in
respect of railway fare during Christimas time and important Hindu festivals
and prayed that concession be extended to Haj pilgrims also.197 Al-Ameen of
29th September, 1925, in a leading article, condemning the Andaman scheme,
observed that 'it was in the interest of Islam that Mappilas were being sent to
Andamans. The arguments were on the lines already reported from time to
time. It was also stated that the supply of cheap labour to develop islands was
one of the motives for launching the scheme while the interior motive of
government was to prevent once for all the return of Mappila convicts to
Malabar and to destroy the 'turbulent race' in Andamans'. 198 The paper
concluded that the scheme should be opposed by means of vigorous
propaganda and public meetings. The propaganda work was taken up by Al-
Ameen for years.
195
Al-Ameen, 21st Nov. 1930, MNNPR, Nov-Dec, 1930, p. 1779, TNA.
196
Al-Ameen, 8th Jan. 1931, MNNPR, Jan-March, 1931, p.82.
197
Al-Ameen, dated 5th Jan. 1933.
198
Al-Ameen, dated 29 Sept. 1925, MNNPR, Sept. Oct. 1925.
221
Another issue, which Al-Ameen continuously raised, was the release
of Mappila prisoners. Regarding this, in a long leading article Al-Ameen
comments:
"At the time of riots, our Ma-Bap Government considered it to be an

offence for a person to be born as Mappila at places where the riots occurred.
At that time everybody raised a hue and cry to beat and kill the Mappilas. But
the mentality of people at large has now given up the hard view that Mappila
is still a Mappila.... Can anybody deny that they are political prisoners
according to their status in life? What do all these proclaim except the
weakness of Muslim community?199 The paper therefore calls upon the
community and its leaders to bestir themselves to bring about the release of
Mappila prisoners.
About the Mopla Outrages Act, Al-Ameen made an ardent appeal to the
leaders of Mappila community, deploring their lethargy and urging them to
take united action to repeal of Mopla Outrages Act. It observed, 'There is no
doubt whatever that if this lawless law continues to have a place in the statute
book, it will be a source of unceasing danger to the Muslim community. Let
the section authorising the inhuman burning of dead body and procedure
followed in some cases of killing Mappilas and burning them with dogs,
redound for ever to the credit of glorious British administration.200 The article
pointed out that it was the most opportune moment for the Mappilas leaders to
agitate intensely and to create public opinion in this direction.201
In another lead article, Al-Ameen reminded the Muslims of the

sufferings of Mappila in the Rebellion of 1921 thus :
199
Al-Ameen, 4th Jan. 1931, MNNPR, p.104.
200
Al-Ameen, 9th March 1931, MNNPR, p.381.
201
Ibid.
222
'The grief which our poor brothers and sisters had to suffer is
indescribable. How many of them became the targets for shots of British
soldiers and how many of them received on themselves their sharp byonets,
suffocated in the wagon and not having a drop of water to quench their thirst,
how many died biting each other and drinking each other's blood in fierceness
of that thirst. It is difficult to describe in what various ways poor Muslim
women and children were maltreated'.202
Even when criticizing the government against the Vernacular Press Act
Al-Ameen used a religious tone. The paper says 'Prophet Nabi has said' –
speak the truth eventhough it may cause you trouble – It looks as if it will not
be possible at present especially in Malabar to conduct a paper in accordance
with prophet's holy word ...Al-Ameen has been living till now bearing the
gravity of these words of Rasul [Prophet] well in mind. But it seems some
people are attempting to make Ameen live like a 'deaf devil'.203
Another issue, which Al-Ameen consistently raised, was Muslim

Education. Umpteen articles in this regard were published in it through out its
career. In 1925 itself Al-Ameen wrote – 'it cannot but be said that the
indifference shown by people, the leading men and the Government in the
matter of Muslim education in Malabar has now become notorious. The
government themselves have often said that constant recurrences of riots in
Malabar is due to want of education. How far have government tried to
remove ignorance, which they themselves say that is the cause of roits'. 204
In the editorial titled 'Two words to Muslims' Al-Ameen examines the

causes of the decline of Muslims in Malabar:
202
Al-Ameen, 22 April 1931, p. 592, TNA
203
Al-Ameen, 29th July 1930, p. 1193, TNA.
204
Al-Ameen, 29th Jan 1925, MNNPR, 1925, p. 495, TNA.
223
'What will be the mentality of those who think about the condition of
15 lakhs of Muslims of Kerala? Anybody's heart will be torn to see the plight
of Kerala Muslims who neither know nor try to know the cause of this
downfall. The cause of this downfall is nothing but that we have lost that
power which caused progress in the past. The more we neglected the
teachings of the prophet, the more we began to decline. We lost our pride and
glory. No education, no wealth and, above all, we lack a community structure
to live like a community. The moment the beauty of Islam ceased to throb
our hearts, the beginning of our decline also set in. We began to forgo the
traditions of prophet and Bidaths [innovations] began to creep in to our
religion. The only way out now is to practice the tenets of our religion in our
daily life ...The Muslims should be ready to desist, if needed ready to fight,
the designs of the enemies to destroy our community. It is a period when
rampant competition is going on between different communities and in this
scramble, if they want success the Muslims have to make others understand
that no one can rival them in terms of solidarity and material well being.205
These types of communiterian appeals were incessantly made through

the pages of Al-Ameen for about 15 years and being the most popular daily
among Mappilas of Malabar, these appeals had its impact. As pointed out by
K. Umar Moulavi, 'those who had written about Sahib and his Al-Ameen
mentioned about his patriotism and service to National Movement alone.
Very little was written about the yeoman service of his paper in the efforts to
reform the Muslims of Kerala. Al-Ameen fought in emphatic voice to purge
out the blind beliefs and rituals embedded in Muslim society.206
In an lead article by M.S. titled 'Islamic Unity', Al-Ameen reminds the

Muslims that they were the descendants of the pious ones, as well as great
205
Al-Ameen, Editorial, 28th August, 1928.
206
K. Umar Moulavi, op. cit., p. 86.
224
warriors and rulers. 'In order to regain that community known for its bravery
and strength, Are you not able to unite against your enemies? ...... Did you
forget the basic tenets of Islam that all Muslims are brothers'? 207 On another
occasion, P.A. Sainudhin Sahib in an article captioned 'To Kerala Muslims'
wrote, "suffer; the prophet is merciful to them that they are stead fast in
suffering'. This is here worthy of remembrance. Do not holy verses quoted
above tell us that such troubles are signs of success? Fear and timidity are not
the qualities of Muslims. ...And the history of Islam teaches us that by
suffering, sacrifice and non-violence the Muslim community and religion and
country have derived great benefit. The service of community and service of
the country are indispensible duty of ours. It is deplorable that Kerala
Muslims are backward in these matters'. 208 Such religious idioms were
consistently used by Al-Ameen to bring Mappilas to the path of nationalist
politics.
In charting out the path to Muslim incorporation in to the mainstream

Indian nationalism, Abdurahiman Sahib and his mouthpiece used copious
quotation from Quran and Hadith to prove that the followers of prophet could
not live under a government which impeded their religious freedom. He was
in a way aping the examples set by Moulana Abdul Kalam Azad. Thus,
religion as the basis of participation in Nationalist Movement found voice in
most of the articles of Al-Ameen which we have examined already. This
profuse use of Islamic symbolism indirectly helped to strengthen the
community identity of Muslims of Malabar. What Al-Ameen did was to
advance its nationalist purpose through communitarian mobilization. Every
year, Al-Ameen used to publish special issues in connection with Milad-
unnabi (prophet's birthday), loaded with articles of interest to Muslims. It
was the most popular daily in Malabar and as such the British authorities
207
Al-Ameen, 28th August, 1928.
208
Al-Ameen, 9th December 1930, MNNPR, p.1828.
225
banned its publication twice. For, the chief secretary of Madras wrote in
1933, 'Mohammed Abdurahiman, the editor of Al-Ameen, a west coast journal
is apparently out to make trouble among Mappilas'. 209 As E.M.S.
Namboodiripad opined, 'both Al-Ameen and Aikyam did similar work in social
sphere – educational uplift of common Muslims by eradicating blind beliefs.
They did for Kerala Muslims what Sir Syed Ahmad Khan did for Indian
Muslims. Had this work been done a generation before, the 1921 Rebellion
could have been avoided or atleast the intensity and ferocity could have been
reduced ...Both these journals got wide support among the Moplas. It was
this generation of Muslims which flourished under the shadow of these
journals, who later became the workers of nationalist Muslim organization as
well as Muslim League’.210
Reformist Journals
Even prior to the birth of Aikya Sangam, many Muslim journals in

Travancore and Cochin began to disseminate the reformist ideas among the
Muslims. Malabar Islam, a weekly started in 1909 from Cochin with P. Abdu
Muhamad Haji as the editor, was a reformist journal which had subscribers in
Malabar. The journal, which functioned well for one decade, did great
service in spreading the message of the Khilafath movement as well as the
reformist ideology among Muslims. During the same period, Vakkom Abdul
Kader Moulavi started a journal Muslim in 1906 from Vakkom with the
intention of reforming the community and it lasted for about five years. 211 A
printed appeal made by Shaik Hamadani Thangal, the most respected
theologian of the age, to support both Malabar Islam and Muslim financially,
209
FNR, dated Feb. 1933, No: p. 4-3. Public (General), T.N.A.
210
EMS Namboodiripad, Keralam Malayalikalude Mathrubhumi (Mal), in
P. Govida Pillai (ed) Collected Works of EMS Namboodiripad, Vol. 9 (1948),
Chintha Publishers, Trivandrum, 2000, p. 331.
211
M. Abdu Samad, "Muslim Reformist Journals in Kerala", Journal of Kerala
Studies, Vol.XVII, Parts 1-4, Trivandrum, 1990, pp. 131-137.
226
was widely circulated in Malabar but the response was very meagre. 212 The
'Muslim' monthly spear headed the Muslim renaissance movement in Kerala.
Though it was published from Travancore, it could bring about a revolution
within the community of Muslims all over Kerala. The editorial of the first
issue of Musilm says, 'Each and every community has started to strive for its
welfare and therefore, the Muslims also must have a journal of this sort, to
educate them about their problems and to bring about necessary reforms'. 213
'Enlighten the community through education' was the slogan of this monthly
and it continuously urged the authorities about various needs of the
community in educational sphere. It also took up women's issues and several
articles by prominent women of the age were published in it, emphasising the
significance of women's education.
It was in Muslim Vruthantham, a fortnightly from Aleppy during 1917-

8, under the editorship A.M. Abdul Kader Moulavi, that the celebrated
polemical debate between K.M. Seethi Sahib (the reformist) and the editor
was serialized.214 This debate, which continued for several issues of this
journal, helped to create a new awareness about true religious tenets of Islam
among the Muslims. Under the banner of Aikya Sangam, a Malayalam
journal Muslim Aikyam was published from Eriyad in 1923 with Manappat
Kunhimohamed Musaliyar as editor.215 Since it was in Malayalam, it failed to
attract readers and had a premature death. In the same year, Aikya Sangam
came out with its scond journal, Al Irshad in Arabic-Malayalam, with E.K.
Moulavi as editor.216 It was printed at Muhiyudhin litho press, Eriyad and
lasted for about 18 months only, but within such a short period, it could
212
Abdu Majida, op.cit., p. 109.
213
The Muslim, January 1906.
214
Abu Majida, op. cit., p. 109.
215
M. Abdu Sammad, op. cit., p.134.
216
Al-Irshad (monthly), Vol. 1, No:1, 1st 1923.
227
spread the message of reformist ideology in Malabar. It was through this
journal that many fatwas of K.M. Moulavi, related to religious issues reached
the general public. Al-Irshad relentlessly fought against the un-Islamic
practices like Kodikuthu nercha, Ratib etc., with the firm conviction that these
were against the spirit of Islam. This naturally invited the wrath of the
conservative wing and they resorted to an anti-Al-Irshad propaganda
depicting the journal as 'anti-Islamic' and hence, it was stopped publishing
after a span of 18 months. In 1925 Aikya Sangam started another journal
from Eriyad itself called Al-Islah (AM) with E. Moidu Moulavi as the editor.
Though 23 issues alone were brought out, the journal published many
scholarly articles on Islam and current developments in Islamic world and the
Fatwas of K.M. Moulavi. Though short lived, both the journals exerted a
tremendous impact upon the Muslims of Malabar. 'The question and answer'
column handled by K.M. Moulavi (1886-1964) was the most notable item in
the Al-Islah. Behind the growth of reformist ideology in Kerala, both these
journals were instrumental.
Another journalistic venture of the reformists was the publication of

Al-Murshid, a journal in Arabi-Malayalam from Tirurangadi in 1935. 217 It
was through this journal of KJU, that the leading Muslim writers like T.K.
Mohammad, E.K. Moulavi, MCC Abdurahiman, M.C.C. Hassan Moulavi,
P.V. Mohammad Moulavi, C.N. Ahmed Moulavi, P. Mohammed Salih
Moulavi (Valapattanam) and Saeed Moulavi (Wandoor) emerged in Malabar.
Leading scholars of reformist group were the columnists of Al-Murshid. For
eg; M.C.C. Abdurahiman dealt with the translation of Al-Bukhari, the Hadith
collection; M.C.C. Ahamad engaged the columns, ‘Awwalul Muslimum’ and
‘Atharaveeh’. K.M. Moulavi's column ‘why did the Muslims decline?’ was a
217
Abu Majida, op.cit., p.106.
228
translation of Shakib Arislan's Arabic work 'Lima Tahkarul Muslim' 218 K.M.
Moulavi wrote a regular column on 'Haj' and 'Namoz'.
In its July issue of 1938, Al-Murshid published an article titled

Pattiniyum, Pariharavum (Poverty and Remedy), which tried to lay bare the
arguments of the socialists about social progress and to prove that Islam was
the only remedy to the problem of poverty. It says, "India is filled with the
poor ... The socialists who have sprang up in our country now hold the view
that the destruction of capitalism is the remedy to poverty. We can't
understand this logic that the demise of capitalism will resolve poverty. Islam
has put forward a definite programme to resolve this problem. It is Zakath'.219
Other important regular columns in Al-Murshid were 'Quran and non-

Muslims and 'Qutuba Reform' by U.N. Moulavi. These columns triggered of
a controversy in Malabar and were countered in the publications of the
orthodox Ulemas in Malabar. Another contentious column by C.A.Muhamad
Moulavi in Al-Murshid was Ihyaussunnah, which exposed the innvoations in
Ibadaths (religious rituals).220 Similarly, the translation of Tuhfathul
Mujahideen of Sheik Zainudhin by K. Moosakutty Moulavi was published
through Al-Murshid. M.C.C. Abdurahiman wrote 'Khatimunabiyun' in
Al-Murshid exposing the hollowness of the arguments of Ahmadiyas.221 Thus
Al-Murshid functioned well for four years (1935-1939) and later in 1949 its
publication was renewed with K.M. Moulavi as editor but only to live for one
year. It was during its second tenure that A.K. Abdul Latheef Moulavi, K.K.
Jamaludeen Moulavi and K. Ummar Moulavi came to limelight as columnists
within the theological sphere of Malabar. A series of Fatwas of K.M.
Moulavi related to Tawassul Isthigaza quoting Ibaraths (evidences) from
218
Ibid., p. 173.
219
Al-Murshid, July 1938.
220
Al-Murshid, July 1938.
221
K.K.M Kareem, Note no: 92, op.cit., p. 175.
229
Quran and Hadith in Al Murshid (Book No.2 to Book No.9) threatened the
very foundation of the Muslim orthodoxy in Malabar.222
'Al-Itihad', started in 1954 under the editorship of E.K. Moulavi from

Tirurangadi, in Arabi-Malayalam, was another journal of the reformists group
in Malabar. It survived for about three years and the most significant column
was the 'History of Islahi movement in Kerala' by the editor himself, which
analysed the history of reform movement in Kerala from 1922 to that of 12 th
Annual conference of Aikya Sangam in Kannur in 1934.
Journals for the cause of women
In 1925, P.K. Moosakutty Sahib started a journal for women Muslim

Mahila from Cochin. This journal contained valuable articles related to the
position of Muslim women in Kerala. In an article in 'Muslim Mahila' titled
'our women' K. Mohamed writes, 'the condition of Muslim women is
deplorable. They get neither religious education nor temporal education.
Cooking and gossip are their pastimes. Though they can read Quran, they
don't know anything about the belief system and the ritual aspect of Islam. So
they are unable to educate their children properly. Thus lack of education
among women is the prominent cause of the decline of the community'. 223
In 1946, another Muslim women's magaizne called Muslim Vanitha

was started by a Muslim woman, Haleema Beevi of Tiruvalla 224 and this
journal was a catalyst in enlightening the Muslim women in Kerala. It
published many articles quoting verses from Quran and Hadith arguing for
the freedom of women. In 1947, she began to edit 'Bharatha Chandrika'
which was a mouthpiece of Muslim League in South Kerala.
222
Ibid., p. 193.
223
Muslim Mahila, January 1927, Cochin, p.4.
224
P.M. Sadik Moulavi, (ed.), "Kerala Muslimgalude Sahithya Shramam", Al-
Farook, Issue 9, 15th September 1957.
230
In 1929, K.C. Komukutty Moulavi, the nationalist Muslim leader
started a Muslim women's journal Nisaul Islam from Calicut. It lasted for
about two years.225 It did yeoman service in the realm of reform and uplift of
women within the Muslim community. The column of K.C. Komukutty
Moulavi regarding the commentary on Surath ul Aswar of Quran in the
journal captivated the attention of Muslim scholars. 226 He also translated and
published the historical narrative of Moulana Abdul Haleem through the
issues of Nisaul Islam.
Journals of the Traditional Ulemas
When the reformist Mujahids were making steady progress in print

areas, the traditionalist Sunnis also stepped in to this domain. The founder of
Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulema, A.P. Ahmad Musliyar started a Journal
from Calicut named Al-Bayan.227 This official organ of the SKJU could not
survive long and it ceased to exist after five issues. From 1950 onwards, it
was published from Parapangadi and lasted for about ten years. Moulavi
Abdul Bari, Paravanna Moideen kutty Musliyar, Kaderi Mohammed Moulavi
etc were prominent editors of Al-Bayan. Al-Bayan always tried to counter the
arguments of the reformists and it utilized every opportunity to score over the
reformists. In an article aimed at the reformists, Al-Bayan says:
'The Wahabis (reformists) are the organization of those who blackened

the beautiful face of Islam by composing a dirty book 'Risalathul fil Banki'
and started a Muslim bank, undermining the injections of Quran and Hadith
about interest. Everybody knows that 'Al-Ithihad' is an organ, which strives
hard to propagate the message of Wahabis'.228 This was the tone and tenure of
225
Ravindran Elamkode (ed.),K.C. Komukutty Smaranika (Mal),Calicut, 1998, p. 11.
226
Ibid.,
227
Abu Majida, op. cit., p.107.
228
Al-Bayan (AM), Issue 5, February, 1955.
231
Al-Bayan. In 1950's there was a heated debate between Al-Bayan and Al-
Ithihad on various religious issues. 'Hidayathul Muhmineen' was another
monthly started by traditional Sunni Ulemas in 1950 from Calicut. In the
editorial of the first issue, the agenda of the journal was clearly stated thus:
'All who adhere to Ahlusunnathwal Jamath agree that something is to

be done to check the activities of those who propagate among ordinary people
that the rituals and Tawafsul Isthigaza, which Muslims have been practising
for about 1300 years, are anti-Islamic. It is with that purpose that this
magazine has been started'.229 In the same issue, K.M. Mohammad Koya's
article 'Why did the Muslim community decline?,’ tells that the reformists and
their study classes, sermons and educational institutions are the real cause
behind the decline'.230 It concludes that the Mujahids are responsible for the
conversion of Unnian to Hinduism.231 In the November issue of 1951,
Hidayathul Muslimeen contained an article titled 'From Socialism to Atheism'
which examined the dangers of communism. 232 Another journal of Sunnis
was 'Al-burhan' (A.M) started in 1960 by K.V. Mohammed Musliyar from
Parappangadi, which lasted for only one year. In 1926 itself, P. Hussain
Moulavi, the founder secretary of SKJU had started Malabari from Calicut to
give vent the views of his organization. Later he shifted it to Tanur where it
become a daily but could not survive long. During the last phase of his life, he
became a supporter of Mujahid Movement and revived the 'Malabari' in 1953
from A.R. Nagar.233
Other Muslim Journals
229
Hydayathul Muslimin (A.M), Book 1-Issue 1st October 1950.
230
Hidayathul Muslimin (AM), Book 1 -Issue 1st October 1950, p.11.
231
Unnian, a member of Kilimannil family of Malappuram, who converted to
Hinduism in 1948, was killed by the Mappilas.
232
Hidayathul Muslimin (AM), Book 1- Issue 1 Nov. 1951.
233
Abu-Majida, op.cit., Prabhodanam p.110.
232
In 1925 K. Mohammed of Chennamangalur started Yuvalokam from
Calicut and in 1926 this was taken up by K.C. Komukutty Moulavi and it
survived for about nine years. Prominent writers of this weekly were
Vakkom Kader Moulavi, E.K. Moulavi, K. Muhamadali, K.M. Seethi Sahib,
A. Mohamed Kannu etc.234 The journal was committed to Nationalism and
Islamic renaissance. Many articles from Arabic and Urdu journals were
published in it.
In 1930, Imbichi Mohamed started a monthly from Calicut called

Muslim Shakari, which could not survive long. In the same name a monthly
was started by P.M. Ismail from Kodungallur also. O. Mahinali, the leader of
Malabar Muslim League, started two journals from Tellichery
Yuvajanamitram in 1929 and 'Yuvakesari' in 1934, but both of them had a
premature death. In 1945, he started 'Mujahid' to propagate the message of
Muslim League but due to lack of support, he withdrew his journal. 'Bharata
Chandrika' from Tiruvalla during 1945-48 was another journal, which
supported the cause of Muslim League.
With missionary intention, P.M. Abdul Kader Moulavi started Ishath, a

monthly from Alleppey in 1930. It had subscribers in Malasia and Ceylone
and was managed by Kerala Muslim Ishaath Sangam, an organisation formed
for religious propagation. Another journal started in 1924 with a missionary
zeal was Shamsul Islam from Karunagapalli with Badarudhin as editor.235 This
monthly, which lasted for about seven years, was popular in Cochin and
Malabar. It was in this journal that the articles of Moulana Moudidi were first
published in Malayalam.236
234
Ravindran Elamkode, op.cit., p.11.
235
Prabodhanam, special issue, p.110.
236
Abu-Majida, op.cit., p.111.
233
'Mappila Review' was another journal started in 1940 from Calicut by
K. Mohamed Sahib, the DEO of Malabar during the British period. It
published articles on religion, history socio-cultural issues, science and short
stories. An attractive column in this journal was the letters of K. Mohamed
from England, the first Malabar Muslim to study in England. Felicitating the
magazine, Uloor S. Parameswar Iyer, prominent poet of Malayalam wrote, 'I
am happy that it is with the intention of educating the Malayalis about the real
message of Islam and thereby to develop friendship and mutual understanding
between different communities that you have started this journal'. 237 Until
1946, the journal functioned well creating a literary proclivity among the
Mappilas of Malabar.
In 1942, 'Mithram' with N. Bappu as editor was started from

Malappuram but could not last beyond two years. In 1943, K. Aboobacker
published Pourashakti, a daily from Calicut with the financial assistance of
Koyappathodi family of Vazhakkad and continued up to 1948.
Chandrika, a weekly from Tellichery started on 24 th March 1932, was

another notable journal of the Malabar Muslims. C.P. Mammukeyi, M.P.
Moosa Sahib, A.K. Kunhi Mayin Sahib, K.M. Seethi, Abdul Sathar Sait were
stalwarts behind the journal.238 In 1945, it was shifted to Calicut and began to
be published as a daily. It was the official organ of Muslim League in
Malabar and played a crucial role in educating the Mappilas of Malabar in
political sphere and drawing them towards a communitarian political
philosophy in Malabar.
About the role of Chandrika, P.M. Sadik Moulavi, the editor of Al-
Farook wrote in 1957 that, 'it is the mouthpiece of Muslim community. There
may be differences of opinion; still, it is of the community. Nobody will
237
Mappila Review, Book 1, Issue 1, May 1941.
238
234
desert his own children on account of handicaps. So one has to forgive and
bear the pitfalls of Chandrika'.239 A Jamathe Islami sympathiser like Sadik
Moulavi had realized the importance of the existence of a communitarian
daily and until 1980's it remained as the only Muslim daily in Kerala.
Besides these journals, umpteen Muslim publications were there which

could not survive for even one year and some of them died with a single issue
itself.240
Conclusion
It would be pertinent here to outline some of the broad conclusions,

which follow from the above exhaustive survey of print culture of Mappilas
of Malabar. As pointed out by Francis Robinson, print irreversibly
undermined the authority of rural ulemas who were traditionally the sole
custodians of Islamic knowledge and its transmission through dars and
religious sermons. Now any Ahmad, Mohmud or Muhamed could claim to
speak increasingly for Islam.241 Even the layman got access to the scriptural
world of Islam. Printing destroyed localized understanding and reception of
texts and created broad audience. Though this democratisation of theology
was disliked by traditionalists, they too fully realized the importance of print
media to defend their views. Thus, print media became an arena where
various groups, the traditional Sunnis, the reformist Mujahids, Jamathe
Islami, Ahmadiyas and various subsects clashed, in order to advance their
interests. This resulted in the percolation of religious ideas and awareness
among the common folk. Much of the polemical debates that took place
between these rival groups were facilitated by the print media and these
controversies had serious implications for the Muslim identity in Malabar.
239
Al-Farook, 15th September 1957, pp.3-5.
240
A detailed list of the Muslim journals have been given in the Appendix X.
241
Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of
Print", Modern Asian Studies, 1993, 27, 1, p.245.
235
Though debates and controversies had always existed within Malabar Islam
even prior to print technology, print accelerated the process of Islamisation in
Malabar. Thus, though print is considered to be a product of modernity, it can
be at the service of everything that is not modern. As Eisenstein opined, 'the
impact of printing on western scriptural faiths points in two quite opposite
directions, towards 'Erasmian' trends and ultimately higher criticism and
modernism and towards more rigid orthodoxy culminating in literal
fundamentalism and Bible Belts'.242
Print also contributed to the strengthening of exclusiveness of the

Muslims in Malabar. The large production of literary works grounded in
Islam provided them a separate identity. In other words it strengthened the
frontiers separating them from others. The anti-Muslim missionary
propaganda, the fear of degeneration in Muslim society, all resulted in an
increased awareness of the Muslims of their identity and led them to defend it
from threat. A tendency noticeable in Muslim writings was to glorify the
Islamic achievements in the past and inviting fellow Muslims to rise and
prosper on that line. Advice on how to be a proper Muslim in every way was
the favorite topic of the articles published in Muslim journals.
The biographical notes in these journals about great personalities of

Islam were an attempt to present the past as an ideal to create an emotional
hankering in readers for bygone days. A new focus on the person of prophet
could also be noticed. The writers looked back to remote past to the primal
sanctity and glory of early Muslim life, in order to purify the Muslims of their
un-Islamic customs and practices. They held the view that unless Muslim
religious ideas of the day could be freed from superstitious accretions,
Mappila community would not progress. With this in view, at times, certain
242
Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The printing press as an Agent of change:
Communication and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, Vol.I,
Cambridge, 1979, pp.366-67.
236
writers, ignoring the rigid observance to the fundamentals of Islam, prescribed
some adjustment and accommodation with contemporary demands. Scholars
now searched with increasing vigour into the resources of both Islamic
tradition as well as western civilization, to find answers to contemporary
challenges. Risalathun-fil- Banki of K.M. Moulavi legitimizing modern
banking system was an attempt in this regard. 243 The print also created a
Muslim public sphere in favour of the improved condition of Muslim women.
Issues like polygamy, divorce, law of inheritance, kathukuthu (ear piercing),
dowry etc were taken up by Muslim literati during the period.
Another area, where a rational trend could be identified in print media,

was the non-religious approach to education. Besides an increased interest in
general education, there were efforts to introduce secular subjects and non-
Islamic languages in Madrasas, in the belief that a combination of both
modes of education would enlighten Muslim mind to accept change for
betterment of society. Right from Makti Tangal's period, we come across
exhortations in print media to empower the community through education,
both secular and religious. The Malayalam generally spoken by Mappilas
itself underwent drastic changes. It is in Jamathe Islami literature we come
across chaste Malayalam for the first time and through this literature new
terminologies like 'Islamic movement', 'Islamic revolution', 'Islam
brotherhood', 'Islam and political philosophy' etc emerged in the religious
discourse of Malabar Islam and Muslim literati began to ponder over these
new terms.244 Thus print, 'as an innovative technology became an agent of
change'245 in Malabar Muslim Society.
243
See, K.M. Moulavi, Risalathun-fil-Banki (AM), Muhiyudhin Press, Eriyad, 1929.
244
K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., 146.
245
Robert Danton, The Forebidden Best sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France,
Harpercollins, London, 1997, pp. XVI-XXIII.
237
To sum up, print contributed to a range of major developments in
Malabar Islam, the emergence of scriptural Islam as against syncretic Islam,
the strengthening of pan-Islamic layer in the Muslim sense of identity, the
levelling of an assault on the Ulema as the sole interpreters of Islam, the
opening of the way towards a new understanding of Islam such as those of
reformists and traditionalists. In short, print media revolutionized religious
understanding among the Muslims of Malabar and contributed much for
forging community solidarity among them.
238

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Chapter IV

PRINT AND THE IMAGINED COMMUNITY

Historians have frequently noted the importance of print technology in

Print brought about a revolution in the transmission of knowledge. It

It was the Christian missionaries who introduced printing press in India

The first printing press (Arabi-Malayalam) was established in 1867

Once the printing technology became familiar to Mappilas,

A survey of the entire gamut of printed works – Arabi-Malayalam

Though the Mappila literary tradition could be traced back to early 17 th

Kozhikotte thura thannil pirannovar.

From the beginning of 17th century, a new type of poetical composition

Arabic, being the language of Quran, gained popularity wherever

Early Works in Arabi-Malayalam

Around 6000 works have been composed in Arabi-Malayalam dialect.

The earliest printed works in Arabi- Malayalam belong to the genre

Contextually, it is to be noted that, when the British rulers denied

Prominent among these malas, in terms of popularity, were

Another genre of Mappila literature was the philosophical works,

Safala Mala of Kulangara Veetil Moidu Musaliyar (died. 1920)

War Songs or Padapattus

War songs constitute a major category of Mappila ballads. About a

Through the narration of important chapters in early Islam, Vydiar and

Other war songs of Vydyar were Salasil Kissapattu, Elippada (an

Mappila Hagiographic works were called Madhupattus or Kissapattus

The most prominent Madhu is Nool Madhu of Kunjayan Musliyar

The early novels printed in Malabar were translations from Persian.

Didactic Novels in Arabi-Malayalam

Novels were also published in Arabi-Malayalam with the intention to

Another branch of knowledge to which Mappilas contributed much

One of the far-reaching effects of print was the more or less

Debates reflected in Print media

Print provided an additional fillip to the ongoing debates that ravaged

Reformist versus Traditionalists

Following Eisenstein's observation that print contributed heavily for

Regarding the direction of Mosque, a serious debate had occurred in

Even prior to the emergence of the Reform Movement in the 1920's,

When Issudhin Moulavi wrote a pamphlet Muslianmarude Pallakkadi

In 1925, Abdullakutty Musaliyar of Ponnani wrote 'Ehlan', despising

When Ibn Husan, a Qadiyani scholar from Kannur wrote Tuhfathul

K.M. Moulavi's Al Wilayathu Wal Karamathu, (Tirurangadi, 1948)

The Satya Vivechanam published by P.T Mohamadali (Janmabhoomi

Popular poets also were involved in this polemical debate through

It is the light of Muslims

As per the advice of semi-literate Alims

The ignorant idiots worship at tombs

Islam cannot be established thus 106

Mundampra Unni Mammad (1868-1930) of Areekode wrote Kodikettamala

Another poet, N. Kunhikammu master (d.1958) of Kondotty wrote two

Print, because of its inherent capacity to stock and diffuse information,

History or the past was used by Mappila writers as a resource for

Very often, Mappila scholars wrote history in the form of poetry,

Tuhfathul Mujahideen of Zaik Zainudhin and Fathul Mubeen of Qazi

Malappuram padapattu of Moyinkutty Vaidyar written in 1885 is a

Keralacharithram pattu (Song of Kerala History) of Pulikottil Hydru

Ibrahim Moulavi of Pulikkal (d.1951) wrote Malabar Charithram

Vallanchira Khunhamad (1842-1906) of Manjeri wrote 'Akbarul Hind'

Thus, history as a mode of organizing community-memory was not

Print and Anti-Christian Discourse

The fear among Muslims in the context of Christian missionary