THAILAND-ALOOSELY

STRUCTURED
SOCIALSYSTEM
B y JOHN F. EMBREE
HAILAND (Siam) lies in the heart of Indochina in the midst of a broad
T culture area which includes French Laos and Cambodia to the east and
the Shan States of Burma to the west.’ This region is made up of Thai speaking
peoples who came down from the old kingdom of Nanchao in what is now
Yunnan. Before that they appear to have been inhabitants of Szechwan.
Dodd, for instance, presents some linguistic evidence for this.2 But Credner
holds a different view and thinks that they came into the Tali region of Yun-
nan from the east.3 The present distribution of Thai speaking peoples in Szech-
wan, Yunnan, and Kwangsi makes both theories plausible. Whichever may
prove to be correct, the present Thai people of Indochina appear to have come
into the southern area from Yunnan, spreading out into Thailand, northern
Burma (Shan), and the upper valleys of Tonkin (Lao, Thai, and Tho). Both
Dodd and Credner emphasize the fact that the Thai have always been wet
rice cultivators and settlers in valleys and plains suitable for this type of
economy. The basis of Credner’s theory that they came to Yunnan from the
east is his view that the Thai are not only valley dwellers but tropical paddy
cultivating valley dwellers. Thus the Thai are quite distinct historically and
culturally from the mountain peoples of North Indochina such as the Yao,
Meo, Lolo, and Wa.
All students of Thai history are agreed on the northern origin of the present
Thai people, They are also agreed on the historic influences of Hindu culture
in the area as reflected in the themes from the Ramayana in drama and liter-
ature, the form of dress (panung), and the Indian court t e r m i n ~ l o g y Another
.~
important Indian influence which seems to have come to the Thai via Burma
when they were still in the North was Mahayana Buddhism and some Brah-
manistic practices; later, about the sixth century, A.D., the Hinayana form of
Buddhism became predominantas
’
Thai culture is markedly different from that of Vietnam (Annam), a
region with long historic contact with China and under actual Chinese rule

* Studi$s of Thai culture are few. Useful material is to be found in Graham’s Siam, in Dodd’s
The Tai Race, in Landon’s Siam in Transition (Ch. 8 ) , and especially in Chandruang’s autobio-
graphical M y Boyhood i n Siam. A valuable old source is De la LoubBre, A New Historical Relation
of the Kingdom of Siam. The only anthropological analysis of Thai cultural materials is Thai
Culture and Behavior by Ruth Benedict. The present paper is based on several trips to Thai-
land, the first of which was in 1926 and the last in 1948. In 1947, the author was United States
cultural officer in Bangkok and later in Saigon, French Indochina.
2 Dodd, 1923. Credner, 1935.
Coedb, 1944; Landon, 1949; Wales, 1937.
Landon, 1949, pp. 100 et seq.
181
182 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [52, 1950

for many centuries. The religion of Vietnam is a combination of Taoism and

Mahayana Buddhism, with rituals similar to those of China; family relation-
ships and rituals are Confucianist.6 Thus despite their northern origin, the
Thai draw much of their cultural heritage in religion, literature, and art from
India, while the Vietnamese heritage is drawn from China.
Thai culture is also markedly different from the Islamic Malayan culture
to the south in the Peninsula and in Indonesia. Both share Indian influences,
but the dominant religions in the two areas-Hinayana and Islam-are differ-
ent, and so are many other aspects of their culture. For example, the Thai are
a land-bound people in contrast to the seafaring Malays; and the Thai mode
of dress differs from that found in Indonesia.
A t the same time, despite these important cultural diversities, there are
several culture traits which Thailand shares in common with the whole South-
east Asiatic area: wet rice agriculture as a basis of subsistence,’ “roasting”
of the mother just after childbirth,* chewing of betel and blackening of the
teeth,s playing of kickbal1,’O and the piston bellows.ll
It is within this cultural context that some observations on certain char-
acteristics of Thai culture are to be made, especially those which concern the
question of relative integration of a culture in terms of a loosely as against a
closely woven social structure; loosely integrated here signifying a culture in
which considerable variation of individual behavior is sanctioned. Some of
these traits may be shared to some extent by peoples of neighboring cultures,
but for the most part they are characteristics which mark off Thailand and the
culture area to which it belongs from the type of culture represented by
Vietnam in Indochina or Japan t o the northeast. These last, of course, differ
from each other, but both contrast with Thai culture in having more tightly
woven cultures-that is, cultures whose patterns are clearly marked and which
emphasize the importance of observing reciprocal rights and duties in various
situations to a greater degree than is to be found among the Thai.
The first characteristic of Thai culture to strike an observer from the West,
or from Japan or Vietnam, is the individualistic behavior of the people. The
longer one resides in Thailand the more one is struck by the almost determined
lack of regularity, discipline, and regimentation in Thai life. I n contrast to
Japan, Thailand lacks neatness and discipline; in contrast to Americans, the
Thai lack respect for administrative regularity and have no industrial time
sense.
When two or three Thai walk along the road together there is no attempt
to keep in step or to swing the arms in rhythm. On the contrary, each individual

Brodrick, 1942. Adams, 1948. * Cole, 1945.

Huard, 1939,1948. lo Emhree, 1948;Kaudern, 1929. I1 Cole, 1945.
E~REE] T H A I L A N D - A LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEM 183

walks along as if he were alone.12 This is a trait common enough in nonliterate

societies and also in rural India, but it is in marked contrast to cultures such
as the Western European, American, or Japanese. Regimented walking to-
gether, with clock time consciousness of minutes and hours and their signifi-
cance in Western culture have been discussed for Western Europe by Lewis
Mumford in his Technics and Ckili~alion.’~ Walking in step is no mere cultural
curiosity, but is an important index to a whole way of life which stresses regu-
larity of behavior of the “keep in line” and “be on time” variety. Certainly in
Thailand, individualism in walking is associated with a number of other traits
which may well be more than mere coincidences. The Thai have often gone to
war against their neighbors in Burma and Cambodia, but until the 1920’s
they never developed a regular standing army of any size. Indeed, a t one time
the king had guards of Japanese, French and Portuguese soldiers,14 who,
however, were as much for maintaining the balance of power uis d vis European
countries as they were for the conduct of organized warfare. Not only is the
military tradition weak, but Thai peasants, when drafted into military service,
show little aptitude for the life of a soldier. They do not care for its discipline,
and they show a marked reluctance to go into battle.I6
Individualistic behavior is found in other aspects of Thai life. In the family,
the father is putative head, and children are supposed to obey their parents.
But in practice, there is none of the strong sense of duty and obligation to
parents which is so characteristic, in diverse ways, of Vietnam, China, and
Japan. Even the family precepts in this regard are milder, since the Thai
follow the Buddhist rather than the Confucian rules. Chandruang, for example,
quotes the following Buddhist rules of family obligations:
These are the duties of parents to their children: giving food, clothing, and shelter,
forbidding wrongdoing, encouraging right conduct, giving education, assisting them
in matrimony, and transferring properties to them in good time.
The duties of children toward their parents are: taking care of them when they are
old, helping them in their work, keeping the good name of the family, obedience, trust-
worthiness, using their properties sensibly, and remembering them after their death.“
It is notable that these rules include duties of parents to children as well as of
children to parents. Also, it is the mother who transmits these teachings to her
children, not the father. She transmits them as sage advice rather than as
mandatory obligations.

12 While two friends do not walk in step they do maintain psychic contact by holding hands

or by one holding a finger or two of the other. This is a common action among young men as
well as young women, but not, traditionally, of a young man ond a young woman.
l 3 Mumford, 1934, e.g., qp. %91. 14 Hutchinson, 1940, p. 34; Prabha, 1949.
Thompson, 1941, p. 296. l6 Chandruang, 1940, pp. 141-142.
184 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [52, 1950

By contrast the Chinese system of filial piety emphasizes strongly the

masculine side of the family and the duties of children to parents, especially
to the father, and of wife to husband. There is a strong emphasis on a clear-
cut system of reciprocal rights and duties which all proper people should follow.
.
“In practice . . hsiao (filial piety) is demanded of children toward all the mem-
bers of the parental generation and above; and ti (respectful obedience) must
be shown by young people toward any older person in their own generation.””
The father is head of the family and inheritance is through him. Various
members of the family are expected to respect his word. If the father dies,
the eldest son is supposed to look after his mother and siblings. For example,
Chandruang writes, “Father, as the eldest son, was obligated to look after his
mother and his younger brother and sister.” He wanted, however, to go to
Bangkok for further education, and so, “he consulted with his mother on the
idea. . . . She naturally refused, for she needed him to work on the farm.”l*
Nonetheless, he left for the city. Later he revisited her, and when he begged
her forgiveness, she gave it. This kind of loose obligation and adjustment of
family relations to the desires of individuals in it is not uncommon. In another
family with which first hand contact was had in Bangkok, the father, a govern-
mental official, had left his family to marry another woman and the first
wife looked after the children. One of her sons, also married, left Bangkok for
political reasons and left his small son with the grandmother. The man, in
his place of exile, married another woman. When informed of this development
the mother and sisters were interested but not surprised; and one sister re-
marked, “He always liked to have a lot of women around him.”
The point here once more is that the structure of the family is a loose one,
and while obligations are recognized, they are not allowed to burden one un-
duly. Such as are sanctioned are observed freely by the individual-he acts
of his own will, not as a result of social pressure.
Thus, again, Chandruang’s father took a second wife, Rieu, a girl not too
well educated and one who had a difficult time in her relations with the other
women of the household. Later, Rieu went away to Bangkok for her health,
and after a time fell in love with someone there. Before she remarried, she
asked Chandruang’s father’s permission, which he gave. “Father felt sorry for
her and gave her a few hundred ticals to start a new life with her new hus-
band.”l9 He was under no social pressure to do this, but he “felt sorry for her.”
Similarly, the political exile, while under no obligation to keep in touch with
his mother in Bangkok, did so when opportunity offered because he wanted to.
By contrast, if some individual-often a woman-wishes to be uncoopera-
tive with other members of her family, she can become very difficult. Rieu
suffered, not from the first wife’s jealousy, but from the venom of her mother.
I7 Titiev and Tien, 1947, pp. 261-262 (Emphasis supplied).
I* Chandruang, 1940, p. 16. Chandruang, 1940, p. 180.
EMBREE] THAILAND-A LQOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEM 185

Prince Chakrabongse, when he brought home a Russian wife, faced opposition

from his mother, who upbraided her son and so made his bride’s position a
difficult one.2o She should have received her daughter-in-law on arrival by
social tradition; but as a woman she did not wish to, and there was an end to
it. A year later, however, she softened and did receive the foreign daughter-in-
law.
Where social structure is “close”-that is, where the behavior of the people
conforms closely to the formal social patterns of human relations, as inJapan-
it is difficult for an individual to deviate, and reciprocal rights and duties are
clearly marked and carried out. Under such conditions, a foreign bride may not
be approved, but once she becomes a member of the family, then the forms
a t least will be observed. The mother would receive her even though it hurt
to do so. In Siamese society it is relatively easy to achieve a jait accompli by
doing something not approved by other members of the group. But in so doing
one does not necessarily achieve the acceptance of the others. The “accom-
plished fact” does not accomplish much.
The local group in Japan, the hamlet, has a clearcut social unity with spe-
cial ceremonies for entry and exit and a whole series of rights and obligations
for its members. Each man must sooner or later assume the responsibility of
being the representative of the local group, each must assist on occasions of
hamlet cooperation such as road building or funeral preparations. I n Thailand
the hamlet also has its own identity and the members also have rights and
duties, but they are less clearly defined and less strictly enforced. Exchange
systems are less clear cut. Thus in Thailand, with its mobility of population
and lack of emphasis on long term obligations, we do not find the financial
credit associations (KO) which extend over twenty years or so in a Japanese
farm community. But they are found in China and Vietnam, areas in which we
find societies similar to Japan in the sense here used.21
The difference in closeness and looseness of cultural pattern as between
Thailand and such a culture as the Japanese may also be seen in games of
poem exchange. In Japan a well known “socia1”game involves knowing by
heart a hundred classical poems, so that when two lines are recited by one
contestant the other can complete the poem with the remaining lines. In rural
Japan the folk poetry is less likely to take a contest form and there is some
improvisation, but by and large the texts are remarkably standard in any
given region.22In Thailand also there are poetic contests, but here, while there
is a general plot to which any given series of rhymes must conform, there is
much room for improvisation and direction of the story to suit the occasion.2s
Both societies have poem contests, but one is bound by tight formal rules
20Chula, 1943, p. 16.
21Embree, 1939, pp. 138-151; Fei, 1939, pp. 267-274; Vinh, 1931.
a Embree, 1949. *a Bidyalankarana, 1926.
186 AMERICAN ANTEROPOLOGIST [52, 1950

while the other stresses individual variation within broad boundaries of rhyme
and plot.
Still another manifestation of the Thai way is found in cabaret life. I n
Singapore the Chinese have organized cabarets so that there is no dancing
with the taxi dance-girls without tickets, and the whole procedure is well
organized to give a steady financial profit to the management. Bangkok also
has cabarets-but no manager has succeeded in running one Singapore style.
Each girl comes or does not come on a given night as she pleases; she may or
may not require a guest to buy a dance ticket; and if she goes home with him
afterward she may or may not be mercenary about it, depending on how she
feels. A man from Singapore with some experience in cabaret management
commented unfavorably to me on the casual way in which these things are
done in Bangkok. Cabarets are, of course, an innovation in Bangkok from
the West, but the permissive behavior pattern of managers and the individual
behavior of the girls are characteristically Thai. Even if the manager is
Chinese or European he finds it necessary to adjust his management to the
Thai way.
This “unreliability,” as Westerners are likely to call it, does not reflect
naivet6. One evidence of this is that in the average business deal it is the for-
eigner-not the Thai-who loses his money, And on a national scale, Thailand
by a combination of good luck and clever diplomacy, managed to retain her
political independence when all the small countries around her succumbed to
European colonial control. The good fortune was the Franco-British rivalry
in Southeast Asia which made of Thailand a “buffer” state between British
Burma and French Indochina. But of itself this could not have saved the
independence of the nation. What saved it was the diplomatic skill of the Thai
-a kind of delay and doubletalk which doubtless irritated more than one
foreign diplomat, but which succeeded in preventing them from ever joining
forces to carve up the country. I n this regard Thailand has been more suc-
cessful than any African country or than such a “buffer” state as Poland.
In her diplomacy Thailand succeeds in exploiting her cultural differences
from the West. While never so adamant in her resistance to some Western
demand as to force a showdown fight and sure defeat, what the Thai govern-
mental official does is first to smile and if this is not sufficient to disarm the
unwelcome stranger he also says, smilingly, “Yes, I’ll see.” I n the weeks,
months, or years of “seeing” how the foreigner’s wish can be implemented,
some new factor usually enters the picture either to make the foreigner change
his mind or to give the Thai government some opportunity backed by outside
strength to give a negative reply,
To tell a lie successfully, to dupe someone else, is praiseworthy in Thai
culture-a tradition that, no doubt, has not been without utility to the nation
EMBREE] THAILAND-A LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEM 187

in its foreign relations. I t is not so praiseworthy to have one’s lie discovered,

however, and one so discovered invites any punishment he may receive. There
are many sayings bearing on the point, and many of the popular stories col-
lected by Le May reflect an admiration for the man or woman who can suc-
cessfully deceive another. It is shameful to be caught, but clever t o succeed;
and the moral of many of the stories and sayings is that one should always be

A good liar, of course, requires a cool temperament, and the Thai accord
considerable respect to this. There is a special term, choei, to refer to a cool
temperament; Landon has described this in his Siam in Transition:
The word is seldom applied in a derogatory manner unless used by a foreigner who
is trying to break down lassitude and indifference. Siamese regard it as complimentary
and the attitude it expresses as a virtue. It means the ability to take life as it comes
without excitement. He who meets the crises of life with cool mien is “choei.” A certain
girl, who held a prominent position and who, when caught in adultery and theft and
stood to lose both good name and position, met the situation with a coolness that was
most astonishing, was described by Siamese as undeniably “choei.” The term implies
coolness of attitude toward work, responsibility, or tr0uble.2~
A former government official of cabinet rank expressed the belief that
political parties are not likely to succeed in Thailand because the people are
too individualistic and do not like to work in organizations. I n contrast to the
Japanese the Thai do not allow an obligation of loyalty to a chief to take pre-
cedence over other considerations. Thus one may often see a man prominent
in one political group today join forces with the leader of a different group
tomorrow if circumstances warrant. Several of Premier Phibun’s opponents of
1947 were his political allies in 1948.
Together with Thai individualistic behavior within a loosely integrated
social structure is an attitude of minding one’s own business when it comes
to matters of action. A thief can steal from a man’s house and not be stopped
unless the owner himself raises the alarm. A man may assault someone in
full view of onlookers, who will make no move to interfere. This is another
sharp contrast to traditional Japanese culture where personal property-at
least before 1945-was usually remarkably safe, and house keys the exception.
A thief or assaulter would soon be caught and subdued by neighbors or by-
standers if observed.
An important fact in Thai life is the utter insecurity of physical property.
This applies not only to a piece of clothing laid out to dry, but even to temple
14 LeMay, 1930. There are several tales in this collection which reflect this pointof view-for
example, “The Snare,” “The Glass Stopper,” and “The Love Lesson.” Buddhist morality, how-
ever, condemns the lie, and schoolteachers stress the virtue of not tellingone.
26 Landon, 1939, p. 148.
iaa AMERICAN ANTRROPOLOGIST [52,1950

property. Every temple altar must be locked up when no priests are present.
I n Bangkok all frame houses are supplied either with shutters, which are
locked a t night, or with iron bars on the windows. The more well-to-do have
their property surrounded by a wall provided with a lockable gate. This ever-
present danger of house-breaking and theft, which is no new thing in urban
Thai life, means that nothing of any value can ever be left unlocked. At
Chulalongkorn University library, for instance, all books are kept in locked
bookshelves. Such a situation requires a constant alertness on the part of even
the small property owner. It does not encourage either neighborly trust or a
sluggish mind.
At the local group level, while the people live by wet rice agriculture, there
seems to be a less closely woven pattern of cooperative organization for accom-
plishing agricultural labor as compared with, say, Japanese society. I n con-
sidering this, and perhaps the family structure, too, it must be borne in mind
that the number of people per square mile is not nearly so great in agricultural
Thailand as it is in agricultural Japan or Vietnam. Dense population may en-
force more carefully laid out modes of interpersonal conduct. Group pressures
and set patterns of behavior become more important for harmonious group life
where many men live in little space.
The lack of the intense insular patriotism among the Thai, which is so
characteristic of the Japanese islanders, affords another contrast. Thai as a
rule are not ethnocentric; they are not anxious t o prove to themselves and to
others that they and their country are superior. At the same time there does
exist pride of race. The reaction of Prince Chakrabongse’s mother to his mar-
riage with a Russian girl, already mentioned, was an example of this. Premier
Phibun has gained some of his popularity by means of antiforeign pronounce-
ments. He also, like some Japanese political leaders, tried to reform Thai cus-
toms, to “modernize” them. Yet though this resembles some of the Japanese
reactions to Western cultural influence, the phenomenon is much less general
in Thailand. When Thai intellectuals criticize Phibun, they scorn his attempts
to “make us civilized.” Such people assume that they are civilized and that
striving to imitate Western custom too seriously is rather to be ridiculed.
The class structure of Thailand in the days of the absolute monarchy pro-
vided for the situation created by the custom of extensive royal polygyny
by a rule that each succeeding generation lost rank until by the fifth genera-
tion, the descendents of royalty ranked as common people. Formally the sys-
tem was a neat one as follows:
The sons and daughters of the king and of the queens are born with the title Somdet
Chao Fa while those of the king and of ladies who are not queens are Phra Ong Chao.
The children of Chao Fa and Phra Ong Chao are Mom-Chao, their children being Mom
EHBREE] THAILAND-A LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEM 189

Racha Wongs, and the next generation Mom Luang and the next are without title of
any s0rt.~6

However, it was always possible for the king to confer titles on men of ability
or favor, and so raise them in rank. The declining descent rule, in turn, ap-
plied to their children, but in this case, too, could always be counteracted by
conferred rank.
Succession to the throne was through a younger brother, or the eldest son
of one of the queens-rules not so strict but that various aspirants to the throne
felt free to make personal bids for power. This uncertainty of succession often
led to extensive assassinations. For example, when King Budayot Fa died in
1809 his son, “fearing, or feigning to dread, conspiracies against him, put to
death one hundred and seventeen Siamese nobles, among whom were several
generals who had fought a t his father’s side against the bur man^."^'
The lack of interest in exact procedures was dramatically demonstrated
when King Chulalongkorn died and no one seemed to know in detail the proper
ritual procedures.
Preparations were then hurriedly begun for the bathing ceremony which is always
performed as soon as possible after death; and after that for the conveyance of the
body to the Grand Palace for the lying-in-state. But now difficulties arose. The cere-
monies to be observed were all laid down by ancient tradition but no one could be found
who remembered them. It was 42 years since a King of Siam had died. No preparations
could be made beforehand, for to have discussed the funeral rites while the King still
lived would have been regarded as treason. The details of the procession had also to be
arranged. So the archives were searched, old documents consulted; there were endless
discussions. It all meant delay, with the result that what should have happened in the
afternoon did not begin till well after sunset. It was seven o’clock and quite dark before
the bathing ceremony was over.2*

I n modern Thailand the school system is, as in Japan, a national one, with
teachers appointed and curricula fixed by the state. In the schools themselves
teachers and students wear uniforms and the children are expected to re-
spect teachers, but there is none of the stiff formality in the Thai classroom
comparable to that in Japan. The teacher may speak quite informally and the
pupils are under no compulsion to sit a t attention. And while the total sys-
tem is state run, many schools operate largely on their own initiative for lack
of properly qualified teachers from normal schools and for lack of sufficient
text books and school equipment. This is another example of how t w o struc-
p6 Graham, 1912, p. 216.
27 Mouhot, 1864, vol. 1, p. 92. Further evidence of the looseness of the rules of succession is to
be found in Kaempfer, 1906 (writingin the 17th century), p. 36 and ChuIa, 1943, p. 16.
2* Smith, 1947, p. 120.
190 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [52, 19.50

tures, similar on paper, are quite different in operation, t h e one (the Japanese)
being closely knit, t h e other (the Thai) loosely woven.
Neatness as a cultural trait seems to be related t o t h e closeness of a social
structure. For example, t h e neatness so stressed in a Japanese household is
notably absent in t h e Thai home. I n a royal household, Smith noted, “The
other rooms in t h e house where t h e family lived were clean but never tidy,”29
a statement equally true of ordinary T h a i homes today. Even in dress the
Thai are individual, or rather ununiform. A less regular form of dress t h a n
the loosely draped paizung would be difficult t o find. Officials now wear Western
style uniforms, but their garments are seldom very neat.
There are some other characteristics of Thai society which may well be
associated with the individualistic behavior of t h e people a n d t h e loose inte-
gration of the society. One of these is t h e attitude of people toward work.
I n Japan, as in puritan New England, work is regarded as a virtue, a n d a n
easy life of self-indulgence is considered wrong. I n China hard work is t h e
rule but, according t o I-Isii, it is not of itself a virtue-indeed, t h e wealthy
man’s son is expected not to work as a sign t h a t t h e father is T h e Viet-
namese are a hard-working people a n d p u t a considerable premium on this
trait. For the poor, physical labor is a necessity, but with t h e wealthy, white-
collar tasks in government or a s scholars are prestige-giving-and a Viet-
namese is willing t o work long a n d hard and deny himself many pleasures in
order to achieve a name in t h e administrative or scholarly world. This is not
the point of view of the Thai. Work is not regarded as good in itself. There is,
on the contrary, a good deal of attention paid to things which give enjoyment.
Pleasure is often considered a good thing per se.
A word that indicates an important part of the Siamese character is the word
“snuk.” I n its simplest aspects it means “fun-loving” or “pleasure-loving.” The word
also means a “deep interest in something, momentarily, to the exclusion of all else.”
The Siamese are a pleasure-loving people, as is shown by their ready laughter. The
people they like are those who can make them laugh and feel happy. Siamese have re-
marked that they respect those who make them laugh. They enjoy a show, a dance, a
game, a trip to some near or distant point. To travel is definitely “snuk.” The idea
of “snuk” carries even into religion. A group of Siamese attended a Christian Church
service for the first time. They remarked, after leaving the church, that the service was
not “snuk” and that they would not come again. When they were asked if Buddhism
was “snuk,” they said that it was. Their religion not only provided a method of wor-
ship, but also a system for satisfying the social needs of the group. The temple is the
focal point of the community, the centre around which revolve the religious rites, the
picnics, the plays, and the other amusements of the people. The religious year has days
for boat racing, sports, games, trips to holy places, shadow shows, and festive parades.
So even relig’on becomes “ s n ~ k . ” ~ ~
29 Smith, 1947, p. 121. (Writing as of the late 19th century.)
3o Hsu, 1948, p. 274. Landon, 1939, p. 143.
EMBREE] THAILA N D - A LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIAL SYSTEM 191

Related to this point of view is the problem of the Thai student abroad.
The Chinese and Japanese drive for learning is not a Siamese characteristic.
There is, however, a prestige associated with study in Europe or the United
States; and then, travel is pleasurable. A reflection of these factors is that
many Thai are not so much interested in going abroad for the love of learning,
but rather in order to visit some well known American or British institution.
I t is more important to have attended Oxford, or Yale, or Princeton, even if one
does not take a degree, than it is to have graduated from some smaller or less
well-known college.
Thai students, when they return home after a period of years abroad, find
it difficult t o readjust to Thai life. They are not content with some lowly
office job or teaching post, but feel they must head a department or a labora-
tory, and if not, that their talents are wasted. The net result is that many
of these returned students enter politics or try to manage a n import-export
company or, better still, obtain a government appointment overseas. Thus
the returned Thai student often does not join the lower ranks of a body of other
Thai scholars and scientists and so build up a strong university or research
center. Each man rather tries somehow to exploit the prestige value of his
foreign residence so as to obtain a pleasant post. The net result is that there
is no well-manned Thai university or scientific center in the country today,
despite the generations of Thai who have studied a t the world’s best univer-
sities.
Such evidence as has been given from Thailand, when contrasted with that
of Japan or Vietman, would indicate that there is considerable variation in
the rigidity of the structures of different societies even when these structures
a t certain points bear surface similarities as, for instance, in family organiza-
tion or the school system. The permissiveness of individual behavioral varia-
tion in the culture does not mean that the society is poorly integrated. On the
contrary, the loose integration is a functional one, allowing not only variation
in individual behavior but also in national behavior. It has a survival value
which may well go back to the early days of extensive Thai migrations and
which has served the nation well to this day. I n such a society the processes
of acculturation may produce fewer dysfunctional social situations than those
which have occurred in, say, Vietnam society-that is, a loosely integrated
structure such as the Thai may adjust t o external cultural influences with less
drastic overall changes than a more rigid structure such as the Japanese or
Vietnamese. Both types may adjust “successfully” in the sense of retaining
their basic cultural values, but the adjustments are of different forms, and
probably the Thai type of adjustment causes less nervous strain on the people
involved than does the Japanese. Thus, in a broad sense, the loose integration
does serve a social function. However, it should be remarked that there seems
t o be little if any relation between closeness or looseness of social integration
192 A M E R I C A N ANTHROPOLOGIST [52, 1950

and any immediate social or psychological “needs” of a people. Whether or

not this is true, studies of the differences of behavior in different cultures with
similar social structures should be made to test a number of current assump-
tions in the social sciences-e.g., that social structures are neatly adjusted to
individual and social “needs,” and that similar social systems create similar
culturally determined types of behavior.
YALEUNIVERSITY
NEW HAVEN,CONNECTICUT
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