Artigos The Economist

The way forward on immigration to the West
Rich countries need better migration policies to avert voters’

backlash
Listen to this story
Enjoy more audio and podcasts on iOS or Android.
THE fear of immigration is poisoning Western politics. Donald Trump owes his job to it.
Brexit would not be happening without it. Strident nationalists wield power in Italy,
Hungary, Poland and Austria, and have gained influence elsewhere.
Even Sweden, long a country of refuge, has soured on migrants. The Sweden Democrats, a
thunderingly anti-immigrant party, could win the most votes at an election on September
9th (see article). Though it will not form a government, it has already transformed Swedish
politics as mainstream parties seek to halt migrants.
The West risks a backlash of the sort that ended the previous great age of mobility, before
1914. That would be a tragedy. Societies that close their doors to migrants will be poorer
and less tolerant. Meanwhile, those to whom the doors are closed will see increased
suffering, unable to escape the poverty, climate change or violence that prompts them to
move.
The stakes could not be higher. Yet advocates of liberal immigration, such as this
newspaper, are losing the debate. They need to find better arguments and policies. That
demands more honesty about the trade-offs immigration involves.
The walls of nations

International law categorises migrants either as refugees, who are entitled to sanctuary, or
as economic migrants, who have no right to go anywhere that does not want them. Yet the
distinctions are blurry. Poor countries next to war zones receive huge influxes, while rich
countries try to shirk their obligations. And since rich countries admit virtually no
economic migrants from poor countries unless they have exceptional skills or family ties,
many of them try their luck by posing as refugees. It does not help that states have different
rules on who is a refugee. Or that they struggle to send home those who are denied asylum,
not least because many of their countries refuse to take them back.
This mess feeds disaffection in the West, and it is a waste. The act of moving from a poor
country to a rich one makes workers dramatically more productive (see Briefing). A world
with more migration would be substantially richer. The snag is that the biggest benefits of
moving accrue to the migrants themselves, while the power to admit them rests with voters
in rich countries. Fair enough: democratic accountability is vested largely in national
governments. Yet most Western countries, struggling with ageing populations and
shrinking workforces, need more migrants. So they have to find ways to make migration
policy work for everyone.
The first step is to recognise the causes of the backlash against newcomers. Several stand
out: the belief that governments have lost control of their borders; the fear that migrants
drain already-strained welfare systems; the perception that migrants are undercutting local
workers; and the fear of being swamped by alien cultures.
Assuaging these concerns requires toughness and imagination. Start by regaining control.
Overhaul the outdated international systems for aiding refugees; at the same time, open
routes for well-regulated economic migration to the West. This will require countries to
secure borders and enforce laws: by preventing the hiring of illegal immigrants and
deporting those denied asylum, for example. Where they do not exist, the introduction of
ID cards can help.
Second, encourage all migrants, including refugees, to work, while limiting the welfare
benefits that they can receive. In America, where the safety net is skimpy, labour rules are
flexible and entry-level jobs plentiful, even migrants who dropped out of high school are
net contributors to the public finances. Sweden, by contrast has a policy that seems
designed to stir resentment, showering refugees with benefits while making it hard for them
to work. Turkey does a better job at integrating refugees, even if it does not recognise them
as such (see article).
A sensible approach would be to allow migrants to get public education and health care
immediately, but limit their access to welfare benefits for several years. This may seem
discriminatory, but migrants will still be better off than if they had stayed at home. An
extreme illustration can be seen in the oil-rich Gulf, where migrants are ruthlessly excluded
from the opulent welfare that citizens enjoy. The Gulf is not a model. Migrant workers
receive too little protection against coercion and abuse. But because they so obviously pay
their way, the native-born are happy to admit them in vast numbers. Elements of that logic
are worth considering in the West.
Third, ensure that the gains from migration are more explicitly shared between migrants
and the native-born in the host country. One way is to tie public spending, particularly on
visible services such as schools or hospitals, more directly to the number of migrants in a
region. Another, more radical idea might be to tax migrants themselves, either by charging
for entry or, more plausibly, by applying a surtax on their income for a period after arrival.
The proceeds could be spent on public infrastructure, or simply divided among citizens.
The more immigrants, the bigger the dividend.
The needed and the needy

Cultural objections to immigration are harder to assuage. Newcomers flavour the host
culture. And there will inevitably be people who resist that change. History suggests that
over time more pluralist countries become more tolerant of immigration. They do so most
easily when the flow of migration is smooth (to prevent the sudden surges that make host
societies feel swamped) and when newcomers are integrated into the local culture. Ensuring
that they work and learn the local language are two powerful levers for achieving that.
How much migration makes sense? The answer will vary from country to country. Belgium
is not Canada. Done properly, migration brings economic dynamism. But the shortcomings
of today’s policies mean that most Western countries are far more closed than they should
be, and they feed the rise of populism. That is both a colossal wasted opportunity and an
unnecessary danger.

Artigos The Economist

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Artigos The Economist

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Artigos The Economist

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The way forward on immigration to the West

Rich countries need better migration policies to avert voters’

Enjoy more audio and podcasts on iOS or Android.

The walls of nations

The needed and the needy

You might also like