Eisner and Vallance Conceptions of Curriculum
Eisner and Vallance Conceptions of Curriculum
Eisner and Vallance Conceptions of Curriculum
American education today, perhaps more than in the past, is studded with a variety of conflicting
conceptions of the goals, content, and organization of curriculum. The complexity of educational thought
is manifested not only in the diversity of papers presented in professional meetings and printed in
professional journals; it is also apparent in debates, discussions, and controversies dramatizing school
board and PTA meetings, and it is reflected and amplified by the involvement of the general public
through the mass media.
The controversies we refer to deal on an overt level with issues surrounding alternative schools,
conflicting roles of vocational and academic education in the school curriculum, concern with a student's
academic achievement in the "solid" subjects, educational admonitions to enable children to "learn how to
learn," purposes and uses of accountability procedures, and the use of input-output models of educational
practice. On a more fundamental level, however, the debates and conflicts generated by each of these
themes derive necessarily from the degree of incompatibility between the values and goals underlying
each side of the issue being debated. Controversy in educational discourse most often reflects a basic
conflict in priorities concerning the form and content of curriculum and the goals toward;which schools
should strive; the intensity of the conflict and the apparent difficulty in resolving it can most often be
traced to a failure to recognize conflicting conceptions of curriculum. Public educational discourse
frequently does not bother to examine its conceptual underpinnings.
To the student of curriculum, then, the richness of issues and values in the field provides an arena that
can be either a dynamic and stimulating resource or a conceptual jungle difficult to define and almost
impossible to manage. Students of educationboth those preparing for practical work in curriculum and
instruction and those already in the fieldmight find helpful a set of signposts that distinguishes between
conflicting orientations. Those in school administration, particularly those who in some ways link the
school and the community, might be better able to help their staff and the community understand the
issues at hand if they themselves could distinguish between the conceptual orientations of the different
alternatives presented to them.
This book has been prepared to help identify the orientations that emerge from diverse alternative
prescriptions for the content, goals, and organization of the curriculum. We have tried especially to enable
both professional educators and lay people to recognize and evaluate these orientations in terms of the
goals and assumptions embedded within them; the articles reprinted here were selected to exemplify what
we consider to be the major orientations to curriculum that currently prevail in the literature.
The development of a set of distinctions concerning the content of published articles about
curriculum is somewhat arbitrary. The five general orientations that we have identified do not necessarily
exhaust the ways in which positions can be characterized or identified, and there is nothing sacred about
the labels or distinctions we offer. They can constitute a powerful tool for analyzing the implications of
an otherwise confusing body of arguments, however. The orientations refer to a range of distinct
conceptual biases that emerged repeatedly in a rather comprehensive survey of current literature in and
related to the field. The orientations, while not exhaustive, are comprehensive in that they identify a broad
range of very different approaches to questions persistently asked in the curriculum field: What can and
should be taught to whom, when, and how? The way these questions are answered is influenced largely
by the assumptions through which they ;are;approached in the first;place. These ,assumptions, and the-
regularity with which they emerge ~s distinguishable patterns, define the five orientations that have been
formulated: the cognitive processes .approach, curriculum as technology,-curriculum for self-actualization
.and consummatory experiences, curriculum for social reconstruction, and academic rationalism.
The answers to the major questions in curriculumand indeed the questions themselvesare most often
couched in terms of the assumptions embedded in each orientation. Before outlining the five orientations,
there is a brief indication of some of the considerations that went into developing them.
learning. Any model which purports to deal with learning must, if it is to prove useful, deal also with the conditions
that effect retention and transfer. In terms of the S-R reinforcement model, questions about retention become
The self-actualizers share a passionate orientation to education. We have included two articles, one
by Philip Phenix, quoted above, and another by Joseph Junell that questions the traditional, rationally
oriented basis of education. The reader is referred also to the excellent work by Maxine Greene, to
Abraham Maslowâs work relating humanistic psychology to educational programs, and to the work by
Fred Newmann and Donald Oliver and that by Kenneth Benne on the role of education in creating
community. All of these writers conceive of education as an integrative, synthesizing force, as a total
experience responsible to the individual's needs for growth and personal integrity.
Social reconstruction-relevance. With this orientation there is a strong emphasis on the role of
education and curriculum content within the larger social context. Social reconstructionists typically
stress societal needs over individual needs; the overall goals of education are dealt with in terms of total
experience, rather than using the immediate processes which they imply. Social reform and responsibility
to the future of society are primary.
The social reconstructionist orientation to curriculum is hardly new. The refrain runs through much of
the history of educational reform, and it is a characteristic of Western society that schools, more than any
other institution, are called upon to serve as an agent for social change. The social view of schooling
examines education and curriculum in terms of their relation to the social issues of the day. An approach
in which social values, and often political positions, are clearly stated, social reconstructionism demands
that schools recognize and respond to their role as a bridge between what is and what might be, between
the real and the ideal. It is the traditional view of schooling as the bootstrap by which society can change
itself. Within this approach to curriculum, there are two distinct branches; it embraces both a present and
a future orientation, both an adaptive and a reformist interpretation of social relevance. The psychological
model underlying both versions is a social-psychological one that views individual development and the
quality of the social context as interdependent. Both branches of the social reconstruction approach seek
to develop a better "fit" between the individual and society. The first and basically adaptive approach
views social issues and change as a crucial context for personal development. It foresees enormous
changes in society and asks that curriculum provide the tools for individual survival in an unstable and
changing world. This survival-oriented bias to the relevance issue defines relevance in personal terms,
advocating a curriculum that would make the individual better able to keep up and function effectively in
a rapidly changing world. This "adaptive" group includes educational technologists who would change
curriculum to correspond more closely to technological changes in information processing, and data
collection; reformists, such as those of the Parkway School in Philadelphia, who seek to have the
curriculum reflect current "real life" situations; and writers like John Mann (see Chapter 8), who demand
that current issues of political power be incorporated into the curriculum so that students can learn to deal
with them more effectively and creatively as such issues emerge. Mann writes: "What I envision· is a
movement to design a progressive curriculum specifically for these angry, radical students, in which the
study of educational policy formation and of the policies of schools would converge in and be reinforced,
corrected, refined and deepened in the practical experience of actually formulating educational policy and
struggling to enact it."
The reformist wing of the relevance orientation is more vigorous and demands more of schools. This
truly reconstructionist view demands that individuals be better equipped to deal with change but also that
they be educated to intervene actively to shape the changes. While all sides of the social reconstruction-
relevance orientation view curriculum as the means by which students learn to deal with social issues, the
adaptive group is more conservative, asking for survival instruments; the reformists are more aggressively
leadership conscious. This reconstructionist group includes, then, those who advocate adaptation as one
means of effecting smooth change and the more aggressively idealistic writers that are found in the
"futures" research groups, in "peace education" coalitions and in recent works by people like Michael
Scriven and Ivan Illich.
Academic rationalism. The most tradition-bound of the five orientations, academic rationalism is
primarily concerned with enabling the young to acquire the tools to participate in the Western cultural
tradition and with providing access to the greatest ideas and objects that man has created. Those
embracing this orientation tend to hold that since schools cannot try to teach everything or even
everything deemed worth knowing, their legitimate function is that of cultural transmission in the most
specific sense: to cultivate the child’s intellect by providing him with opportunities to acquire the most
powerful products of man's intelligence. These products are found, for the most part, in the established
disciplines. To become educated means to be able to read and understand those works that the great
disciplines have produced, a heritage that is at least as old as the beginnings of Greek civilization. The
curriculum, it is argued, should emphasize the classic disciplines through which man inquires since these
disciplines, almost by definition, provide concepts and criteria through which thought acquires precision,
generality, and power; such disciplines exemplify intellectual activity at its best. To construct a
curriculum that includes "practical" learning such as driver training, homemaking, and vocational
education dilutes the quality of education and robs students of the opportunity to study those subjects that
reflect man's enduring quest for meaning. The wise schoolmaster knows that not all subject matters are
created equal, and he selects the content of his educational program with this principle in mind.
Robert Maynard Hutchins has long advocated this approach, and he offered a classic statement of
academic rationalism in 1953:
Liberal education consists of training in the liberal arts and of understanding the leading ideas that have animated
mankind·the great productions of the human mind are the common heritage of all mankind. They supply the
framework through which we understand one another and without which all factual data and area studies and
exchange of persons among countries are trivial and futile. They are the voices in the Great Conversation that
constitutes the civilization of the dialogue.
Now, if ever, we need an education that is designed to bring out our common humanity rather than to indulge our
individuality.
The foregoing characterization has, however, undergone a significant evolution in recent years. A
glance at any high school curriculum will reveal that "the disciplines" still hold sway; what has changed is
the nature of the argument by which they are defended. Emerging in the curriculum literature currently is
a strong orientation toward "the structure of knowledge"a significant rethinking of the traditional
disciplines in an effort to determine what it is about their respective content that distinguishes them from
each other. This new questioning of the disciplines still assumes the validity of the subject matter
divisions, but, rather than merely identifying them, it asks why the divisions have held up for so long.
Writers such as Joseph Schwab and Robert Bridgham are beginning to rephrase the traditional academic
rationalist approach by examining the logical and structural bases for the division. The healthy spirit of
inquiry evidenced by their writings suggests that the traditional "disciplines" approach is questionable.
More significantly, however, the current controversy is adding a new dimension to this orientation. By
digging to find the structural bases of the disciplines, the structure of knowledge question is bringing a
new and sophisticated concern with process into a traditionally content-saturated conceptualization of
education. Dewey suggested long ago that the "logical" and "psychological" structure of content might be
two different things. Academic rationalism survived for centuries without recognizing this crucial
distinction, but recent work in refining subject matter curricula along structural lines, such as the School
Mathematics Study Group materials, indicates that this most traditional orientation to education is
undergoing substantial change.
Academic rationalism is alive and well. The problem is to understand why we are so defensive about
it, and many participants in educational enterprises are. The structure of knowledge orientation is a
dynamic new development within a very old field. A recognition of the sources and implications of this
orientation is essential in any educational dialogue that claims to understand the boundaries of the
curriculum field.