Royal Irish Academy Proceedings of The Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature

Notes on the Distribution, History, Grammar, and Import of the Irish Ogham Inscriptions
Author(s): John MacNeill

Source: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies,
History, Linguistics, Literature, Vol. 27 (1908/1909), pp. 329-370
Published by: Royal Irish Academy
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25502768
Accessed: 28-06-2016 03:05 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Royal Irish Academy is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History,
Linguistics, Literature
This content downloaded from 131.247.112.3 on Tue, 28 Jun 2016 03:05:36 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
[ 329 ]
XV.
NOTES ON THE DISTRIBUTION, HISTORY, GRAMMAR, AND
IMPORT OF THE IRISH OGHAM INSCRIPTIONS.
By JOHN MACNEILL.
Bead Apkil 26 ; Ordered for Publication April 28 ; Published JvtY 24, 1900.
CONTENTS.
I. Geographical Distribution, . . 329 VI. Examples Classified and Discussed :?
A. Relations of Ogham and mb.
II. Non-Christian Character, . .331
Orthography and "Word-for
III. Orthography.334 mation, .... 344
B. Declensions, .... 354
IV. Accidence, . . . 342 C. Exceptional Cases and Forms, 361
V. Syntax,.344 D. Customary Terms and Formul?e, 365
Note.?Ogham words are printed in clarendon type, thus : mucoi. The accompanying numbers
are those in Macalister's collection. " J " with year refers to the annual volumes of the Journal of
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. "Holder" denotes his Altkeltischer Sprachschatz
(where words cited are in dictionary order). " L. Arm." ? Book of Armagh, Hogan's Glossary.
" Onomasticon " Goedelicum, by Rev. E. Hogan, s.jr., about to be published by the Royal Irish
Academy. In many instances, I have not found it possible to insert references to Irish texts and
MSS.
The publication of Mr. E. A. Stewart Macalister's Studies in Irish Epigraphy

(vol. i, 1897, vol. ii, 1902, vol. iii, 1907), containing his own and previous
readings of about five-sixths of the Ogham inscriptions known to exist in
Ireland, has rendered it not only possible but imperative that systematic
study should be brought to bear upon this material. A considerable number
of Irish inscriptions not as yet dealt with by Macalister, but subjected to
revision by the late Eev. Edmond Barry, M.R.I.A., and Sir John Bhys, will
be found in the volumes of the Journal of the Eoyal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland for the last twenty years. The records of Ogham inscriptions in
Great Britain appear to be scattered in a number of publications, and the
time at my disposal has not been sufficient to trace them up. The following
paper is an initial effort to analyse and interpret the available facts.
I.?GEOGKAPHICAL DISTEIBUTION.
Ogham inscriptions have been found only in Ireland, the Jsle of Man,
Scotland, Wales, and the south-west of England. More than five-sixths of
B. I. A. PBOC, VOL. XXVII., SECT. C. [49]
330 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
the known inscriptions have been found in Ireland. The total number of
known inscriptions appears to be about 360.
Of the Irish inscriptions, numbering about 300, five-sixths have been
found in the counties of Kerry, Cork, and Waterford.
Kerry has about 120, or one-third of the total. Of these more than
60 are congregated in the small and mountainous barony of Corcaguiny, the
western extremity of Ireland, and more than 20 in the adjoining barony of
North Dunkerron.
Cork county has about 80, of which more than 20 are found in the
barony of East Muskerry.
Waterford county has about 40, and of these three-fourths are in the
barony of Decies-without-Drum.
Thus more than one-third of the known Irish oghams have been found
in four baronies.
A small number are found in Ossory and East Meath. Throughout the
rest of Ireland, instances are only sporadic. None are known in the
counties of Donegal, Down, Galway, Sligo, Longford, Westmeath, and
Queen's County.
Scotland has 1 in the island of Gigha in the Southern Hebrides, and
15 in Pictland, the north-eastern region, including Orkney and Shetland;
none in the West Highlands, the Northern Hebrides, Argyll, or the
Lowlands.
The Isle of Man has 6.
Wales has about 26, of which 13 are in Pembrokeshire, 12 in the
remainder of South Wales, only 1 in North Wales.
In Devon and Cornwall there are 5 ; in Hampshire 1, on the site of the
Roman town of Calleva, now Silchester ; in the rest of England none.1
None have been found on the Continent, but at Biere in Saxony there
are stone tablets bearing unintelligible syllables traced in Ogham characters,
possibly the work of some wandering Gael who knew just a little of the
craft.
All the inscriptions that have been deciphered and interpreted belong to
the same language?an early form of Irish?except a few in North-eastern
Scotland, which are said to be in the Pictish language.
The distribution of the inscriptions clearly corresponds to the region of
Gaelic, or, as it was then called, Scottic, influence in the period that followed
the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain. The frequency of
oghams in South Munster and Pembrokeshire, and their rare yet very wide
1 The British figures are those given by Rhys, J, 1902, p. 1.
MacNeill?Notes on Irish Ogham Inscriptions. 331
distribution outside of these areas, manifestly indicate an arrested custom or
cult. This was not the custom of Ogham writing, which may have been
widespread among the pagan Irish, but the custom of Ogham inscriptions
on stone monuments commemorative of the dead.
Two hypotheses may be regarded. Either the epigraphic cult was
widespread in its early period, and died out rapidly except in the districts
in which oghams are now numerous ; or the cult originated in these districts
and became general in them, but had not time to become general elsewhere
before the causes came into operation which brought about its abandonment.
The latter hypothesis is the more satisfactory. If we suppose a widespread
custom at an early stage, we must expect to find the early linguistic forms
characterizing the scattered inscriptions, and the late forms chiefly in the
areas of frequency, i.e. of persistence. This is not the case. Both early and
late forms are found promiscuously throughout the whole Irish region.
I cannot speak for the British oghams, the records of which are scattered in
a great variety of publications covering half a century.
IL?NON-CHEISTIAN CHAEACTEK.
The arresting causes, it can hardly be doubted, were the spread of

Christianity and the concomitant spread of Latin learning and the Latin
alphabet. The use of Latin letters is not in itself sufficient to explain the
discontinuance of Ogham epigraphy. The Ogham inscriptions were not
replaced, at all events in Ireland, by literal inscriptions. The Ogham in
scriptions seem to commemorate men of the world. The literal inscriptions of
ancient Ireland commemorate chiefly ecclesiastics. There are few inscriptions
in Eoman or Irish-Eoman characters in memory of kings, princes, nobles,
warriors, or poets. Literal inscriptions did not take the place of the
numerous oghams of Corcaguiny, Muskerry, and the D?si. The ancient
cult was abandoned, not altered.
The bulk of the Ogham inscriptions may perhaps be ascribed to the fifth
and sixth centuries ; and I think the cult must have chiefly flourished in the
fifth century. The latest word-forms and inflexions are as old as the oldest
in MS. Irish, and the words which, according to the Ogham orthography, are
the direct equivalent of Old-Irish forms are comparatively few in number.
The characteristic Christian nomenclature and vocabulary of ancient Ireland
are absent from all but half a dozen at the most of the known inscriptions.
Th? word qrimitir, 0. I. cruimther, borrowed through Cymric from the Latin
presbyter, occurs once. Ehys, by reading an ogham backwards, has found the
Latin word Sangti (Sancti), but the final vowel, which should be i; is u in
[49*]
Macalister's reading, and the accompanying names do not admit of identifi

cation. The name Coim?n or Columbanus, which is undoubtedly Christian
in origin, occurs twice ; but both Columb and Colman were very frequent
names even before the time of St, Columba. The names Mariani and Sagittari,
which occur, are Latin words, but it is by no means certain that they are
not also Celtic words. These are the only traces of Christianity that I have
been able to find in nearly 300 inscriptions. No known Ogham inscription
contains anything expressive of Christian religious sentiment. It seems
therefore probable that Ogham epigraphy, while it lasted, remained in pagan
hands. Two only of the known oghams contain names belonging to the
historical record. One of these is the Breastagh ogham (47), commemorating
Eolaing (gen. Iulenge) son of Coirpre son of Amolngaid. As this ogham
stands in Tirawley (Tir Amolngad?), Eolaing was presumably grandson of
the king from whom that territory was named, Amolngaid king of Connacht,
who died between 440 and 450. His son Coirpre, according to the genealogies
(BB 107?l5), was ancestor of St. Tigern?n.1 In the pedigrees of saints
(BB 217?329) St. Tigern?n is descended from another Coirpre, son of another
Amolngaid, of the same generation as king Amolngaid, and related to him.
If we add two generations, the death of Eolaing should have occurred early
in the sixth century at latest. The late Ogham form maq occurs twice on
this monument.
No. 44 commemorates " the name of Coim?n Ailither."2 In the saints'
pedigrees in the Leabhar Breac, Coim?n Oilither is son of Grilline son of
Diarmait son of Fergus Cerrbeoil ; and a note is added : " From him is named
Ross Oilithir," i.e. Rosscarbery, Co. Cork. The death of Diarmait occurred
either in 565 or 572 (he was king of Ireland). His grandson's death should
have occurred within the first half of the seventh century. But I cannot
find elsewhere Grilline named among the sons of Diarmait, who was a very
famous ruler ; nor is it clear why St. Coim?n Ailither of Ross should have a
monument in Corcaguiny. Possibly there was more than one "pilgrim
Colman/' I find two saints called Coim?n Imrama, where the epithet has a
similar meaning to Ailither ; but I do not know their dates. The forms in this
ogham are also of the latest.
Though I should hesitate to place the date of any known ogham earlier
than the fifth century, many inscriptions contain forms which may be quite
a century older. There can be no doubt that the recorded forms of early
ms. names reach back to the beginning of the seventh century, the time of
L Whose reliquary, Mias Tigern?in, long preserved in Tirawley, has become the property of a
family named Knox.
2 Anm Colombagan (or Colombaagn) Aliltir, with a deleting score drawn through the last 1.
St. Adamnan's documents. It must have taken at least two centuries for
names like *RM?vzc?s, *L?g?vieas to change through -v?cas, -v?ca, Ritavec,
Luguvec, *Rethvech9 *Lugvech (cf. Menueh - Menvech > *Min?measy Inchagoill
literal inscription), into the Rethach, Lugach, of the early genealogies. The
occurrence of the earlier beside the later Ogham forms proves that the
earlier were preserved by tradition in the schools of Ogham writing.
The successive transformations in every stage (except the stage of the long
unaccented vowel) can be abundantly exemplified from the existing material.
It was not only that Christianity, with its Latin culture, had no use
for the cumbrous Ogham alphabet, or merely shunned a cult which was
of pagan origin, was preserved by pagan experts, and was probably accom
panied by pagan observances. There is evidence of early Christian hostility
to the native learning. An ancient grammarian1 asks, "Why is Irish
called a worldly language ? " and again, " Why is he who reads Irish said
to he unruly (borb) in the sight of God ?" These are clearly traditional dicta
of the Irish Christians. The tradition must be older than MS. Irish, of
which the oldest specimens are devoutly Christian. It must be older
than the seventh century, when Christian hymns were composed in Irish.
It must therefore have reference to a pagan culture, and in particular to
the reading of Irish in the Ogham characters. It is to be observed that
not a scrap, so far as we know, of the traditional knowledge of Ogham
forms, or of knowledge of the Ogham orthography, or of the early lan
guage of the Ogham period, was preserved by MS. writers. They knew
the symbols of the Ogham alphabet, and beyond these apparently nothing.
There is a definite and complete breach between the Ogham and the MS.
tradition. The Ogham tradition, I contend, was pagan to the last, and the
MS. tradition was Christian from the first.
Macalister notes that, where the eponyms of tuatha, introduced by the
term mucoi, originally existed in Kerry Oghams, in one half of the instances
these eponyms have been effaced, while the remainder of the inscription is
left untouched. He rightly concludes that mere accident affords no satis
factory explanation of these facts, A drawing by P?trie, reproduced in the
Journal of the Eoyal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (1891, p. 620),
represents Ko. 25 of Macalister's collection. The eponym and part of the
introductory term mucoi have been removed from the stone ; and it is
quite evident from the drawing that they were removed by violent con
cussion, which detached two large sharply angular segments from the top
of a pillar about 5 feet high. The difference between the fracturing and
iBB315a3.
the natural weathering of the stone is evident. Macalister ascribes such

occurrences to local tribal hostilities. It seems to me that local enmities
would not have so carefully confined their expression to a demonstration
against a remote ancestor. I suggest a different solution.
There is reason to believe that the eponymous ancestors of ancient Irish
tuatha belonged to pagan mythology. Conmac, for instance, ancestor of the
Conmaicne, was son of the god Manann?n. Cian, ancestor of the Cianachta,
was father of the god Lugh. It will not be doubted that ancestors of this
kind, as long as paganism lasted, were objects of worship to those who
claimed to be their descendants. I suggest that the violent defacement of
eponyms was merely an Irish form of idol-breaking. In No. 32 (on which
see also Macalister, vol. ii, p. 8) there is an apparent example of the contrary
process, the engraving of an eponym by itself, which does not belong to the
legend of the monument : [a]nme Dovinia, " the name of Duibne," eponymous
ancestress of Corcu Duibne. Referring to certain remarks of Macalister upon
this monument, I may observe that the occurrence of female names in
genealogies of this kind is no more a proof of matriarchy or polyandry among
the Irish than is the occurrence of names like Demetrius, Athenion, or
Musaeus among the Greeks.
III.?ORTHOGRAPHY.
The orthography of the Ogham inscriptions represents a definite and
consistent system.
The Ogham alphabet is based on the Latin alphabet. The same vowels
are used in both. Nevertheless, the Ogham alphabet is not a mere cipher
of the Latin alphabet. It exhibits original and independent treatment. The
consonants F, P, X, appear to have been rejected from the original code as
unnecessary. Two new consonants, V and NG, were added. The entire
order of the alphabet was changed. The vowels were segregated, and
apparently subclassified. These are not features of a mere cipher alphabet.
It does not appear that the inventors of Ogham writing knew anything of
Latin writing beyond the symbols. Unlike the early British inscriptions in
Roman characters, the Ogham inscriptions do not show any importation of
Latin inflexions, or of Latin words like films, hie iacet, etc. Except a few
obscure inscriptions in the Pictish region of Scotland, all the Ogham
inscriptions, so far as they can be deciphered and interpreted, appear to contain
only forms and terms belonging to the Gaelic branch of the Celtic language
group.
The Latin alphabet which was the basis of the Ogham alphabet was
that of the early classical period. There are no ascertained Ogham equivalents
for the symbols imported into Latin usage to express Greek sounds, or for
Greek letters not represented in the Latin alphabet proper.
The origin of the Ogham alphabet must be placed later than the Roman
conquest of Gaul. Prior to that conquest, the Greek alphabet was in use
among the western Celts of the continent.
The identity of most of the symbols used in Ogham writing was
accurately preserved in Irish MS. tradition, and has been confirmed by
modern study.
It is, however, well ascertained that the third letter of the alphabet was
V at the period of the Ogham inscriptions, not F, as in later MS. tradition.
The change in value arose from the change of initial V to F. This change
did not take place in the body of a word.
The Vita Columbae of Adamnan, written probably about A.D. 700,
regularly has F instead of V as initial letter. But Adamnan tells us that
he drew from documents as well as from oral sources. In one instance he
writes Virgno ( Virgne ?) instead of the contemporary form Fergne.
In MS. tradition the sixth symbol of the Ogham alphabet is H, and the
fourteenth symbol is ST. It can be shown from the Ogham tract in the
Book of Ballymote that ST is merely a late substitute for Z. No
authenticated instance of either the sixth or the fourteenth symbol has
been found in any ancient ogham. With the example of the change of
traditional value in the case of V before us, it would be rash to assume that
either H or Z had a place in the original code. The absence of the two
symbols in recorded usage points rather to two obsolete consonants which
may have made room for H and Z in the later tradition.
Three symbols are found which have given rise to much discussion. They
are different in type from the normal Ogham symbols ; and the difference
suggests that they may have been relatively late additions to the original
series. These are the saltire X, the broad arrow 4\ and the double
chevron x. For the present I omit consideration of the broad arrow,
which I have not noted as occurring in any Irish inscription.
The symbol X is usually engraved athwart the arris. It cannot be
regarded as an exceptional symbol. It occurs much more frequently than
the well-established NG. In Maealister's collection there are four instances
(73, 87, 110, 180) in which X almost necessarily represents a vowel. The
identification of this vowel as E may be accepted.
In the remaining instances noted, twelve or more (excluding one doubtful
case, 113), the thwartwise X is almost certainly a consonant. Rhys assigns
to this symbol the value P. Macalister, however, has clearly shown that
Toicaxi 88, beside Toicaci 89, and Toicac 91, demands the value C. Moreover,
the symbol occurs at least seven times in the particle xoi, xi, of unascertained
meaning ; and it is unlikely to the last degree that any particle with initial P
existed in early Irish. Hence the thwartwise X, used as a consonant, may
safely be regarded as a duplicate form of C.
Macalister has one example (83) of X engraved to the right of the arris.
On the ground that the difference in position indicates a difference in value,
he assigns here the value P, Erpenn. I cannot find anywhere the element
Erp- in Irish nomenclature, but of Ere- the instances are innumerable ; and
therefore I do not hesitate to substitute C for P in this reading also.
Of the double chevron x, Macalister has four instances, 38, 60, 180, 206.
In No. 60, E is practically certain. In 38 and 180, E is hardly doubtful.
The fourth instance remains unidentified, but E is nowise improbable. The
safe course is to follow ascertained fact rather than uncertified theory. The
value E for >< must hold the ground until displaced. In 180, Macalister
reads K,1 because, he supposes, " Corre is an impossible genitive." But Corre
is the late Ogham equivalent of MS. Cuirre, genitive of Corr, a feminine noun
used as a masculine name. Aedan mac Cuirre, BB 882?l2 ; Fuinius mac Bofa
maie Aengusa, da mac lais A. Corr, is uad Sil Cuirre ,i. Hui Aindsin
maic Cuirre 104?'46 ; Cuirre, gen., 104?24, 8, 12; nom. Corr, gen. Corrae>
m?l21, 35.
Hence >< may perhaps be regarded as an effort to differentiate between
the values E and C of the symbol X. Its instances appear to belong to late
inscriptions.
The question arises, Why were duplicate symbols used for E and C ?
With regard to E, I can only suggest that there may have been an effort to
distinguish the two sounds of this vowel (open and close ?) which undoubtedly
existed in the earliest MS. period, parting later on into ? and ia. Perhaps
X - C was borrowed from the Christian symbol J? = Christus. Indeed,
X, ><, = E, in like manner may represent H in the semi-symbolic IHS =
IHSOYS.
Thus the use of an Ogham symbol for P in Ireland has not been
established. The absence of P from early Gaelic phonesis is no modern
discovery. The ancient grammar tract in the Book of Ballymote (326al3)
says :?" There is (or, there was) no P in Irish," ni hi P isin gaedilg. (Ni bi in
this book sometimes stands for ni boi= was not.)
Apart altogether from the age of the forms in use, the orthographical
system of the Ogham inscriptions and the orthographical system of early
manuscript Irish are as distinct and separate as if they belonged to two
Macalister's K is a provisional symbol for some sound akin to C.
unrelated languages. In their characteristic features, each system stand?
entirely uninfluenced by the other. The two systems represent two
quite independent attempts to express the sounds of the Irish language.
This is an historical fact of the greatest importance for the study of early
Irish literature and civilization. The following are the chief distinguishing
features of the two orthographies :?
Ogham Irish. Ms. Irish.
1. There are special symbols for There are no special symbols for
the sounds V and NG. V and NG.
2. The values of consonant sym Consonant symbols vary in value
bols are not varied by their position. according as they are initial or other
wise.
3. A stop-consonant (mute) and Aspirates and stop-consonants are
the corresponding aspirate are repre distinguished in writing.
sented by the same symbol.
4. Doubling of consonants is fre Doubled consonants are used only
quent, but has no phonetic signifi to express distinct phonetic values.
cance.
5. The strong and weak values of The strong values of the liquids
the liquids L, N, R, are not distin are expressed by doubling the sym
guished.
bols.
6. There is no distinction of long A sign of quantity is placed over
and short vowels. long vowels.
7. Palatalization of consonants is Palatalization is expressed regu
never expressed. larly in the case of final consonants,
otherwise casually.
The orthographical system of early MS. Irish is undoubtedly, so far as
Ireland is concerned, of later origin than the system of the Ogham inscriptions.
The origin of Ogham writing was not in historical memory. The invention
of the art was ascribed to the eponymous god Ogme (Ogma), whose name is
identical with that of Ogmios, described by Lucian in the second century as
the god of eloquence among the continental Celts. The oldest Irish
traditions (e.g. in T?in B? C?ailnge) ascribe the use of Ogham writing to
remote pagan times. There is no historical evidence that MS. writing was
used by the Irish before they adopted Christianity. Unlike the Ogham
system, the MS. system shows familiarity with the devices introduced into
Latin writing for the expression of the Greek symbols, 0, $, \> th, ph, ch ;
also with /, h, k, p, x, y, z.
R.I.A. PEOC, VOL. XXVII., SECT. C. [50]
But the most striking and peculiar feature of the MS. system, not found
in the Ogham system, is the regular variation in consonant values
according as the symbols are initial or not initial. In the initial position
the consonants normally preserve the same values as in Latin or in the
Ogham system. When they pass from the initial position, these values are
consistently changed:
1. To express the tenuis, the symbol is doubled, mace, cepp, lott.
2. To express the media, the tenuis is used, ?ac, opair, fota ; sometimes
the doubled media, abb (= Latin abbas), Coirbbre, ardd.
3. To express the aspirate tenuis, h is added, Ioseph, cath, ech.
4. To express the aspirate media, the simple media is used, dub} ug, fid.
(Ms. usage here coincides with Ogham usage, which makes no distinction
between stops and aspirates of any class.)
Whence did this apparently conventional treatment of the consonants
originate ? With regard to ph, th, ch, they were evidently borrowed from
the Latin devices for the representation of Greek sounds. The other con
ventions are not of Latin origin. They can only have arisen in one way,
like the vowel values in modern English, through changes in pronunciation.
These changes in pronunciation did not occur in Ireland, Original c in
Ireland became ch, not g, in internal position. The Celtic adjective ending
?cos becomes -ach in the earliest mss. But in Welsh, this ending has become
-awg, -og?that is to say, the Brythonic consonant has undergone precisely
the change which corresponds to the conventional value of the symbol in
early Irish mss. It is true that in early Welsh MSS. the change in
pronunciation is not noted, and the symbol c is retained, just as in modern
English we still write " ace " as Shakespeare wrote it, but we pronounce it
" ?ss " ; Shakespeare pronounced it " ass."
Christianity and Christian learning were introduced into Ireland mainly
by Britons, and an intimate intercourse between the Christians of Ireland
and Britain was kept up for several centuries. But the written language
which the British missionaries introduced into Ireland was Latin, not
Cymric. It cannot be maintained that the early Christian writers of Ireland
used distinct values for their consonants according as they wrote in Latin,
their staple literary language, or in Irish, which they gradually introduced
into MS. usage. Hence the orthographical conventions of early Irish mss.
reflect the early Irish pronunciation of Latin. This pronunciation of Latin
they adopted from their British teachers. Latin during the Eoman rule
became a second language to the Britons, and its pronunciation, being
domesticated, followed the changes in pronunciation of the native language.
In fine, the consonant-system in early Irish mss. was based on a modified
British pronunciation of Latin.
This pronunciation never exerted the slightest influence on Ogham
orthography. Thus there were two separate streams of literary culture in
early Ireland, and as one of these was Christian, the other was pagan. Only
the clearest and broadest social demarcation could have kept these two
streams from intermingling to some appreciable extent. I hold, therefore,
that the custom of Ogham epigraphy was a pagan custom while it lasted.
There is one name which occurs five times in Irish Ogham inscriptions,
and twice in British Latin inscriptions, and, by good fortune, the consonant
framework of this name is such as to illustrate with minuteness the chief
distinctive features between the Irish Ogham values and the British Latin
values of the symbols, or rather the distinct devices employed by the Irish
Oghamist and the British Latinist to express the same consonant sounds.
Ogham.
16. Maqi-Decceda maqi Glasiconas.

36. Maqqi-Decedda maqi Catuvi . . .
51. Maqi-Ddecceda maqi Marin.
94. Maqi-Deceda maqi ...
135. Maqi-Decceddas avi Turanias.
Latin.
Sarinifili Maccodecheti
(Buckland Monachorum, Devon).
Hie tacit Maccudec\c]ett
(Penrhos Lligwy, Anglesea).
The name common to these seven inscriptions is found also in Irish genea
logies in the modern form MacLeichead1 This name means "son of Deiche,"
but clearly (see nos. 16,36,51 ) not in the ordinary or natural sense. Deiche was
a mythological personage, from whom were named Loch D?chet, Sliab D?chet,
Glenn D?chet. From him the tuath called Fir Maige F?ne was also called
Fir D?chet. The name is a consonant-stem, Leiche < *I)ecens, gen. Rechet,
modern Deichead, ogham Decedas < *Decentos. An early Brythonic form or
derivative may be represented in Decantae, arx Demntorum.
1 Ui Maic Deichead, a sub-sept of Vi Luchtai, who were a main sept of the Ciarraighe (BB 159a).
Mac Teched of the sept Ui Torna (cf. no. 135, above) is named a little further on.
[50*j
Comparing the Ogham and Latin spellings of the name, it will be seen
that :
1. In the oghams, the consonants are written single or double, apparently
at random.
2. The tenuis q of maqi is represented by the double tenuis cc in the
Latin spelling.
3. The aspirate eh is represented by c and cc in the oghams, by eh in the
Buckland inscription. In the second Latin inscription, the letters here seem
to be doubtful.
4. The media d in the final syllable of the Ogham form becomes t in the
Latin spelling.
5. The aspirate d following Maqi is represented by d, dd, in the oghams.
The treatment of this consonant in the Latin inscriptions is not altogether
certain. Apparently the name-form Maqa(s) Dechedas was regarded as
un-Latinlike,and was altered into the single word Maccodechetas, which presented
the usual ending of an Irish ?-stem, and was then declined as a Latin o-stem,
Since cl and t in the latinized form must stand for different values, d can only
represent the aspirate, for t has been shown to represent the stopped media.
The aspirate value would have become familiar in the genitive, dative, and
vocative usage. Possibly, however, the Latinist may have treated the
consonant as initial, as it is in the Irish name. In this position, d can
denote either the stop or the aspirate.
The consonants of the British Latin spelling are precisely those of the
Irish early MS. spelling, nom. Mace Rechet, gen. Maicc Rechet. The treatment
of the consonants here and their treatment in the Oghams exhibit the main
distinctive features of the two orthographical systems. The a priori argument
as to the origin of the peculiar consonant-usage in early Irish mss. is thus
strongly corroborated.
I have regarded Maccitdec[c]eti of the Auglesea inscription as a genitive,
though the Latin construction demands a nominative. In fact, hie iacet is
employed either as a noun or as an extra-syntactical phrase, the equivalent
of anm or of xoi in the Ogham inscriptions. The same construction occurs
in other inscriptions, e.g. at Llandysilio, Pembrokeshire, Evolenggifili Litogeni
hie iacit.
Doubling of consonants in Ogham spelling has no phonetic significance.
It does not denote aspiration or the absence of aspiration. It has no con
nexion with vowel quantity or with vocalic influence. Many examples like
Decedas could be adduced to prove that the same consonant without change
of value may be expressed either by a single or a double symbol. In short,
we have here to deal with a mere fashion in orthography.
Such a fashion cannot be assumed to be purely capricious. The labour
involved in carving the Ogham symbol, let us say for N, which contains five
scores, twice, where once would have served the purpose, renders such an
assumption untenable. The fashion must have had a purpose in its origin.
The most likely purpose was to make a parade of learning in the form of
archaism. This motive is prominent in nearly every period of Irish MS.
literature.
If, then, double consonants in Ogham writing exhibit the archaistic
motive, which is abundantly evidenced in other features, it must follow that
duplication had a practical purpose in a stage of Ogham writing anterior
to the stage of extant epigraphy. Hence it might be expected that dupli
cation would be found peculiar to certain classes of consonants. I have
made careful statistics of the occurrences of duplication in Macalister's
collection, which covers the entire region of prevalence of Ogham inscrip
tions in Ireland?a region included in the counties of Kerry, Cork, and
Waterford. I find that every consonant symbol in use, except X and ><,
is sometimes duplicated. I have already noted these as probably of late
introduction.
But there is an enormous disproportion in the frequency of duplication
as between one consonant and another. Taking the absolute frequency of
each consonant written singly as 1000, the relative frequency of duplication
for each is as follows :?
T621, D375, V 266, B 200, S and Ng 16.6, C 165, Q 129, L 123,
G115, N91, E76, M 39. Average frequency 165, which is not calculated
on the figures just given, but on the absolute totals of single and double
symbols.
In making the calculation, I did not include initial consonants. These
are very rarely doubled, and their duplication cannot be regarded as
customary. Hence to include the ratio of duplication in initial consonants
would have vitiated the comparison. For the same reason, I have excluded
final S of inflexional desinences.
The immense difference in ratio, from 39 to 621, cannot possibly be
fortuitous. The original purpose of duplication must lie at the bottom of the
difference.
Ng may be excluded. It occurs in all only 7 times, once double.
The question of mechanical difficulty in engraving may be considered.
The most difficult symbols to engrave are those of the M-series, which are
cut obliquely on both sides of the arris. Excluding Ng as too rare, and the
fourth symbol, which does not occur at all, the remaining symbols, M, G, and E,
are three of the four least often duplicated. But then, as between these
symbols, E, requiring five scores, has a ratio of duplication twice greater than
M, requiring one score. In the other two series, T, requiring three scores, is
far more frequently doubled than D, requiring two ; V, with three scores, is
much more often doubled than B, with only one.
In the B-series as a whole, the ratio of duplication is 108, in the H-series
242, in the M-series 86. These figures suggest that duplication was originally
associated for some reason with the H-series.
Aspiration does not appear to have influenced the general custom.
Although the aspirable consonants T and D head the list, C merely reaches
the average, G is far below the average, and M is the least frequently
duplicated of all.
Macalister has observed that duplication is much more frequent in Kerry,
especially in Corcaguiny, than elsewhere. In Corcaguiny, the average index
of frequency of duplication is 280. The indexes of the symbols are :?T 1750,
D 1000, Q 679, B 500, C 310, G177, S 125, Y118, E 97, N 83, L 77, M 0, Ng 0.
Here it is to be noted that all the aspirable consonants except M precede the
unaspirable consonants ; secondly, that all the H-series are above the average,
and no other consonant except B, which, however, occurs in all only six
times, in duplicate twice, Corcaguiny was the chief centre of the Ogham
epigraphic cult ; and its usage is perhaps of more weight than that of other
places.
On the whole, the evidence points to (1) either a phonetic origin of
duplication or (2) an origin connected with the writing of the H-series.
Whatever view may be taken, it seems clear that the practice was older than
the extant oghams, and serves in them no practical purpose.1
IV.?ACCIDENCE.
The accidence of Ogham Irish is almost wholly confined to the declension
of nouns, and mainly to nouns in the genitive singular. There are a few
examples of the nominative singular and of the genitive plural. A number
of forms have been described by Macalister and others as dative singular.
They always occur in the title name of the inscription. The dative in this
position would seem more appropriate to dedications than to memorials of
the dead, and the earliest ms. usage would, I think, require a preposition
before the dative used in this way.
1 I think that probably many early inscriptions on wooden staves were preserved in the
professional schools of Ogham writing, especially in Corcaguiny. It would have attracted notice
that, in these older inscriptions, certain consonants were often phonetically duplicated. Such
spellings would have ceased to express their original values, but would have appealed to the Irish
love of archaism ; and on this motive, I suggest, they were employed in the extant inscriptions, the
usage being extended, but not so frequently, to the other consonants.
The declensions are clearly and consistently observed in the genitive
formation. The following I regard as beyond doubt :?
1. Genitive in -i from masculine o-stems. In late forms, -i disappears,
and since palatalization is not expressed in Ogham orthography, the form
appears to the eye to be uninflected. Largely on this appearance Rhys has
grounded a theory of agglutinative syntax, due, he suggests, to the influence
of a non-Aryan language. He is led to this view also by the occurrence of
the older forms in -i side by side with forms without -i. Macalister adopts
the agglutination theory. It appears, however, unnecessary and untenable.
The apparent absence of inflexion is due to the limitations of the spelling,
and may be paralleled in early MS. Irish by such forms as fir, mil, sil, mis,
where the quality of the final consonant is not defined by the orthography.
The mixture of earlier and later forms applies to all the declensions, and is of
great frequency in Ogham usage.
2. Genitive in -i from masculine ?o-stems, persisting throughout the
Ogham period and in 0.1.
3. Genitive in -ias from a-stems.
4. Genitive in -ias from feminine ?a-stems.
5. Genitive in -ias from (feminine ?) ?-stems.
-ias, from whatsoever stem, becomes -ia and lastly -e, which is the MS.
ending. Sometimes -eas, -ea are used, perhaps through inaccurate archaistic
restoration from -e.
6. Genitive in -as from consonant-stems. The ending becomes later -a,
and finally falls off, leaving desinence in the stem-consonant (broad) as in 0.1.
7. Genitives in -os from ?-stern^.
8. Genitives in -os from w-stems.
-os, from whatsoever stem, becomes later -o, which persists into 0.1., and
then gradually changes to -a.
Besides these, there are some three examples of genitives in -ais, which
I cannot equate in ms. Irish or elsewhere. I think they may arise from
faulty inscription, or may be pseudo-archaisms. % The names in which they
occur have not been identified by MS. equivalents.
I have noted no other likely instance of confusion in forms. The usage,
where it may be archaic, exhibits an accurate tradition.
The Ogham vowels are preserved or changed in the MS. orthography,
and frequently in the later Ogham orthography, according to definite
and constant laws. The regularity of these phenomena proves the accuracy
and systematic character of Ogham orthography.1 Sometimes the changed
1 E.g. finding Dovatuci equated *&&K8. mom. Dubthach, I concluded that an early ms. form
Dubthoch ought to exist. I found this form twice instanced in Hogan's Glossary to the Book of
Armagh.
vowel is found in conjunction with an early inflexional form. When this

occurs, the older inflexional desinence may have been archaistically
restored.
V.?SYNTAX.
The syntax is of the most limited and simplest kind, owing to the
limited formulae employed. The title-name may be either nominative or
genitive, usually genitive, and may have a noun in apposition or an
attributive adjective : all the words which follow are genitives. No verb,
article, preposition, or conjunction has anywhere been identified. Only one
particle is found, the obscure xoi or xi. In a number of late oghams, the
title-name (genitive) is preceded by the noun anm = O. I. ainm, ? name.1
The formulae are : " [name of J A [son of B] [son of C] " or " [name of] A
of the kindred (mucoi) of B," or " [name of] A, descendant (avi) of B,"
or some mixture of these. The syntactical order is that of MS. Irish.
Macalister and Ehys sometimes think it necessary to assume an inversion
of this order?in my opinion without sufficient grounds in any instance
that I have noted.
VI.?EXAMPLES CLASSIFIED AND DISCUSSED.

In the following examples the pressure of time has prevented me from
giving references for Ogham forms in a number of instances. In most, if not
all, instances, the reference is given elsewhere in this paper, and probably all
Ogham words quoted without reference will be found indexed by Macalister.
In the case of MS. equivalents I have often found it impracticable to give useful
references, the material drawn upon being largely transcripts of genealogies
in my own possession. In comparing Ogham with MS. forms there has been
a good deal of repetition in the different sections. I have thought it better
to let this stand than to multiply cross-references.
A.?Eelations of Ogham and MS. Orthography and Word-formation.
I.?Consonants.
1. Initial v becomes MS. /. Vorgos 91 = Fwgo. Vlatiami J, 1902, p. 81

= nom. Flaithem. Hence in the later accounts of the Ogham alphabet, the
third letter is called /.
2. Initial v was still occasionally written in the seventh century, being
perhaps transcribed from mss. of the sixth. Adamnan has Virgno ( Virgne ?),
of which L. Arm. has gen. Fergni. Quies Vinniani AU 578.
MacNeili,?Notes on Irish Ogham Inscriptions. 345
3. Ogham q in all positions becomes ms. c, ch.
4. The other initial consonants are those of MS. Irish of all periods.
5. Of final consonants, s only is noted ; it disappears before the latest
Ogham forms appear, but may be written artificially, as in Gosochtas 223, and
perhaps in the genitives in -ais.
6. Where plural genitives are noted as possible, final n is absent.
7. Between vowels, early Celtic v is still found in oghams, but disappears
in MSS. Luguvvecca 112 = Lugach.1 Rittawecas 69 ? Rethach. Cattuvvirr 69,
Cattvvirr 112 = Gathur-us L. Arm., Caither in genealogies (- gen. written
Cathfir BB 218?337).
8. When Ogham intervocalic v persists in MS. forms, it is almost certainly
an alternative writing for aspirate b. Dovatuci J, 1895, p. 27, 123 = nom.
Dubthoch, L. Arm. later Dubthach. Luguvve 3 (nom.)'- Lugbe. Valuvi 242
= Failli. Cf. Gaulish Latobios, Vindobios, Ogham Ditibeas, Dolatibi, Eracobi.
This v may belong to the later notation only.
9. *avias, gen. avi =0. I. aue, gen. aid, Mid. I. ua, Mod. I. ? (ua), gen.
ui, i.
10. Iva-, as an element in personal names (Gaulish ivo-, Irish eo, ' yew/
late Latin ivies, French if; see Holder s.v. churos, Irish ibar, iubhar, which
seems to have a different origin or history; cf. Ivomagus, Ivorix), becomes
Evo* in Evolenggi, iu-y io-, eu-, eo- ; Iulenge 47 = *Ivalengias = MS. Eolainge
nom. Eolaing ; Ivageni, J, 1908, p. 54 = logen-anus, Adamnan, Eugen AU,
Eogan, Eoghan ; Ivacattos = Eochado (0 hEochadha, anglicized Haughey,
Hoey, etc.).
11. biva- =? beo, bivi- = bz : Bivaidonas, nom. *Bivaidus ? Beoaid, Beoid.
Bodibeve = Ogham Bocib ... read Boddib [ivi ?] in bilingual (Latin and
Ogham) inscr. Llanwinio, Carmarthenshire = nom. Buaidbeo ; Biviti 80, nom.
*Bivitias = Bithe-usy Bitte-usy Biethe-us, L. Arm. ; Luguduc3 maqi Maqi-Bi 184,
late Ogham for *Bivi = M gen. of bed.
12. Ogham v after d (aspirate) becomes MS. b (aspirate) in Medvvi J, 1898,
p. 230, nom. Medb (mase.) L. Arm. So doubtless after I, n, r.
13. Ogham q becomes MS. c and ch. qv is once found, ftvecea 216. q is
regularly subject to palatalization by e and i, hence probably had the sounds
kv and kw, but the group qr appears to resist palatalization. Luguqritt 27
= O. I. Luccreth, Mid. I. Liiccra(i)d; qrimitir 56 = endmthir) ftritti 27 = nom.
Cruth, L. Arm. Cf. Cruithni = Pretani, crann = Welsh pren, cruimh = Welsh
pryf, O. Welsh prem.
1 Lugach gen. seventeen times BB 216-223. Cf. MacLugach, of the Fiana, Der Lug ach, Bar
Lugach, a female name. 2 Read Lugudec ?
B, I. A. PROC, VOL. XXVII., SECT. ?. [51]
14. Other consonants are preserved in MS. Irish. There is frequent

interchange in the use of th and d (aspirate), and of ch and g (aspirate) ; d and
g tend to replace th and ch in unaccented syllables, especially with
palatalization, but there seems to be no regularity. Loss of a separating
vowel reduces homorganic consonants to a simple sound non-aspirate.
Luguqrit = Luccreth, where cc = c.
15. Although the Ogham consonants, q and early vexcepted, are identical
with those of later Irish, the identity only becomes apparent in modern Irish
orthography, (from fourteenth century down), and is concealed in the
conventional orthography of Old and Middle Irish. Errors in equating
names may arise, and have arisen, from not observing the graphic distinctions
of the two systems.
16. No ascertained instance has been found in oghams (1) of the preser
vation of Celtic intervocalic s, (2) of the persistence of Celtic nasals before
mutes.
17. Ogham s (not initial) arises from an earlier group: cosa- = coxa,
-gus = -gust.
18. Celtic nt, nc, appear as d, g, as in modern Irish. This sound probably
resulted immediately from the sinking of the nasal. For examples see ? 20.
19. The tenuis is expressed in Ogham spelling by the tenuis, in early MS.
spelling by the doubled tenuis.
maqi = maice, modern mic.
mucoi = nwccu. But Adamnan has usually mocu.
Broci = bruicCy mod. bruic.
Glasiconas = *6lascon, nom. *Glaisiucc.
20. The media is expressed in Ogham spelling by the media, in early MS'
spelling by the tenuis, sometimes, especially after r, by the doubled media.
Decedas (from ^decenios) = Bechet.
S[e]dani 45, Sedanp], J, 1895, p. 133 (from *Sentanii) = Setni, Adamnan,
L. Aria., and AU 560, Setnai AU 562, nom. S?tne L. Arm., modem S?adna.
Corbbri, with helping vowel Coribiri = Coirpri L. Arm., modem Cairbre.
Tegann, late Ogham for *Tegagni = Tec?n L. Arm.
Deglann = B?cl?n, modem B?agl?n, Biagl?n.
Liag ? liac, liaec, modern liag.
Togittac 29 late o-stem gen., rightly equated by Macalister with MS.
Toicthech, Clonmacnois inscr. Toictheg ; toceth, later tocad- ' luck, fortune/ etc.
21. As there is no distinction in Ogham spelling between the mutes and
the corresponding aspirates, so there is no distinction between the strong
values of the liquids, represented in MS. spelling by 11, nn, rr, and the weak
values, represented by I, nf r.
*qennos = cenn, modern ceann, appears to be represented by qen-, cen-, in
fteniloci 25, fteniloc[a]gni 43 = Cellaig, Cellach?in, cf. loch, ?. dub, or luaeh-t?
' white-hot/ Cunacena 90 = Gonchenn. Qenuvin[dagni], Cloonmorris, County
Leitrim, ? Quenvendani, Latin inscription at Parcau, Whitland, Carmarthen
shire = Cennfind?n, Cenind?n, Cenond?n.
Allato 69, Alatto 106, Alotto 115, cf. allaid or allud.
Grilagni maqi Scilagni 166, names equated by Barry with Grellen, Scell?n.
Dalagni maqi Dali 190 = of Dalian son of Dall.
Valamni 197 = Fallamain.
Cir 235 = cirr, nom. cerr.
Catabar 243 for *Catubarri, Cathbarr.
Vedabari 237 = *Fiadbarr, or for *Vedubarri = *Fidbarr.
22. Moinena78 = Moinenn, gen. This instance stands apart. In words
of more than one syllable, when any liquid (I, n, r) is followed by a short
syllable ending in I or n, the latter consonants acquire their strong value,
and are written 11, nn. Thus Conall, Domnall, Gairell, as against Tuathal,
Bresal, Gn?thal ; the genitives Erenn, Arann, Manann, Raithlenn, as against
Alban, Mumen, toimten, etc. In like manner, when no written vowel
intervenes, cornn, domn, carnn, fernn, etc. The strong value is also heard in
words like cam?n, feam?g, b?arla, mania, where custom does not express it
in writing. (The strong values are produced in modern pronunciation by
spreading the portion of the tongue which makes contact, so that the area of
contact is increased.) In the Book of Armagh, the distinction in spelling is
not consistently noted : Ailil, twice, and Ailello, eight times, Airnen, Arddae
Huimnon, Ath Eirnn, Cairel and Gairellus, Cairnn and cam, Calrigi and
Callrigi, Conall five times, gen. Conail, Conil, Coolen-orum and Cuelen-orum
(= Crich Ghualann), Crimthann and Grindhan, Ouilinn, Guillenn, Baal, gen.
Daill, Domnach Pirnn, campus Domnon (= Domnann) ,ferenn, fernn, Foirtchernn,
Foirtchernnus, and Foirtchernns, Imbliuch Hornon, Latharnn, Lathron, Latrain,
Lethlanu, Mac Guill and Mace G ml, Mac Guil, Macuil, Monduirn, nom. Nial
and Ned, gen. Neil, Nehill, and thirteen times N?ill, Ro?al, seseen, gen.
sescinn, dat. sescunn, Sininn, gen. Sinone. Some of the MS. sources of this book
may belong to a time when the orthographic expression of the different values
of the liquids was still indefinite, or when the secondary strengthening was not
yet developed.
23. The fact that r is not strengthened in the like position may be
due to the difference in formation of strong r, which is simply a strongly
trilled form of the consonant, as I have noted it in the Aran (Galway) pro
nunciation of carraig, fairrge, etc., or initial r not preceded by an aspirating
word.
[51*]
IL?Yowels.
1. In the initial syllable, a long vowel is represented by the same vowel
in early ms. Irish. A short vowel regularly remains unchanged in MS. Irish,
or is regularly changed, according to the class of vowel which, in the early
Ogham formation, follows the succeeding consonant.
2. In the other syllables, all vowels that survive in MS. Irish follow the
rules of permanence or change which govern short vowels in the initial
syllable.
3. In late Ogham forms, the regular vowel changes are sometimes noted,
sometimes not. Even in early forms, the changes are not unfrequently
noted in unstressed syllables. Hence it would appear that the changes were
in process of taking place during the Ogham period, but the possibility of
archaistic restorations based on traditional study makes the evidence some
what doubtful.
4. Two values must be assumed for ? and two for ?, viz., ? which remains ?
throughout all later periods, and ? which becomes ia in late Old Irish ; ?
which remains ? throughout all later periods, and ? which becomes ua in late
Old Irish. As a rule, ? and ? which arise from compensatory lengthening
are permanent, ? and ? which do not so arise become ia and ua.
5. ia = c and ua = ? are not noted in Adamnan, but have begun to appear
in L. Arm., where, however, they are less frequent than ? and ?. There is no
instance of them in the Ogham inscriptions. Maqi-Iari = ( Ui) Maic Iairy
not ?ir, therefore lar has two syllables = *Iveros, eponym of the Iverni =
lar mac Dedad in genealogy of the Erainn, Clanda Dedad.1
6. Instances of ? and ? :
Cedattoq 95 (Macalister has Cedattoqa, but quotes Graves and Barry for
readings without the final a) late Ogham for *Cedattoqi = Oetadach nom.
AU 849. Cf. Feradach, Bknadach, Muiredach, ada, Meyer, " Contributions."
Here d = Celtic nt, whether ced- = ' first ' or ' hundred.'
S[e]dani 45, Sedan[i] J, 1895, p. 133, = S?tni, Adamnan, L. Arm., nom. S?tne,
later S?tna, modern S?adna - *Sentanios.
Veqoanai 199 = Fiachna.
Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189, = Fiachrach.
Qerai 78, 79 ? Ciara eponym of Ciarraige.
Drogno 58 = Brona (Ui B. = 'Idrone ' barony).
Gossucttias 41 = Guasachta.
1 The two forms lar, Er-, point to existence side by side of Ivor- and 1er-. Cf. 'lovepv?a and
'Upvos irorajuifs in Ptolemy. As in reduplicated verb-forms, i of 1er- would disappear. In modern
Irish, such pronunciations as Suivne and Sume (Suibhn?) have coexisted for three or four centuries.
In the Aran dialect (Galway) both pronunciations are commonly heard in cuimhne, etc.
7. Short vowels in the initial syllable and all vowels in other syllables
that survive in MS. Irish are regularly changed or unchanged according to the
quality of the next following vowel in the early Ogham form. The changes
are sometimes already noted in Ogham spelling ; but late Oghams occasionally
preserve the older vowel.
Before a or o, u becomes o.
? ? i becomes e.
Before u, a becomes au, later u (not always).
?o becomes u.
? - e becomes i.
Before i or e, o becomes u.
? e becomes i (not always).
8. Before a or o, u becomes o.
mucoi = moccu.
cunas = con: Cuna 57, Voenacunas 21, Gamicunas 42 = Gaimchon, Clmcunas
167, Netacunas 206, Cunamaqqi 19 = Conmaic in Gonmaicne, ? Gonmhac?in,
Cunacena 90 = Conehenn, Cunamagli 125 = Conm?il, nom. Conm?l not Gonmael,
Cunaggusos 139, 182 = Congosso, Cunanetas 225 = Connath, Gonnad, nom.
Gonda = *Conne.
TJlccagni 151 = Olean.
Turanias 135 = Torna (Ui Torna, a primary sept of the Ciarraige, Mainistir
? dT?rna = Abbeydorney, Kerry).
Trenalugos 191, MS. Logo, Loga gen. of Lug, Findloga, Aidloga, etc.
Vergoso 192, late Ogham for Viragusos. In mss. -gusos is represented
sometimes by -gosso, sometimes by -gusso, later -ghusa.
*Curcas = Core, gen. Cuire = Curci J, 1902, p. 28.
*Dovatucas = Bubthoch L. Arm., gen. Dovatuci J, 1895, p. 27, 123.
Cattubuttas J, 1908, p. 203 = Cathboth, L. Arm.
9. Before a or o, i becomes e.
Ivacattos 50 = Bochado.
Dovvinias 13 = Buibne, and so with all endings in -ias. Lugguve 3, nom.
for earlier *Lugubias.
Rittawecas 69, Eittawecc 100 = Rethach.
Giragni 138 = Ger?n.
Grilagni 166 = Grell?n.
Scilagni 166 = Scell?n or Sedan.
*viras =fer. The genitive occurs in Viri Qorb 243 - Fir Chorbb, Cattuvvirr
69, Cattvvirr 112. The change has already taken place in Vergoso 192.
-r?gas = Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189, Fechureg, Adamnan, Fechrech ib., later
Fiachrach
-v?cas [Ordo-v?ces, Lemo-v?ces, Irish fich) = Rittavveccas 69, Bittavvecc 100,

Denaveca 220, but Catuvviq .. . 36, Ercavicca 62, Calunovica 214.
10. The diphthongs ai, oi, in this position become ?e, ?e.1 Hence in the
Ogham period, it is probable that the values were a?, ??. This is also the
customary notation in O. I., and the modern duplicates caorthann, c?rthann,
forbhfaoilteach, faute bear the same evidence. So we have the non-diph
thongal spellings Neta Vroqi 239, Collabota 212,2 beside Vraicci (Vroicci ?), J,
1898, p. 230, and Netta Vrocicp], J, 1903, p. 76, Coillabbotas 79 (= Nat Fr?ich,
Coelboth). I hesitate to believe that the simple o here stands for the
diphthongal sound oi. Much less is it credible that Niott Vrecc 93 is a
mere variant of 239, as Macalister thinks. It is more reasonable to regard
? as a dialect variant of 5?.
Coimagni 22, 140 = C?em?n, mod. Caomh?n.
Mailagni 17, 155 = M?el?n, mod. Maol?n.
*Maila nom. (gen. Maile Inbiri 38, Mail' Aguro 163,) = Mad, mod. maol.
*vroicas, nom. =fr?ech mod. fraoch.
coila = c?el, mod. caol.
Laidann (?) 2, perhaps Baidann (the first letter was read by touch, being
out of sight) for *Baidagni = Baetdn, mod. Baoddn.
11. Before u, a becomes au, later u.
Mail' Aguro 163 - M?el Augro, M?el Tigra.
magu 213, nom. or dat. of *magus = maug, mug.
Calunovica 214, cf. Gulann, Cii Chulainn.z
But this change is usual only when a liquid or an aspirate media inter
venes. Thus catu- = cath, and so in the compounds Donnchad, etc.
12. Before u, o becomes u.
Vur?ddran 72, Vuruddrann (Macalister i, p. 15), = *vor-udra-gni Furu
dran AU.
13. Before u, e becomes i.
niotta 71, niott 93 = *n?(p)?tas, Latin n?p?tis = nioth L. Arm.
Meddugeni 176 = nom. Midgen or Midgna.
Veducuri 175 = Fidchuire (Ciarraige and other genealogies).
14. The consonant v exercises the vocalic influence of u: avi = aui,
Dovatuci = Rubthaig, Dovalesci = Duibleisc.
15. Before i or e, o becomes u.
Dovvinias 13, Dovinia 31, 32 = Buibne.
i But M, ai are also found. 3 But nom. Colldub (= *Collub) BB 124a21.

3 Caiuui seems a likely reading for the doubtful Cavunoge, C ? - sb - i, Cag - a? ade,
J, 1902, p. 243, 1906, p. 177.
Broci 55 = Bruicc, mod. brute.
*Vorgis, gen. Vorgos 91 = Fuir g, gen. Forgo.
Corrbi 19, 57, 79 = Cuirbb.
But Corrbri 47, Coribiri 183 = Coirpri, mod. Gairbre. We mu3t suppose
the influence of i not to have attacked the vowel of Corb- here until the
period of vocalic changes had passed.
16. Before i or e, e becomes i.
velitas 70 = filed (vel?t-, nom. fili).
The change is already noted in Vortigurn 236, Vorrtigurn 148, from
*tegern-, = Fortchernn L. Arm., and in [C]annitigirn ? 95 = Caintigern ?
But e remains unchanged in Decceddas 135, etc., = Bechet, and in
Ercias 135 etc. = Er ce. The change is perhaps chiefly operative before
liquids and aspirate mediae.
III.?Junction-vowels.
1. These usually disappear in MS. Irish.

2. Omitting doubtful instances, junction-vowels in compound names
occur in the following numbers in Macalister's collection (i, ii, iii): a 57,
u 22, i 13, o 9, e 2.
3. a appears as normal junction-vowel (1) for o-stems, (2) for feminine
a-stems, (3) for consonant-stems.
(1) o-stems. Adjectives?Voenacunas (foen), Coimagni (coem), Mailagni
(m?el), Coillabbotas (c?el), Giragni (gerr), XTlccagni [ok], Dovalesci (nom.
Buiblesc), Dalagni (dall), Denaveca (den, dian), Anavlamattias (anbal),
Ttrenalugos {tren). Mase, or neuter substantives?Corbagni (eorbb), Viragni
(fer), Moddagni (muad), Artagni (Art), Talagni {tal).
(2) a-stems : Ercavicca, Ercagni (cf. Maqi Ercias), Rittawecas (cf. Maqi
Riteas), Cosaloti [coss = coxa).
(3) consonant-stems : the only instances noted are compounds of cuna
and neta-. In both cases an o-stem is possible. Many Irish names in
Con- may contain the adjectival cuno-, ' high ' rather than cun-, ' hound.'
Cunacena, -magli, -gusos twice, -netas. Netacari, -cagi or -cagni, -cunas.
4. u is the junction-vowel for ??-stems : Luguqrit twice, -we, -tti, -vveca,
-ni thrice, -due, -deccas, -deca, Cattubuttas, Catuviq .. . , -wirr, Meddugeni,
Veducuri, Litubiri (cf. gen. Litos).
5. In Cunuri, Conunett, u may be a late representation of a neutral vowel,
or may show forward influence. In Valuvi, there may be a ??-stem,
cf. Suvallos 15, or a neutral vowel influenced by v. The somewhat worn
inscription at Cloonmorris, Co. Leitrim, appears to read ftenuvin ... (for
*Qennavindagni ? = Q?ienvendani, H?bner, Inscr. Britt., = Cheninddn L. Arm.)

with similar influence of v.
6. i is the junction-vowel for ?-stems, but may possibly extend to other
stems as in Gaulish names (Holder, ii, 2, 1. 6). The instances of all kinds
noted are?Assicona, Battigni, Cassitas, Cunigni, Ditibeas, Dolatibi? Drutiquli,
Gamicunas (= Gaimchon, cf. gaimred), Glasiconas, Lodimani, Muibiti, Nisigni,
Qeniloci, fteniloc[a?]gi?y Vlatiami.
7. o as junction-vowel seems usually due to influence of v or b (aspirate),
Calunovica, Casoni, Denoval, Eracobi, Ivodacca, Lagobbe? Veqoanai,Meddo?geni,
Vendogni.
8. e occurs in Erxenn, . . . eneggni, perhaps from ???-stems, giving
*-iagni, -egni. These are the only instances noted corresponding to the
very frequent MS. ending -?n,
IV.?Compensatory Lengthening.
1. The Ogham inscriptions prove clearly the important fact that at

least two distinct epochs of compensatory lengthening occurred before the
ms. period.
2. The change of nt into d, and of nc into g, has already taken place before
the period of the Ogham inscriptions.
3. The disappearance of g before a liquid, with concomitant lengthening
of the preceding vowel, took place within the Ogham period. Early Ogham
-agni becomes late Ogham -an, -ann.2
4. I have been unable to find any instance of d + liquid in oghams, but the
lengthening in cathair from cathedra, and the resultant vowel ? from ad- in
composition before liquids, seem to show that the change belongs to the same
period as the loss of g before a liquid. In the two instances of Dalo, J, 1895,
p. 133, the critical syllable has been supplied by Barry.
5. When g disappears before a liquid, the preceding vowel, whether
accented or not, is long in MS. Irish.
Instances of -agni = -dn are abundant.
Cunamagli = nom. ConmdL
Netta Sagru = Nazar-us, Nazar-ius., L. Arm. (z = ts), gen. Natsair,
Nastair, Nazair in many genealogies. I have not found the nom. except
in the latinized form. If the reading of the ogham is certain, the ms.
1 Gen. Cmnheain BB 122?25, nom. Cenlacan 123/341, doubtless = Oellaehdn, Qeniloci

= Cellaig, nom. Cellach.
2 The frequency of -ann = -agni = din seems to indicate that the doubled consonant has here
phonetic yalue. If so, it can only be a tentative late device,
equivalent should be Nats?r in all cases, for the element Nat, Nath
(- Netas) becomes an indeclinable proclitic in most names. Sagru. appears
to be gen. pi., but the stem is uncertain. The word may be identified with
the adjectival prefix s?r-, the root of sdrugud, the sense being ' exceeding,
excelling/ which still belongs both to the prefix and the verb. Sar-fhear, 'a
man of surpassing merit, power, etc/ Sh?ruigh sin orm, ' that (undertaking) got
the better of me, I failed to accomplish it.* Bhiodar a3 s?rughadh ar a ch?ile,
' they were outdoing each other ' (in vilification, etc.). Netta Sagru, ' champion
of the mighty ones.' Cf. Bis Cassibus = ' les dieux sup?rieurs/ ace. to
D'Arbois de Jubainville.
6. Drogno = Br?na.
7. Nisigni, Battigni, Gattigni, Cunigni.
Corresponding to Battigni there are Baithene, Adamnan, and Baithin. For
Gattigni, I have only noted Gadthin, Gaoithin. I think that -in, as rare in
early MS. names as it is frequent later, must have come from -ignas, the
palatal syllable ig- determining the quality of n after loss of the termination,
even in the nominative, for -in is palatal in all its cases. So Mid. I. -an is
frequently found in genitive without palatalization.
8. -egni, only once noted . . . eneggni may be the origin of -en. Does it
represent -ia-gni formed on w-stems ? How account for Erxenn ?
9. Of the consonant-groups treated of by Strachan ("Compensatory Length
ening in Irish ") which give rise to compensatory lengthening, gl, gn, gr survive
into the Ogham period. The disappearance of g from these groups cannot have
happened long before the MS. period. No other group of the kind has been
traced as surviving in Ogham Irish.
10. In celi, the consonant is already absorbed. Strachan quotes Stokes as
separating cele, ' servus,' from cele, 'comrade/ The former Stokes compares with
Latin cacula, 'soldier's servant'; cele, 'comrade/ and Welsh cilyd, 'comrade/
might come, says Strachan, from a form *cegli?s. I am inclined to think that
the two senses of cele here treated are merely secondary, and that the primary
meaning is 'vassal/ if we may use a medieval term to express the relation of
an Irish rent-paying subject to his chief. To the chief (fiaith) he was
' servus ' (serf, not slave) ; to his fellow-tenants he was ' comrade.' It has, I
think, been suggested that cele may contain (in reduplication ?) the root of
Latin cliens.
11. tal, which is found in Ogham Maqi Tal[i] and Talagni, is one of the
instances discussed by Strachan. Talagni is against the derivation from
Ho-aglo-.
12. Strachan (p. 25), finding acn, acr, act result in en, ?r, ?l, but agn,agr,
agi, in an, ar, dl, suggests that c persisted longer than g\ and that the changed
R.I.A. PKOC, VOL. XXVI?., SECT. 0, [52]
vowel belonged to the later phenomenon. The Ogham evidence is quite

decisive against this view ; not that, except possibly c?li, any very likely
case of ? from a before e + liquid has been noted, but that gn, gr, gl clearly
survived to the very verge of ms. Irish.
V.?Palatalization,
1. Palatalization seems fairly regular in consonants which do not fall into
groups in ms. Irish. But mucoi Sogini 198, mocu Sogin, Adamnan, is repre
sented by the race-name Sogain, nom. pi., in genealogies. Ivageni becomes
logen- in Adamnan, gen. Eogin, with nom. Eogan, L. Arm., Eugen, AU, Eogan
in Mid. I. Possibly a close examination would reveal resistance to palatal
influence in other consonants.
2. Consonant groups, whether existent in Ogham, or formed in MS. Irish
by syncope, appear for the most part, as shown by Mid. I. spelling, to
resist palatalization.
Luguvecca 112 (through transitional *Lugvech, cf. Menueh = Menvechy
Inchagoill literal inscr.) = Lugach gen. Luguni 115 = Lugna. Cun?netas 225
= Gonnad, Connath. Rittavvecas 69 = Rethach. Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189
= Fiachrach. Turanias 135 = Torna. Iuleng? 47 (*Ivl-) = Eulainge.
3. But palatalization takes place in Dovvinias 13, etc., = Duibne, Dovalesci
129 = nom. Duiblesc, Val?vi 242 = F?ilbi, Corrbri 47, Coribri 183 = Coirpri.
The helping vowel expressed in Coribiri (from corb-) shows the palatal
influence already penetrating this group. (Macalister finds a helping vowel
in Eracias, which he considers a variant of Ercias32. This, if correct, would
indicate how the group re repelled palatal influence, the first consonant
retaining its quality, and afterwards controlling the second. But the helping
vowel is doubtful. The base Erac- is found: Eracobi maqi Eraqetai 165. The
group re requires no helping vowel, at least in 'modern pronunciation.)
4. The frequent retention of final-i in association with late forms?e.g.
Maqi Liag maqi Erca 23 ?may indicate a late use of -ias a mere palatal glide
or sign of palatalization of the consonant. I think this must be its use
in the Inchagoill literal inscription, Lie Luguaedon macci Menueh. A
whispered vowel is distinctly audible after a final palatalized consonant,
and becomes quite syllabic when the whole word is whispered.
B.?Declensions.
1. Ogham inscriptions consist chiefly of nouns in the genitive case. The
declensions to which these nouns belong are, on the whole, clearly and
consistently defined. An orderly metamorphosis from th? earliest to the latest
and to the ms. forms is traceable. That the older forms are often traditional
rather than contemporary, is indicated by concomitant late forms and by
the inequalities in the internal vocalization of words.
o-stems.
2. o- stems have genitive in -i, which disappears in late forms. Since

Ogham orthography ignores palatal and other glides, and thus does not note
palatalization of consonants, late forms which have lost final -i appear as if
uninflected. This appearance has led Ehys, whom Macalister follows, to think
that inflection is absent, whereas it is only the orthographical notation which
is defective. Even the MS. device for expressing palatalization is not always
adequate in Old and Middle Irish. Thus the genitive mis and the
dative mis are spelled alike. For the MS. form ainm, with the palatal
glide expressed, the oghams have anm. There is one earlier instance of
[a]nme in no. 32, as read by Macalister in vol. ii, p. 8. Necessarily, after
the final e disappeared, the preceding consonants must already have acquired
their palatalized sounds, so that anm is the Ogham spelling of ainm. This
being established, the assumption of non-inflected o-stems falls to the ground.
The occurrence of forms with -i and forms without -i in the same inscription
offers no difficulty when it is seen that other stems also appear side by
side in various stages of genitive inflexion. We may perhaps assume three
stages of -i?an early long -i, a transitional short -i, and a late form in which
-i has disappeared, leaving its trace in palatalization which is not expressed.
The transitional form seems to be indicated in the spelling mucoe J, 1895,
p. 351, where short i loses its definite quality through the influence of the
preceding o.
3. Genitives in -i from o-stems are too numerous to cite. The obsolescent
-i of o-stems must be distinguished from the persistent -i of ?o-stems, which
is preserved in the latest Oghams as in early MS. Irish.
4. In the following instances, the words marked with (*) are ?-stems from
which final -i has disappeared. Numerous examples of maq, mac, = maqi, and
muco = mucoi, are here omitted.
27. Luguqritt* maqi Ctritti.
32. Ere* maqi Maqi-Ercias.
44. Anm Colombagan* alitir*.
56. Qrimitir* Ronann* maq* Comogann*.
69. Cattuwirr* maqi Rittawecas mucoi Allato.
72. Anm Vuroddrann* maqi Doligen.
73. Anm Tegann* mac* Deglann*.
82. Corbagn* maqi mucoi C.
91. Maqi-tal* maqi Vorgos maqi mucoi Toicac*.
[52*]
111. Anm Crunan* maq* Luqin*.

112. Cattvvirr* maqi Luguvveca.
144. Conann* maqi S.
148.Ha maqi Vorrtigurn*
169. Branan* maqi Oqoli.
178. Carttacc* mmaqi Moccaggi.
218. Bir* maqi mucoi Rottais.
235, Cir* maqi muc.
Ms. equivalents : 27 Luguqritt = nom. Luccreth. 32 Ere = Ere. gen. Eire,
Ire. Maqi-Ercias = Mace Erce Ercae Erca. 44 Colombagan = nom. Colman,
alitir = nom. alither, 'pilgrim.' 56 ftrimitir = nom. cruimther, 'presbyter,
priest.' Ronann nom. Ron?n. Comogann = Comg?n. 69 Cattuvvirr. 112
Cattvvirr = Cathurus, L. Arm. Caither, often Gaicher, in many genealogies.
Hence probably Gathair, with short ultimate, later Cathaoir, with long
ultimate, by attraction to the common nouns similarly written. Rittavvecas =
Rethach (gen.) in Ciarraige genealogy, whence Ui Rethach now Ibh Reathach =
Iveragh barony in Kerry. AUato = Alta (late MS. gen. for *Altd) in Ciarraighe
and Altraige genealogies. 72 Vuroddrann = Furudr?n. Doligenn should
probably read Coligenn = Colgen, later Colgan, gen. of Colcu, Colgu. 73
Tegann = Tecan, L. Arm. Deglann = D?cl?n, mod. Diagl?n. 82 Cprbagn =
Corb?n. 91 Maqi-Tal = maw-Tail, Vorgos ? Forgo, gen. of Fuirg = *Vorgis.
Toicac appears in 89 as Toicaci, in 88 as Toicaxi. 112 Luguweca(s) = gen.
Lugach in MacLugach, a hero of the Fiana. 144 Conann = Con?n. 148
Vorrtigurn = Fortchern. 178 Carttacc = Carthach, mod. Cdrthach.1
5. Late genitives of o-stems cannot be distinguished in Ogham spelling
from late genitives of consonant-stems. They can be identified only through
their equivalents in ms. spelling or in earlier Ogham forms.
io- stems.
6. Genitives of io-stems always end in -i (= -ii) in Ogham spelling, and

also in early ms. spelling. In later ms. usage the final vowel becomes
neutral, and is often expressed by -e9 or after most consonant-groups by -a.
Genitives cannot be distinguished in form from early genitives of o-stems.
Their distinction depends on the identification of the word or of its ending in
other words.
avi = 0.1, aid, later ui, i. O.I. nom. aue, later ua, ? = *avias.
Doveti 13, cf. Cen?l Bobtha, nom. Bobtha = *Dobetias ?
S[e]dani 45, Sedan[i avvi Der]camasoci, J, 1895, p. 133 ? Setni Adamnan,
1 Add : Maqi Cairatini avi Ineqaglas*, J, 1898, p. 57 = " of Mace Cairthin aue Enechglais,"
i.e., of the sept Ui Enechglais (see Book of Eights, index).
L. Arm., Setnai AU 562, nom. S?tna, mod. S?adna = *S?danias, from older
Celtic *Sentanios.
Corrbri 47, Coribiri 183 (with helping vowel inserted, proving palatali
zation) = Coirpri, nom. Coirpre, later Cairbre.
Conuri 60 (cf. Conunett = Cunanetas, u either neutral or through forward
influence of u in Cun- transformed into o) = Conairi, nom. Conaire.
Luguni 115,153 = Lugne-us Adamn., later Zugna, Lughna.
Cari 136 = Caire BB 122a28.
Veducuri 175 (Barry) = Fidchuiri, nom, Fidchuire, Ciarraige and other
pedigrees.
Valuvi 242 = F?ilbi, nom. F?ilbe, F?ilbhe.
Melagi, J, 1896, p. 28, nom. Melagia[s] 224, = Melge.
7. Genitives in -oi are mucoi passim =ms. moccu indeclinable, Vedllioggoi
54?*vedili =fedl- in Fedilmith, Fedlimith, and the feminine name Fedelm
(superlative ?) L. Arm.
8. Genitives in -ai : Carricai 6, muco Clerai 78 and mocoi fterai 79 - maccu
(for moccu) Ciara in Mid. I. mss., containing the eponym of Ciarraige (nom.
wrongly restored .as Ciar in genealogies), Cerrige L. Arm., Eraqetai 165,
Mogai 170, Veqoanai 199 = nom. Fiachna, Senai 222, ftetai J, 1895, p. 102.
9. Genitives in -ais occur in two inscriptions : Gebbais maqi Tanais 10j
Bir maqi mucoi Rottais 218. I cannot refer these to any known declension.
The twofold occurrence in 10 may indicate artificial treatment. None of the
names can be identified, except that Rottais 218 being eponymic may be
referred to Kothraige.
Genitives in -ias.
10. Genitives in -ias are chiefly found in feminine nouns, although such
nouns may become the names of males, as in the case of the name-element
M?el followed by a genitive, and in Gossucttias, Anavlamattias, which I take to
be feminine abstract nouns used as male appellatives.
11. -ias becomes transitionally -ia, late Ogham and MS. -e. Sometimes
-eas,-ea are found, possibly through imperfect archaistic restoration.
12. Genitives in -ias belong (1) to feminine ^-sterns, (2) to feminine
?^-sterns, (3) to feminine ? ?-stems.
13. Feminine ^-sterns (Gaulish gen. -es, ulegionis secundes Balices").
Ercias 32,197, Erccia 31, Erca 23. The last ends an inscription, and may
possibly have been Erce, otherwise -a represents the broadening of -e by a
preceding group of consonants, which, as MS. usage shows, has resisted
palatalization. The MS. genitive is Erce in Adamnan and Erce, Ercae, Erca,
in AU. The MS. nom. is Ere = Ogham Erca in Erca-vicca. In Cormac's and
O'Davoren's glossaries, ere is explained = mm, ' heaven/ but it is frequent as a
female name in legendary material. I have found no nom. Eire, Ire,

corresponding to *Ercis, the nom. supplied by Rhys and Macalister, doubtless
on the assumption that -ias must arise from -is. !Oierais also a masculine
nom. Ere, gen. Eire, Ire, just as there is a mim\]^m?\Medh;Sadb, etc.
Gossucttias 41, Gosocteas 108, Gosoctas 223. Gfcsoctas, I think, repr??ents
a contemporary Gosochta, with the final s archaistically supplied; arising
from Gosochte like Erca from Erce. L, Arm. has Gosacht, Gosact-us, Gosach [t]-us
The Martyrology of Tallaght has Guasacht as the name of the Sanie person,
bishop of Granard. It is the abstract noun guasacht, ' periculum? which
Windisch gives as masculine.
Maile Inbiri 38, Mail' Aguro 163, early ms. M?el, gen. M?ile, later M?el,
indeclinable as a pretonic name-element. I suppose elision, not loss of
ending, in Mail Aguro = Mid. I. Mad-Ugra.
[i]nagen[e] 76 (-a- wrongly restored, since 0.1, has ingen, not engen, nom.
inigena =filia in bilingual Ogham and Latin inscription of Eglwys Cymmum,
Caermarthenshire, Avitoria filia Gunigni = inigena Cunigni Avittoriges) =
ingen, inghean, gen. -ine, 'daughter.'
Riteas 89, Ritte 78, Rite 183, nom. *Rita, whence Rittavveccas.
Corrx 180 (Corre) = cuirre gen. of corr, 'heron, stork/ cf. an Chorr
Chosluath, name of a hero of the Fiana,
Maqi Recta (Rhys) J, 1902, p. 16. Macalister (105) has Maqi Retta.
Maqi Beggea ? (Rhys) J, 1902, p. 13. Macalister (152) has Maqi Esi.
14. Feminine ?a-stems.
Dowinias 13, Dovinia 31, 32 = ms. [Corcu] Buibne, nom. Buibne (their
ancestress, dau. of Gonaire mac Moga Lama) = *Dobinia.
Ditibeas 154, cf. mase, name-ending -bios iu Latobios, Mace Laithbi,
Vindobios, Ailbe, Failbe, Lugbe, Airtbe, etc.
15. Feminine ? ?-stems :
Anavlamattias 196 = Anfolmithe L. Arm., nom. Anblomaid BB 148a215,
written Amlomaig BB 123?49, Anblomath BB 150?43, Anuolmedh
BB 79?5. (anavla- = anbal, and *matis = maith.) The name is that of a
man.
Iulenge 47 = *Iva-lengias = Eulainge BB 144?25 nom. Eolaing = *Iva-lengis.

Cf. B?nlaing, gen. B?nlinge, L. Arm. The name occurs with latinized gen.
Evolenggi in a British inscr.
16. Unascertained stems :
Ainia 25, Ddumileas 89, Qecia 200, ftvecea 216, Odarre? 237, Mongedias 238,
Seagracolinea 240.
Consonant-stems.
17. Consonant-stems form the genitive in -as, transitionally -a. In late

forms the ending disappears, leaving broad consonant final as in MS. Irish
Late forms are thus liable to be confused with late o-stem genitives. See
Macalister i, 15 on Vuruddrann, etc.; " regarded by Bhys as due to foreign
influence (< Northern Picts/ pp. 307-318)."
18. Examples in -as, -a, are numerous. Only identified names are here
cited.
Compounds of -cunas, Ms. con, nom. c?, may perhaps not always be
distinguished from names which in mss. have the nom. ending -iuc, gen. -con,
e.g. Miliucc, gen. Milcon. Bndnniuec, gen. Bronncon. All such are here given
together. Glasiconas 16,17 (i indicates *Glaissiucc), Voenacunas 21, Gamicunas
42 ~ Gaimehon, Assicona 203, Netacunas 206, Lobacona 240, Lobaccona 212.
Of -rigas, earlier Celtic rlgos, nom. rlx, MS. rig (with broad g), nom. ri,
the only instances are -torigas 33, Votecorigas (with latinized equivalent
Voteporigis) in. bilingual inscription of Llanfallteg, and Vecrec, Veqreq,
quoted below.
Of -vicas, earlier Celtic -v?eos, nom. -v?x, in Ordovices, Lemovix, some
instances show shortening and change . of quality in the unaccented
vowel. Gravicas ? 8, Catuwiq . . . 36, Ercavicca 62, Luguwecca 112,
Rittawecas 69, Calunovica 214, Denaveca 220.
The element which appears in the genitives Nema.idon (Adamnan),
Luguaedon (Inchagoill stone), Lugedon, Lugadon, Ginadon AU, is exemplified
by Dowaidonas 127, Bivaidona 126, Ercaidana 174, Lugaddon J, 1907, p. 62.
Moinena 28 = Moinenn.
Decedda 36, Ddecceda 51, Deceda 94, Decceddas 135 = Bechet.
velitas 70 = filed.
Cattubuttas J, 1908, p. 203 = Gathboth, L. Arm.
Coillabotas 79 - Coelboth.
Cunanetas 225 = Gonnath, Condnath, Gonnad in many pedigrees. The
nom. is given as.Conda (= *Conne) BB 145?120.
Segamonas 208, 225, 231 = Segamon. Only found in the composite name
Neta(s) Segamonas, ms. nom., Nia Segamon} Segomo, dat. Segomoni, was the
name or byname of a Celtic god, equated by the Eomans with Mars (Holder,
s. v. Segomo).
Lugudeccas 208, Lugudeca 186, 226 = Lugdech, fugdach, nom. Lnguid,
Instances of neta(s) and niota(s), as name-elements are separately
discussed.
1 Note the vowel of the second syllable preserved, as in brithemon, etc,
19. Late forms ending in the stem-consonant.

Olacon = Olchon, nom. Olehu.
Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189 = *V?qar?gas = Fechureg, Adamnan (where chu
probably stands for an aspirate q rather than a distinct syllable, cf. the
Lowland Scotch symbol quh in Farquhar = Fearchar, etc.), Fechreg, Fechrech,
Fiechrach, later Fiachrach. Mid. I. nom. Fiachra.
Rittawecc 100 = Rittavvecas 69 = Rethach.
Conunett 60 = Cunanetas 225.
Colabot 78, 183, Collabota 212.1
Luguduc 184 (read Lugudec ? = lugudeccas 208).
Liag in Maqi-Iiag 23, Maq-Leog (Liag) 124, is possibly gen. pi. Ms. liac,
liaec, modern liag, nom. lie, lia.
20. Unusual stem-endings are indicated in Tabirass 61, Tobira 198,
Cobranoras 71, Noarra 116, Axeras 196, Cunavas 126, Egsamwa 205,
ftenga 84. Some of these in -a may represent -ai, like muco = mucoi, 76, 78.
Genitives in -os.
21. Genitives in -os change in transitional forms to -o, which persists in

late Ogham and early MS. forms, but already in O. I. -o begins to change to
-a, which remains in Middle and Modern Irish.
22. Genitives in -os arise (1) from '?-stems, (2) from ^-sterns.
23. From ?-stems :
Suvallos 15, cf. snlbir, suthain, etc.
Duco varos 15, cf. cobir, cobair, ' help/ I imagine this name may belong to
a class in which the possessive du was an element, and which were imitated
in Christian nomenclature by names like Bu Luae, L. Arm., later Bahut.
The Christian names in Ma, Mo, have their models in the pre-Christian
pedigrees, e.g. Coren mn Bruad = Bal me% Druad, Messamain, Mo Ch? and
Me2 CM, Mechar (= my horseman).
Ivacattos 50 = Mid. I. Bochada, nom. Eochaid.
Ammllongat[o] 47 = Amolngado, later Amalgada, mod. Amhalghadha,
nom. Amolngid, Amalngid, L, Arm.
Allato 69, Alatto 106, Alotto 115 = Alta (gen.) in Ciarraige and Altraige
genealogies BB 155, 159. Cf. allaid, 6 wild,' Con Alta gen. of C? Allaid AU.
Or it may be gen. of *allatus = allud, ' fame/ etc. As eponym of the Altraige,
the gen. is given as (Brendanus mocu) Alti by Adamnan, but this may be a
latinization.
Dego 193 = Bego, L. Arm., nom. Baig.
1 Nom. Colldub BB 124?21, copyist's error for Collub, as Cathdub, Coelduboccur for Cathub, Coelub.
2 For me = mu, mo see note to $ 26, infra,
Vorgos 91 = Forgo, Forga, nom. Fuirg L. Arm. = *Vorgis. Macalister
(following Rhys) treats this gen. as standing for Fergus = Viragusos by
agglutinative syntax.
Labriatt[os], J, 1895, p. 133 = Mid. I. Labrada, nom. Labraid.
24. From u-stems :
Brusccos 35, Brusco 129, nom. Brusc-tcs L. Arm.
Cunagusos 139, 183 = Gongussa, nom. Congus.
Vergoso 192 = Viragusos = Fergusso, Fergosso L. Arm., nom. Fergus.
Litos 214, cf. Litubiri 200, Litugenos, Litugena, Litumarus, Litovir Holder.
Ttrenalugos 191, Tre[n]a[lu]ggo, J, 1903, p. 76, = nom. Trianlug, Lug, gen.
Logo, Loga.
In 53, 133, 212, Macalister reads Loga, Luga. In 53, 133, the inscription
is injured; in 212 -a ends the line. Hence it may be possible to read -o in
each instance. I have no other example of gen. in -os represented by -a
in an ogham.
25. Instead of -o, appears -u in Trenu (Treno ?) 160 = ms. Tr?no, Tr?na ;
Bigu 212 ; Trenagusu maqi Maqi Treni, ogham in Cilgerran (Pembrokeshire)
bilingual inscription = Latin Trenegnssi fili Macntreni hic iacit.
26. Unidentified stems:
Reddos 26, cf. Bomnach M?r Maige R?to L. Arm.
Sagarettos 29, TJvanos 50.
Drogno 58 = ms. Br?na.
Galeotos 86, Voddonos 100, Biraco 170.
Mail* Aguro 173 = MS. Mad Tigra.
Medalo1 220, Bran[i]ttos, Navvallo, J, 1895, p. 133.
Cunacanos J, 1898, p. 402.
C.?Exceptional Cases and Forms.

1. Luguvve moceo Maqi Meq..3.
It is hardly doubtful that Luguvve here is nominative = O. I. Lugbe. The
genitive throughout the O. I. period ends in -L The early form of the nom.
would be *Lugubias, cf. Gaulish Latobios, Vindobios.
2. Laidann (Baidann ?) maqi Macorbo 2.
Macorbo is what Barry reads, and Macalister figures. Macalister expands
the final symbol into i, though he cites the ms. parallels Mac Corb, Mug Gorb.
We may dismiss Mug Corb = Magus *Corbon, gen. Mago(s) G, as a totally
distinct name. Mac Gorb occurs as eponym of the tuath Bal Maic Corb, one
1 mueoi Medalo, cf. D?l Mo Bala, D?l Mo Bula, Onomasticon. Bula points to nom. *Balus,
gen. *Balos, as in Me Dalo.
R. I. A. PROC, VOL. XXVII., SECT. C. [58]
of the aithechtuatha. It appears to mean ' lad of chariots/ an equivalent of

Corbmac, Cormac. Macorbo = Maq(i) *Corbon shows that in late oghams, as
in MS. Irish, two consonants of like value coalesced to form one. It seems
safe to regard Corbo as a late Ogham gen. pi.
3. Suvallos maqqi Ducovaros 15.
Du here may be the genitive of the pronoun tu, O. I. dit chobir, ' thy
succour/ gen. du chobro.
4. Tria maqa Mailagnij.,^
Curcitti J
I take Curcitti = nom. Cuircthe L. Arm. to stand syntactically apart :
'Of the three sons of M?el?n. Of Cuircthe/ The only alternative to
taking tria maqa as plural genitives, would be to suppose a nom. Tria, which
is certainly less probable. Here then the genitive plural ends in -a(n), not, as
at ? 2, in -o(n).
5. [a]nme .Macalister ii, p. 8, anm, occurring in a number of oghams,
usually in association with late forms, is, of course, nominative = ainm,
1 name/
6. ftrimitir Rronann maq Comogann 56.
All the words, being o-stems and late, may be either nom. or gen., but in
nom. ftrimiter = presbyter would be more likely.
7. Cunacena 90. The name forms the entire inscription. There can be little
doubt that it is a nominative (o-stem). The gen. occurs- at Trallong, Breck
nockshire :
Ogham : Cunacenniviilvveto, with Latin Cunocenni filius Gunoceni hie iacit.
8. Gosocteas mosac max Ini, 108.
Macalister says thatr reading thus, mosac "is in false concord." However,
there is no difficulty in regarding it, like max = maqi, as a late o-stem genitive.
It is apparently an epithet.
9. Lagobbe muco Tucacac 109.
Only an attempted decipherment.
10. Vicula maq Comgini 123.1
The first and second words are probably nominatives. Macalister's
translation, ' of Fiacal son of Coemgen/ cannot stand. V?cula = Ficcol or
Fichol. Vicula = Ficcol or Fichol. Feccol occurs apparently as a genitive in
L. Arm. fol. 3 ba, pervenierant ad Ferti Virorum Feec (= Ferta Fer F?ic),
quam, ut fabulae ferunt, fodorunt [sic] viri id est servi Feccol Ferchertni, qui
fuerat unus e novim magis, prophetis Bregg (Hogan, Documenta de S. Patricio
ex L. Arm., p. 32), but the sense seems to demand servi F?ic.
1 This is a reading of the Grigha ogham, the only known ogham in western Scotland.
11. MaqLeogl24.
Maqi Liag maqi Erca 23.
As Macalister suggests, it seems desirable to regard the vowel notches in
124 as misplaced, and to read Maq Liag, where maq may be either nom. or
gen. Both oghams are of the latest, as the spellings maq and Erca show.
Erca = *Erce = Ercias, e becoming a through the influence of the broad
consonant group re. However, 23 is worn, and may have contained Erce or
Erci, perhaps only Ere. But that Erca = Ercias is not impossible even in the
Ogham period seems proved by Gosoohtas 223, infra. Liag may be gen. pi.
Maq Liag would be an appropriate name for an ogham-writer = * lad of
pillar-stones/ It is to be noted that in 23 we have not maqi Maqi-Erca,
so that the sense is probably, ' of Mac Liag (also called) Mac Erca.' Cf.
Mac Erca, the customary designation of the high king Muirchertach,
accounted for by the statement that Ere was his actual mother,
12. Cronun mac Bait 171.
The first and second words may be either nom. or gen.
13. Dommo macu Veduceri 175.
Barry reads Veducuri = Fidchuiri, which seems more likely. Apparently
the first and second words are dat, sg. Barry cites Bomma (nom. ?) from
LL.
14. Vedacu [maqa] Tobira mucci Sogini 198.
The illegibility of the second word, of which only the last vowel notch is
seen, leaves the case of Vedacu doubtful. Like Macalister, we might regard
the name as nominative = Fiadchu, ' staghound ' or ' wildhound ' = ' wolf.'
Or it may be dative of *Fedach or *F?dach, *Fiadach.
15. Vait[e]lia 201?
The vowels following v are indicated by six equidistant notches, with the
possible readings ai, oe, uu, eo, ia. Of these the most probable by far are ai
and oe (cf. Voenacunas). Macalister's equation Fiadal is out of the question.
The word as read may be nom. of ?o-stem, or gen. of a feminine a-stem,
m-stem, or '?-stem = (l)Faithle, (2) Faithd, (3) Faithle, (4) Faithil, all unknown
names to me.
16. Dolatibi gais gob .... Lugudeccas maqi mocoi Neta Segamonas 208.
There is here another possible instance of do, du, prefixed to a name.
For Latibi, cf. Filio Laithphi L. Arm., ? Mace Laithbi, and Latobius a byname
of the Gaulish Mars.
17. Manu magu Nogati mocoi Macorbo 213.
The first and second words may be nom. or dat., more probably nom.
Manu as nom. of ^-stem = Maun.1 magu = mavg, mug, 'servant, slave.'
*BB218j3333.
[53*]
3?4 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
The commemoration of a person in servitude seems unlikely, but is not

inconsistent with the suggestion that the names in Ogham inscriptions may
have been often those of druids and their disciples. Macorbo has already
been discussed.
18. Cnnalegea maqi C.salar celi Ave ?vecea, 216.
Since Ave is clearly genitive, it can only be gen. sing, of a fern. *avia or
gen. pi. of avias. The latter seems more likely, and I translate : ' of C. son
of C. liegeman of (the sept) Aui Q/
19. Gosoctas mucoi Macorbo 223. The last four vowels are " worn." This
is the third instance of Macorbo.
20. Melagia 224.
Properly equated by Macalister with Melge, a name occurring in the list
of legendary high kings, and in Tochmarc Emire. It is a mase, ?o-stem nom.,
gen. Melagi J, 1895, p. 28.
21. Vortigurn 236.
May be nom. or gen. Ms. Fortchemn.
22. Catabar moco Viri ftorb 243.
Catabar may be nom. or gen. = Cathbarr. It is safe to regard Clorb = Corb
as late gen. pi. Fer Corb occurs in several genealogies.
23. B[al]o maqa nracopj maqi Eracias maqi Li, Barry, J, 1895, p. 133.
Maqa can hardly be other than nom. sg. The name preceding it is
uncertain.
24. Tasigagni maqi mocoi Macora, ib.
The declension of Macora is quite uncertain. It may be compared with
Macorbo and with insolas maccu-Chor L. Arm.
25. Xoi, xi.
The word xoi, xi, is recorded in the following oghams :
Maqi Iari xi maqqi muccoi Dowinias 13.
Netta Laminacca xoi maqqi mucoi Dov[inias] 20.
Iaqini xoi maqi mocoi.49.
Corbagni x[oi] maqi mocoi Toriani 149.
Broinienas xoi neta Ttrenalugos 191.
Corbbi xoi maqi tabriattfos] J, 1895, p. 133.
Lobb[i] xoi maqqi moccoi Irei ib., 1896, p. 127.
The 1st and 2nd instances are from Co. Kerry, the 3rd and 4th from
Co. Cork, the 5th from Co. Waterford, the 6th and 7th from Co. Kilkenny.
This distribution indicates a word in general use. Unfortunately no variant
of the symbol x in this word occurs, but poi is altogether out of the question
as a frequent early Irish vocable. In all instances the position is the same :
xoi or xi follows immediately the title-name, which is genitive. The word
seems to be adverbial, and the most suitable sense, to my mind, is ' here ' or
' thus.' If this be the meaning, it would help to explain the introduction of
" hie iacit " into phrases with genitive construction in several British Latin
inscriptions which contain names of the Ogham period nomenclature. I
can suggest no etymological resemblance except to the particle ce in the
frequent poetical locutions, for bith chey in domun cef etc.
26. Luguni locid maqi Alotto, 115.
Macalister, with the impression that locid denotes something like ' tomb/
says that an inverted locution is here " manifest." It seems safer to look for
a term in apposition to Luguni, as in Lugutti velitas 70, or for an adjectival
epithet, as possibly in Gosocteas mosac 108. The early MS. equivalent of locid
would be lu (?, ua) ch (ce) i d (t), and if this be an o-stem genitive, i would
become e in the nom. - *locidas. It appears to me that the equivalent occurs
in Lucet mad (nom.) L. Arm. The variants for Lucet are Loiet, Logith,
pointing to an early MS, Lochet, Lochit, in which ? has not yet become ?.
Hence Buchet may be regarded as the normal 0. I. spelling. This corre
sponds to an Ogham form *locidas, gen. *locidi, late locid, in which c = ch, and
d = O. I. t = early Celtic nt. The words, "Lucet mad gui et Ranal" with
which the name is introduced by Muirchu, indicate Ronal as the personal
name, and Lucet mad, ' the tonsured L./ as a secondary appellation. Lucet
Mael was one of the two chief druids of Loiguire, king of Ireland.
D.?Customary Terms and Formula.

1. The most frequent term is maqi, normally with the literal meaning
' son/ used in apposition to the proper name which precedes.
2. But in a considerable number of instances maqi forms part of a proper
name, as in the ms. nomenclature, e.g. Mac Bethad, Mac Riagla, forenames, not
patronymics. In Oghams this use is distinguishable in two ways: (1) maqi is
the first word in the inscription ; (2) maqi is preceded by maqi or avi or
mucoi.
3. Names so formed do not indicate the actual filial relation. Maqi
Ttal(i) maqi Vorgos (91) does not mean 'son of Tal son of Fuirg' in the
sense that Tal is the father of the person commemorated. That person's
name is Maqi-Tal, Mac Tail of the genealogies, Mace Tail, Mactaleus of L. Arm.
This name is explained in LB 89 : ocus is aire is Mace Tail ar thai in tsaeir
do gab?il?' li (he) is Mace Tail by reason of taking up or plying the (tal)
adze of the craftsman/
4. Maqi Liag may be explained on analogous lines, as meaning one
devoted to the craft of great stones. The Ogham monuments bear witness
that the stone-cutter's craft was not established in Ireland in their time.
Hence it is likely that Mac Liag denoted primarily a person devoted or

affiliated to the craft of inscribing oghams on the rude undressed pillar
stones of the country.
5. A somewhat diff?rent shade of meaning may be traced in names in
which maqi, mace, is followed by the name of a tree. Maqi Cairatini =
Mace Cairthin, L. Arm., ' son of rowantree/ So Mace I and Mace Ibair,
' son of yew/ Mace Guill, L. Arm., ' son of hazel,* Mace Bregin, ib., ' son
of blackthorn/ Mace Cuilinn, & son of holly/ Mace Bara, l son of oak/
Even in the Norman period the Irish changed Mac Piarais, ' son of Piers
(de Bermingham)/ into Mac Fearais, 'son of spindle-tree/ which is still
the Irish equivalent of the surname Bermingham. Here again a traditional
explanation is forthcoming. Keating, following older writers, says : Coll fa
dia do Mhac Guill?' Coll, hazel, was a god to Mac Cuill/ son of hazel.
In fact, these names arose from tree-worship, of which traces are still
extant throughout Ireland.
6. A third class of names is that in which maqi, mace, is followed by the
name of a person, male or female. Here also worship or dedication seems to
be indicated. The frequent Maqi Ercias, Mace Erce (Ercae, Erca), refers to
a female Ere, a name which occurs in the BB list of legendary women.
Possibly the meaning is 'son of heaven/ ere .i. nem. Other names ap
parently of this class are Maqi Decedas = Mace Bechet, Maqi Iari (< Iveri ?) =
Mace lair (lar son of Dedu, eponymous ancestor of the Erainn = Clanda
Dedad), Maqi ttettia(s), Maqi Ainia(s), Maqi Retta (Recta, Rhys),1 Maqi
Nalggeri ?, Maqi Riteas,3 Maqi Ddumileas,3 Maqi Treni, Maqi ftorini.
7. Inigena = MS. ingen, ' daughter' appears in the late gen. (i)nagen(e) 76,
where a seems to arise from a mistaken archaism.4
8. The general usage of mucoi, MS. moccu, has been shown by me in Eriu,
vol. iii, p. 42. It is followed by the genitive of the name of the eponymous
ancestor of the tuath to which the person commemorated belongs. By
prefixing dot or coreu to this genitive, or by adding to the eponym the
suffix -rige, -ne, or -acht, the name of the tuath is formed ; but sometimes
the plural of the eponym serves as a name for the tuath. In ms. Irish,
moccu becomes indeclinable, and the data seem insufficient to establish the
usage of aspiration in the initial of the following name.
9. The precise sense of mucoi has not been fixed. Macalister regards
mucoi as denoting an individual, and translates it by * tribesman ' or
1 MaeRechto BB 85a9, 10. 2 Matcrithe BB 131a41, ingen MaieReithi 224j3359.

3 Cf. maie Maie Bemle BB 122al3, Finbarr Indsi Boimle 215)344.
4 Maealister's reading of ingene 194 must be rejected, as the consonant ng cannot stand for
a + g.
' descendant/ Rhys treats it as a collective noun, meaning ' kindred/
The latter meaning, understood as ; posterity, offspring/ appears to suit
best the various uses of the term. In oghams, mucoi is most often preceded
by maqi, once by inagene 76, but in a good proportion of instances no such
word precedes. In Macalister's sense, mucoi not preceded by maqi must
denote ' the descendant/ i.e. the chief descendant of the eponymous
ancestor. Then maqi mucoi would imply that this mucoi was regarded as
patriarch of the kindred, who were called his sons and daughters. There
is an exact, perhaps too exact, parallel to this in the modern use of
Ua N?ill, Ua Briain, etc. When the surname alone designates an individual,
that individual is the chief. But mac Ui N?ill, mac Ui Bhriain, etc., may
be used of any male member of the family. It seems as simple to under
stand " A mucoi B " to mean " A of the posterity of B," and " A maqi mucoi
B " to mean " A son (i.e. member) of the posterity of B," the formul?e being
equivalent in value. In ms. usage, moccu has not been found preceded
by mace or ingen ; and since it is found applied to ecclesiastics and to
contemporary members of the same kindred/ it can have no meaning
of * chief/3
10. Moccu is not confined to the usage after personal names. The
following are some instances of general usage:?
Fintenns gente mocu Moie Adamnan.
Mailodranus gente mocu Rin ib.
Lugbeus gente mocu Min ib. (twice).
Cruth de genere Runtir L. Arm., beside Trenanus moca Runtir Adamnan.
Venit Patricius ad insolas Maccu Chor L, Arm.
Sedens loco hi nBruim moccu Eehach L. Arm.
Bruim moccu Blai, place-name, Onomasticon.
Cluain moccu JSf?is = Clonmacnois.
Inis moccu Ghuinn - Inchiquin island.
macraid ? maccu raith LB 94.
Coica lin moccu Luigdech, coica lin moccu Nemongin. 'Fifty was the
number of moccu L., etc/ (Expulsion of D?ssi, Eriu, iii, p. 138.) Followed by
coica laech do maccaib Oengusa, i fifty warriors of the sons of Oengus/
These instances seem to prove that moccu (= gens, genus, macrad, maccaib)
is a collective term, and that following a personal name it is to be understood
as a partitive genitive.
1 See instance of moccu Oein, Erin, I.e.

2 In Eriu I.e., not yet understanding the consonant-system in oghams, I supposed that Ogham
mucoi must produce ms. muchu (better mochu), and hence suggested wrongly that moccu arose from
a pretonic contraction of the locution maq(as) mucoi.
11. avi in oghams has usually been translated ' grandson/ I question if
it ever has this meaning in them, and suggest that it means 'a remote
descendant/ and is used as the recognized term for indicating the sept, cen?l,
aicme, a subdivision of the tuath. In the genealogies, the primary septs,
i.e. the first and principal subdivisions of the tuath, not unfrequently have
feminine eponyms, e.g. Ui Brigte, Ui Erca. In sub-septs, arising from
division of primary septs, the ancestors appear to be always male.1
The relative frequency of feminine names after avi is notable. Hence I
think that avi denotes remote descent, probably from a mythological ancestor.
12. The instances of avi noted in which the name following is ascertainable
are as follows :?
Cunamaqqi avi Corbbi 19.

a Curciti avi Vodduv angac ? 40.
?vanos avi Ivacattos 50.
Maqi-Nalggeri maqi Tabirrass avi ftettias 61.
Isari avi Ggatteci 110.
Colomagni avi Ducagni 129.
Maqi-Decceddas avi Turanias 135.
Artagni avi Ditibeas ? 154.
Anavlamattias mucoi Maqi-Euri2 avi Axeras 196.
Cunalegea3 maqi C .. . salar celi Ave ftvecea 216.
Ebrasi maqi Elti avi Ogatas ? 228.
ftrit. . . maqi Lobacona avi Seagracolinea 240.
Cunalegi avi Cunacanos J, 1898, p. 402.
Nawallo awi Genittac[ci] J, 1895, p. 133.
Sedan[i awi Derjcamasoci ib.
Maqi Cairatini avi Ineqaglas J, 1898, p. 57.
13. Barry has already identified Awi Genittac with the Leinster sept
Ui Gentig, and Awi [Der]camasoci with the Leinster sept Ui Dercmossaig.4
Both oghams belong to Leinster. Avi Ineqaglas (i) is found in an ogham of
southern Meath, which was Leinster territory until the beginning of the sixth
century. The name is that of the Leinster sept Ui Enechglais. Avi Turanias,
in a Kerry ogham, contains the name of the Ciarraige sept Ui Torna. If I
am right in regarding Ave ftvecea as gen. pi., it suggests another sept. The
1 Feminine eponyms are no proof of matriarchy. They may be ascribed to a mixture of religious
and genealogical notions. The Athenians are not regarded as having followed matriarchy, though
their eponym is the name of a goddess?
2 Mare likely Maqi Iari as in 13.
3 Bead Cunalegi as in the third following inscr.P
4 Dearcmossach mac Cathair Mair BB 131)318.
somewhat exceptional formula in No. 196 may be translated 'of Anblomaith
of the tuath of Mace lair [and] of the sept [thereof] Aui Acher/ In early
MS. usage one, ua, is frequently used to denote the sept. S. Cormac
Ua Liath?in the voyager was a contemporary of S. Columb Cille in the sixth
century. He is surnamed, not from his grandfather, but from a remote
ancestor, Eochu Liath?n, eponymous ancestor of the Munster sept Ui Liath?in,
who, if he ever lived, must have lived in the third or fourth century. Hence
I am of opinion that when we find avi in oghams we should expect to find it
followed, not by the name of a grandfather, but by the eponyni of an ancient
sept.1
14. Celi O. L c?li, nom. c?le = *c?lias, has two clear instances : Alatto celi
Battigni 106, and . . . celi Ave Qvecea 216. Macalister translates ' devotee*
following such names as Cele D?, Cele Crist, C?le Petair, in Christian
nomenclature. But this is a secondary sense. Cele means a 'tenant, vassal,
follower, or retainer under a chief, fiaith! G?le and flaith are correlative
terms.
15. Niotas and netas I take to be two distinct words, niotas = nephew, and
netas = champion. The nominatives and eventually all the cases fall together
in MS. spelling. The two meanings, mace sethur, ' sisters son/ and tr?nfer,
1 champion/ are given in Cor mac's Glossary for nia, niae.
16. Niotta, niott, appears to present a late Ogham vocalization of
*n??tas < *n?p?tos = Latin nep?tis. The MS. nom. should be *niu = *neus
< *netds. Maccnio, Cathnio, are found in AU 708, 76?>, and in them the nom.
seems to be transferred from the stem neut- to the stem net-.
17. A similar exchange of stems is found in the gen. " In regno Coirpri
Nioth Fer," "filios Nioth Fruich," L. Arm. O. I. nioth can hardly be derived
from netas. Coirpre Nia Fer cannot mean l C. nephew of men/ and against
Nioth Fruich stands the ogham Netta Vroicc(i) maqi muccoi Tre[n]a[lu] ggo
J, 1903, p. 76. Hence I think that the confusion of stems, which is complete
in Mid. I., had already begun in 0.1.
18. niot- occurs in :
Dumeli maqi Glasiconas niotta Cobranoras 71, Niott Vrecc maqi Covatagni 93.
In 71, the sense of ' nephew ' (perhaps 'descendant in the female line')
seems apt. It is not quite so clear in 93, but may denote some kind of
religious affiliation.
Macalister's equation of Niott Vrecc with Netta Vroicc is not sustained by
any known instance of vocalic interchange in the Ogham period. "The
1 Rhys reads Av[i] Vlatiami as the commencement of an inscription, J, 1903, p, 81. I think
Anm or Anme may have been the first word.
B.I.A. PROC, VOL. XXVII., SECT. C. [54]
stone is partly concealed by earth," and possibly ec is either wrongly read or

wrongly inscribed for oi.
19. n?tas has the regular ms. equivalent in Oisseneus mocu Neth Corb
Adamnan. The eponym corresponds to D?l Niad Corb of the genealogies,
the dynastic house of the kingdom of Leinster. Here N?th, Niad, retains its
accent, and consequently its long vowel.
20. In Cunanetas = Gonnath, Connad, the accent is lost, and the atonic netas
becomes nath, nad. As a separate element prefixed to a genitive, netas
sometimes remains accented, e.g. Nia Fer, Nia N?ir, Nia Segamon, Nia Corb,
but more often becomes proclitic, taking the atonic form nath, nad, of tener
with further weakening not = nt (cf. the modern Mleachlainn = Mael
Sechnaill, Mo-riain = Miriam
o = Mael Uiain, " Morony " = Mael Euanada,
beside Maoilre = Mael Muire).
21. Genealogies afford the following instances of nath,nat: Nat Froieh
(Fruich, Fraich) = Netta Vroicci, Nat Suird, Nat S?r, Nastar, Nasar, Nazar
(in L. Arm. Nazarus and Nazarius) = Netta Sagru, Nathi = Nath ?? (i gen.
of eo, ' yew '), Nad Brech, Naithleach gen. ?, Nat Saiglennf Nat Buidb, Nat
Sluaig (Sluaga, Sluagda). JSad Sluaig .i, nia sl(uaig) BB 168?25 gives the
traditional interpretation.
22. Nat (nath, nad) is indeclinable, so that Nioth Fruich L. Arm., may be
an attempted archaism.1 But the various forms of Nat S?r have the genitive
-?ir in pedigrees, where analogous inflexions are often wrongly introduced.
23. From the stem net, we should expect the nom. (*n?ts) *n?s, giving O. I.
*n? ; but I find only nia, niae, -nio. However, Nesluagha BB 222?L33 can
hardly be a mere slip of the copyist.2
24. The stem appears to occur in Neton, the name of the Aquitanian
" Mars/5 and in " Netoni deo " of an inscr. at Trujillo (Holder), N?de = *n?tios.
In composition it occurs in the Ogham names Netacunas, Netacari, Netacagi
(or -cagni).
1 In other texts I only find Nat {Nad) Fr?ich, indeclinable.

3 Since writing the above I have found nom. Nae, gen. Nioth and Nad Buigb (= Nat Buidb), in
the D?si genealogy, BB lid?^o, ?3ll, 14, all three apparently referring to the same person.
Here as in Nioth Fer, Nioth Fruich L. Arm., gen. nioth seems to have been transferred from nom.
*niu.

Royal Irish Academy Proceedings of The Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Royal Irish Academy Proceedings of The Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Royal Irish Academy Proceedings of The Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, Literature

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Notes on the Distribution, History, Grammar, and Import of the Irish Ogham Inscriptions

Author(s): John MacNeill

The publication of Mr. E. A. Stewart Macalister's Studies in Irish Epigraphy

1 The British figures are those given by Rhys, J, 1902, p. 1.

The arresting causes, it can hardly be doubted, were the spread of

Macalister's reading, and the accompanying names do not admit of identifi

the natural weathering of the stone is evident. Macalister ascribes such

Macalister's K is a provisional symbol for some sound akin to C.

16. Maqi-Decceda maqi Glasiconas.

vowel is found in conjunction with an early inflexional form. When this

VI.?EXAMPLES CLASSIFIED AND DISCUSSED.

A.?Eelations of Ogham and MS. Orthography and Word-formation.

1. Initial v becomes MS. /. Vorgos 91 = Fwgo. Vlatiami J, 1902, p. 81

14. Other consonants are preserved in MS. Irish. There is frequent

-v?cas [Ordo-v?ces, Lemo-v?ces, Irish fich) = Rittavveccas 69, Bittavvecc 100,

i But M, ai are also found. 3 But nom. Colldub (= *Collub) BB 124a21.

1. These usually disappear in MS. Irish.

*Qennavindagni ? = Q?ienvendani, H?bner, Inscr. Britt., = Cheninddn L. Arm.)

1. The Ogham inscriptions prove clearly the important fact that at

1 Gen. Cmnheain BB 122?25, nom. Cenlacan 123/341, doubtless = Oellaehdn, Qeniloci

vowel belonged to the later phenomenon. The Ogham evidence is quite

2. o- stems have genitive in -i, which disappears in late forms. Since

111. Anm Crunan* maq* Luqin*.

6. Genitives of io-stems always end in -i (= -ii) in Ogham spelling, and

female name in legendary material. I have found no nom. Eire, Ire,

Iulenge 47 = *Iva-lengias = Eulainge BB 144?25 nom. Eolaing = *Iva-lengis.

17. Consonant-stems form the genitive in -as, transitionally -a. In late

19. Late forms ending in the stem-consonant.

21. Genitives in -os change in transitional forms to -o, which persists in

C.?Exceptional Cases and Forms.

of the aithechtuatha. It appears to mean ' lad of chariots/ an equivalent of

The commemoration of a person in servitude seems unlikely, but is not

D.?Customary Terms and Formula.

Hence it is likely that Mac Liag denoted primarily a person devoted or

1 MaeRechto BB 85a9, 10. 2 Matcrithe BB 131a41, ingen MaieReithi 224j3359.

1 See instance of moccu Oein, Erin, I.e.

Cunamaqqi avi Corbbi 19.

stone is partly concealed by earth," and possibly ec is either wrongly read or

1 In other texts I only find Nat {Nad) Fr?ich, indeclinable.

You might also like

Iulenge 47 = Iva-lengias = Eulainge BB 144?25 nom. Eolaing = Iva-lengis.