LeGoff, Mentality, A New Field For Historians
LeGoff, Mentality, A New Field For Historians
LeGoff, Mentality, A New Field For Historians
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What is This?
For the historian today, mentality is still new and already debased. A great
deal is said about the history of mentalities, few are the cogent examples that
have been given. At a time when what is involved still represents unfamiliar
territory across which a trail has yet to be blazed, the question arises as to
whether the expression refers to a scientific reality, contains any conceptual
coherence or has any real epistemological function. Taken up by fashion,
it already seems to have gone out of fashion. Should it be given a helping
hand on its way in or on its way out?
1. A corradial history
The immediate appeal of the history of mentalities lies in its very imprecision,
in its innate capacity to designate the residues of historical analysis, the je ne
sais quoi of history.
1095 marks the beginning of a vast upheaval in Western Christendom in
which men, individually and in bodies, set off to take part in the great adven-
ture of the Crusade. In looking for causes one can refer to demographic
growth and the beginning of the population boom, to the merchants in Italian
towns with their eyes set on gain, to papal policy at a time when, Christendom
being divided against itself, the Infidel seemed to provide a much-desired
opportunity for presenting a united front: but all these causes do not explain
everything, and perhaps not the essential. One must take into account the
indispensable attraction of a terrestrial Jerusalem which mirrors that which is
in heaven, the impetus of images in the collective mind formed around the idea
of Jerusalem. What is the Crusade if a certain religious mentality is lacking?1
*
This text (translated by Michael Fineberg) is an excerpt from a book to be pub-
lished in 1974 : J. Le Goff and P. Nora (eds.), Le travail de 1’histoire, Paris, GaUimard.
1. Cf. Alphandéry and Dupront (1954-1959), and A. Dupront, 1961.
cures, the insignia of power and the entrances of kings, discover a monarchic
2. G. Duby, "La féodalité, une mentalité médiévale", Annales, Économies, Sociétés, Civi-
lisations, pp. 765-771.
3. Classic works of M. Weber, L’éthique protestante et l’esprit du capitalisme, 1904-1905,
French translation 1964; R. Tawney, La religion et l’essor du capitalisme, 1926, French trans-
lation 1951; H. Lüthy, La banque protestante en France de la Révocation de l’Édit de Nantes
à la Revolution, Paris, 1959-1960, 2 vol. Cf. J. Delumeau, Naissance et affirmation de la Ré-
forme, Paris, 1968, 2nd ed., especially "Capitalisme et mentalité capitaliste", pp. 301 ff.
4. M. Bloch, La société féodale, Paris, 1968, p. 129 (last edition).
5. E. Labrousse, Preface to G. Dupeux’s book, Aspects de l’histoire sociale et politique du
Loir-et-Cher : 1848-1914, Paris, 1962, p. 11.
6. K. Thomas, Religion and the decline of magic, London, 1971; E. Evans-Pritchard, Anthro-
pology and history, Cambridge, 1961.
7. P.E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, Stuttgart, 1954, 3 vol.; E. Kan-
torowicz, The King’s two bodies: A study in medieval political thought, Princeton, NJ, 1957;
B. Guenée and F. Lehoux, Les entrées royales françaises de 1328 à 1515, Paris, 1968.
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83
8. H. Delehaye, Sanctus : Essai sur le culte des saints dans l’Antiquité, Brussels, 1927;
B. de Gaiffier, "Mentalité de l’hagiographe médiéval d’après quelques travaux récents",
Analecta bollandiana, 1968, pp. 391-399; A. Vauchez, "Sainteté laïque au 13 e siècle : La vie
du bienheureux Facio de Crémone 1196-1272", pp. 13-53 in: Mélanges de l’École Française
de Rome, 1972.
9. Cf. D. Julia in the present work and in: Recherches de science religieuse, 1970, pp. 575 ff.
and A. Dupront in the present work and in: "Vie et création religieuse dans la France modeme
)", in: M. François (ed.), La France et les Français, Paris, Encyclopédie de la
e
(XIV-XVIII
Pléiade, 1972, pp. 491-577.
10. C. Kluckhohn, "Culture and behavior", in : G. Lindzey (ed.), Handbook of social psy-
chology, Cambridge, Mass., 1954.
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84
people raised from the dead. Man does not live on bread alone and history
was even without bread, drawing its sustenance from skeletons carried along
where for history. This something else, this elsewhere, mentalities provided it.
But the history of mentalities is not defined merely on the basis of its points
of contact with the other human sciences and by the emergence of an area of
research kept under by traditional history. It is also the meeting place of
opposing requirements set face to face by the specific dynamic of present day
historical research. It is situated at the junction point of the individual and
the collective, of the long period and the quotidian, of the unconscious and the
intentional, of the structural and the conjunctural, of the marginal and the
general.
The level with which the history of mentalities is concerned is that of the
quotidian and the automatic, that which eludes the individual subjects of
history because it throws a light on the impersonal content of their thought,
that which Caesar and the last soldier of his legions, Saint Louis and the pea-
sant on his land, Christopher Colombus and the sailor in his caravels have in
common. The history of mentalities is to the history of ideas what the history
of material culture is to economic history. The reaction of the men of the
14th century to the plague, which they saw as the punishment of God, is rooted
in their unconscious inheritance of the age-old teachings of the Christian thin-
kers, from Saint Augustine to Saint Thomas Aquinas, it is to be explained by
the equation illness = sin formulated by the clerks of the Early Middle Ages,
but it disregards all the logical connections and all the subtilities of reasoning
behind the equation and retains only the bare husk of the idea. Everyday
ustensils as well as the pauper’s apparel, derive from the glamorous models
created by the superficial movements of the economy, fashion and taste. It
is here that the style of a period is to be grasped, in the depths of the quotidian.
When Huizinga refers to John of Salisbury as &dquo;a pregothic mind&dquo;, whilst
hailing him, by the prefix, as being in advance of historical evolution, by the
expression, in which mind suggests mentality, he makes him the collective
representative of a period, just as Lucien Febvre does with Rabelais, wrenching
him away from the anachronism committed by erudites of ideas in order to
submit him to the concrete historicity of historians of mentalities.
The discourse of men, regardless of the tone that is used, be it that of
conviction, emotion or grandiloquence, is generally nothing more than a
jumble of ready-made ideas, commonplaces and threadbare concepts, the
multifarious outlet of the flotsam of cultures and mentalities of various origins
and various times.
It is here that we see the reason for the method that the history of mentalities
imposes on the historian and which consists, in the first place, in the archaeo-
logical investigation of the strata and fragments of archaeopsychologies -
In the fourth book of his Dialogues, written between 590 and 600, Pope
Gregory the Great tells the story of one of the monks of the monastery whose
abbot he was in Rome who, on his deathbed, confessed to his brother that
he had hidden three gold pieces, thus breaking the strict rule which lays down
that all the brethren should place everything in common ownership. Gregory,
being told of this, ordered that the dying man be left to die in solitude, without
the benefit of any words of consolation, so that, terrified, he might purge him-
self of his sin and so that his death in anguish might serve as an example to the
other monks. Why did this abbot, who was as cultivated and as enlightened
as it was possible to be at that time, not, on the contrary, betake himself to
the dying sinner’s bedside in order to open the gates of heaven to him by means
of confession and contrition ? The idea forced itself on Gregory that sin must
be paid for by external signs: an ignominious death and burial (the body is
thrown on the dunghill). The barbaric custom of physical punishment
(imported by the Goths or thrown up from the timeless deeps of the mind?)
prevailed over the rule. Mentality triumphed over doctrine.
Thus that which seems devoid of roots, born of improvisation and reflex,
involuntary gestures, unconsidered words, comes from afar and testifies to the
profound reverberations of systems of thought.
The history of mentalities forces the historian to take a closer look at some
of the essential phenomena in his field: heritages, the study of which teaches
continuity, losses, cleavages (from where, from whom, from when do this
mental habit, this expression, this gesture come?); tradition, that is to say the
ways in which societies are mentally reproduced, the dephasing which is the
product of a delay in the minds of men when it comes to adapting to change
and of the unequal speed of evolution of different sectors of history; it is a
privileged field of analysis for the critique of linear conceptions in the craft of
history. Finally inertia, of the utmost importance as an historical force, which
is more the attribute of minds than of matter, for matter is often more liable
to change than minds. Men make use of machines which they invent whilst
still holding onto mentalities which date from before such machines. Moto-
rists use the vocabulary or horsemen, the factory workers of the 19th century
had the same mentality as the peasants that their fathers and grandfathers
were. Mentality is that which changes most slowly. The history of menta-
lities is the history of the gradual in history.
expressly? -
13. In relation to mentalité, mentality has a much more intellectual, cognitive connotation.
A borderline case is to be seen in the title of W. Kohler’s book, The mentality of apes (1925),
which is the English translation of the German title, Intelligenzprüfungen an Menschenaffen
(1921). In contrast, affective connotations are very pronounced in the French mentalité
as is to be seen, somewhat paradoxically, in E. Rignano’s article, "Les diverses mentalités
logiques", Scientia 1917, pp. 95-125 which is a study of the "fundamental predominance of
affective elements over intellective ones" in the two main categories of mentality made out by
the author: the synthetic and the analytical.
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88
This shade of meaning that the word has acquired in everyday language has
sustained or has been sustained by two developments in scientific thought.
One is ethnology. At the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of
the 20th, mentalité signified the mental behaviour of &dquo;primitives&dquo; which appea-
red to the observer to be a collective phenomenon (within which no individual
mental behaviour was to be discerned) peculiar to individuals whose mental life
was made up of reflexes and mechanical routines and which may be reduced
to a collective mind in which personality is practically excluded. In 1922
Lucien Levy-Bruhl published La mentalité primitive.
The other is child psychology. Here again if the child is no longer consid-
ered to be simply a small version of the adult, it is in order to make him mental-
ly a minor. Whereas French technical dictionaries of philosophy, psychology
and psychoanalysis ignore the word mentalité, the most recent vocabulary
of Psychopédagogie et psychiatrie de 1’enfant (1970) defines a mentalité infantile.
As early as 1928 Henri Wallon had, in the Revue philosophique, made the
connection by devoting an article to La mentalité primitive et celle de 1’enfant
(a parallel which is of course vigorously condemned by Claude L6vi-Strauss
in a famous passage of Structures élémentaires de la parenti (Elementary
structures of kinship).
Before proceeding any further in the analysis of the history of mentalities
it is important to remove two obstacles which stand in the way.
The first consists in the doubt which might be born of the observation that
mentality plays practically no role in psychology, that it does not belong to the
technical vocabulary of the psychologist. The study conducted by Philippe
Besnard on the frequency of the term mentality in the index of psychological
bibliographies has shown that, already rare in the Psychological abstracts
between 1927 and 19431~’, the word now seems to have fallen into disuse in
psychology 15. How might psychological history (or rather the history of
collective psychologies) be able to make profitable use of a term, and of a
concept behind the term, which has been rejected by psychology ?
The history of science abounds in examples of transferred notions and
concepts. A word or concept that languishes in the field where it cropped
up, transplanted to an adjoining area revives and prospers. Why should not
mentality give proof in history of the success which has not been granted it in
psychology? And in this event, will not psychology which, by way of lin-
14. It is worth pointing out the more or less pejorative connotations of the expressions
noted: "mentalité arabe", "hindoue", "du criminel danois", "du prisonnier", "German
mentality" in 1943. An interesting expression: "levels of mentality".
15. Mentality is hardly referred to any more in recent bibliographies of Anthropology
(with occasional references to "primitive mentality" or "indigenous mentality") and in
those of Sociology (out of 7 references in the Bibliographie internationale de sociologie be-
tween 1963 and 1969, 4 refer to a series of articles by R. Lenoir which appeared in Spanish in
the Revista Mexicana de Sociologia between 1956 and 1961 and dealing with various primi-
tive or civilized mentalidades).
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89
history of mentalities are Lucien Febvre (1938), Georges Duby (1961) and
Robert Mandrou (1968).
The second obstacle is that which might be placed in the way of the history
of mentalities by the pejorative turn of the expression. Certainly Levy-
Bruhl declared, for instance, that there was no difference in nature between
the mentality of primitives and that of the members of advanced societies.
But he created from the outset an unfavourable climate for mentalités by
writing in 1911 Les _jonctions mentales dans les societes illférieures. And it
is true that the historian of mentalities, whilst not relegating this word to the
inferno of the collective memory, pursues it in the troubled waters of margi-
nality, abnormality and social pathology. Mentality seems more inclined to
reveal itself in the context of the irrational and the extravagant than anywhere
else. Hence the proliferation of studies some of which are remarkable
- -
16. R.H. Turner, "Collective behavior", in R.L. Faris (ed.), Handbook of modern sociology,
Chicago, Ill., 1964.
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90
(needle, ring, buckle of a belt), silver coins including a small coin placed in
the dead person’s mouth at the time of burial, weapons (axe, sword, lance,
large knife), a bundle of tools (hammers, pincers, gouges, chisels, files, scissors,
etc.) 17. These funeral rites instruct us about the beliefs (the pagan rite of the
obolus for Charon, the ferryman of the dead) and the attitude of Merovingian
society with regard to a craftsman possessed of an almost sacred prestige:
the ironsmith-cum-goldsmith (who is also a warrior) who both forges and
wields the sword.
This reading of documents will focus especially on the traditional, almost
mechanical parts of texts and monuments: the fixed wording and preambles
of charters stating the real or surface reasons underlying decisions, topoi
which are the ossature of mentalities. Whilst not emerging into the history of
mentalities, Ernst Robert Curtius perceived the importance of this substratum
not only, as he thought, of the literature of a period, but also of its mentality:
&dquo;If rhetoric produces on modern man the effect of a grimacing spectre, how
can one pretend to interest him in topics, the name of which is almost unknown,
even to the specialist in literature who deliberately avoids the underground
passages
-
word alas escapes from the pen of this brilliant lover of quality who cannot
bring himself to take an interest in the quantifiable aspect of culture, which is
the very meat of the history of mentalities. This necessary and mechanical
type of diction -
nective tissue and lifeblood of societies, the most precious pabulum of a history
which is more interested in the basso continuo than in the key note of the music
of the past.
But the history of mentalities has its own special sources, those which more
and better than any others provide a way into the collective psychology of
societies. The drawing up of an inventory of these sources is one of the
first tasks of the historian of mentalities.
Firstly there are documents which bear witness to these paroxysmal or
marginal types of feeling or of behaviour which, by their deviation shed light
on the common mentality. To refer still to the Middle Ages, hagiography
reveals basic mental structures: the possibility of interpenetration between the
tangible world and the supernatural world, the identical nature of the corporal
and the mental - whence the possibility of miracles and more generally of the
marvellous. The marginality of the saint which sets him in a position to see
-
17. J. Decaens, "Un nouveau cimetière du haut Moyen Age en Normandie, Hérouvillette
(Calvados)", Archéologie médiévale 1, 1971, pp. 83 ff.
18. E.R. Curtius, La littérature européenne et le Moyen Age latin, Paris, 1956, p. 99.
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91
marginality of those who are on the devil’s side: heretics, criminals and those
possessed. Whence the particular documentary relevance of all that gives
access to these spokesmen: confessions of heretics and records of inquisitions,
letters of remission granted to criminals detailing their crimes, legal documents
and more generally monuments of repression.
Another category of specifically relevant sources for the history of mentalities
is constituted by literary and artistic documents. The history of mentalities
being a history not of &dquo;objective&dquo; phenomena but of the representation of
these phenomena, it naturally finds its material in documents testifying to the
world of the imagination. Huizinga in his famous Diclin du Moyen Age
[Decline of the Middle Ages] has shown the extent to which the use of literary
texts (and herein lies both the strength and the weakness of this book) may add
to our knowledge of the sensibility and the mentality of a period. But litera-
ture and art convey forms and themes derived from a past which is not necessa-
rily that of the collective consciousness. The excesses of traditional historians
of ideas and forms who see them as coming into existence by a sort of parthe-
nogenesis which pays no heed to the non-literary or non-artistic context of
their appearance should not blind us to the fact that literary and artistic works
obey codes which are more or less independent of their temporal environment.
The painting of the Quattrocento seems to us to provide evidence of a new
attitude towards space, the architectural setting and man’s place in the universe:
the line of development of the &dquo;precapitalist&dquo; mentality seems to have passed
through here. But Pierre Francastel who better than anyone has recognized
the pictorial system of the Quattrocento as being part of a larger system also
warns us of &dquo;the specificity of painting, a mode of mental expression and com-
munication which is irreducible to any other&dquo; 19.
It is important not to separate the analysis of mentalities from the study of
its places and means of production. Lucien Febvre who was the great pre-
cursor in this field has provided the pattern for inventories of what he called
mental equipment (‘‘outillage mental&dquo;): vocabulary, syntax, commonplaces,
conceptions of space and time, patterns of logic. Philologists have observed
that, at the time of the destructuration of classical Latin in the early Middle
Ages, co-ordinating conjunctions passed through a disconcerting evolution.
But the reason for this is that the logical nodes of spoken or written language
became radically changed. Autem, ergo, igitur and the others passed into a
new and differently arranged system of thought.
Certain partial systems play a particularly important role as regards men-
talities. For a long time these &dquo;models&dquo; established themselves as poles of
attraction for mentalities. In the early Middle Ages for instance a monastic
model was formed which was organized around notions of solitude and asce-
ticism ; following this, aristocratic models appeared which were centred around
19. P. Francastel, La figure et le lieu : L’ordre visuel du Quattrocento, Paris, 1967, p. 172.
it hinges onto psychology, on a borderline where one day historians and psy-
chologists are bound to meet and collaborate the history of mentalities should
-
not, however, fall prey to a behaviourism which would reduce them to auto-
matic routines without any reference to systems of thought and which would
-
eliminate one of the most important aspects of its area of concern, namely,
the role and forcefulness of the conscious mind and of the awakening of
consciousness (prise de conscience) in this history.
Eminently collective, mentality seems to be removed from the vicissitudes
of social struggles. It would, however, be a great mistake to isolate it from
social structures and dynamics. It is, on the contrary, a crucial element in
social tensions and struggles. Social history is dotted with myths which
reveal the role of mentalities in a history which is neither unanimous nor
immobile: &dquo;blue nails&dquo;, &dquo;white collars&dquo;, &dquo;two hundred families&dquo;... Alongside
mentalities common to everyone there exist class mentalities. Their interplay
remains to be studied.
21. Cf. in particular M. Jahoda and N. Warren (eds.), Attitudes, Harmondsworth, 1966.
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94
Finally, despite its being the history of the gradual in history, the history
of mentalities is nonetheless a history of transformations, the most crucial one
that exists. In the Middle Ages, from the 1 lth to the 13th century, the Western
world was disrupted by a new phenomenon: urban growth. A new society was
to emerge, possessed of a new mentality inclined towards security, exchange,
frugality, based on new forms of sociability and solidarity the conjugal -
family, the guild, the brotherhood, the company, the neighbourhood... What,
in terms of a total history, is the place of mentalities in these transformations?
Despite or rather because of its vague character, the history of mentalities
is beginning to come into its own in the field of historiology. If steps are
taken to ensure that it does not become a convenient dumping ground for
every kind of problem, serving as an alibi for epistemological laziness, if it
is provided with its own tools and methods, it should now play the role which
falls to it and which is that of a different history which, in its search for expla-
nations, ventures to the other side of the looking glass. -
Jacques Le Goff (born 1924) is Président of the École Pratique des Hautes Études, VI
eSec-
Recent publications : "The town as an agent of civilization", The
tion, Paris, France.
Fontana economic history of Europe (1972) ; "Le christianisme médiéval", Histoire des
religions (1972).
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95
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