Buddhist Art of Mathura - Text

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BUDDHIST ART OF MATHURA
BUDDHIST ART OF MATHURA
R. C. SHARMA
AGAM KALA PRAKASHAN

DELHI
1984
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First published 1984

© Ramesh Chandra Sharma (b. 1936)
Published by : Dr. A£am Prasad. M. A. Ph. D., Diploma in Museology

for AGAM KALA PRAKASHAN
34, Community Centre, Ashok Vihar, Phase-1,
Delhi-110052.
Phone : 711 33 95
Printed at : Print India, A-38/2, Mayapuri, Phase-1,
New Delhi-110064.
Plates Printed at : Raj Press
R-3 Inder Puri,
New Delhi
Dedicated
to
the sacred memory of
my grandmother Sridevi and mother Bhudevt
OPINIONS
V have to admit that from among all the theses which l received as external
examiner from various universities in India during the past years, this is the best
and the most outstanding in several ways.The work contains a large amount
of original and new research of great value for all scholars, interested in art
history of India.”
G.V. Mitterwallner
Professor of Indology
University of Munich, W.G.
''The author has come out with this magnum opus in the fulness of time with the
maturity of his judgment to bear upon his interpretations’--..He has demonstrated
his ability to handle complicated issues with grace and ease. Iris large background,
and intimate knowledge of history, literature, numismatics, epigraphy, palaeo¬
graphy, iconography and art history with a rare sensibility to capture the
slightest changes in art idioms like a barometer ”
N.R. Banerjee
Former Director,
National Museum of India,
Visting Professor Museology and
Archaeology, B.H.U,, Varanasi
“The monograph brings out in relief the importance of Mathura in history of

Indian culture, art and religion. It is indeed an outstanding contribution to
lndological studies and a sine qua non for all students of Mathura, art and
Buddhist iconography
B.N. Mukherjee
Carmichael Professor of
Ancient Indian History and
Culture,
University of Calcutta
FOREWORD
Mathura has a very distinguished place in the history of the Indian subconti¬
nent. In the centuries immediately before and after the beginning of the Christian
Era, Mathura, well connected with other parts of the subcontinent, became an
emporium and the headquarters of a political or an administrative unit (under
indigenous, foreign and again indigenous powers). There were naturally movements
of people, ideas and trade between Mathura and outside world (B.N. Mukherjee,
Mathura and Its Society—The § aka-Pah lav a Phase, Calcutta, 1981. pp. If and 97 f).
As a result it became by the time of the composition of the Lalitavistara (1st or 2nd
century A.D.) a “large”, “populous”, “prosperous” and “beneficial” city. The
Lalitavistara refers to the city of Mathura, “which is prosperous, and large and
beneficial, and (a place where) alms are easily obtainable and which is abounding in
people” ((ivarh Mathura nagari riddhd cha sphitd ca kshemd ea subhiksd
cdkirna-bahnjandmanusyd ca) (P.L. Vaidva, Lalitavistara, p. xii, ch, 2, p. 15).
Life of a large number of people at Mathura was probably highly religious. In

fact, religion began to play an important role in the life of the inhabitants of
Mathura at an early stage of its history. Patronised by the prosperous section of
the indigenous and nondndigenous population, including rich tracers, religion
got the necessary material support and grew receptive to outside ideas. Deeply
rooted in Indian tradition, the city became at the same time an eastern outpost of
several non-indigenous cultures (particularly in the age of the Saka~Pah!a\as and
Kusanas). Mathura was developed as a celebrated centre of religious and cultural
activities and of art, the handmaid of religion.
The Mathura school of sculptural art, which had its origin in the centuries
immediately before the commencement of the Christian Era, was greatly stimulated
in the Kushana age, which was marked bv a cultural acculturation and material
prosperity (of at least a section of population). The art tradition, enriched with
new ideas and stylistic traits evolved by numerous talented artists, reached its
climax in the Gupta age, when Mathura was still an important religious and
cultural centre, (though perhaps no longer as important an emporium or a seat of
administration as it had been in the Kushana period.
Among the religions which stimulated art activities were Buddhism, Jainism,
different Brahamanical faiths and minor religious cults. The sculptors, engaged by the
viii
Buddhist patrons, made significant contributions to the development of the Mathura

school and also to that of icono-plastic traits of the sculptures treating Buddhist
themes. Their contributions constituted the Buddhist art of Mathura, which was
very much an integral part of the Mathura art milieu and yet had a distinctive ethos.
B
This very important segment of Indian art has not yet been probably evaluated,
though art of Mathura as a whole has already attracted a large number of art
historians. I am glad to note that a comprehensive study of the Buddhist art of
Mathura has now been made in the present volume by Dr. R.C. Sharma, who is
now the Director of the State Museum (Lucknow) and a former-Director of the
Mathura Museum, has spent a great part of his professional career amidst Mathura
sculptures and is one of the most well equipped scholars to deal with the subject.
The monograph brings out in relief the importance of Mathura in the history
of Indian culture, art and religion. It is an outstanding contribution to Indological
studies.
Dr. Sharma has made his study against proper geographical and historical
(political as well as religious) background. He has taken into account all available
archaeological materials, including the finds from the Govindnagar area of Mathura.
The inclusion of the Govindnagar finds has immensely enriched the author’s study.
With these materials at his disposal the author has first recounted the story of
the origin and development of the Mathura school of art and then has taken up
the study of Buddhist art of Mathura.
The study proper appears to consist of three parts. The first part (Chapter
VIII) deals with the well-known problem of determining the date of the origin of
the Buddha image. Dr. Sharina has marshalled numerous facts to advocate a
pre-Kusana (really pre-Kaniska I) origin of the Buddha image at Mathura.
In course of his discussion Sharma refers to an information to which I have
already drawn attention of the academic world (“New light on the Kusana
period”. Monthly Bulletin, Asiatic Society, January, 1981, pp. 1 If; “Earliest
Datable Iconic Representation of the Buddha”, Journal of the Varendra Research
Museum, Vol. VI, pp. Ilf.).
The relevant information is furnished by a KharosthI (or KharostI) inscrip¬
tion written in North-Western Prakrit. (H.W. Bailey, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1980, pp. If). The inscription, which is engra¬
ved on a gold plate, is dated in the regnal year 14 of Senavarma (i.e. Senavarma),
who was a king of Odi (now a part of northern Pakistan) and a contemporary and
also perhaps a vassal of the Kusana king- Kujuia Kadphises. Kujula, as it is well-
known, ruled before Kaniska I.
The main purpose of our inscription is to perpetuate the deposition of Sarir
of the Bhagavat (i.e. Buddha) in the Eka-kuta (Eka-kuta) stupa, which was done
(or caused to be done) by king Senavarma. The Sarira was or were caused to be
naade by a son of an Anakaya (Anangkaios, i.e. ‘‘royal advisor”), (obviously under
IX
the order of the king). According to a statement in our inscription, the sarira “to
be deposited was or were painted to life” (Ji'ase likhita ya sarira prat'ithavani'a).
The expression “sarira of Lord Sakamuni (or of Gotama)”, appearing in

several KharosthI (or KharostI) records, denotes the supposed bodv-relic
(sariram) or body-relics (sarirani) of Gautama Buddha, the Sukya sage. The vases
bearing inscriptions, referring to the deposition of such relics, have sometimes been
found to contain pearls, beads and other items of stone, smaller caskets, coins
etc. These objects cannot be expected to have been painted. But their main
container might have been, if necessary, decorated with colour. So the sarira,
“painted to life”, as mentioned in the epigraph in question, refers to the body-relic
or-relics and its or their painted container. If the sarira or rather the container
part of the sarira was '‘painted to life”, the implication should be that the container
was painted with one (or more than one) life-like (and not symbolic) representation
of the Master (i.e. of the Master’s body or sarira). The other supported body-
relics, such as those mentioned above, could not conceivably have been ‘‘painted
to life”. It appears that the receptacle containing the relics was deposited in the
Eka-Kuta stupa and the act was perpetuated by the record incised on the
gold-plate in question.
This interpretation suggests that the practice of preparing life-like representa¬

tions of the Buddha came into vogue by the time of the Kusana king Kujula,
Kadphises, who was a contemporary of Senavarma (i e. Senavarma), the donor
of the body-relics in question. If Kujula began to rule by about the last decade of
the 1st century B.C. or a little later, (B.N. Mukherjee, An Agrippan Source —
Study in Indo-Parthian History, Calcutta, 1970, p. 187), the practice of worshipping
the image of the Buddha should have been known by that time. This may allude
to the origin of the practice of preparing the image of the Buddha by c. 1st century
B.C. (or early 1st century A.D.).
We may note here that our record refers to the worship of Maitreya, “who is
with him Saksmuni”. The cult of Maitreya (as a Bodhisattva and also as the
future Buddha) was well-known in the Kusana empire. The “linkage of the
images of Sakvamuni and Maitreya is a characteristic of Buddhist sculpture in the
Kusanshahr, usually accomplished by placing smaller Maitreya figures in the
pedestal of the status of the historical Buddha” (J.M Rosenfield, The Dynastic
Arts of the Kushans, Berkeley and Los Angels, 1967, p. 233: figs. 35, 98, etc.). In
the light of this evidence the references to Maitreya as one “who is with Sakamuni”
may be considered to allude to the knowledge of the appearance of iconic repre¬
sentation of Maitreya with that of the Buddha. In that case the author of the text
of the record had been familiar with icons of the Master.
The epigraph in question seems to suggest a pre-Kaniska origin of the practice

of preparing iconic representations of the Buddha. This evidence finds support
from the discoveries of a number of sculptured panels, displaying inter alia the
X
figures of the Buddha, in a group of monuments at Butkara I (Pakistan), if

D. Faccenna has rightly dated them, mainly on numismatic ground, to the period
from the late 1st century B.C. to the early 1st century A.D. (D. Faccenna, “Excava-
tions of the Italian Archaeological Mission (ISMEO) in Pakistan : Some Problems
of Gandhara Art and Architecture”, Central Asia in the Kushdna Period, Vol. I,
Moscow, 1975, pp. 150 f). Certain sty listic traits of these figures of the Buddha
are related, according to J.E. Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, to those of the early repre¬
sentations of the Master at Mathura known as the Kapardin type (on account of
the Kapardin or bun of entwined hair on top of the head). J.E. Van Lohinzen-de
Leeuw, “New Evidence with Regard to the Origin of the Buddha Image’',
H. Hartal (editor), South Asian Archaeology, 1979, Berlin, 1981, pp. 377-400; Figs.
9-12, 14-17, 19 and 27). If these hypotheses about the dating and stylistic features
of these icons are correct, images of the Buddha might have been known in the
Mathura area by the late 1st century B.C. or early 1st century A.D. This inference,
however, does not deny the feasibility of the origin or at least of an independent
origin of the Buddha image in Gandhara, by about the same period.
The author is at his brilliant best in the second part (Chapter VIII) of his
study dealing with the chronology of Buddhist icons at Mathura. This section is a
definite contribution to the study of Indian art.
The validity of this opinion is not questioned even if I donot agree with the
theory that some of the inscribed icons bearing dates which are well below the
figure of 100, referable to the Kaniska Era, should be stylistically dated to a
period after the year 100 of that reckoning. In other words, the figure of iOO is to
be considered as omitted in the dating portions of the image inscriptions. This
theory, advocated by J.E. Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw and broadly supported by J.M.
Rosenfield, J. Williams and R.C. Sharma himself, cannot explain the use of figures
above 100 in the dating portions of the Kosam records referring to Vaisravana and
Bhlmavarman (connected with the Maghas?) and in the Kailvan inscription of
Arya-Visakhamitra, who, as it is now proved, must have used the Kaniska Era.
(For the arguments against this theory, see B.N, Mukherjee, “Problems of
Dated Images of the Mathura School of Sculpture of the Kushana Period’", Central
Asia in the Kushdn Period, Vol. II, Moscow, 1975, pp. 346-362). But for this minor
criticism, I am full of praise for Sharma’s study which determines the stages of
evolution of the Buddha image at Mathura and their relations with the Gandhara
school of art.
The third part of Sharma's study, which appears as a section of Chapter VIII,
deals with iconic representations of different divinities of the Buddhist pantheon, of
Mathura. Here we have perhaps the best available treatment of the subject. I very
much wish the author to study this theme in further details in near future.
In addition to the study proper, divided, (as noted above) into three parts,
various interesting data have been furnished in the three sections (Background,
Material for Study of Mathura Art and Buddhist Art) of the book. All of its
chapters are rich in materials and they bear the stamp of original thinking.
Photographs of a large number of sculptures, published in the book, should help
the readers to follow intelligibly the arguments of the author.
In short, Sri R.C. Sharma has produced a volume, which is a sine qua non
for all students of Mathura art and Buddhist iconography. The Buddhist An of
Mathura is indeed a landmark in the field of study of history of Indian fine arts.
B. N. MUKHERJEE
Buddha Jayanti : May 2, 1933
Carmichael Professor of
Ancient Indian History & Culture,
University of Calcutta.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
On completion of the work I feel delighted in expressing my heartfelt

gratitude to :
Dr. B.N. Mukherjee, Carmichael Professor. University of Calcutta, under whose
able guidance and supervision this has reached the final stage. His initiation in the
subject, valuable suggestions for improvement, a keen interest with personal touch
and encouraging treatment cannot be suitably compensated through words. He has
also been kind to write a brilliant foreword to the book.
Dr. Gritli V. Mitterwallner, Professor of Indology in the University of Munich,
West Germany lent an incredible support in supplying numerous off-prints, books
and a large number of slides and photographs for study and illustrations. Going
through several chapters she offered many useful tips. It is not possible to repay
her wonderful contribution.
Dr. N.R. Banerjee, Former Director, National Museum, New Delhi and now
Visiting Professor of Archaeology and Museology, Bharata Kala Bhavan, Varanasi
has taken the pains in screening and polishing the press copy and also imparting
Valuable suggestions for improvements. He has been my teacher in Field Archaeo¬
logy and he has done this favour in this spirit. I am extremely obliged to him.
The writings of late Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, my esteemed teacher late Professor V.S.
Agrawala, unpublished Lucknow Museum records prepared by late R.D. Banerjee
and the notable work the ‘Scythian period’ by Professor Van Lohuisen have
provided the base material for elaborating my views and I feel deeply indebted to
these pioneers.
I have been much benefited through the discussions of the following scholars
on one occasion or the other: Late Professor S.K. Saraswati, Late Prof. Nihar
Rajan Rav, Late Padmabhusana Sri C. Sivaramamurti, Late Dr. V.P. Dwivedi,
Late Dr. B.N. Sharma, Prof. J.E. Van Lohuizen de-Leeuw (Holland), Prof. A.L.
Basham, Dr. H. Hartel (Berlin), Prof. J.N. Rosenfield (U.S.A.), Dr. R.D. Gupta
(London), Prof. D.C. Sircar (Calcutta), Prof. K.D. Vajpayi (Sagar), Dr. U.P. Shah
(Baroda), Dr. Grace Morley and Dr. P. Banerjee (New Delhi), Dr. S.C. Kala
(Allahabad), Dr. Prabhu Dayal Mital and Dr. P.L. Paliwal (Mathura), Sri K.L.
Gupta (Varindaban), Prof. B.N. Puri, Prof. B.N. Srivastava, Dr. K.K. Thaplyal
and Sri. O.P. Agrawal (Lucknow).
I must also thank my colleagues and officers in the Department of Cultura
Affairs U.P. for their support.
Xiv
An unqualified cooperation was extended by my colleagues both in Mathura

and Lucknow museums and my successor in the Mathura Museum, Dr. A.K. Sri-
vasta\a deserves special mention. At Lucknow my two promising young associates
Sri R.C. Tiwari, Assistant Director and Km. Sushma Srivastava, Librarian, chec¬
ked up and put diacritical marks in the final script which was carefully typed by
Sri K.D. Kapur. The Bibliography part is practically the creation of Km. Sushma.
In my capacity as Director of Mathura and Lucknow museums I had an easy
access to the records and collection of the two great institutions with the help of my
colleagues such as Sri G S. Tiwari, Smt. Pushpa Thakurail, Sri S.K. Rastogi, Sri
L.N. Varshney, Sri S.V. Bajpayi, Sri H.N. Raheja, Sri D.C. Karnatak and Sri Shatru-
ghna Sharma. Sri I.P. Pandey helped me in different ways, particularly in marking
the captions on the plates.
During the ccurse of my research work I not only studied the Buddhist objects
in Mathura and Lucknow museums, but had also availed the opportunity to visit
several other museums to see their collection and study in their libraries. Mention
may be male of the Prince of Vales Museum, Bombay, Indian Museum, Calcutta,
Ashutosh Museum, University of Calcutta, Patna Museum, Bharat Kala Bhawan,
Varanasi, Archaeological Museum, Sarnath, Allahabad Museum and National
Museum, New Delhi. I was further benefited through consulting the library of the
Asiatic Society, Calcutta, National Library, Calcutta, Calcutta University Library
particularly the Departmental Library of Ancient Indian History and Culture and
personal library of Prof. B.N. Mukherjee.
Prof. K.K. Gangoli, Dr. S.C. Ray, Director, Indian Museum, Calcutta, Dr.
Som Nath Mukherjee. Dr. Banvir Chakravarti and Dr. Archna Roy rendered timely
help during my study trips to Calcutta. My heartfelt thanks are due to them.
My sister Smt. Shakuntla Sharma, sister-in-law Smt. Chandra Jyotsna and her
husband Sri Sudhir 3atra Advocate, also helped me a lot.
My children Madhu and Piyush derived pleasure in sorting out the photographs
and arranging the type script, notes and references at different stages of writing.
My wife, Santosh deserves no thanks for the magnitude of her multiple cooperation
and inspiraption as the completion of this work is the fulfilment of her ow n long
cherished ambition.
I must also express my grat'tude to those institutions and individuals who have
very kindly supplied ihe photographs either for the purpose of my study or for
publication in this book.
My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Agam Prasad, Proprietor of Agam Kala
Prakashan, Delhi and his staff for bringing out this book as carefully as possible.
Like the Mathura Buddha images I long for removal of the sufferings of
all and for the attainment of Supereme Knowledge :
^ f:*=T Sr^RTTfccPC 5TRITPTT I
August 15, 1983 R.C. SHARMA
Director
State Museum, Lucknow
TABLE OF TRANSLITERATION
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Al : Ancient India, New Delhi

AJU : The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1951.
ASR : Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Calcutta & Delhi.
AV : Atliarva Veda.
BMA : Bulletin of Museums & Archaeology in U.P.
BMC : British Museum Catalogue.
CAMM : Vogel, Catalogue of the Archaeological Museum at Mathura, 1910,
Allahabad.
CHI : Cambridge History of India, Cambridge
CII : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.
CM AS : Sahni, D.R., Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarndth,
Calcutta, 1914.
DAK : Rosenfield. J.M., The Dynastic Arts of the Kusanas, Berbeley and
Los Angeles, «967.
DHI : Banerjee, J.N., Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1941.
EHS : Epigraphical Hybrid Sanskrit, Leiden, 1978.
El : Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta.
GSI : German Scholars of India, II, New Delhi, 1976.
HI I A : Coomarswamy, A.K.. History of Indian & Indonesian Art, 1927.
London.
14 : Indian Antiquary, 1927.
IMC : Indian Museum Calcutta.
IMC,Cat : Anderson, J., Catalogue and Handbook of the Archaeological Collec¬
tions in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1883.
J40S Journal of American Oriental Society
JASB : Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
JBBRAS : Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Bombay.
JESI : Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, Delhi.
JISOA : Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art
XVI11
JNSI : Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Bombay & Lucknow.

JR AS • Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland,
London,
JRAS, NS : Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series.
JUPHS : Journal of the United Provinces Historical Society, Lucknow.
MDM ; Mathura a District Memoir, 3rd Edition, Allahabad, 1883.
mi : Liiders, H., Mathura Inscriptions (Edited by Janert, K.L., Goltingen,
1961).
MM : Mathura Museum.
MMA : Sharma, R.C., Mathura Museum and Art, 1976, Mathura.
MS : Joshi, N.P., Mathura Sculptures, 1966, Mathura.
OZ : Ostasiatische Zeitscbrift
PHAI Roy Chaudhari, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta,
1938.
PMC Cat Whitehead, R.B., Punjab Museum Coins Catalogue, Oxford, 1914.
RV Rgveda.
SI Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions, 1, Calcutta, 1942.
SML State Museum, Lucknow.
SP Van Lohuizen-de-Leeuw J.E., The Scythian Period, Leiden. 1949.
CONTENT
Foreword vii
Acknowledgment xiii
Table of Transliteration XV
List of Abbreviations xvii
Section I
BACKGROUND
CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION DEALING WITH 1—16
(a) Geographical Importance of Mathura 3

(b) Work so far dons including sources of
information 7
(c) Importance of the subject 14
CHAPTER 2: HISTORY OF MATHURA FROM THE EARLIEST TIME

TO THE END OF THE GUPTA PERIOD 17—35
Sources 17, Survey of main historical events 22
CHAPTER 3 : BUDDHISM IN MATHURA 36—71
Literary traditions 36, Accounts of foreign tra\ ellers 44,

Archaeological finds 48, Terminology for describing monu¬
ments 48, Chart showing early Buddhist Establishments at
Mathura 52, Buddhist sites of Mathura 59, Maps
XX
Section II
MATERIAL FOR THE STUDY OF MATHURA ART
CHAPTER 4 : HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGNS 75-91
Early campaigns 76, Katra e\ca\ation 82, Sonkh
exca\ation 84, Excavations by A.S J. 89
CHAPTER 5 : RECENT DISCOVERIES FROM GOVINDNAGAR 92-126

Govindnagar Site 92, Terracottas 94, Architectural frag-
ments 100, Parasols 111. Halo 114, Decorati\e motifs 116,
Coins 119, Other icons 120
CHAPTER 6 : THE MATHURA SCHOOL OF ART 127—140

Abunaance of sculptural finds 127, The stone 128, Origin of
the School 130, Development of the School through the
Ages 132, Richness of Art forms 133, Emergence & New
Deities 135, Royal Portraits 136, Female Beauty 136,
Decorative motifs 138, Artists of the Mathura School 139,
Culmination 140
Section III
BUDDHIST ART
CHAPTFR 7 ; BUDDHA IN THE ART OF MATHURA 143—170
(a) When was the Buddha Image Introduced ? 143
(b) How did the Buddha figure evolve ? 146
(c) Where was the Buddha image evolved ? 149
Contribution of Mathura to the Evolution of Buddha
Image 168, An observation 169
CHAPTER 8 : CHRONOLOGY OF THE BUDDHIST ICONS OF

MATHURA SCHOOL 171—236
Symbolic Representation 171, Pre-Kaniska Transition 173,
The Ideal Form : the Kaniska Phase 176, Emergence of
Gandhara Traits : The Huviska Phase 188, Furtherance of
Gandhara Impact : Huviska’s second Phase 194, The Anyor
Idiom 197, Culmination of the Gandhara Impact 199, Late
Kusana Treatment 203, Dealing of Gandhara Impact 205,
Controversy about St>le and Date 207, Post-Kusana-Pre
Gupta Phase 215, Gupta Acme 221, The Buddhist
Pantheon 228
XXI
CHAPTER 9 : MATHURA AND OTHER SCHOOLS OF ART 237-243
Mathura and Gandhara 237, Mathura and Amaravatl 239,

Mathura and Sarnath 240, Findings 242
POST SCRIPT 244-247
Bibliography 249-255
Index 257'266
Description of Illustrations 267-282
Plates
SECTION I
Background
Chaptfr I : INTRODUCTION DEALING WITH

a) Geographical Importance of Mathura
b) Work so far done including sources of information
c) Importance of the Subject
Chapter II : HISTORICAL BACKGROUND FROM THE EARLIEST TIME

TO THE END OF THE GUPTA PERIOD
Chapter III : BUDDHISM IN MATHURA

1
INTRODUCTION
A. GEOGRAPHICAL IMPORTANCE OF MATHURA
Mathura has enjoyed a unique place in the cultural history of India. Rightly
assessed by Ptolemy as a city of gods.1 it has served as a perfect mould not only for
casting the religious, spiritual and cultural figure of the country but artistically also
it has shaped the figurines of deities of different sects. As art in ancient India v. as
handmaid of religion, Mathura also developed as a great centre of art activities.
The statement is amply corroborated by thousands of art objects revealed from
Mathura and its neighbourhood since 1836 when Col. Stacy reported the first
antiquarian discovery.2
Topography of Mathura
The city of Mathura is situated on the right bank of the Yamuna at a distance
of 58 km. to north-w'est of Agra and 145 km. to south-east of Delhi in Lat. 27°
3TN and long. 77° 41’E. But Mathura also stands for the region known by various
terms viz. Mathura Mandala, Surasena and Vraja. The land is now more
popularly called as Vraja or Braja. For all practical purposes the present district
of Mathura is known by Braja Bhumi although the religious, cultural and linguistic
Vraja fairly exceeds the geographical boundaries of the District.3
On the map the district of Mathura can be located between Lt. 27° 14' and
27° 58' N and Long. 77° 17' and 78° 12' E, covering an area of about 3800 sq. kms
4 and forming the part of the Yamuna basin. It is divided into two distinct units
i.c. the eastern part which is the Trans-Yamuna tract comprising Mat and Sadabacf
sub-divisions and the western part which is Cis-Yamuna tract comprising Mathura
and Chhata sub-divisions.4 5 The important historical, archaeological or religious
places in the Trans-Yamuna unit arc Mahaban, Baldev, Gokul. Mat and Bajnas
1. Cunningham. A., The Ancient Geography of India, Reprint 1963, p. 315.

Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, (henceforth JASB), Vol. V.p 1836, p. 567 and III.
2. Cunningham, A., Archaeological Report, (henceforth ASR), 1862-63, p. 242.
3. Mital, Prabhu Dayal, Braj Ka Sanskritika Itihasa (Hindi), 1966, p. 7.
4. Mathura District Gazetteer, 1968, p. I.
5. Ibid., p. 4-5.
4 Buddhist Art of Mathura
while the Cis-Yamuna unit consists of the following notable spots-Mathura,

Vrindaban, Govardhan, Kusumban or Kusumsarovar, Radhakund, Nandgaon,
Bars ana, Sonkh, Chandrasarovar. Aring. Parkham.
The District in north is bound by Gurgaon district of Haryana in west by

Bharatpur district of Rajasthan, in north-east by Aligarh, in east by Htah and in
south by Agra districts of Uttar Pradesh.0 Owing to some low hills in the western
side, particularly the ridges of Govardhan and chffs of Nandgaon and Barsana (all
detached portions of Arawili chain), the landscape is somewhat undulating and
higher than the south-eastern part. The highest point is 261 metres above sea level
and with a sloping rate of .25 metres per kilometre its lowest point is 171.6 metres
above sea level near Jalesar Road railway station in the eastern direction. The
Yamuna is the only river in this region although the Pathwaha and the Jhirna or
Karwan which are little known affluents play menace in the monsoon season.6 7 8
The soil in the district is generally \ellow which is not much fertile. There are
certain patches of dumat in Mat, Sadabad and Chhata sub-divisions. Clay is
noticed in the low-lying areas. The Trans-Yamuna part is better for agriculture and
pastoralism w hile the Cis-Yamuna part consists of some natural resources like stone
and some inferior \ariety of iron.s Discovery of copper implements by Cunningham
at Chaubara mounds9 in 1873 and a hoard of 16 copper celts from Sadabad10 hints
to the possibility of existence of copper ore in Mathura or adjoining area. The
excavations ha\e revealed some precious and semi-precious metallic and stone
objects of gold, silver, bronze, crystal, jasper, agate, lapislazuli, carnelian, shell,
glass etc. but these tiny items seem to have seen their way to the Mathura region
as casual trade goods and their local manufacturing cannot be substantiated at the
present state of our knowledge.
As pointed out above there are detached and scanty hills in the western part
of the District but surprisingly these ha\e not yet fallen prey to the attacks of the
stone cutters or miners. The main reason of the automatic protection of this
ecology is the religious faith which interdicts the removal of even a, small chunk
from these sacred hills which are worshipped and circumambulated by thousands of
pilgrims on various occasions.
'Geographical significance of Mathura
Beside its religious importance one of the main factors which led Mathura to
rise to the eminence of a metropolis of Northern India in ancient time was its ideal
geographical situation. It is situated on the junction point of many important land
routes. Several roads radiate from Mathura which ultimately joined the two
6. Mathura District Gazetteer, 1968.

7. //»/</.. p. 6.
8. Sehgil, fC K , Rajasthan District Gazetteers—Bharatpur, 1971, p 3.
9 ASR, Vol. Ilf. 1873, p. 13.
10. Snvastava, A K , Bulletin of Museums and Archaeology in U P. (henceforth BMA) No. 11-12,
June-December 1973, p. 41.
Introduction 5
important highways of early India viz. Daksinapatha (the Southern Highway) and
Uttarapatha (the Northern Highway).11
The Daksinapatha joined Mathura to the commercially rich central India and
particularly Malwa and Deccan plateaus and continued upto the western sea coast.
Near Vidisa and Sanchl this road joined the other prominent highway which
ultimately led to different states of central, south-eastern and southern India. It was
through these routes that Mathura had linkage with several notable capital cities
such as Ujjavinl, Aparanta. Mahismatl, Pratisthana etc.
The Uttarapatha on the other hand was another significant route which
connected Mathura with the northern and north-western regions of India or the
upper India. It ultimately linked the north-western regions with Baetria or
Balkhika. The Uttarapatha had several important blanches and atleast three roads
proceeded from Mathura to connect northern, north-westein and western regions.
One ran almost paraliee to the Yamuna leading to Rohl (Rohataka). Udumbara
(Pathankot) and Sakala (Sialkot).1 - The Gilgit manuscripts inform that after
completion of his education at Taksasila JI\aka KumarabhrUa reached Mathura by
the same route and from here he proceeded further to reach Rujgnh via Vaisall.13
Thus MathuraT geographical position was unique as it was connected with ail
important tow ns of ancient India through mam highways or subsidiary land routes
which finally joined the main Daksinapatha or Uttarapatha.11 This early impor¬
tance is amply preserved to-date. A glance at the city map will indicate that
Mathura has a network of roads in its periphery. One of them is the National
Highway and several others are also of considerable significance. The railway route
has also followed the early reputation of Mathura being connected with all major
cities of the country. This is probably the only spot on Indian Rail Map which is
the junction point of four railways i.e,, the Central Railway, the Western Railway,
the Northern Railway and the North-Eastern Railway. The consideration behind
laying the rail tracks and the road links has been the early traditions and the
remarkable geographical situation which greatlv contributed in developing this town
as a metropolis of early India.
Beside the land route the city also flourished as an important centre of naviga¬
tion activities. The Yamuna lias been a major river and in ancient times its stream
had adequate flow of water to allow' even large boats required for maritime trade.
Unfortunately the present site at river at Mathura is miserable and gives a poor
impression owning to the exploitation of water resources for different purposes and
one has to depend on literary and other traditions to assess its significance as a
water route. The existence of Saptasamudrlkupa in the Mathura Museum premises
11. Several informations in the foregoing paras are based on an unpublished paper of
Dr. S.G. Bajpai titled “Trade Routes, Commerce and Communications Patterns from the Post
Mauryan Period to the Kudina Period” read in the International Seminar on Mathura held in
New Delhi in January 1980.
12. Moti Chandra, Stirthavaka, 1953, p. 16.
13. I hid. y p. 142.
14. Ihid.y p. 16.
6 Buddivst Art of Mathura
corroborates the merchantine trade. As prescribed in the chapter of Sodasamaha-

dana of Matsyapurana excavation and gift of such wells was an act of great merit.
The merchants before and after the sea voyage underwent certain rituals for their
purification at these wells which existed in the towns which were the flourishing
trade centres like Mathura, Kasf, Pra>aga and Pataliputra.1'"* Although none of these
cities is situated on the sea shore yet these stand on the banks of the two important
rivers viz. Gariga or Yamuna which were quite suitable for navigation and the mer¬
chantine ships did pass through these points for loading or unloading the goods as
the case may be. Names like Samudra and Sagara were popular in Mathura region
and we have found a Gupta period stele carved with the figure of the first Tirthan-
kara Rsabhanatha dedicated by two Samudra and Sagar.16 This suggests some sort
of affinity of the citizens of Mathura w ith sea or sea trade.
This ideal geographical situation and the network of roads and tracks trans¬
formed Mathura into a meeting place of several cultural currents through traders,
political aspirants, religious leaders and devotees. Merchants from different
directions with the variety of merchandise halted here to sale their goods or
exchange them with the articles of other merchant. Subsequently they either
proceeded further to their destination or returned to their native places. Quite often
the merchants undertook a long journey in carvan equipped w ith all facilities and
paraphernalia. They apprehended the attacks from road or riverside robbers and
were consequently adequately armed to face such eventuality. Hence their move¬
ments sometimes appeared as military expeditions.
They generally preferred to halt at a place which had good market for their
goods and were also renowned as religious and cultural centres. Mathura w?as one
of them and w'hen the carvans of traders came to halt, the city was not only flooded
with enormous varieties of items from distant quarters but was also transformed
into a hub of religious and cultural activities. The same site is to be seen even today
w hen there is a Yatra in w hich thousands of pilgrims from different parts of the
country assemble at Mathura and go round the important holy spots in Vraj
region. The Yatra which continues for about forty da>s after the rainy season is
virtually a moving town with all reasonable human comforts including music,
dance, drama and religious discourses.
As the means of transport and communication were extremely slow in com¬

parison with modern amenities, the carvans after a long journey made a fairly long
stay at Mathura not only to remove their fatigue but also to try their luck in the
spiritually elevated environment of the city. We come across numerous epigraphs
recording the erection of religious shrines, monasteries, tanks, gardens, assembly
halls, gateways waterwêlls or waterhuts and other monuments built by traders and
noblemen visiting Mathura from time to time. This tradition of performing the
15. Moti Chandra, Sarthavaha, 1953, Introduction by V.S. Agrawala, p. 12.

16. Mathura Museum No. 12.268, Cf. R.C. Sharma’s, Mathura Museum and Art, 1976, p. 78.
Introduciion 1
noble deeds was known as Istdpurta17 and it continues till date in one way or the
other.
It was a two way traffic. The merchants and noblemen spent handsome amount
to impart better look to the city by erecting buildings and monuments of their
choice and on the other hand Mathura made all preparation to receive and utilise
the generous grants offered by the guest traders and pilgrims. The learned
preceptors, highly skilled masons, stone cutters, sculptors and other artisans were
available in desired number to carry out the wishes and plans of the donors. As
will be discussed later several names of sculptors have been traced in the early
inscriptions from Mathura.
The city also served as a transit trade centre extending all transport facilities
for the movement of merchandise from one place to the other. The flourishing
trade of Mathura is testified by the Avasyakacurni which states that as an important
business centre it was regularly trading with the southern Mathura or Madurai.18
Similarly we are informed by the Brhaikalpasutrabhusya that the main source of
liveiyhood of the people of Mathura was trade and commerce and not agriculture.19
Thus the importance Mathura as a Metropolis of Northern India was not only
due to its rich religious or cultural background but the trade and economic factor
was also responsible for this credit. The trade flourished during to its strategic
geographical situation and routes connecting it with almost all important towns in
all directions. This fact is richly testified by literature and a number of inscriptions.-0
It rose to further eminence in the first three centuries of the Christian era when it
became a stronghold of the Saka and Kusana power. But soon after the disruption
of the Kusana rule Mathura not only lost its political status but due to repeated
attacks it also disintegrated as a nerve of trade activities. Under these odd
circumstances the city was left with no alternative but to shrink itself again to be a
focal print of religion and spiritualism an honour which it has been commanding
since time immemorial.
B. WORK SO FAR DONE
While no complete study of the Buddhist art of Mathura has been undertaken
so far, several eminent authorities have been contributing on the subject for more than
a century. Stacv was the first fortunate person to pick up the antiquarian remains
from Mathura-1 but its identification has been debatable and we are not in a position
to call it a Buddhist piece. Sir Alexander Cunningham paid several visits to
17. Kane, P V., History of Dharmasastra, 1941, Vol. If, Part II, p. 843.
18 Mod Chandra, op. ctip. 1S9.
19. Ibid , p. 165.
20. Luders, H., Mathu<t Inscriptions Nos. 13, 18, 31, 40, 61-62. 69 etc. and a recent epigraph
acquired by the present author from village Mirjapur near Mathura (Mathura Museum
No 79, 20).
21. Stacy, L.R , “Note on the Discovery of a Relic of Grecian Sculpture in Upper India", JASB,
V, 1836, p. 567.
Mathura between the years 1853 and 82 and furnished a detailed account of his
archaeological researches including the discovery of Buddhist finds in his Survey
Reports. He tried to identify several spots and monuments, explored and excava¬
ted various sites acquiring a large number of Buddhist remains and architectural
fragments. He also deciphered some inscriptions and published them in his reports.""
The following important conclusions are drawn from his repeated exploratory
work :
1. The Buddhist establishment at Mathura had started in the third century
B.C.
2. The Buddhism was on decline in the region from the 7th century A.D.
and had completely disappeared by the time of Mahmud Ghaznavi’s
invasion in 1017 A.D. It was expelled by force."4
3. Upagupta’s monastery was situated near the present Collectorate or Jail
mound.-Vj
F.S. Growse Collector of Mathura District-6 was a sound scholar, an enthusias¬
tic archaeologist and an able writer. Exploring various mounds he traced numerous
antiquities including a number of Buddhist remains. He was also responsible for
founding the Mathura Museum in 1*874 for preserving the antiquities from Mathura
and its neighbourhood. Besides his stray articles on the archaeological discoveries
of Mathura in different journals-7 he made a wonderful contribution by writing the
Mathura Memoir19, which is a celebrated work on the history and culture of the
region. He has given a complete chapter on the Buddhist city of Mathura and its
antiquities. It was for the first time that Mathura’s association with Buddhism was
well recognised and established on firm grounds. Growse has disagreed with
Cunnigham on several identifications and interpretations of early settlements and
sculptures.29
As there was no local museum at the initial stage antiquities discovered at

Mathura were sent out for study, research and safe custodv to different museums
and Indian Museum. Calcutta got the lion share. John Anderson while writing the
catalogue devoted a few pages for Mathura finds which included some Buddhist
exhibits also.™ Dovvson studied a few Buddhist epigraphs recovered from Mathura
22. ASR, No. I, 1862-63, pp. 231-44.
Ibid , No. IU, 1871-72, pn. 13-46.
Ibid., No. XVII, 1881-82, p. 111.
Ibid., No, XX. 1882-83, pp, 36-49.
23. Ibid., No. XX, 1882-83, p. 49.
24 Ibid, No. 1, p. 237.
25. Ibid , No. XVII, p. 111.
26. He was first appointed as Joint Magistrate in 1871 and the following year he became Collector
on which he served for six years before his transfer to Bulandshahr in 1878.
27. <p “Supposed Greek Sculpture at Mathura", JASB. XLIV, 18~5. p. 212.
OP “Mathura Inscriptions", Indian Atiquar r (henceforth I A) VI, 1977, p. 216.
<no Mathura Notes. JASB, XLVH, 1878, Part 1, p. 97.
28. Mat fin rj Memoir, 3rd Edition 1883.
29. Ibid. p 121
30 Catalogue and Hand Book of the Archaeological Collections of the Indian Museum, 1883,
pp. 16"-92.
Introduction 9
in the beginning of the archaeological explorations.31 G. Buhler concentrated on

the Jaina inscriptions33 but their study is equally important to get familiar with the
contemporary organisation of Church. J.F. Fleet incorporated a few Buddhist
inscriptions of Gupta period from Mathura in the third volume of the Corpus
Inscriptionum Indicarum 1888, No. 60, 69 and 70.
Pandit Bhagwan Lai IndrajI had recovered the sandstone lion capital from
Saptarsi mound at Mathura—now housed in the British Museum, London. Its
Kharosthi epigraph, recordings the erection of Buddhist monastery namely Guha
Vihara etc., was read by him,33 and several other Indologists of whom Sten Konow14
and F.W. Thomas deserve special mention.35 V.A. Smith illustrated a few Buddhist
Sculptures also in his monograph on the Jaina Stupa and other antiquities of
Mathura.36 The life size torso of the Bodhisattva has been captioned as Vardha-
mana in the plate.37 Similarly the Buddha head on plate C 1 figure 2 has not been
described as the head of the Buddha. Later Smith discussed more Buddhist
sculptures from Mathura in his studies on art.38
J.Ph. Vogel's memory will always be cherished for his meritorious services in
spreading the fame of Mathura School of Art and particularly highlighting some of
the master specimens of Buddhist sculptures carved in the Mathura style. His paper
titled Mathura School of Sculpture30 still serves as gateway for the study of
Mathura art. He examined the entire collection in the Mathura Museum and
brought out its first catalogue in 1910.{° The Buddhist antiquities have been
discussed under classification, A from p. 47 to 65. He contributed several other
papers on the Buddhist remains from Mathura.41
R.D. Banerji also deserves rich compliments for his hard work in preparing
the manuscript of the catalogues of the Lucknow Museum which somehow or the
other could not be published. But these typed registers including the one on the
Buddhist Sculptures serve as valuable documents for the study of Mathura art
31. JRAS , N.S., V, 1871, pp. 182-93.

32. EE, I, 1892, p. 371.
£7., If, 1894, p. 195.
33. JRAS., 1894, p. 541.
34. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (henceforth C//), Vol. II, Part f, pp. 30-50.
35. El , IX, 1907-08, pp. 135-47.
36. ASI, New Imp. Series XX. 1901, p. 63, pi CV-CVU.
37. Ibid , p. 43, fig. LXXXVII. The description on p. 43 mentions that Fuhrcr identified it as
Vardhamana and Mukherjee (probably R.K.) thought it to be a Brahmamcal deity in the act
of blessing.
38. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, 1911, p. 143.
39. ASR., 1906-07, pp. 137-60.
40. Catalogue of the Archaeological Museum at Mathura (henceforth CAM\f), 1910.
41. (i) Etudes de Sculpture Bouddhique III : Les Bas reliefs du Stupa de Dhruva Th^» BEFEO-,
VIII, 1908, pp. 492-500.
(ii) “Explorations at Mathura*'. ASR, 1911-12. pp, 120-33.
(iii) “La Sculpture de Mathura", Art AsiatUa, 1930.
(vi) De Buddhistische Kunst van \ oor-India, 1932.
including the Buddnist sculptures. Besides, he puoiished some impoitant papers on

the Buddhist finds from Mathura.1 -
A. Foucher, a champion of Gandhara School of art ignored the contribution

of Mathura School and just made passing refeiences of some Buddhist finds from
Mathura while comparing tnem with their Gandhara counterparts.li He believed
in the Hellenistic origin of the Buddha image and did not favour Mathura.44 Daya
Ram Sahni decipheied a few Buddhist insciipiions from Mathura.40
H. Luders* contribution in the study of Mathura inscriptions has been laudable.

His decipherments and interpretations of the early epigraphs including the Buddhist
documents ha\e helped the researchers on art and culture of Mathura to a great
extent.46 His supplementary fist was brought out by K.L. Janart.17 Following
Vogel, Ram Prasad Chanda also wrote an essay on the Mathura School of sculpture
in which he commented on some Buddhist sculptures from Mathura also.48
A.K. Coomaraswamy was another champion of Mathura School of art and he

not only appreciated the Mathura style and its contribution but also credited this
school for the origin of the Buddha image.40 This may, however, be pointed out
that Victor Goloubew50 and Iwasaki Museumi51 had already favoured Mathura for
the Gandhara origin of the Buddha image was also refuted by E.B. Havell.5- He
favoured the indigenous origin although Mathura was not specifically mentioned
in this regard probably due to the fact that not much material was available for
study. Havell opposed the theory of Grunwedel who advocated in favour of
Gandhara.s:j Ludwing Bachhofer illustrated several important Buddhist sculptures
42. (i) “The Scythian Period of Indian History," f A, XXXVIT, 1908, pp. 25-75.
(ii) “Mathura Inscriptions in the Indian Museum," JASB, New Series, V, pp. 237-44.
(iii) “The Discovery of Seven New dated Records of the Scythian Period", JASB., New
Series, V, 1909, pp. 271-77.
(iv) “New Brahmj Inscriptions of the Scythian Period", £/, X, 1909-10, pp. 106-21.
(v) “Three Sculptures in the Lucknow Museum", ASR.. 1909-10, pp. 146-49.
43. L' art Greco-Bouddhique du Gandhara, l. 1905, pp. 211, 217, 569 etc.
44. The Greek Origin of the image of the Buddha etc. 1917, pp 111-38.
45. (i) “Three Mathura Inscriptions and their bearing on the Kusana Dynasty," JRAS., 1924,
pp. 399-406.
fii) “Seven Inscriptions from Mathura", £/., XIX, 1927-28, pp. 65-69.
(iii) “Mathura Pedestal Inscription of the Kusana year 14", £/., XIX, 1927-28, pp. 96-97.
46. ‘*A List of Brahm? Inscriptions from the earliest times to about 400 A.D. etc." published a;
Appendix to £/., X. 1912.
47. Heinrich Luders, Mathura Inscriptions, Ed. by K.L. Janert.
48. ASR., 1922-23. pp 168-70.
49. (i) “The Indian Origin of the Buddha-Image", JAOS, XLVI, 1926. p 165.
fii) “The Origin of the Buddha Image", The Art Bulletin. IX, 1927, No. 4.
(iii) “Buddha's Cuda, Hair, UsnTsa and Crown", JRAS1928, pp. 815-41.
(iv) HU A, pp. 56-63.
50. Review' of A. Toucher's L’ art Greco-Bouddhique du Gandhara", Bulletin de i* Eeole
Erun raise d' Extreme Orient XXIIf, 1924. p. 45.
51. “Review of A. Foucher's Beginnings of the Buddhist Art", Kohha, XXX. 1920, pp. 432-39.
52. Indian Sculpture and Painting. 1908, p. 41.
53. Buddhist ait in India, 190!, p. 68.
Introduction II
from Mathura in his work.01 Similarly Stella Kramrisch also discussed seme
Buddhist finds from Mathura in her writings.35
V.S. Agrawala availed full advantage of his tenure as Curator of the Mathura
Museum and made a thorough study of the collection. To begin with he brought
out a guide book of the Museum in which important Buddhist sculptures were also
dealt with.56 Later as Curator of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow his first task
was to reorganise the Archaeological Section and to prepare a guidebook in which
he described some Buddha/Bodhisattva images acquired from Mathura.57 His other
notable contribution was to update Mathura Museum Catalogue of Vogel. The
revised catalogue was published in different issues of the Journal of the U.P.
Historical Society between the years 1948-53 and the first of the series was on the
Buddhist finds.53 He gave due recognition to the Mathura School of art in his
other writings also.50 He opined that Mathura’s noblest contribution was the
representation of the Buddha figure in human form.60 M.M. Nagar, successor of
V.S. Agrawala at Mathura w;rote a guide book of the Museum in Hindi in which
he explained the Buddhist sculptuies also.61
J.E. Van Lohuizen-de-Leeuw's work is another commendable contribution in

the stylistic study of Mathura’s sculptural art and particularly the development of
Buddhist icons.62 She has advanced many a convincing arguments in the favour of
the Mathura origin of the Buddha image.63 On the basis of stylistic and epigraphic
study Van Lohuizen has taken much pains in framing the chronology of the
Buddhist and Jaina sculptures on quite convincing grounds.64 But in certain figures
the stylistic frame wwk does not tally with the recorded date on the pedestal and
in such cases she has suggested to add the figure of hundred in the given date.60
(D.C. Sircar incorporated a few Buddhist Mathura epigraphs also in his book on
inscriptions).66 He has discussed some other inscribed Buddhist sculptures in Epig¬
raph ica Indiea etc.
Benjamin Rowland discussed some Buddhist sculptures from Mathura in his

work and observed that Mathura should be given the credit for shaping the earliest
54. Indian Sculpture II, p. 79-90.
55. Indian Sculpture, 1933.
56. Handbook of the Sculptures in the Curzon Museum of Archaeology, Muttra. 1933. pp. 28-30
and 41.
57. A Short Guide Book to the Archaeological Section of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, 1940,
pp. 15-16.
58. “Buddha and Bodhisattva Images in the Mathura Museum/' JVPHS , XXI, Parts 1-2, 1948„
pp. 43-130.
59. (i) Studies in Indian Art, 1965, pp. 122-32, 137-54, 245-49.
(ii) Indian Art, 1965,217-46.
60. Ibid., p. 217.
61. Puratattva Sangrdhalaya ki Parichaya Pustika, 1947, pp. 15-16, 25-26.
62. The “Scythian Period, 1949, Captcrs III and IV.
63. Ibid, pp. 150-71.
64. Ibid., pp. 171-219.
65. Ibid,, pp. 236-37.
66. Select Inscriptions, 1954, No. 50, 54 and 56 A.
entirely Indian representation of the Buddha. He, however, has not dealt with the
controversy of the origin of the Buddha image either at Mathura or at
Gandhara as he thinks it a futile chauvinistic exercised57 K.D. Bajpayi while
serving as Curator in the Mathura Museum wrote a general introductory book on
Mathura in Hindi in 1950 which was revised in 1955 and 1980 by different publi¬
shers. The art and iconography pages of this book describe a few Buddhist
specimens also.68 N.P. Joshi Curator of the Mathura Museum from 1963 to 67
brought out a monograph on Mathura art in which he has illustrated the Buddhist
sculptures also prominently.69 C. Sivaramamurti referred to a few important Buddha
images in his introductory art book.70
J.M. Rosenfield seems to have been confronted with the problem of dating the
problematic sculptures and for that he forwarded a formula w'hich is quite near the
solution offered earlier by Van Lohuizen. He suggests that a second Kusana era
started after the year 98 of Kaniska’s reign.71 B.N. Mukherjee has, however, con¬
tradicted the views expressed by Van Lohuizen and Rosenfield of omission of 100 or
the commencement of a second Kusana era after 98 years of Kaniska's reign.72 He
suggests that the demand, economic condition and human factor should also be
taken into account on assigning a date to the art piece. Stylistic consideration
alone should not be the deciding factor for fixing the time limit.70 Van Lohuizen's
theory has been opposed by Gai on the palaeographic grounds also.71
Under the editorship of Mulk Raj Anand a special issue on Mathura was
brought out by the Marg Publications.75 In this issue the origin of the Buddha
image was discussed by Anand himself and Y. Krishan.76 K.D. Bajpai contri¬
buted on the Kusana art of Mathura including the Buddhist images.77 The Gupta
art of Mathura was highlighted by V.N. Srivastava illustrating some beautiful Buddha
images.78 The last author has also contributed some papers on the inscriptions of
Buddhist images from Mathura in different journals, such as the pedestal of the
year 9379 and another pedestal of the Gupta Era 125so Srivastava in colloboration
with Shivadhara Misra published an inventory of Mathura sculptures from 1 939
67. The Art and Architecture of India, 1953, p. 93.

68. Mathura, 1955, pp. 36, 39 and 52.
Mathura. 1980, pp. 40-41,50-52.
69. Mathura Sculptures, 1966, pp. 46, 67.
70. Indian Sculpture, 1961, pp. 36, 39 and 52.
71. Dynastic Arts of the Kusdnas (henceforth DAK), 1967. pp. 270-73 and 295.
72. “Problems of Dated Images of Mathura School of Sculpture”, Seminar Papers on Central Asia
in the Kusana Period, Moscow, 1975, pp. 346-62.
73. Ibid., 352.
74. Ghai, G S . Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India (Henceforth JESl), VI. 1979, p. 13.
75. Marg. XV, March 1962, No. 2.
76. Ibid . pp 8-16.
77. Ibid., pp. 28-48.
78. Ibid , pp. 49-58.
79. £/. XXXVII, pp. 151.
80. BMA, No. 1, March. 1968, pp 15-17.
Introduction 13
(after V.S. Agrawala’s catalogue) to 1973. Section of the invententory comprises the
Buddhist images.81
S.K. Saraswati’s work is a valuable document for the proper appreciation of

Mathura art and the Buddhist art of Mathura. He has beautifully highlighted the
important characteristics of the Buddhist sculptures from Mathura from the begin¬
ning to the Gupta period.81 P.D. Mittal's Hindi book furnishes a good record of
important Buddhist finds from Mathura.88 The Damsteegf s recent work of hybrid
Sanskrit inscriptions is a welcome addition to the study of documented Buddhist
images from Mathura.s* The other notable contribution during the recent years on
the study of Buddhist art has been made by D.L. Sneilgrove.85 The Buddha images
from Mathura have been dealt with in chapters 2 and 3. Some good works on the
Buddhist art incorporating the sculptures from Mathura have been brought out in
Japan. But as these are in the Japanese language their contents are not known to
the majority of the scholars.8,1 J.C. Harle's new monograph mentions a few Buddha
images of the Mathura School of art.S7 Actually no book on Indian art can afford
to ignore the Mathura art products and particularly the Buddhist sculptures which
excell the figures of all other sects in beauty and grace.
1 he present author has also made his humble contribution in this field. In his
comprehensive guide book of the Mathura Museum88 the Buddhist sculptures
housed in the Mathura Museum have been discussed in detail.89 The problem of
the origin of the Buddha image has also been thrashed out on the basis of some
more convincing and positive arguments.90 Recent Buddhist discoveries from
Govindnagar have been highlighted in the Lalit Kala.91 B.N. Mukherjee has
dwelt upon various aspects of Mathura in his recent work focussing attention on
the Saka-Pahlava period.9*1 An International Seminar on the cultural history of
ancient Mathura was organised by the George Mason University, Virginia, U.S.A.
through the American Institute of Indian Studies in New Delhi in January 1980.
Ample light was thrown on the history and society of Mathura upto the 3rd
century A.D.
81. BMA, No. 11-12, June-Deccmber 1973, pp. 85-95.

82. A Survey of Indian Sculpture, Second Ed , 1975, pp. 64-68 and 133-34.
83. Braj kl Kaldon Ka Itihasa, 1975, pp. 94-100, 1934-43.
84. Epigruphical Hybrid Sanskrit, 1978, pp. 159-72, 247.
85. The Image of the Buddha, 1978.
86. Mention may be made of the dignified and nicely reproduced volume captioned. The World of
the Buddha by Hajimc Nakamura, Vasuaki Nara and Rvojun Satoh with photographs by
Isamu Maruyama.
87. Gupta Sculpture, (Harle. J C.) Oxford. 1974.
88. First edition published in 1971 under the caption Mathura Museum Introduction and thr
second revised and enlarged edition titled as Mathura Museum and Art appeared in 1976
(henceforth MMA).
89. Sharma, R.C., MMA, pp. 37-4! & 66-67.
90 BMA.. No. 5-6. June & December 1970, pp. 16-27 and other paper titled “Buddha as Appears
in Mathura Art", Journal of Indian Museums, XXIX, 1973, pp. 18-21.
91. Lalit Kala. No. 19.
92. Mathura and its Society—the Saka Pahlava Phase, Calcutta, 1981.
14 Buddhist A rt of Mathura
C. IMPORTANCE OF THE SUBJECT
The Background of Mathura Art
Various factors have contributed to the eminence of Mathura region.

Eversince the religious preceptors have found it to be a suitable place to pro-
pogate their message. Not only the Brahmanism or Hinduism embraced it since
the dawn of Indian culture but Jainism and Buddhism also flourished here
for several centuries. Many an important events in the sphere of religion, culture
and art have taken place. It has given birth to the pantheon of all sects of early
Ind.ia. The contribution of Mathura towards the development of Indian art and
iconography has been of considerable significance with far reaching consequences.
The transmutation from symbolic cult to the anthropomorphic form has been a
land mark in the history of Indian art and culture and Mathura has made the
foremost contribution in this regard. S. K. Saraswati rightly observes, Tt is at
Mathura that this innate anthropomorphism and iconism asserted with vigour and
found expression in images of the divinities of the principal religious systems.’93
Significance
The style of art originated and developed at Mathura not only domi¬
nated the northern part of the country but also influenced and inspired other
subsequent schools of art. It is, therefore, quite appropriate that the art of Mathura
be studied more thoroughly from different angles. No study of Indian art or
iconography is complete without taking into account the art products of Mathura.
The Mathura School serves as the foundation of the great mansion of Indian art.
Till the first quarter of the twentieth century Mathura did not receive due recogni¬
tion and was supposed to be the Indian version of late Hellenistic art conventions.
But several European and Indian art historians and Indologists studied the subject
with an unbiased view and gave due credit to the glorious artistic activities which
were vibrated with indiginous thoughts, vision and sentiments. The rich and
potential sites in Mathura and its vicinity further strengthened this assessment
through revealing thousands of terracotta, sculptural and architectural re¬
mains some of which displaying super artistic talent. But full justice has not been
done with this cultural wealth and despite several commendable efforts Coomara-
swamy’s will91 has not yet been fulfilled and major part of the Mathura art
specimens escape the attention of the scholars. This drawback has hampered the
process of proper appreciation of the magnanimity of this great style of sculptural
art.
Non-sectarian Trends
In presenting this dissertation the present author has tried to draw the
93. Saraswati, S.K., A Survey of Indian Sculpture, 1975, p. 65.

94.‘Publications fully illustrating all that has been found in Mathura are one of the first
necessities. ** History of Indian and Indonesian Art (henceforth HUA) 3965, p. 56, footnote
No. 5.
Introduction 15
attention of the scholars and researchers of Indian art to only one aspect
of Mathura school, i.e. the Buddhist art of Mathura. Truely speaking the
art of India should not be classified into sectarian divisions. There was no
restriction or bar of idigion among the artists and they were carving the sculptures
and themes of all sects. The decorative motifs viz. full vase, lotus scroll, floral
decoration, Svastika etc. are common to all sects. Similarly the stupa architecture
in Buddhism and Jainism is same. Dharmacakra, Triratna, Srivatsa etc. were
adopted by both the religions. Even Aydgapatas which are special feature of
Jainism have been noticed associated with Buddhism as evidenced from a few
specimens from Amaravatl.^ Coomaraswamy’s remark on Sanchl is applicable on
Mathura also. The art of Sanchl is not, as art, created or inspired by Buddhism,
but is reaply Indian art adapted to edihing ends, and there with retaining its
own intrinsic qualities’.06
Van Lohuizen also thinks that the religions show a close relation so far as the
expression of art is concerned. ‘The reason is that early Indian art has never been
sectarian.and therefore it is impossible to talk of Jainistic or Buddhistic
art in those very first schools of art'.97 Buhler’s statement is more specific on this
issue : The ancient art of Jainas did not differ materially from that of the
Buddhists. Both the sects used the same ornaments, the same artistic motifs and
the same sacred symbols, difference occurring chiefly in minor points only the
cause of this agreement is in all probability, not that adherents of one sect
imitated those of the other, but that both drew on the national art of India and
employed the same artists/*8 Marshall expressed the same view while commenting
on the sculptural art of Sanchl." The description of monuments as found in the
Jaina texts particularly the Rdvapaseniyam holds good for the Buddhist stupas
also.
Religious Fervour
Thus it is clear that the essential character of the early Indian art has
been non sectarian but at the same time it was always wedded to the religion.
Art has been the vehicle of our highest thoughts and vision which were inspired by
religion. It was religion w'hich opened the window of emotions and sentiments
in the heart and mind of the artist who poured life in his creation through
different expressions. The inter relationship of art and religion has been well
explained by Agrawala.100 While all religions spelt the same fundamental truth
95. Van Lohuizen-de-Lecuw, J E., The ‘Scythian Period (henceforth SP)t 1949, p, J5I.
96. HU A , p. 36.
97. SPp. 151-52.
98. Buhler. G , “Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura”, Epigruphia Indica (henceforth El),
Vo]. 2. 1894, p. 322.
99. Marshall, J., A Guide to Sanchl, 1936, pp. 83-84.
100. ‘Religion provided for soul. It opened the gates of human heart for a tide-like flow of human
emotions. Religion also provided zest to life and gave to its most valuable motive-forces.
Inspired by religion, art retained its purity It was utilitarian from the worldly point of view,
but was worshipped for its own sake, i.e. for the sake of a higher spiritual purpose. Its
function was not to please the eye. but to satisfy the spirit. There was no compromise on this
vital point.* V.S. Agrawala in the Studies in Indian Art, 1965, p. 7.
through different means of communications including art and architecture still some
specific peculiarities made distinction between one religion and the other. The same
was expressed through the media of art. Narration of myths, stories and life
events of pontiffs certainly differentiated one religion from the other and this
distinction is to be noticed in the iconographic details as well.
Thus a school of art while treating a particular religious theme might show
traits mannerism conducive to the treatment of the subject. As archaeological finds
show Buddhism was an important theme with the artists of Mathura, many of them
might not have been Buddhists themselves but their clientele included Buddhists in
number. Their products betray features of Mathura art and also some peculiar
Buddhistic iconic traits and mannerism. These products can be aptly described as
specimens of the Buddhist art of the Mathura School. Our object is to study them
in detail in the light of the latest archaeological discoveries. Such a discovery is of
greater significance after the rich finds from Govindnagar.
The Plan of the work
The scheme of work has been divided into three main sections each
consisting of three chapters. The first section deals with the intrudoctory part
incorporating geographical significance, importance of the subject and a quick
survey of the work so far done by other scholars. The second chapter is devoted
to the historical background from the earliest time to the end of the Gupta
period.
The Second Section will be devoted to the Materials for the study of Mathura
Art and will be spread over in three chapters numbered in accordance with the
general scheme. Thus the fourth chapter will present a survey of the archaeological
campaigns in the Mathura region. The next chapter will describe the recent
discoveries from Govindnagar a new site of extra ordinary significance. The sixth
chapter will deal with the origin and development of Mathura School Art.
The third Section will have as it caption the Buddhist Art in three chapters of
which the first will survey the emergence of the Buddha in the Mathura art. The
delicate issue of the origin of the Buddha image will naturally form a major part
of the discussion. The eighth chapter of our work will explain the chronological
sequence of the Buddhist icons carved at Mathura. The last chapter will sum up
our important conclusions and findings. The discussions will be corroborated with
photographic illustrations.
2
HISTORY OF MATHURA
FROM EARLIEST TIME TO THE GUPTA PERIOD
The survey of historical background and important events is pre-requisite for

the study of art of a region. Since our scope is confined tc the origin and develop¬
ment of the Buddhist art of Mathura it is proposed to deal with the history of
Mathura region from the earliest time to the Gupta period only. As will be
discussed in this and the subsequent chapters both Buddhism and the Buddhist art
face their extinction at Mathura after the Gupta age.
The reconstruction of early history of Mathura depends on three main sources

viz. 1. Indigenous literary texts, 2. Foreign travellers’documents and 3. Archaeo¬
logical sources.
Literary Sources
The literary traditions are of great significance to trace the history of pre-
Mauryan epoch of Mathura. The early texts do not mention the nomenclature as
Mathura, instead Braj and Surasena Janapada are frequently met with. The
Vedic Samhitas do not refer to any of these three terms and it is quite likely that
this region was known to the Vedic sages. P.V. Kane observes, ‘Till now it has
been impossible to trace an express Vedic reference to Mathura, the chief city of
the country of Surasena. But its existence from at least the 5th century B.C.
appears to rest on firm grounds.1 The word Vraja which really stands for pastoral
land2 in the Rgveda has sometimes been misinterpreted as the region of Vraja.3 The
later Vedic texts, however, hint at the existence of some places and persons who are
associated with the land of Vraja. The genealogy of different dynasties or the
traditions of teachers and their disciples as found in the Satapatha Brahmana, Vamsa
Brahmana, Chandogya Upanisad and Vrhaddranyaka Upanisad shed some light on
the early conditions of this place.4
1. History of Dharmasastra, IV, pp, 636-37.

2. Shamshastry, R,, Arthasastra (Tr.) 1961, p 33.
3. Chaturvedi, Balmukund, “Vedon men Braj”, Braja Vaibhava, 1972, pp. 13-20.
4. Vajpayi, K.D., Braj ka Itihasa, 1955, Part I, p. 9.
18 B.uldhist Art of Mathura
The Epic literature and particularly the Mahdbhdrata is stocked with references
to Mathura and the Surasena region. The genealogy of solar and lunar dynasties
describe several kings who held their sway over this land. This point will be
subsequently discussed at the appropriate place. The glory of Mathura owes to
the traditions of the MahdbhdrataA Panini was conversant with some names of the
important heroes of the Bharata was but we remain in dark with regard to the
local conditions prevalent in the time be. c. 5th century B.C. The place has been
described as a stronghold of Audhaka-vrsni clans.6 The Arthasastra of Kautilya
refers to the Vrsnis as a republican state and Krsna has been called as Sangha
Mukhya of the combined guilds of Andhakas and Vrsnis.7 The book describes the
cotton cloth of Mathura as of high quality.8 The early Yaksa statues found in
Mathura region indicate that life-size, heroic size and even colossal images of folk
deities were made here in the Mauryan-Sunga period and the manufactory was run
by some master sculptors as Kunika, Gomitaka and Naka. The colossal statue from
Parkham in the Mathura Museum No. C. 1 is an important illustration (fig. 1).
Balarama seems to have been other folk deity whose figures were made from the
Sunga period as evidenced by the Lucknow Museum statue No. G. 215 from
Junsuti, Mathura (fig. 2).
Patanjali, the famous commentator on Astadhyayi admires the general condi¬
tions of this place in his time he. 2nd century B.C. The people were happy and
good looking and probably better off than the residents of Sankasya and
Pataliputra.9 Patanjali also furnishes an interesting information when commenting
on Astadhyayi V. 3.55. that there was some difference of price of cloth fabricated at
KasI and that at Mathura although the measurements were same, KasI produced a
superior quality.10 In explaining another Sutra Patanjali refers to Mathura.11 Yet
another important reference in the Mahdbhdsya is that of the dramatic representa-
5. Astadhyayi, IV. 1/14, IV 282 and VI. 2. 34.

6. Agrawala, V.S. India as known to Panini, 1952, pp. 361-64.
7. Law, B.C., Tite Age of Imperial Unity, 1960, p. 12.
8- ^rfsT^f gmr % 37^ ^ 1
Arthasastra II, Ch. 11, Sutra 115.
Mahabhasya, 5.3.57.
10- %% vmrn PFTrt ^Pr
II, p. 413.
n. * ^'r ■*"' •s - >
^ >
(Kielhorn’s Edition pp. 18, 19, 244

History of Mathura 19
tion of paintings and of stone depicting the killing of Kansa by Vasudeva.1- He also
quotes a part of a verse about this scene.13 This is the earliest reference of
Krsnaliia (probably earlier tradition of Rasa) which was painted and narrated before
the public by Kathakaras, Sutas etc. He further states that the people of Mathura
wandered in the Kuruland and vice Versa.14 Mathura or Surasena is refered to in
the Manusmrti where Manu addresses a king to place the Surasenas in the front
line when arranging the army in the field. This points to the martial capabilities
of the people of this place.15
The Pauranic literature, however, excells all, describing the region of Mathura,
the heroes of the Bharata war and their deeds. Almost all the impoitant Puranas
give graphic description of various events but those which repeatedly remember
Mathura are : Harivansa, Visnu. Matsya, Padma, Bhdgavata, Vardha and Brahma
Vaivarta. One gets a glimpse of cultural evolution of early India including of the
Vraja region through the Puranas as all aspects of human advancements have been
enumerated in detail. Not only the chronology and genealogy of kings and dynasties
have been furnished but philosophy, religion, polity, society, art and crafrs. war etc.
have also been vividly discussed. The reader should, however, be careful in utilising
the Pauranic material as source of history allowing a considerable margin for exag¬
geration and metaphors. The secular Sanskrit literature including epics, dramas,
lyrics etc. may be found useful for the purpose but in most cases the narrations of
the Great Epics and the Puranas are followed in same or different version.
Besides the Brahmanic literature, the Buddhist and Jaina texts are also of vital
importance for the reconstruction of the history of Mathura which was an
important centre of the activities of these sects in the pre-Muslim India. Some of
the Buddhist works particularly Divyavadana and Lalitavistara refer to the visits of
the Buddha to Mathura. These further record the association of several eminent
Buddhist monks with this place. Besides, the threads of cultural history of Mathura
are to be picked up from Ghatajdtaka. Majhimanikaya Mahdvatthu, Petavatlhu,
w ' C.
^ : I ° "*
^ qq 5T5? »Rr' ^5^ : JTTC IFTC'T’m-
O '
I % fq- fe o
C
f^Tsrrqr... fe ctrfcrsTruiT: êfr Tfe
V5 >
1 *Tcff cqrfaTr
" «• > *rr*r?ir

o wtRT-* i
Ibidp. 62, on Panini III. 1.26.
13- STJftrKO faqq ?f% f^JP-Tq*\ I
ffrq qrqatq:
Ibid , p. 205, on Panini III. 2.111.
14. 5t^ ^ =bttt fsrqj* *mr
Ibid., p. 205 on Panini IV. 1.14.
15. Manusmrti, II. 18-20 and VII. 193.
Vimdnavatthu, Attakatha etc. The association of Buddhism with Mathura has,

however, been discussed at length in the next chapter.
There is also an unbroken chain of Jaina literature which describes the socio-
religious conditions of Mathura. The Silpa texts give beautiful description of the
contemporary architectural and artistic wealth of the place. The Rdyapaseniya is a
remarkable treatise to study the Jaina stupa of Mathura.1* Other Jaina works which
furnish useful information are: Kalpasutra, Samavayangasutra, Uttarddhydyana sutra,
Vfhatkathdkosa, Vasudevahindi, Avasyakaciirni, Adi pur ana, Jaina Harivansapurdna,
Vrahatkalpabhasya etc.17
Documents of Foreign Travellers

The land of Mathura has attracted the notice of foreigners also who came to India
on pilgrimage or on trade or on diplomatic missions. The persual of their memoirs
suggests that the travellers have been quite faithful in rendering their records. The
first of them is Megasthanas from Greece towards the end of the 4th century B.C.
when Candragupta Maurya was reigning in India. His experiences have been
recorded by Arrian in his famous work %Indica\ Megasthanes mentions two great
towns of Surasenas viz. Methora (Mathura) and Clesibora (Kesavapura). Besides,
he also speaks of the river which flowed in these towns. Another Greek writer
Pliny describes the river Jomnes (Yamuna) and the two cities on its bank. The
third Greek writer Ptolemy calls Modoura (Mathura) as a city of gods.
The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien and Hiuentsang visited India in the 4th and 7th
century A.D. respectively. From their statements we gather that Buddhism was
flourishing at Mathura and there were many Buddhist monasteries where thousands
of monks resides. But some of the narrated by Hiuentsang need verification as
sometimes he seems confused in giving the facts w'hile describing the places.
Archaeological Sources
Archaeology is the most important source for reconstruction of history of the

area concerned. It is of utmost significance for bridging up the gaps and for
shedding light on the dark phases. Pre and protohistory are the outcome of
archaeological researches. The same can be said about the ancient period of
Mathura which is a rich mine of archaeological finds and the glorious past of the
region still remains buried beneath to a great extent. Sculptural epigraphic and
16. Sharma, R.C, “Art Data in Rayapaseniyam”, BMA, No. 9, 1972, pp. 38-44.
17. Mathura has been visited by the saints and Acaryas of different sects from all parts of the
country. These scholars have left a rich legacy of literary works for propogating their
doctrines. The tradition has continued to-date. We therefore find large number of manuscripts
in Mathura and its vicinity in Sanskrit, Hindi, Oria, Bangla, Marathi, Gujratl, Persian, Urdu
etc. The discourses collected in the form of Vdrtd Sahitya are of great value to study the
post-mediaval society of Mathura region. The important ones are Doson Vaisnavan ki Vdrtd
and Caurdsi Vaisnavan ki Vdrtd.
numismatic finds not only corroborate literary evidence but in several cases go a
step forward and furnish new valuable material throwing ample light on the early
days of Mathura. Since the discovery of the first antiquity in 1836 the sites of
Mathura have been revealing enormous antiquarian wealth. There have been regular
archaeological campaigns both by foreign and Indian Indologists. While the
excavated material ranges from about the 10th century B.C.38 the prehistoric stone
tools should belong to about 50,000 B.C.19 A hoard of the Copper Age imple¬
ments was recovered from the Sadabad Sub-division of the District.20 The
earliest pottery as collected from the low est levels of the scientific excavations is
known as Painted Grey Ware.1 Some scholars attempted to associate this ware
with the Mahabharatan age.22
The numismatic evidence is another vital archaeological source and coins found
in Mathura and its vicinity furnish several names of kings who are not known from
any other source. In this context the coins of Mitras and Dattas are of great
value. Epigraphy is vet another branch of archaeology as this provides the most
authentic document for the study of the contemporary society. Luckily we have
hundreds of inscriptions incised on stone or on the pedestals of the images
unearthed at Mathura. These deal with various aspects of social and religious life
of the region. The names of the reigning kings and year of installation etc.
furnished by many of them enhance significance of these lithic records. A perusal
of Mathura epigraphs is essential to trace the cultural and political developments of
the Northern India in pre and post-christian centuries. The stone inscriptions also
record the existence of more than two dozens of monasteries at Mathura.23
It is from these archaeological discoveries that we know of the highly developed
artistic trends in Mathura region. A reputed school of plastic art was in function
and it dominated in the Northern India through its beautiful art products. It was
from here that images of different deities were transported to distant places. We
find several names of sculptors also on the pedestals of images. Innumerable stone
sculptures and terracotta figurines unearthed from various sites of Mathura and
the adjoining region speak of an independent art style which originated a few
centuries before Christ and reached the stage of zenith in the Gupta period.24
\/18. Sharma, R C., AXfA, p. viii.

19. Eminent Russian archaeologist and pre-historian Prof. Alexei P. Okladnikov, Director,
Institute of History, Philology and Philosophy of Siberian Department who examined the
implements in the Mathura Museum on November 2, 1979, confirmed them as palaeoliths.
V20. Shrivastava, A.K., BXfA., No. 11-12, 1973, p. 41.
21. Hartel, H , “Some Remits of the Excavations at Sonkh”, German Scholars on India (henceforth
GSf)f Vol. II, 1976, pp. 78.
22. Lai, B.B , “Hastinapur Excavation Report", Ancient India, No. X, XI.
23. Sharma, R.C., MM A., p. 4.
24. For further details of the archaeological discoveries please see Chapter IV of the present
work.
SURVEY OF MAIN HISTORICAL EVENTS
Janapada Age
The political history of Mathura can be traced back from about the 6th century
B.C. when it was the capital of the Surasena country, one of the sixteen Janapadas
in the Northern India. About a century later the Surasena territory seems to have
formed a part of the Magadhan Empire which rose to great power under Nanda
dynasty and Mahapadma being the most famous ruler in the middle of the 4th
century B.C.:s Subsequently the Nanda dynasty was uprooted by Candragupta
Maury a and the Mathura region was also reigned by the Maury as.26 The references
of the guilds of Vrsnis and the Kukuras in the Arthasdstra of Kautilya 7 suggests
that even after being ousted, the Surasenas were exercising their influence in some
form or the other and they worshipped Krsna and Sankarsana (Balarama) who were
the deities associated with cattle and Vraja/8
Mauryan Period
The description as left by Megasthanes, the Greek ambassador to the court of
Candragupta Maurya indicates that he had some personal knowledge about the
place. He mentions the people as Sourasenoi their deity as Herakies (indentified as
Krsna), the river Tobares (probably Yamuna) and the two cities Methora (Mathura)
and Cleisobora the identification of which has been a problem.29 The place came
into prominence in the reign of Asoka whose religious preceptor Upagupta hailed
from here.
Sunga Time
By the end of the 3rd century B.C. and beginning of the second century B.C.
the Mauryan Empire was disintegrated and the power was seized by Pusyamitra of
Sunga dynasty. But he did not control over the vast Mauryan empire and some
provincial governors or feudatories had also declared their independence availing
advantage of debility of the successors of Asoka. We are not sure regarding the
position of Mathura region but the scholars hold that it formed part of the Sunga
kingdom/0 The society during this period was prosperous and people were happy.
Mathura was one of the important towns and several trade routes passed through
here.
Greek Infiltration
The land was, however, invaded by the Greek chiefs who came from Bactria.
25, Sastri, K.A.N., (Ed.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. II, 1957, p. 5.
26. Ibid., p. 61.
hi. Shamshastry, R. (Tr.), Kautilya"s Arthasdstra, 1961, P- 1407.
28. Ibid., pp. 422, 353.
29. Me. Orindle, J.W., Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 1960, p. 260.
30. Vajpayi, K.D., op. cit., pp, 73-74.
Demetrius was contemporary of Pusyamitra and it was most probably this king
who after conquerrmg the Punjab, attacked on Madhyamika and Saketa and
passed through Mathura.31 Another important Greek ruler was Menander who
raided upto the Yamuna valley.3- An inscription recently noticed on a Sivalinga in
Fatehpur District may lead us to conclude that Menander attacked the eastern
districts of present Uttar Pradesh.33 But the contention of G.R. Sharma has been
refuted by B.N. Mukherjee who does not read the word Minandara (Menander)
and observes that the epigraph should refer to a Scytho-Parthian ruler.34 The
numismatic evidence indirectly corroborates this presumption but this does not
prove the Greek sovereignty on Mathura, We have a list of more than thirty Indo
Greek rulers who are known through their coins and who came to scene after
Demetrius and Eucratides but it is a difficult task to correlate them with each other
and to adjust in a framework of chronology in a short span of time. It is also not
clear how many of them exercised their influence in the Mathura region. This
should, howe\er, be made clear that the numismatic evidence is largely corroborat¬
ed by the literary traditions which bespeak of the aggressive activities of the
Yavana chiefs bv way of plunder and massacre, although their rule or long stay
has been disaffirmed.35
Mitras-Dattas
Right from the beginning of the 1st century B.C. we notice several princes
trying to consolidate their hold at Mathura. The coins of Gomitra, Suryamitra
and Visnumitra suggest a Mitra dynasty while similar finds of Purusadatta,
Uttamadatta, Bhavadatta, Kamadatta, Ramadatta, Sesadatta, etc. point out to
the possibility of a Datta rule. We are not in a position to earmark a definite time
span to every individual ruler but the chronology framed by the excavations at
Sonkh in the Mathura district (Fig. 3) proves that the Mitras were followed by the
*PPTr: faTTTr: l!
Yugapurdna, Vfhatsamhitd, Kern Ed., p. 37-38.
32. Narain, A.K., Indo-Greeks% 1957, pp. 82-83.
33. Sharma, G R., Allahabad University Bulletin, March 1980.
34. Mathura ami its Society, 1981, pp. 247 and 249.
35. The Puranas describe :
vrfrcq-frfr 771*37 i ?7>rr 777777 ^?rr 77 7**77

The Gargi Sam hit a narrates :
7 RTOq-fH- *77T 75 I qqrfqqRT qqfTT qfacqfcr 7 777; \\
7Tc7 =77^77 7t* 75 7*7 71777 I

PH A, I, p. 386.
Dattas.36 An inscribed stone fragment and a brick from Ganesara refer to some
building activity by Kohada a Minister of Gomitra.37 The discovery of a hoard of
about 700 coins of Brahmamitra in 1954 hints that he was a ruler of considerable
significance.38 Brahma is recorded in an early Brahml inscription found at Gaya.39
He was probably ruling at Mathura when Demetrius attacked Pataliputra. The
bricks from village Mora40 in the Mathura District refer to the erection of some
shrine by queen Yasamati (Yasomatl), the daughter of king Brahasvatimitra
(Brahaspatimitra). This suggests that the husband of Yasamata must have been
Brahmamitra ruling ever Mathura. Out of the Datta kings who followed Mitras
some used the title of Rajan in their coins.41
It is open to dispute whether these Mitra and Datta rulers were scoins of the
main Sunga dynasty or independent rulers as suggested by the coins minted in their
respective names. We have the evidence to prove that the Sungas were also
disintegrating right from the middle of the second century B.C., particularly due to
mounting pressure of Bactrian invaders.4" This gave way to family feuds and the
provincial governors and the feudatories tried to enjoy independent status and
Mathura being for away from the capital (Pataliputra) witnessed the short term
rule of such less significant princes or kings. Still the contemporary account of the
reigion is quite encouraging.43 While the Sungas were the followers of Brahmanism,
Buddhism and Jainism also gained their footing and their shrines and institutions
were gradually coming up. The Mathura school of sculpture which we shall discuss in
detail separately had its beginning in this period. Terracotta art was more popular
and the introduction of the technique of mould resulted in producing the beautiful
and slim figures in abundance.
36. Hartel, Op. cit., fig. 10.

37- tttI rfrfacRT
Agrawala, V.S., Mathura Museum Cataloguet Vol. IV, p. 153.
38. Vajpayi, K D., Op. cit., p. 77, footnote 24.
39. Sastn, K A N., Op. cit , pp. 108, 134.
40. Agrawala, Op. cit.. Cat. Vo!. IV., p. 153.
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41. Sastri, K.A.N , Op. cit., pp. 134, 268.
42. spturenrsr: \
Mahabhasya, 2.32.8
43. >s
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Mahabhasya, 5.3.57.
Scytho-Parthians
In about the middle of the first century B.C. the fame and prosperity of
Mathura attracted yet another stock of the foreign invaders and this time they were
Scytho-Parthians. The chiefs are generally known by their titles Ksatrapa or
Satrapa. The earliest of them was Rajuvala or Rajula,41 who himself was Satrap
Azelises and Sodasa who made a definite contribution in Mathura’s history before
and in the beginning of the Christian era. The Lion Capital discovered in 1<V69
from Saptarsi mound in the south eastern quarter of Mathura city and now housed
in the British Museum, London is a fine specimen of early pillar architecture.
Made in typical red sandstone the capital is square block representing two lions
standing back to back. The most important part is the epigraph in the Kharosthl
characters recording the construction of a Buddhist monastery Guha Vihara (cave
monastery) by AyasT Kamuia (Kambojika), the chief queen of Mahaksatrapa
Rajavula.45 Almost a life size statue (fig. 4) made in schist stone and carved in the
Gandhara style, recovered from the same site, is believed to represent this royal
lady.46
Rajvula was succeeded by his son Sodasa who probably enjoyed the governor¬
ship (Ksatrapa) of Mathura in his father’s regime. This can be gathered from the
Mora well inscription incised on a large stone slab which mentions Rajula as
Mahaksatrapa (overlord) and his son (name not given) as Svami (governor).47
The epigraph commemorates the installation of five statues of Vrsni heroes.
Another epigraph on the doorjamb records the construction of a Bhagavata shrine
in the reign of Sodasa.48 As the name of his father is missing in this case we may
conclude that this charitable deed belongs to somewhat later period when Sodasa
was a full sovereign. Unfortunately the title of the king (Mahakstrapa) is not clearly
legible. Sodasa also finds a place on a Jaina Ayagapatta set up by Amohini (fig. 5)
with the epithet of king as overlord, Mahaksatrapa.49 The present author was
fortunate enough to acquire an interesting and rare stone inscription50 from village
Mtrzapur near Mathura in 1979 (fig.6) It not ooly mentions Swam! Mahaksatrapa
Sodasa but also unfolds several interesting fact* about the Ksatrapa rulers and
their relation with the local subject. Another epigraph bearing almost the similar
draft was found from Jamalpur, Mathura in the last century and was reported by
44. Rayachaudhri, H.C.. PHAl, 1953, p. 445.

45. Konow, Sten, C//, Vol. II, Part I, 1929, pp. 48-49. The inscription has been given in the next
chapter of the present work.
46. Mathura Museum No. F. 42, R.C. Sharma, MMAy p. 42.
47. Mathura Museum No. Q. 2, A gray: ala s Catalogue, 1951, pp. 130-132.
48. Mathura Museum No. 13.367, Agrawala's Catalogue, 1951, p. 135.
49. Lucknow Museum No. J. 1, V.A. Smith. Jaina Stupa etc. 1900, p. 21.
50. Mathura Museum No. 79.29.
H. Liiders51 but subsequently lost. The Indian Museum, Calcutta also houses a
fragmentary slab from Mathura.15-
The present author while surveying these eight or nine epigraphs of the
Ksatrapa rulers tried to fix up a time table of the documents.53 The two epigraphs
he. the Kharosthi inscription on the Lion Capital and the Mora Well inscription
seem to be the earliest and belong to the reign of his father Rajula who has been
addressed as Mahaksatrapa while Sodasa is mentioned only as Ksatrapa. The
Calcutta Museum inscription recording Sodasa as Mahaksatrapa but also mention¬
ing Rajula whose position and context are obscure may be put up third in
chronology. The fourth and fifth should be two inscriptions from Jamalpur and
Mirzapur referring to the erection of water tank etc. by Mulavasu and his consort
Kausikl. Sodasa now figures as the reigning king assuming the title of Svaml
Mahaksatrapa. The Aryavatl or AmohinI tablet of Lucknow Museum belonging to
year 72 of an unspecified era may be sixth.54 The fragmentary slab consisting of an
incomplete inscription from Janmasthana Mathura. (Mathura Museum No. 54.
3768) referring to the gift of a gateway by the wife of a Minister of Sodasa should
be placed at serial No. 7 as it belongs to the phase when Mulavasu was promoted
from Treasurership to the Ministership or his son had become Minister at the
court of Sodasa. The last in chronology fits the temple doorjamb probably from
the same site and recording the dedication of the shrine to Vasudeva by Vasu the
son of Kausikl-Paksasa. The king remains the same i.e. Sodasa but the boy Vasu
is now grown up enough and he follows the footsteps of his parents Mulavasu
and Kausikl and constructs a railing with a gateway. He enjoyed the same confi¬
dence of Sodasa as was enjoyed by his father and was on some high rank. This
conclusion is derived from the fact that the inscription records the wishes of the
donor as the welfare of his master through his pious acts.53 The numismatic
51. List of the Brdhmi Inscriptions No. 82.

52. Ibid., No. 85c, /A/C. No. N.S. 6482.
53. The paper was presented by the present author in the International Seminor on Mathura held
in New Delhi in January 1980.
54. The year 42 or generally accepted 72 as recorded in the Amohini has been a point of dispute
among the scholars who are not inclined to allow such a long time span for Sodasa and presume
that the date is given in some other era. But the perusal of all inscriptions of Sodasa from
Mathura region warrants us to review this issue a fresh and to consider the possibility of an
era founded either by Sodasa or his father Rajula. The Amohini tablet should be dated accor¬
dingly. If the bgure is read as 42 it may be the regnal year of Sodasa and if it is 72 then we
may consider an era founded by his predecessor and father Rajula and continued by his son
Soda$a.
55. What time limit should be allowed to the reign of Sodasa in the light of the circumstances men¬
tioned in these epigraphs, is a matter of conjecture for archaelogists and historians. The present
authoi feels that sufficient time has to be given to shape the events. Vasu who is introduced just
as a son of Kausikl Paksaka later emerges as an official of some high rank* His father was
the Treasurer (Gamjavara) of Sodasa and it is quite possible that his promising son Vasu also
impressed the king who appointed him on some high rank probably an Amatya (Minister).
Vasu also prayed for the welfare of his master after erecting a railing and gateway of a shrine
of Lord Vasudeva most probably at the site of Krsnajanmabhumi.
evidence suggests the existence of Sivaghosa and Sivadatta and then Hagama§a
and Hagana as short term rulers in the Mathura reigion.56
Kusana Rule
The Sakas were followed by the Kusaras. The area was annexed to the Kusana
Empire probably during the reign of Vima Kadphises. The installation of his image
(fig. 7) in a Devakula at Mat near Mathura by his Bakanapati (temple keeper)
proves that Vima Kadphises had established his rule in this reigion in about the
middle of the 1st century A.D. He has been addressed as Maharaja Rajatiraja
Devaputra Shahi Vemataksama/’7 The Brahml epigraph incised between his feet
records the construction of a Devakula (temple or gallery), a garden (Arama), tank
(Puskarini), a well (Udapana) etc. His coins frequently represent him as a Saiva.
Vima was succeeded by Kaniska although we cannot say with certainty that
the latter was the son of the former. Kaniska has been one of the greatest figures
of the Indian history being a famous monarch and patron of art and literature. His
court was adorned by the rcnowmed philosopher Asvaghosa and scholars like Parsva.
Vasumitra, Sangharaksaka and the physician and chemist Nagarjuna. Both
Mathura and Gandhara schools of art flourished during his age. Mathura never
enjo>ed a greater significance in history of India than during the reign of this
Emperor. He patronised Buddhism but other religions were also flourishing. He
has been portrayed as a king of supernatural powers in the Buddhist texts. He w'as
also probably responsible for founding the Saha era commencing from his succes¬
sion to the throne.58 But this issue has been one of the most controversial subjects
among the historians and art critics. B.N. Puri while himself advocating in favour
of 144 A.D. as the starting point of the reign of Kaniska has presented a good
summary of views and theories profounded by different scholars on the issue.59
The headless statue of this king (fig. 8) recovered from Mat60 represents him
in the posture of a warrior wearing long tunic trousers {sal, dr) and heavy boots. He
holds a sword with decorated scabbard in the lef: and a long club in his right hand.
The firm grip of these weapons is suggestive of his might His coins have been
discovered in abundance and in Mathura region these were in currency till the begin¬
ning of the twentieth century.61 Numerous epigraphs record his name and the
Kusana era. His time can rightly be called as the golden phase of the history of
56. Mukherjee, B.N., Mathura and its Society, 1981, pp. 30-32
57. Mathura Museum No. 12. 215, R C. Sharma, MM A, pp. 50-51.
58. Rosenfield, M , DAK, 1967, p 256
59. Puri, B.N., India Under the Kusdnas, Bombay, 1965, pp. 37-54 specially p. 54 and footnote No.
5 on p. 8.
60. Mathura Museum No. 12. 213, R C. Sharma, MM A, p. 51.
61. Under the guidance of the present author the Mathura Museum Modeller. Sri Shyam Sunder
was able to prepare the head of Kaniska in 1980. It is based on the figure as noticed on the
coins. This head is now displayed behind the headless statue of the Emperor.
Mathura. He also is credited for convening a Buddhist Council in Kashmir under

the chairmanship of Vasuinitra and Asvaghosa was its Vice President. This suggests
his sway over Kashmir. B.N. Puri opines that after conquering ‘Kashmir Kaniska
might have retired to his original kingdom at Khotan...*GJ
How far the Kusana Empire as extended is a debatable issue but the numis¬
matic and epigraphic discoveries indirectly suggest that the kingdom was large.
B.N. Mukherjee observes : The whole or a part of the territory of Kosala, and the
regions of KausambT and Varanasi were in the empire of Kaniska I. But again we
do not know whether these areas were ruled by the Kusanas even after the end of
his reign.’ Whether Mathura was the eastern capital of his vast kingdom is not
certain but it was one of the important metropolitan cities. The other metropolis
was Kaniskapur (Peshawar) named after him. The capital of the Kusana Empire
has been conjectured to be Balkh (ancient Bactria)63 or Khotan as pointed out
above.
Kaniska ruled upto 101 A.D. The earliest inscription of the reign of his success
or Vasiska is of the year 20 i.e. 98 A.D.64 He ruled for a shorter period and his
junior co-ruler and successor Huviska began his rule by the year 26.65 The common
practice of the Kusana dynasty was that the junior ruler assisted the senior in
managing the affairs of the empire.66 A recent epigraph on the pedestal of a missing
Amitabha Buddha image recovered from the site of Govindnagar also records the
year 26 and the reigning king was Haviska.67
The Kharosthi inscription of the year 41 from Ara, near the Indus river, has
however, disturbed the Kusana chronology to a great extent. It mentions the king
Kaniska as son of Vajheska or Vasiska. Either we presume that Kaniska was the
son of Vasiska or we should have Kaniska II as son of Vasiska. Rosenlield has
forwarded several conjectures while discussing this problem : 1. That it belongs to
Kaniska I, who had returned to India after compaigns in the Torim and resumed
power having left Vaisiska and then Huviska to rule for eighteen years. 2. That
both Kaniska and his father Vajeska were dead when the inscription was carved,
Kaniska’s name being used to identify the era. 3. That Kaniska II was a minor
when he succeeded his father Vasiska, who died after a short reign. Huviska ruled
as a regent, then Kaniska II succeeded to the throne, died or was killed and Huviska
continued to reign. 4. That Kaniska II w'as a short lived userper. 5. That there
62. Puri, B.N., Op. cit, p. 52.

63. The Disintegration af the Kusdna Empire, B.H.U., 1976, p. 40.
64. Ibid., p. 3.
65. Mukherjee, B.N., “fCamra Inscription of Vasiska”,//n/nzrt Museum Bulletin, 1973.
66. Isapur Yajna Yupa inscription, Mathura Museum No. Q. 13. The issue has been discussed in
detail by B.N. Mukherjee in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Bulletin 1973.
67. Mathura Museum No. 77. 30. Prof. B.N. Mukherjee is inclined to read the date as 26 although
the present author while contributing his paper for Lalit Kald, No. 19 read it as 28.
were two Huviskas, grandfather and grandson, with Kaniska II intervening.

6. That there were two Huviskas, the first being Kaniska II's uncle who usurped
the throne. Kaniska II regained it but was succeeded by his cousin, Huviska II.68
Van Lohuizen-de-Leeuw on the epigraphic and stylistic grounds thought that

there were two Kusana centuries and 100 should be added in several epigraphs of
Mathura to frame a proper chronology.69 In a paper contributed to the London
conference on date of Kaniska she draws her conclusion after presenting a stylistic
survey of the Buddha images of different schools as follows : ‘.it seems
difficult to depend a standing point of the Kaniska era which lies somewhere in the
2nd century A D. or even Jater as the particular phase of the Mathura Buddha
which was copied in Andhradesa could not yet have existed in that case. Summing
up, the sculptures discussed above would make us believe that we can only
reconcile the art historical facts by accepting a starting date of the Kaniska era in
the second half of the 1st century more precisely about the year A.D. 80'.70 Theo
Damsteegt refers to the most recent lesearch of H. Plaeschke whose papers have
not been published. Reviewing numismatic, palaeographic and stylistic grounds
he fixes the date of the accession of Kaniska in about 200 A.D. He thinks that
only Vasiska has reigned in the second Kusana centurv. The chronology framed
by him is as follows : Kaniska I 2-23, Huviska 28-60, Vasudeva I 64 or 67-98,
Kaniska II 4-17 and Vasiska 22-28 and Kaniska III of Ara inscription.71
Damsteegt agreeing with Plaeschke's view's accepts 200 A.D. as the regnal year of
Kaniska.7J H. Hartel’s excavations have not contributed much in settling the
chronic dispute of the Kusana chronology but the indirect evidence prove that
Kaniska should not be placed in the third and or even in the second century A.D.73
This indicated that the only alternative is to adjust him in the last quarter of the
first century A.D.
Mention should also be made of a fragmentary inscription discovered by

A. Fiihrer from excavations of Katra site in the year 1896. The epigraph is believed
to have recorded the repair a stupa by Vasiska in the year 76. This Vasiska cannot
be the successor of Kaniska as the year is given as 76. But unfortunately the inscrip¬
tion was never published although it is mentioned in several books.74 It is, however,
not possible to follow Plaeschke and Damsteegt without going into the details of
68. Rosenfield, DAK., p. 58.

69. The Scythian Period, 1949, p. 235.
70. Papers on the Date of Kaniska, 1968. p. 133.
71. EpigraphicalHybrid Sanskrit (henceforth EHS), 1978, pp. 10-11.
72. Ibid.
73. Hartel, H.,op. cit., p. 85.
74. (i) ASR, Circle North-Western Provinces and Oudh, for the year ending 30th June, 1906.
(ii) Vogel’s CAMM1910. p. 17.
(ni) K.L. Janert’s Luders Mathura Inscription List (Henceforth MI), 1960, p. 30.
the merits of their arguments and the sequence provided by the Sonkh Excavator
H. Hartel seems to be more convincing,
B.N. Mukherjee accepts 78 A.D. as the starting point of an era by Kaniska on

the basis of certain new data.75 He has used stratified data from KausambI,
numismatic source and Chinese and Tibetan texts to support the theory of A.D.
78. Some scholars believe in the division of the empire sometimes before its
downfall. According to H. Liiders,™ the empire was divided between Huviska and
Kaniska II after the reign of Vasiska. L. Bachhoffer77 held that “under'’
Kaniska III the empire had been divided R. Gobi78 suggests a division of the
empire between Kaniska (Kaniska II) (Sic) and Vasudeva II after the days of
Vasudeva I. J.M. Rosenfield79 is of the opinion that ICusansahra was split into
northern and southern parts after Vasudeva I. ‘Mukherjee does not agree with any
of the above theories of division of Kusana Empire but admits that it’ could have
suffered territorial losses at different stages of its history.80
Beside Vima and Kaniska, Huviska was a great ruler of the Kusana dynasty.
Numerous pedestals of Jaina and Euddhist images refer to his reign. Whether
Mathura attained the status of a capital81 during his reign is a conjectural issue but
no doubt the city shot up to a great eminance. He encouraged all religious
activities and vve find Jaina, Buddhist and Brahmanical pantheons developing with
much zeal and enthusiasm, besides, Nagas, Matrkas and other folk deities. Many
of these sculptures record the name of the king and the year of installation. As
suggested above Huviska in all probabilities ruled conjointly with Vasiska and his
son Kaniska II.82
Vasudeva ascended the throne after Huviska in 138 A.D. although his dated
inscriptions begin from the year 67 corresponding to 145 A.D. as the last epigraph
gives the year 98 i.e. 176 A.D.83 His coin-types depict him as a Saiva and the name
also suggest that the Kusanas were becoming Indianised. Brahmanism dominated
although Jaina and Buddhist sculptures continued to be carved in abundance.
After the death of Vasudeva we come across several names and it appears that
Karuska III and Vasudeva II also came to the scene but the Kusana power was on
decline and the chiefs put forth their claim for sovereignty, consequently there were
75, Mukherjee, B.N.. Op. cit, p. 5.

76- IA1913, XLII, p. 135.
77. JADS1936, LVI, p. 438.
78. DieMunzprgungderKushdii, Vou Vima Kadphisis bis Bahram, pp. 216 and 240.
79. Rosenfield, DAK., pp. 110-11.
80. The Disintegration of the Kusana Empire, p. 6.
81. Mathura, District Gazetteer, 1968, p. 37.
82. Alt', I960, pp. 150-51.
83. Ihid.p. 151.
revolts from different quarters. Mukherjee enumerates various reasons for the
downfall of this great kingdom.81
Disruption
The period of disruption85 continued for more than hundred years and local or
tribal rulers including some Nagas ruled over Mathura for some time. We find
many statues of Nagas and their study suggests that they were either deities or
noblemen worshipping Naga deities. Sonkh a place 21 k.m. to south west of
Mathura seems to have been a stronghold of Naga dynasty which built a Naga
shrine in the late 1st century A.D. The members of the family wear a snake scalp
over their heads (fig. 9) otherwise they are in perfect human form.86 The Mathura
and the adjoining region has revealed the coins of the following Naga rulers
Bhimanaga, Vibhunaga, Skandanaga, Prabhakarnaga, Vrhaspatinaga, Vyaghranaga,
Vasunaga, Devanaga, Bhavanaga, Ganapatinaga, Mahesvaranaga and Nagasena.
Some of them were ruling at Mathura and others at Padmavatl near Gwalior.87 The
Nagas were devout Saiva and they worshipped the snake deities. This may be
pointed out here that the Mathura Museum Coin Cabinet possesses about 35 copper
coins of Nilga rulers. These are Prabhakarnaga, Vrhaspatinaga, Bhavanaga. De\a-
naga. Vibhunaga, Ganendranaga. Bhimanaga, Skandanaga and Vasunaga.83 As
most of these coins have been supplied by the local dealers it may be presumed
that these were recovered from the Mathura region where the Naga rulers must
have reigned in the post Kusana period.
Gupta Age
In the Allahabad Pillar inscription Samudragupta has been described to have

subduced some Naga kings. It w;as probably Ganapatinaga who ruled over Mathura
84. His conclusions are : There was no dynamic king as Kanaka I and control over the far Hung
eastern provinces could not be effectively exercised by his successors. They probably volunta¬
rily withdrew from ;»ome of the regions. Secondly the economic conditions became adverse
after the decline of Ku^-ano-Roman Commerce from the period of Vasudeva l although he was
able to manage the atTmrs and to control the empire atleast from Central Asia to Mathura. The
other reason of the decline of the Kusana power was the rise of Sasanians and Vasudeva II
had to submit to Ardashir I between 230 and 242 A.D. Vasudeva II then ruled probably as a
vassal of Sasanians but the local and tribal chiefs also started declaring their independence
and this is supported by a legend on yaudhyeya coins which refer to the victory of their
republic. Thus there were various political and economic reasons leading to the fall of the
Kusana dynasty which extinguished from the scene after the middle of the third century A.D.
The Disintegration of the Kusana Empire, p. 84.
85. Sastri, K.A.N.. Op. atp. 249-57.
86. Hartel, H., Op. cit.
87. Vajpayi, K.D., Op. eit., pp. 98-9.
$8. The information was supplied by my colleague, Dr. A.K. Srivastava, Director, Mathura
Museum in a letter dated November I, 1981.
when Samudragupta accessioned this region into the Magadhan Empire in the
middle of the 4th century A.D.89 The regime of Samudragupta’s successor
Ramagupta was insignificant and this weak monarch was soon dethroned and slain
by his brother Candragupta who assumed the title of Vikramaditya. So far we
have obtained three inscriptions of his time. One recorded on an octagonal shaft90
found near the famous Rangeswar temple, refers to the 61st year of the Gupta
era, corresponding to 380 A.D. A big trident (Trisula) and a corpulent figure of
Siva Lakulisa form (holding a staff) is carved on one side. It records that some
Uditacarya installed two Sivalingas Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara in the 61st year of
the Gupta era in the reign of the Bhattaraka Maharaja Raiadhiraja, the illustrious
Candragupta, the son of the Bhattaraka Maharaja Rajadhiraja, the illustrious Samu¬
dragupta. The importance lies in the fact that it records only two Gupta kings.
Secondly Saivism is seen flourishing under the Bhagavata cult. Thirdly the term
Bhagavata has been applied for Saiva saints also. Fourthly it prescribes punishment
for those who mutilate this object of worship. Thus as early as the fourth century
A.D. necessity was felt of safeguarding the monuments from vandalism and for this
reason the antiquity is of great significance.
The second inscription91 gives the genealogy of the Gupta dynasty from
Ghatotkcacgupta to Candragupta Vikramaditya omitting Ramagupta or Kacagupta.
As the epigraph is incomplete w7e are not informed about the purpose for which it
was installed. But its provenance, Katra site—Birthplace of Krsna—hints that it was
probably engraved to commemorate the construction of some Brahmanical temple
on the spot. The third inscription92 is again very fragmentary and nothing signifi¬
cant is made out of it. It is interesting to note that the Jaina and Buddhist images
carved in the Gupta period avoid the name of the reigning king although the same
era is referred to.93 It is probably due to the fact that these religions did not receive
any royal patronage under the Gupta rulers who called themselves as Paramabhaga-
vata.
Candragupta Vikramaditya was the most illustrious Gupta king and he ruled
from 376 to 413 A.D. The Chinese traveller Fa-hien W'ho visited Mathura in 400
A.D. has left a good account of the place.
‘The climate of this part of the country was temperate, without frost or snow,
the people were prosperous and happy, there were no official restrictions, only those
who titled the king’s land having to pay taxes on the profits made; people including
89. Majumdar, R.C., The Foundation of the Gupta Empire, Chapter II in the Classical Age, 1962,
p. 8.
90. Mathura Museum No. 29.2.1931, R.C. Sharma, MMA, pp. 71-73.
91. Agrawala's Catalogue No. 4, 1951, 141-43.
92. Mathura Museum No. 3835.
93. This may be pointed out here that a few sculptures e.g. B. 10 of Lucknow Museum recording
the year 230 or 280 should not be reckoned in the Gupta era. This will be taken up again while
discussing the chronology of the Buddha images.
foreigners enjoyed freedom of movement; criminal punishment was not severe, the
guilty being fined according to gravity of offence and even for a second attempt at
rebellion the punishment being the loss of the right hand; king’s officers were well
paid and drew fixed salaries; throughout the country no one killed any living thing,
nor drank wine nor ate onions or garlic, the Candalas (who were socially outcasts)
were sagregated and had to sound a piece of w’ood in order to warn people to their
approach when they came to the city or a market and except for them no one went
hunting or dealt in fish or flesh; people did not keep pigs or fowl and there were no
dealings in cattle and no butchers’ shops or distilleries in the market places and
that cowries were used as medium of exchange.'9l
Fa-hien mentions twenty Buddhist monasteries in which about three thousand

monks resided. They remained busy in their religious practices and meditation
and the incoming monks were received with due courtesies and adequate
arrangements were made for their comfortable stay. The kings during their visit
to the monasteries took off their crown as a mark of respect. They set on the
ground and offered food to monks with their own hands. Se\eral stupas which
were built in honour of chief disciples of the Buddha existed here.
Candragupta Vikramaditva was succeeded by Kumaragupta I who was known

by his epithet as Mahendraditya and ruled from 414 to 455 A.D. A Tirthankara
image was installed at Mathura in 432 A.D. (Gupta era 113) by a Jaina lady
Samadhya at the instance of her teacher Dalitacarya.95 This is the only inscribed
and dated Jaina sculpture of Gupta period from Mathura. The other inscription is
recorded on the pedestal of a Buddhist image96 dedicated by a lady Viharas-
vamint probably a nun incharge of the monastery. It is dated in the \ear 135 (454-55
A.D.) which is the last year of Kumaragupta’s reign, ft was recovered from Jamalapur
mound which was an important establishment of the Gupta period. A standing
Buddha statue fig. 134, from the site of Katra, Mathura and nowf housed in the
Lucknow Museum97 mentions the year of installation as 230 which has been recko¬
ned in the Gupta era and assigned to 549 A.D. But the present author after a
careful examination of the sculpture is inclined to revise its dating and to place it
in the Kusano-Gupta age. The issue will be discussed in detail while framing the
chronology of the Buddhist images. The most important disco\ery highlighting the
artistic feat of the reign of Kumaragupta I is a recent Buddha image from Govind-
nagar Mathura.98 Its pedestal clearly states that it was installed in the year 115 (434
A.D.) and was car\ed by sculptor Dinna.
94. Conybeare, H.C., Fisher, F.H. and Hewett, J P.. Stastica), Descriptive and Historical Account
of the North-Western Provinces of India. Vol. VIH, Part I, Muttra (Allahabad, 1884), p 57.
95. Lucknow Museum No. J. 36, Ep, Ind II, p 210.
96. Mathura Museum No. A. 48, Agrawafa s Catalogue, 1948. pp. 90-91.
97. No. B. 10
The scholars generally believe that the great poet and dramatist Kalidasa
adorned the court of Candragupta Vikramaditya and Kumaragupta Mahendraditya.
His works particularly Raghumnsa, Kumdrasambhava and Abhijhdna Sdkuntalam
impart the glimpses of a very prosperous society and higher values of life. On the
basis of his description, contemporary epigraphs. Fahien's memoirs and abundance
of gold coins of different varieties, we can easily conclude that the Gupta period
was the golden age of Indian history. Kalidasa has described Mathura, Vrindaban,
Goverdhana and Surasena territory with much admiration."
After Kumaragupta his son Skandagupta ascended the throne. But before and
after his accession he lost much of his time and energy in fighting against the
powerful Hunas who had invaded India. We have not come across any definite
evidence or epigraph of Skandagupta in the Mathura region which formed part of
AntarvedI Visaya (the land between the two great rivers Ganga and Yamuna). It
was probably governed by his governor Sarvanaga100 who must have belonged to
the old Naga family of Mathura. The Huna invasion shattered the Gupta rule and
the successors of Skandagupta could not hold control over the large empire. After
Buddhagupta no Gupta king of considerable significance appeared on the scene. The
invaders advanced with great force and also reached Mathura where they plundered
and destroyed the magnificent monuments. The artistic workshops producing
masterpieces of Indian art in Gupta period were completely devastated by these
barbarians. The glory and gradeur of Mathura disappeared and the beautiful city
and its people were at the mercy of Toramana and Mihirakula in the first quarter
of the 6th century A.D.
99. jfr sp&jrrfatffr \

%vztx
o
3% fff 3T3T?fi-
o
xz-m ami O
\ i
Raghu. 6.45
sjrwjr *mr»raTfq jpftfir 3r%<r n

Raghu. 6.48
<\
h ^Tf^r-^rr: îfr qkq itiw:
CN
i
f^PTir jfTS'f'TO o
q-RRfq:
>o c
11
Raghu. 15.28
HWZT qqrq h? srpt^r jcq JTtrq i

^ q'mfr: it
Raghu. 6.5C
^rrfprf qr?fg tr q-q mwin ^xr*r 11

Raghu. 6.51
100. PHAIp. 580.
The invasions and disintegration resulted in the extermination of prosperity

and artistic activities from Mathura. Under these adverse and critical conditions
not only the Buddhist art was in a stage of extinction but the Buddhism itself star¬
ted vanishing in the region. Maukharis of Kannauj ushered as independent ruling
dynasty and Mathura region also formed the part of their territory.’01
101. Tripathi, R.S., History of Kanauj, 1959, p. 55.

3
BUDDHISM IN MATHURA
Before commenting upon the Buddhist art of Mathura it would be worthwhile

to trace the association ot Buddhism with Mathura region. This depends on the
following three factors :—
1. Literary traditions 2. Accounts of foreign travellers and 3. Archaeological

finds.
Literary Traditions1
The earliest Buddhistic canons i.e. the Tripitakas furnish no account of

Mathura s association with Buddhism. Somewhat later texts, however, mention the
1. The Buddhist literature is available in Pah, Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese and translations into
the languages of the countries where the Buddhism spread. The earliest books known as
Tnpitakas are in Pall. The Tripitakas ot treasure boxes are three in number .' 1. The Vi’iaya
Pitaka, Book of discipline, 2. The Sutta Pitaka, the book of discourses and 3. The Abhidharma
Pitaka, the collection of books on philosophy based on psychological ethics. These three basic
books have the following subdivisions :
i) Vtnaya Pitaka 5 books: <TR5fR, rRHRT, ^?oT5T”T I ^crTfWT
has two parts : |
ii) Sutta Pitaka has 5 books : ffq RT'TcT faRHT, fqtfnq,
UtJr^T fatftvj a"d fqtjqq the last one frf^yq- has 15 sub-
- ' w » *> > so >
divisions :
TTS, 'clTTTT?, fRT: FT, f^rqr?T 'TcT Wm,
nr-ir, snar, Tf?TTf*r?T. izzh anJ ^rf^r fi

in) Abhidharma Pitaka has 7 books : jnpf T^TfcT, Tc^T,
and cre?JT?T 1
The Pali literature also includes non-canonical literature such as Mdindapanha, The
Nettipakurana, Buddhadatta’s manuals on Vi/iaya and Abhidhamma, commentaries on the
Tripitaka texts, Jatakas and Ceylonese chronicles like the Dlpavansa and Mahdvansa.
Tne canonical literature of Buddhism in Sanskrit is incomplete. The Sarvastivadins
possessed some Agamas which were equivalent to Abhidhamma's seven books. A sizable
portion of Vinayapitaka of Mfdasarvastivadins is preserved in the Gilgit manuscripts. The
Buddhism in Mathura 37
place as lucrative for Buddhism and later, it became a stronghold of the Sarvastha-
din sect. We are, no doubt, aware of the fact that there were people who opposed
the teachings of the Buddha even during his life-time. Some of the inmates were
also not happy with him. His cousin Devadatta conspired with Ajatasatru to fulfil
his evil intentions against the Buddha. He also tried to divide the Sangha and
demanded to impose greater restrictions on monks. Upananda, Canna, Mettiya—
Bhumajaka etc. were longing for an early opportunity to be free from the bondage
of the Vinaya rules. Some persons by nature derive pleasure in going against a set
code of discipline and some oppose the laid down rules as they want to lead an
easy and comfortable life free from restrictions and impositions. They hesitate in
giving expression to their views in open but reveal themselves at proper time. Such
was the case of Subhadra, the last disciple of the Buddha, who had a sign of great
relief when the news of the Master’s demise was broken to him. He found himself
free from ‘dos and donts’ of the discipline of Sanghar
The great vacuum created by the death of Buddha could not be filled by any of
the followers and according to his wishes the Dharma and Vinaya were given the
supreme regard. Out of innumerable followers and pupils the following thirteen
were the chief disciples of the Buddha : Sariputta, Mahamoggalan, Mahakassapa,
Mahdkaccana, Maluikotthila, Mahakapphina, Cunda, Aniruddha, Revata, Upali,
Ananda, Rahula and Mahapajapati GotamL Out of these Mahakaccana and
Revata were closely associated with Mathura region. Although Mahakaccana
originally belonged to Ujjain but he later settled at Mathura as a missionary. Revata
entered the Sangha at Vaisail after his initiation by the Master but he belonged to
Soron not far from Braj region.3
LokottaravCidins had another version of Vinaya known as Mahdvastu although it incorporates

the subject matter of varied interest. The Lalnavistara is an incomplete biography ot the
Buddha in the mixed Sanskrit. This furnishes good account of the association of Mathura
with Buddhism in Mahdydna tradition. Asvaghosa’s Budclhacaita and Saundardnanda and
ADasura’s Jdtahamdld aie famous Sanskrit works in Buddhism. The Avaddnu literature on
the other hand narrates the stones with a view to explain the fruits of good and bad deeds.
Beside Lalitavistata, the other important Mahayanist te'ts known as are
smnT-fam, >rôr spn*r. <r^r*Tfr
The Tibetan literature consists of a large number of collection of translations of about

five thousands of Indian Buddhist texts. Similarly there are Chinese translations of about two
thousand books. An interesting point is that some of the original Indian works are lost and
are available in their translation form in Tibetan and Sanskrit.
The above information is based mainly on chapter VII of “Buddhist Literature’ by P.V.
Bapat in 2500 years of Buddhism, 1956, pp. 139-42.
2. Banerjee, A.C., “Principal Schools and sects of Buddhism” chapter VI in 2500 years of
Buddhism, 1956, p. 97.
3. Mital, Prabhu Dayal, Brai k& Dharma Sampraddvon kd Itihusa, 1968, p, 33.
After the demise of the Buddha, the above chief disciples tried their best in
maintain peace and unity in the Sangha but within a century, there prevailed a con¬
fusion between the teachings of the Buddha and their interpretations in the
scriptures. They opened the way for the multiplicity of differences and dissensions
in the Sangha. The first Buddhist council was convened at Rajgriha after three
months of the passing away of the Buddha under the chairmanship of Mahakassapa.
Attended by 500 monks it aimed to lay emphasis on the Dharma and Vinaya.
The purpose of the second council, convened at Vaisall, after a hundred years of
the Buddha's death, however, differed. By this time the dissensions were quite
obvious and several monks had started realising the pang of over-strictness of the
rules of the Vinaya. The Council which was attended by 700 monks—went on for
about eight months under the chairmanship of Revata who belonged to Braj region.
It witnessed a great dispute between those who wanted to introduce relaxation in the
code of conduct and those who supported an orthodox and staunch action. As no
agreement was reached, the revisionists convened another council at Kauâmbi in
which about ten thousand monks participated. The Sangha was, consequently,
divided into the two main branches. The western division advocating for adopting
the original form of Vinaya was known as Sthaviravdda or Theravdda while the
eastern division which was keen to introduce flexibility was called Mahasanghika
in view of the fact that the number of such followers was very large.
The orthodox Buddhist i.e. the Sthaviravadins were always critical of the
reformers and addressed them as kAdharmavddins’ (whose conduct was against the
Law) or ‘Papabhikshu' (monks committing sins). On the other hand the Mahasang-
hikas observed that the Sthaviravadins ignored the welfare of majority of people and
their views were narrow and confined to a limited persons only. They were,
therefore, nicknamed as Hinayanists a small vessal or ship while the Mahasanghikas
were known as Mahdydnists having a large vessel and capable of delivering the goods
to the larger number of people. The nomenclature of the two divisions was thus
known as Hinaydna conservatives and Mahay ana (liberal).4 5
But the schism did not stop here and the two fold division culminated into
manifold divisions in the later centuries. Atleast following sects are known to us :
Sthaviravadins or Theravddins, Mahisdsakas, Sarvdstivddins, Hatmavatas, Vdtsiput-
riyas, Dharmaguptikas, Kasyapiyas, Sautrdntikas or the Sank rant ivadins, Mahasang-
hikas, Bahusrutiyas, Caityakas, Mdhdyamikas, and Yogdcdri? The third council
convened by Asoka and presided over by Moggaliputta Tissa, who converted the
Emperor into Buddhism, was not a meeting of the entire faith but represented a
party meeting of Sthaviravadins only. On the other hand the fourth council convened
by Kaniska was not attended by the Theravadins and the Ceylonese Chronicles do
not mention it.6
4. Mital, Prabhu Dayal, Brai ke Dharma Sampraddyon ka Jtihdsa, 1968, pp. 36-37.
5. Reference No. 2.
6. Jinananda, B., “Four Buddhist Councils", Chapter IV in 2500 Years of Buddhism, p. 48.
Some of the above sects of Buddhism flourished at Mathura although Sthavira-

vadins or Theravddins gained more popularity in the beginning. According to the
traditions of Anguttaranikaya,'7 the Buddha visited Mathura when he completed his
twelfth rainy season (Vassdvasa) at Veranja. The identification of this place is
disputed.8 The Buddha was not satisfied with his visit as the Yaksas were domina¬
ting here. Their leader was Gardabha and Tirmisika a female Yaksini and they had
created terror among the people. The Buddha, however, set them right or subdued
them.9 When he entered the city to preach the Law he W'as prohibited by a naked
woman who later slipped away and the Buddha went to the quarter of the city
where the Yaksas resided in a large number. We know that the predecessor of
Mahavira, Parsvanatha, the 23rd Jain, was a historical person belonging to the 8th
century B.C. and some of his followers must have been at Mathura which has ever
been a great religious and spiritual seat. As the place was dominated by the
Brdhmanas, they did not like the growing influence of the Buddha and pursuaded
their leader Nflabhuti to throw a challenge of learning (Sastrartha) to the Buddha.
But when Nilabhuti knew that the Buddha had humbled the notorious and mighty
Yaksas he was much influenced with the greatness of the Buddha and started
arranging the convenience for him.
The Buddha was, however, not pleased with the people and the place and he
observed the following five defects : The roads are undulating, the dust is too much,
the dogs are wild, ignorant Yaksas live here and the alms are collected with great
difficulty.10 The Gilgit manuscripts narrate this story with some variation. Accor^
dingly the five defects which he noticed were as follows. The people care too
much for the high cast born against the low cast, there are lot of bushes and horns,
the stones and pebbles are in plenty, women are in large number and most of the
people take food late at night.11 The expression ‘Pracura mdtrigrama can also be
interprated as villages where female deities or mother goddesses were very popular.
This can be corroborated by the terracotta figures of mother goddesses found in
7. Anguttaranikaya 4.6.3, Pat/iamasamvasasuttam, 1960 pp. 60-61

■ o
sptRr* 3X3T grfa i *tt fa ^ T?rrfaq-'r ^ ^
mx ?T3fT?r ?r»r qfeq^TT sifar i ^pt^t stijtt affairs* sfasrcRfiir
fa'ftfa i.
8. Mita), Prabhu Dayal, op. cit.. p. 37.
9. Gilgit Manuscripts, Vol. 3, Part 1.
10. facr^rrir snfnrar i grgJt sr§TgT, ^ ’pptt, stft arf’gr,
fqTT iq'r fafq.f g qfa STRRcTr I Anguttaranikaya, Akkosakavagga, Madhura
sutta (5.22.10J, 1960. pp. 494-95.
11. qgfa frrsrg ?rrffagr iprenm i ^ m g|TrqTJT
'*mr:
a -o
JTr=nrmT
c
ffa
^
1
Gilgit Manuscript, Vol. Ill, Part I, pp 14-15.
abundance from the early sites of Mathura and range in period from c. 7th century
B.C. to 1st century B.C.
The above references of Anguttaranikaya and Gilgit manuscripts hint that the
first visit of the Buddha was not a success and he was not given a good reception.
The people were not attracted towards the Sangha in a good number but his
frequent visits to the Yaksa colonies were able to humble this rather notorious class.
They promised not to harass the citizens who on their part agreed to build places
or dwellings for the Yaksas.
The traditions of some other Buddhist texts such as Divydvaddna and Lalita-
vistara etc. point out that the Buddha just before his death revisited Mathura and
this time he had a good impression of the place. His satisfaction is conveyed by the
prophecy he made about the bright future of the city. This is recorded in the
Sarvastivadin Vinaya Pitaka and Chinese translation of Asokavaddna. Accordingly
when he was wandering in the territory of Surasenas he revealed that it was the first
state in which the king was selected by people (Mahdsammata).12 When he reached
Mathura his disciple Ananda showed him a good forest of blue colour on Ruru-
munda or Urumunda mountain.13 But there exists no mountain of this name in
Mathura and its neighbourhood. The only hill or ridge is that of Govardhana about
21 kms to west of Mathura and some scholars are inclined to identify the Ruru-
munda or Urumunda as Govardhana.11 On the other hand the high mounds near
the Gokarnesvara temple have also been explained as Rurumunda mountain.15 But
these are habitational sites and can not be termed as mountain or even a cliff, hill
or ridge.
The prophecy which the Buddha made is an interesting point. He foretold

about SanakavasI and his disciple Upagupta, commencement of a monastery
at Urumunda by two rich merchant brothers known as Nata and Bhata after whom
the spot was to be known as Natabhata Vihara. The role of Upagupta in propaga¬
tion of Buddhism has been highly commendable as he became a very great monk.
But before Upagupta the credit of spreading tbe message of Buddhism goes to
Mahakaccana (Mahakatyayana) who was one of the chief disciples of the Buddha.
He was the head priest of Canda Pradyota who was a powerful king of AvantI and
was a contemporary of the Buddha.16 The king reigning over Mathura at that time
has been mentioned as Avantiputra, daughter’s son of Canda Pradyota. Katyayana
was sent to meet the Buddha and to invite him to visit AvantI. At that time the
Buddha was at Varanasi but there is a tradition that Katyayana saw the Buddha at
Mathura. It is more probable that the Buddha was staying at Veranja in the
12. Dutta, N. and Vajpa>i, K.D., Uttar Pradesh men Baudha Dharma ka Vikdsa, 1956, pp. 198-99.
13. Ibid., pp. 197-98.
14. Vajpai, K.D , Braj ka Itihdsa, Vol. II, p. 10 and Upadhyaya, Bharat Singh, Buddha Kalin
Bhdrtiya Bhugola, pp. 441-43.
15. Mnal, P.D., op. cit , No. 3, p. 39.
16. Ujjajmi DarSana, p. 24.
Surasena territory and when Canda Pradyota heard of it he sent Katyayana as his
emissary. But before he reached Mathura the Buddha had already left for Varanasi
where the meeting was held. Katyayana was greatly influenced by the teachings of
the Buddha and entered the Sangha. After initiation from the Master the Buddha
also admired the scholarship of Katyayana to the extent that when the latter reques¬
ted former to visit Ujjain the Buddha replied that there was no need for him to
undertake the journey as Katyayana himself v\as capable of propogating the
Dharma. On his return to Ujjain Katyayana narrated the memoirs of his meeting
with the Buddha with a great joy and esteem and the king and the people felt allured
to follow the Buddhism. He established a centre of Buddhism and started giving
the religious discourses.17 Later he visited Kosala and Magadha as a missionary but
the main regions of his teachings were AvantI and Surasena.
There is a good deal of probability to assume that the Buddha did not come to
Mathura and the traditions mentioning his visit have to be studied cautiously. The
following points deserve particular attention in this regard.
1. His visit has not found place in the original Pall Tripitologv.
2. Divyavadana and Lalitavistara referring to his visit to Mathura belong to the

Kushana period.
3. Identification of ‘Veranja’ or ‘Verambha’ from where the Buddha came to
Mathura is highly controversial.
4. There is no mountain in Mathura but the Buddhist texts refer to a mountain or

hill as ‘Rurumunda’ or ‘Urumunda’ Parvata.
5. In these texts neither Buddha nor Ananda has given any account of Yamun§
which has been held in great esteem by the people of this region.
6. Regarding the opinion of Mathura formed by the Buddha we have two versions
and the five demerits pointed out by the Master referred to in the Divyavadana
do not tally with the description found in the Gilgit Manuscripts. This hints that
the defects were narrated in literature in accordance with popular beliefs, while
the event never took place.
7. The version of Chinese Traveller Hiuen-tsang appears to be based on the tradi¬

tion of the Divyavadana and he did not care to verify this myth as he was also
a devout Buddhist.
8. Some of the descriptions of Mathura region as given by the Chinese traveller
are far from being accurate and sometimes one is inclined to think that he is
describing some other place or depending either on traditions or on hearsay.
Once Katyayana came to Mathura at the invitatation of king Avantipura. He

was given a warm welcome and the king himself came out of city to receive him.
17. Theragaihfi, Atthakathd l.f 485.

He staved in the Gundabana (?) and gave a wonderful discourse against caste system
( Varnadharma). This was the time when the Buddha had just passed away as the
king was not yet aware of this fact and he heard it from Mahakatyuyana. Avanti-
putra was initiated into Buddhism and he v\as followed by a large number of
citizens of Mathura.1S
The Divydvaddna19 furnished a detailed account of the prophecies made by the
Buddha when he visited Mathura before his demise. He foretold that after hundred
years of my death there would be a perfume merchant (Gandhi) named Gupta. He
would be blessed with an illustrious son, Upagupta who would fulfil my mission
and propagate the Law. He would be Buddha without symptoms (Aiaksaniko
Buddha). He would help thousands of people to get rid of miseries and sufferings.
He would be initiated by SanakavasI who would establish a monastery at the
Rurumunda hill.'
There is some difference of opinion in deciding the teacher of Upagupta
of Mathura. Some traditions hold that the spiritual preceptor of Upagupta was
Madhyandina and not SanakavasI. Whether Madhyandina and Majhantika appoin¬
ted by Asoka as a Buddhist, missionery were identical and whether SanakavasI and
Sambhuta SanakavasI of the second Buddhist Council were same is also not clear
Asokdvadana (Chinese tradition) informs that Madhyandina and SanakavasI were
two disciples of Ananda who before his demise at Vaisali asked them to propagate
the Dharma in Kashmir and Mathura. Madhyandina is associated with Kashmir
tradition; hence the statement of Divydvaddna seems to be justified in accepting
SankavasI to be the teacher of Upagupta. SanakavasI used to go for alms to the
house of the perfume merchant, Gupta with one of pupils or attendants. Once he
reached there alone and the merchant promised that if he was blessed with sons he
would offer one of his sons to escort SanakavasI. But when the sons were born he
did not keep his promise. It was only after the birth of the third son Upagupta
that he decided to oblige the sage. Accordingly the boy became a Samanera at an
early age and served SanakavasI with great devotion.20
After his initiation, Upagupta practised austerity and became well-versed in all
scriptures. He always remained occupied with the preaching of the Law and like
the Buddha he had also subdued Mara the cupid21 and through his help Upagupta
18. “Madhurasuttam" in Majjhima Nikaya, Vol. II, 1958, pp. 310-17.

19. Divydvaddna, PanasupradCindvaddnam, 1959, p. 216.
20. Reference No. 12, pp. 200-1.
21. Reference No. 19, p. 222-23.
few snarer,
*r ^ ironfall ir<fr h |—
jpTTPri' f^cr. f5R~tcT sfrT | " *FT%'T
f*T;| favff: f*nrr*T5PTf*PS?: I 1° ^
was able to visualise the physical presence of the Buddha. Mara paid rich tributes
to Upagupta and pronounced his glory in the city. This bestowed a great fame on
him and people thronged in a large number to listen to his religious and spiritual
discourses. He lived in a cave near his monastery which was full of small bamboo
spikes. Whenever he converted anyone (particularly the married couple) into
Buddhism he used to throw a spike into the cave which gradually became full of
such spikes and it was not possible to count them. On his death the great saint
was cremated with these wooden pieces. His fame reached the Emperor Asoka and
he sent for him at Pataliputra to seek his advice for spreading the message of the
Buddha. It was Upagupta who decided about selection of spots where the holy
stupas consisting of the relics of the Buddha were to be built.
The episode of Vasavadatta, a beautiful courtesan, of Mathura is also associated
with Upagupta. She fell in love with this great monk who declined the offer
several times. But when the king of Mathura was displeased with her and the lady
was given corporal punishment and was thrown like a dead body outside the city.
Upagupta appeared before her and granted solace and calm through his wonderful
discourses. She at once recovered from the physical torture and realised the four
great truths sufferings, cause of sufferings, sufferings can be removed and there is a
way to end sufferings. After her initiation she entered the Sangha as a nun.1’- She
was later born in heaven and was worshipped in person {Sasire pujd krtd). Probably
some stupas were made on her bodily remains.
Lalitavistara another early23 Buddhist text gives a good account of Mathura

which ranked among the best cities of India. Like other places it was also consi¬
dered for the birth of the Buddha as the place was prosperous, looked beautiful and
auspicious and good for alms. It was the capital of the king of Surasenas and Subahu
who was a descent of Kansa. But it was rejected to be a fit place for the birth of the
Buddha as the ruling monarch Subahu was a heretic.54 In Beal's translation of the
Chinese version of Ahhiniskramana Sutta, Mathura has been styled as the capital of
the whole Jambu-dvipa.-5
Upagupta was succeeded by his disciple Dhltika who was the son of a wealthy
Brahmana of Uijain. He wfas a great scholar and had 500 Brahmana disciples with
him. After the death of his father he renounced the world and came to Mathura
to meet Upagupta. He was much influenced with learned discourses of Upacupta
and became his pupil and successor after initiation. Dhltika went upto Kashmir
22. mrr faiTT TT*T I
23. Dr. P.L. Vaidya editing the texts of Lalitavistara and DivydvaJana has assigned them to early
Kusana and late Kusana period respectively.
24. rpm
o
ft ^ ^ erm ^ *rf*?5TT
1 : -
^.1
Darbhanga Edition, 1959, p. 15.
Lalitavistara
25. Growse. F.S., Mathura Memoir 1883, Chapter V.
and Kabul to preach the message of the Buddha. Menander was the reigning king
in that region and his faith in Buddhism is evidenced by the Pali text Milindapanho
in which his conversation is recorded.-6
One may be inclined to suggest that the Buddhists invited Menander to attack
and uproot the Suriga dynasty which followed the Brahmanica! faith and under
whom the Vedic traditions were reviving. This is the reason that this Greek ruler
is held in high esteem in Buddhism. Such invitations to foreigners are met with
of course rarely. We are aware of the traditions that the Sahis were invited by
KaJakacarya, great Jaina saint, to ruin the fate of Gardhabhilla, the ruler of Ujjain.
Similarly Jaichandra supported Muhammad Ghori against Prithvlraja.
Beside these important figures responsible for establishing the association of
Buddhism with Mathura in the pre-Christian centuries, other persons who should
be mentioned are Bhadra KapilanI who was the wife of Mahakasyapa one of the
main disciples of the Buddha. Mathura was her native place.27 Mahadeva asso¬
ciated with the Second Buddhist Council was the son of a Brahmana of Mathura.
After his initiation into Dharma at Kukkutagrama in Pataliputra he was known
as a man of great learning and wisdom and later headed the Buddhist Sangha
which was also patronised by the king probably Dhana Nanda who met his doom.
He introduced five new rulers for Arhatahood. The Tibetan and Chinese transla¬
tions of Vasumitra reveal that the Second Council of Vaisall was called to discuss
the five dogmas of Mahadeva.28
Accounts of Foreign Travellers
Mathura’s association with Buddhism is amply corroborated by the accounts of

the foreign travellers. The Greek writers Magasthanes Pliny and Ptolomy who
either visited or wrote about Surasena or Mathura in their records are silent over
this issue as by that time Buddhism was not popular although as discussed earlier
efforts were being made to propogate it.
The Chinese traveller Fa-hien who visitid the place in the beginning of the 5th
century A.D., furnished significant datas in the travel memoirs. The mission of
his journey was to collect the original Buddhist texts and commentaries. Starting
from Lanchow in central China he covered most of the distance on foot and passing
through the Gobi desert and other difficult route reached Mathura which he recor¬
ded as the first kingdom with the capital of the same name, situated on the Jamuna.
According to him every body from highest to lowest rank had faith in Buddhism
and it was so from the time of the Buddha. This appears to be an exaggerated
statement as the time of his visit was the full fledged Gupta period when the court
religion was Bhdgavatism. We have already discussed in the second chapter that
26. Dutta and Vajpayi, op. cit.y p. 210.

27. Vajpayj, K.D., Mathura 1955, p. 14.
28. 2500 years of Buddhism 1956, pp. 98-99.
Buddhism in Mathura. 45
Mathura region was a part of the Gupta Empire hence it is not desirable to believe
that everybody was the follower of Buddhism. It appears that the Chinese pilgrim
sta>ed in a large Buddhist monastery in which all the occupants were staunch
Buddhists and they must have informed him that the sect was popular from the very
beginning.
Fa hien further informs that the religious establishments were in possession of
copper plate grants testifying the evidence of their historicity. There were twenty
monasteries on both sides of the river and 3000 monks resided in them. The
number of the monks and priests is sometimes stated as ten thousand.29 Besides, he
saw six stupas (relic towers) out of which the most important and venerable was of
Sariputra. The stupas commemorate the sacred memory of Ananda and Mudgala-
putra the great teacher of Samddhi or meditation. The stupa of Ananda was more
popular among women (probably due to the fact that he persuaded the Buddha to
permit the women folk into the sangha). The remaining three stupas were to pay
respect to the holy books, the Tripitakas i.e. Abhidharnia, Sutra and Vinaya.zo
Fa-hien speaks of the happy and cordial conditions of the place. The rulers
and the court officials showed much regard to Buddhism and they derived pleasure
in serving the monks and feeding them. ‘At the end of the meal they spread car¬
pets on the ground, and sit down facing the president not venturing to sit on
couches in the presence of priests’, an arrangement handed down from the days of
the Buddha.31 The general conditions and administration as described by the
Chinese traveller have already been discussed in the previous chapter.
Hiuen-tsang (also pronounced as Yuanchwang) followed Fa-hien after about

200 years and spent about sixteen years in India. Like his predecessor he also
collected a large number of Buddhist texts besides several other items of ritualistic
interest and Buddhist figures. On his return to China he translated 75 texts into
Chinese and went on writing for 19 years. Some of his translations are as valuable
as the original sources as the original books are now not available. He has also
handed over detailed account of his memoirs of wide travels in India. These supply
valuable informations for the study of contemporary society but we should of course
allow some margin for his religious zeal, prejudice and exaggeration.
He commenced his journey at the age of 26 and remained in India between 629
and 645 A.D. This tall and handsome pilgrim was a man of high determination and
firm conviction. On his way once he was invited by Chu-wen-Tai the ruler of Turfan
in Gobi. But the invitation was in a commanding tone and its purpose was to detain
the traveller appointing him as the head priest of the court. The offer was refused
but the king would not allow him to go and said ‘I insist on keeping you in order
to offer you my homage, and it would be easier to shift the mountain of Pamir
29. Ibid., p. 259.

30. Gronde, op. cit.f p. 103.
31. 2500 years of Buddhism, op. eit.
than to shake my determination’. To this the bold reply of Hiuentsang was ‘It is
for the sublime Law that I have come and the king will only be able to keep my
bones; he has no power over my spirit nor my will.* He refused food for three days
and this fast had an occult effect on the king who had to yield to the wishes of the
saint who of course agreed to stay for a month more to preach at the court.32
He was given a touching send-off in Turfan and introductory letters to the

kings where the pilgrim decided to go. He took a longer route than Fa-hien and
touched Kara Shahi, Issyk Kul Bai, Tashkend, Samarkand, Balkh, Bamiyan, Kabul,
Kapisa (Begram), Nagarahara (Jalalabad), Lampaka Khyber Pass, Gandhara,
Pesahwar, Takshsila and entered Kashmir where he spent two years from 631 to
633 A.D. He then left for Sakala (Sialkot) and had a long stay at Chinabhuti on
the left bank of the Beas. His last place or halt before reaching Mathura was
Jalandhara.33
He has mentioned 18 sub sects of Buddhism which had two major divisions
viz. HInayana and Mahaydna. The later excelled the former in number.
He has described Mathura to be 20 li or four miles in circumference. The

city had 20 monasteries probably the same as described by his predecessor Fa-hien
and about 1250 teachers of Law resided at a place. But by now the number
of monks had come down from 3000 to 2000. This reflects that Buddhism had
started losing popularity in this region probably due to the growing influence of
Brahmanism which was revived under the patronage of the Gupta emperors who
were devout Bhagavatas. He also records the existence of five temples dedicated to
the Brahmanical deities. Three stupas built by Asoka w’ere also seen by him besides
several spots where the four former Buddhas left their footprints. The stupas built
in the memory of the disciples of the Buddha were also held in a great reverence.
These consist of the holy relics of Sariputra. Maudgalayana, Purvamaitrayanlputra,
Upali, Ananda, Rahula, ManjusrI and other Bodhisattvas. Sariputra was respected
by the followers of Abhidharma and Mudgalayana by those wrho practised Dhyana
or contemplation. The followers of Sutras paid homage to Maitrayaniputra and
those who had faith in the three Pit okas worshipped Upali. The new' entrants to
the Sangha honoured Rahula while the followers of Mahayanism paid respect to all
Bodhisattvas.34 The traveller reveals that five or six lis i e. about a mile and a
quarter to east of the city was a monastery on the hill credited to have been built
by Upagupta and it housed his nails and heard as relics (Mathura Memoir by
F.S. Grouse, part I, p. 62).
He states that grand functions and ceremonies were held on different occasions
and festivals with much pomp and show' and the sky was covered by the clouds of
incense burning and constant showers of flowers. He narrates a story of a monkey
32. I hid., p.264.

33. Ibid., pp. 267-69.
34. Growse, op. cit , p. 104.
who had offered some honey to the Buddha. The monkey was asked by the master
to mix the honey in water and to distribute to all monks. On this order he felt so
excited that he forgot about his position and fell into a dry tank and drowned in it.
His next birth was in human form. The traveller further records that the Buddha
often visited this kingdom. The rulers and officials continued their respect towards
the Buddhist monks and participated in the functions and festivals organised in the
monasteries. Refering to the monastery of Upagupta he mentions that it is situated
about five to six Jis (about 2 kms.) to east of the town and surrounded by high
caves. It housed a stupa in which the nails of the Buddha were preserved. To the
north of this was a stone mansion measuring 20'x30' and it consisted of innumer¬
able bamboo spikes recording the number of married persons converted by
Upagupta and attained the Arhatahood. But he did not care for other persons
even if they were of the same high spiritual level.35
About the general conditions Hiuen-tsang gives an appreciable remark. People
were happy and prosperous and the land was fertile and yellow in colour, mango
vield was in abundance. The climate of the region has been recorded as hot while
his predecessor mentioned it as moderate. It appears that the season of the visit
of one Chinese traveller differed from the other. The citizens were of high intel¬
lect, honest and of good character. They believed in the merits of deeds (Karma-
fala).
It is not safe to rely fully upon the statements of Hiuen-tsang as he appears to

have mixed up the description of Mathura with some other place. He has nowhere
given the name of the town and has also omitted the Yamuna. The narration of
monkey may be the creation of his own imagination or a legend prevalent here.
It is also not possible to believe that the Buddha made frequent visits to Mathura.
The distances and measurements are also not furnished with accuracy. It is not
unlikely that he by-passed Mathura but recorded the description of the place on
the basis of hearsay. Some of his impressions are quite close to those as recorded
by Fa-hien and as such these cannot be ignored. We can derive the conclusion
that Buddism was prevalent at Mathura although its decline had begun. From
here the Chinese traveller proceeded to Kanyakubja, the capital city of northern
India in the time of Harsavardhana of whom he speaks in high admiration, ‘His
rule was just and humane and the king forgot to eat and drink in the accomplish¬
ment of good work/38 He had developed great intimacy wdth the king and
had attended large religous assemblies at Prayaga and Kanauj as a special
guest or a V.I.P, in the modern sense. He visited several other places and
returned to his native place Changen in China in 645 A.D.
The third Chinese traveller Itsing visited India towards the end of the 7th cen¬
tury A.D. But he took the sea route and his tour was confined to Bodhgaya and
35. Ibid, p. 105.

36, 2500 years of Buddhism, op. cit., p. 269.
Nalanda where he spent ten years in learning theology of Buddhism and also in
collecting the holy Buddhist texts like his two predecessors Fa-hien and Hiuen-
tsang. On his return to China in 695 A.D. he was also engaged in translation work
and completed 56 translations out of 400 works which he took away from India.
He, however, did not visit Mathura.
Archaeological Finds :
The association of Mathura with Buddhism is amply testified by the antiquarian
wealth besides literary sources and accounts of the Chinese pilgrims. Although
Buddhism is extinct from the region and there has been almost no activity during
the last fifteen centuries but the rich cultural material revealed through explorations
and excavations during the present and the last centuries proves that Mathura w'as a
stronghold of Buddhism. The visitor entering the galleries of the Mathura Museum
is astonished to see that the major part of the sculptures on display belongs to
Buddhism.
Commenting on the disappearance of Buddhism from Mathura, Gen. Cunning¬

ham remarks The date of Mahmud’s invasion was A.D. 1017 or somewhat less
than 400 years after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsang, who in A.D.
6^4 found only five Brahmanical temples at Mathura. It is during these four
centuries, therefore, that we must place, not only the decline and fall of Buddhism,
but its total disappearance from this great city, in which it once possessed twenty
large monasteries, besides many splendid monuments of its most famous teachers.
Of the circumstances which attended the downfall of Buddhism wre know almost
nothing, but as in the present case we find the remains of a magnificent Brahmanical
temple occupying the very site of what once have been a large Buddhist establish¬
ment, we may infer with tolerable certainty that the votaries of the Sakya muni
were expelled by force and that their buildings were overthrown to furnish
materials for those of their Brahmanical rivals, and now these in their turn have
been thrown down by the Musaimans.’37 This remark of Cunningham does
not appear to be sound in view of the fact that Mathura had to face a great
catostrophe when the Huns invaded and destroyed the monuments in the post
Gupta period.
Terminology for Describing Monuments :
A careful perusal of the early Buddhist establishments at Mathura reveals some

very interesting facts. So far we have been able to trace about three dozen names
of such places undes different terms viz. Vihdra, Stupa Sanghdrama, Parigraha
Cetiya, Cetiya Kuti, Svaka vihdra and Upavana. While it is not possible to portray
the exact picture of these establishments a comperative and consolidated study
helps us in deriving certain conclusions.
37. ASR1862-63, p. 237.

Vihdra
This was the most popular place as the word frequently occurs in the
epigraphs. The vihdra was a monastery where the monks and nuns lived and
observed their religious practices. A place of worship as stupa etc. must also
have been an essential feature attached with the Vihara.
A few pedestals of the Buddha-Bodhisattva images bear the word Svaka
Vihdra which may be taken to be own or personal monastery. This shows
that there were general monasteries which must have been of larger dimensions
but at the same time those who could afford, also built their own monasteries
and such a building was recorded as Svaka Vihdra.
Incase of the Bodhisattva image from Katra we read Saka instead of Svaka
and it is sometimes explained as the monastery built by the Sakas i.e. Scythions.
Stupa
It is a well known architectural term and it contained relics of some great

teacher, monk or a great man.
Cetiya
This appears to be the corrupt form of caitya which had the same function as
a stupa. Actually a Caitya signifies a place which was built on the bodily remains,
‘Citdyam jdyate iti caityah\ Later the Caityas were enlarged by a series of casings
and the monument looked like a piled up oval shape structure known as Thuha or
stupa. The Caitya may also be interpreted as an abode of supernatural power.
The word Caitya itself stands for spirit or superhuman force and this very well
fitted in case of a place which was meant for offering worship.
We also come across the word as Cetiya kuti which should be explained as
Caitya shrine. Cetiye katiya also seems to be same as Caitye kuti and like the
usage of Svaka vihdra the term Svaka Cetiya kuti (own Caitya shrine) was also
prevalent.
Parigraha
The inscriptions refer to Mahdsdnghikandm parigraha means a place for

household objects or storehouse. The existence of big store houses in the large
monasteries was a necessary characteristic. Another explanation is that the
monasteries were meant for the monks and nuns but the residential apartments for
lay worshippers and visitors to the monasteries where families could stay, were
probably known as Parigraha. We are aware that the word Parigraha also stands
for family as used by Kalidasa.30 In that case we may assume that some Buddhist
eastablishments housed the visitors’ lounge known as Parigraha ?
38. Abhijnana Sdkuntalam, III. 18.

Sanghdrama
The word occurs in the Lion capital inscription installed in the time of
Mahaksatrapa Rajula. This also records a monastery—guha vihara, stupa and
Parigraha It appears that the Sanghdrama was a large complex housing a
monastery, stupa and visitors lounge.
Up avail a
This means a garden or park and in the Buddhist terminology must have been
a place for open air assembly with good surroundings. The Upavana was also
used for growing flowers for offering and worship.
There are a few pedestals which refer to more than one terms e.g. stone slab
No. E.4 of the Lucknow Museum mentions a Vihara and a park. As already
explained, the Lion Capital records four such places, i.e. Sanghdrama, Stupa,
Vihara and Parigraha. A few names were very popular and we have found them
repeated on different remains. Word Pravara or Pravarika is met with on a stone
piece (Mathura Museum No. JKt. 132> from Katra mound. On the pedestal of
a Nagf image (Mathura Museum No. 17.1316) from Girdharpur mound and also
on the pedestal of a Buddha image (Mathura Museum No. 18.1557) from
Madhuban Maholh Different findspots of these antiquities suggest that there were
several branches of Pravarika establishment. The exact meaning of the word is
obscure but it appears to mean a mango monastery as we have Cutaka Vihara
where mango trees must have been in abundance. From the KausambI excavations
we are informed of a Pavarika Amhavana besides the monasteries named Ghositd-
rdma and Kukkutdramaf9 Pravara also means a cloak or a monk’s garment. Either
the garments for the Buddhist monks were available at this spot or the Vihara was
built by the cloak makers.
The names of some of these monasteries suggest their sectarian nature and v\e
may pinpoint several sects of Buddhism flourishing at Mathura, particularly in
Ksatrapa and Kusana period. Thus we have the places associated with Sarvasti-
vadins (Hinavanis), Mahdsanghikas (Mahayanh), Dharmaguptikas (a branch of the
followers of the old Sthaviravada doctrines) and Samitiyas a sub-sect of the
Theravddin monks (also recorded on an Asokan pillar at Sarnath but in the Gupta
characters.40
The period of these establishments ranges from the 1st century B.C. to the 6th
century A.D. as the earliest one is known from the inscriptions recorded on the
Lion capital and the latest is referred to in an epigraph dated in the year 230
corresponding to 549 A.D. if reckoned in Gupta era and 308 A.D. if reckoned in
39. Dutt, N and Vajpayi, K D., Uttar Pradesh men Baudha Dharma kCi Vikdsa, 1956, p. 291,
footnote 1.
40. Sahm, D. R., Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath, Calcutta, 1914 (henceforth
CMAS)t p. 30.
the Saka era. The stone recovered by Fuherer in 1896 at Katra records that a
stupa was repaired in the year 76=154 A.D. in the reign of Vasudeva. It means
that it was originally built in the earlier period.
The main problem facing us is to pinpoint the exact location of these monu¬
ments. The provenance of an antiquity referring to a monastery etc. should
generally be accepted as the site of an establishment. But this principle will hold
good if the source of their origin is the site of a ruined settlement. This should, if
possible, be supported by some traces of building activity of the contemporary
period. No doubt Mathura and its surrounding region is full of such early sites
and the possibility of several Buddhist monuments flourishing during the first six
centuries can not be ruled out. We should, however, reserve our pronouncements
if an object is unearthed accidentally from the spot which does not look like the
site of some ancient ruins. In such cases we have to conceive the possibility of
shifting the remains from one place to other and it would not be proper to locate
a monument just on the basis of the find spot and the inscription it bears. The
identification of some of the monuments is based on the Buddhist texts or the
versions of the Chinese travellers, as their archaeological source is wanting.
Relevant informations can also be had from the inscribed stone sculptures or
architectural fragments detailed in the following chart.
As these sculptures or architectural fragments have been found from irregular
digging and scattered at different places it is not possible to pinpoint the location
of these monasteries. It appears that these were destroyed during the in\asion of
Huns and later mutilated, disfigured, disturbed, and buried by the Muslims. The
discovery of the sculptures hints that the Buddhist shrines occupied a large area in
old Mathura city and its neighbourhood. Even the reputed Brahmanical and
Jaina sites have unearthed the Buddhist sculptures.
Katra
Sir Alexander Cunningham during his first exploration in 1853 found some
pillars of a Buddhist railing at the site of Katra Keshavdev renowned as birthplace
of Lord Krsna. Later he recovered a gateway from the same spot and a standing
Buddha figure from a well recording the name of the monastery as Yasd Viharad1
He remarks T made the first discovery of Buddhist remains at the temple of Kesau
Ray in January 1853, when, after a long search, 1 found a broken pillar of a.
Buddhist railing sculptured with the figure of Maya Devi standing under the Sdla
tree.4“ Cunningham was mistaken when he identified the lady on railing as Maya
Devi. Since it was the first discovery he thought the representation conveyed some
special event. Now we know that lady under tree was a common representation on
the rail posts of Kusana period and it does not specifically represent Mava Devi.
41. Sculpture No. B.10 of Lucknow Museum, It was gifted by a nun Jayabhatta in the year 280
42. ASR., Op. cit.
* t • iL. } /
52
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He also found two capitals of large round pillars which according to him should
belong to some Buddhist monuments. A fragmentary inscription found here records
the genealogy of Gupta dynasty from the founder to Samudragupta but the nature
of the monument or work is not traceable as the remaining part of the epigraph
is gone. Cunningham further discovered a curved architrave of a Buddhist gateway
depicting rich decoration of architectural complexities and a gate-way (Mathura
Museum No. M.l) Amohassi Vihdra is also reported to be existing at this site.43
Another very important discovery from the site of Katra is the famous
Bodhisattva/Buddha MM No. A.l, figure 79 which is one of the most important
and beautiful citations of early phase of Mathura School of Art. It records the
name of the monastery as Saka Vihdra. It means that there stood two monasteries
on this site i.e. Yasd Vihdra and Saka Vihdra. It is not unlikely keeping in view of
the larae dimensions of the area. Saka Vihdra has also been interpreted as Svaka
Vihdra.11 Another Svaka Vihdra occurs on the pedestal of a Bodhisattva image
acquired from Sonkh long before HarteTs excavations (Mathura Museum
No. 90.1602). It is dated in the 23rd regnal >ear of Kaniska. It is the last year of
this kins as in the 24th regnal year we have Isapur Yupa pillar refering to Vasiska.
We have already discussed the position of Vasiska in the Kusana dynasty in the
lisht of the recent discoveries in the previous chapter. As the donor Amohassi has
installed this Bodhisattva statue in her own convent, the monastery is also termed
as Amohassi Vihdra.
A fragmentary Bodhisattva figure set up in the time of some Ksatrapa
probably in the first century B.C. was found in the vicinity of Katra site i.e. from
the shrine of Galtesvara Mahadeva, (Mathura Museum No. 66, fig. 78). Other
Buddhist figures now preserved in the Mathura Museum from Katra site include :
Inscribed pedestal of ^dkyammi Buddha (No. 12.270), pedestal of the Buddha
(14.416), Bust of Buddha (14-15.437), Bodhisattva head with Garuda (15.510),
fragment showing Visvantara Jdtaka (kt.136). Pedestal with BodhisatUa (49.3501),
Slab with Buddha in Bhumisparsa (47.3366), fragment showing seated Buddha (57.
4420), Torso of Buddha in Abhaya (59.4836), Bust of Buddha (53.3654), Inscribed
pedestal of Buddha (56.3999), head of Buddha from Potrakunda (56.4011). Head of
Buddha (54.3795), Head of Bodhisattva (56.3948), Torso of Bodhisattva (56.4000)
etc. These finds definitely prove that the site of Katra which is now famous as a
Brahmanica! spot had been a great establishment of Buddhism. Cunningham observes
the potentiality of the spot in these words : “The site is the most promising one for
discovery, and as the Masjid has long been disused, owing to many dangerous
cracks in both roof and walls, I believe that there would not be any objection
whatever to a complete exploration of the mound.’45 This could, however, not be
43. Mital Prabhu Dayal, Braj ki Kalaon kd Itihdsa 1975, p. 135.

44. Agrawala, V.S., Mathura Museum Catalogue 1948, p. 49.
45. ASR.f 1862-63, p. 238.
accomplished and A. Fiihrer also had to suspend his excavation work in 1896 as
the walls of a Stupa were continuing towards the IdgahAb
Katikdli
Kankall is another site which is known as Jaini THa rightly because hundreds
of Jaina sculptures were unearthed from here and the biggest compaign was under¬
taken by A. Fiihrer between the years 1888-91 and the finds were shifted to the
Lucknow Museum. As pointed out in the previous chapter there was a dispute
whether the monuments belonged to Jainas or the Buddhists. This supports the
theory that the site was in possession of the devotees of the Buddha also and
consequently numerous Buddhist sculptures have been recovered here. As reported
by Cunningham ‘Harding, Magistrate of Mathura dug a trench right across the
Kankall mound from north to south which yielded some mutilated Buddhist
statues both life size and colossal.'47 Two colossal Buddha statues sent to Allahabad
were later shifted to Lucknow Museum. A spandril of a doorway carved with
column representing winged lions on capitals supporting elephant was an interest¬
ing find and the name of the donor was given as Mugaliputra. A quadruple image
carved with headless Buddha figures seated back to back was in white stone. A
small seated figure with six perons worshipping cakra and an inscription recording
the name of the donor as 4Jhnkasya datta Bhiksusya Viharasva\iS was also found
here.
Grow'se has suggested that the monastery of Upagupta mentioned by Huien-

tsang was probably situated on the Kankall mound. The Chinese traveller Huien-
tsang described it lying east to the town and Kankall is almost eastward of Katra
which was the centre of ancient Buddhist city of Mathura. The association of
tank with monastery was an important factor as the monkey’s story does not find
place without a tank. This was the weak point when Growse w'rote his Memoir in
the last quarter of the 19th century and he did not feel much confident while
advancing his arguments for locating the Upagupta monastery.49 But just after a
century the excavations conducted by M.C. Joshi of Archaeological Survey of
India in 1975 a tank has been discovered at the site of Kankall. This fine brick tank
also revealed a stone slab giving the 5th year of Kaniska’s reign. A plan of a
circular building probably of a stupa and the dwelling rooms for monks wêre also
exposed.
These discoveries prove that there existed a full-fledged Buddhist establishment

including a monastery, a stupa and a tank which has been an important feature of
a religious shrine in order to have a ceremonial bath to promote the feeling of
46. ASR., 1906, pp. 1-2.

47. ASR., Ill, 1871-72, p. 13.
48. MDM, pp. 117-18.
49. Ibid., pp. 118-19.
purity and cleanliness. All these points support the theory of Growse to pinpoint
the location of Upagupta’s monastery at the present site of Kankall. Cunningham
on the other hand identified the Upagupta monastery with Yasa Vihara on Katra
mound. Growse contradicting his views remarks : ‘General Cunningham, in his
Archaeological Report, has identified the Upagupta monastery with the Yasa Vihara
inside the Katra; but in all probability he would not now adhere to this theory. At
the time when he advanced it, he had never visited the Kankall pia and was also
under the impression that the Fort had always been as it now is, the centre of city
.50 Vogel does not subscribe to the views of either of these scholars regarding
the identification of some of the monasteries,51 But in view of the recent discoveries
the controversy regarding the location of Upagupta’s monastery should be deemed
as settled in favour of Kankall.
Besides the above disco\eries made by Cunningham and Growse a few more
Buddhist objects have been acquired from the site of Kankfill and are now housed
in the Mathura Museum. These are : Bodhisattva Torso (No. 14-15.447), stele
with beautiful standing Buddha (No. 15.578), slab representing annointment of the
Buddha by two Nlgas on one side and devotees on the other (No. H.2) and
Harm with a child (No. D.l 1). tympanum showing stupa worship (47.3367) and
Siddhartha in meditation attended b\ two ladies (46.3231).
A Yaksa figure (46.3232) recovered from the Kankall well mentions in the
epigraph that it was set up in the mihiragiiha which has been explained as Mihira
Vihara by V.S. Agrawala5- and so the mound should be considered as a site of this
monastery also. But the Mihiragriha should be interpreted as a shrine for the
worship of sun. It is interesting to note that the famous Surya statue clad in the
Northern style (Udicyavesa, Mathura Museum No. 12.269) and belonging to early
Kusana period hails from this site. Hence on the basis of the epigraph under
discussion and this Surya statue, the present author is tempted to conclude that
Mihiragriha was a sun shrine in the Kusana period and not a Buddhist monastery.
Mihira Vihara as Buddhist monastery, of course, stood at Kaman as mentioned in
Liiders List (No. 12) which shall be discussed later.
This may be pointed out here that the vast mound of Kankall has revealed
several Brfihmanical sculptures besides a large number of Jaina and Buddhist
remains. One wonders how was it possible that the three religions flourished
simultaneously at one place, while we often learn about their mutual rivalry.
Although no satisfactory explanation can be given to this rather strange phenome¬
non, the archaeological facts cannot be disowned. They suggest that there prevailed
harmony between the followers of these religions and their relations were cordial
despite their different ways of life. Much depended on the nature of the ruling
50. Ibid., p. 121.

51. ASR., 1906-07, p. 140.
52. Podd&ra Abhincindana Graniha, p. 79S.
kings who must be having a tolerant view and in order to maintain peace among
their subjects they encouraged religious harmony and electicism.
Growse was once inclined to give another thought to the problem. In view of
the fact that no foundation or ground plan of a big establishment were noticed on
the spot he doubted the existence of any temple on the site and according to him
the sculptures were brought from different places and buried in a pit by the
Muslims.53 While such type of occurances can not be denied in archaeology and
this may be a conjecture. In case of the recent finds from the site of Govindnagar
to be discussed in detail in the following chapter, it is not possible to subscribe to
the views of Growse.
Excavations in the 19th century were not advanced and the excavators did not
bother for vertical digging to find out the complete cultural sequence of the site from
top to bottom. Moreover, they aimed at recovering the sculptures and neglected
other important aspects. This should be mentioned here that Growse’s observations
are not wholly correct as the structural portions were also found.54 It appears that
he did not have the sufficient data of excavation when he derived this conclusion.
In the recent excavations, conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India a tank
and wails of rooms have been traced. One can see the bricks of old stupa after the
rainy season towards the Kacca road which is adjacent to the B.S.A. College.
Growse was also not happy over his suspicion and it was with much reluctance
that he advanced this hypothesis which he himself ultimately rejected, ‘But upon
the whole I conclude that the discovery of no foundations in situ is rather to be
explained by the fact that the mound has long served as a quarry, and that bricks
and small blocks of stone, being more useful for ordinary building purposes,
would all be removed when cumbrous and at the same time broken statues might
be left undisturbed.55
Chaubard
The chain of more than a dozen of Chaubara mounds which existed about two
kins, to the south west of Mathura was also a site of some Buddhist monuments.
Cunningham found a copper celt in one of them.56 The bricks of early stupas from
these mounds were removed by the villagers of the neighbourhood, particularly that
of Bakirpur and Girdharpur. It appears to be the probable site where Hiuentsang
indicated that 1250 eminent Buddhist scholars resided to preach the Law. When
the road to Sonkh was laid in 1868, one of these mounds exposed a masonry cell
which contained a small golden casket. The purpose of this reliquary was to
preserve a tooth of some great man but it was thrown away in ignorance by the
53. \fD\f., p. 118.

54. ASR., 1906-07, p. 140
55. MDM., p. 118.
56. ASR., Ill, p. 16
labourers who kept the casket with much care for its metal value and later handed
it over to the engineer for onward transmission to the then District Collector. F.S.
Growse57 but the whereabouts of this antiquity are not known. Cunningham
from another Chaublra mound found a steatite casket in 1872 and it was made
over to Indian Museum, Calcutta. A colossal head of the Buddha bearing “Egyp¬
tian features” was a remarkable discovery made by Growse (Mathura Museum
No. A.27). A pedestal of the Buddha image in early BrahmT characters records
the year 33 in the reign of Maharaja Devaputra Huviskar'8 Cross bars of Buddhist
railings recovered from here represented different figure and motifs.
The other Buddhist finds which saw their way from Chaubara to the Mathura
Museum are : crosslegged Buddha in abhaya posture of Kusana period (No. A. 16),
fragmentary right leg of a colossal Buddha image (No. A.24) and a beautiful
railpost representing on observe probably Rsyasringa in ecstasy with his two
fingers on chin and reverse carved with the worship of the Bodhi tree and scene of
birds fight etc. (No. J.7).
Thus the discovery of two relic caskets and several Buddhist sculptures proves
that the chain of Chaubara mounds was an important establishment of Buddhism.
Jamcilpur
Another Buddhist site of great significance was the Jail (according to Cunning¬
ham) and Jamalpur (according to Growse) site which was levelled up in 1860 for
constructing the Collector’s court. The objects found on the spot suggest that more
than one stupas and monasteries existed there in Kusana and Gupta periods. The
most important achievement was the disccovery of more than life size image of the
Buddha standing in abhaya posture wearing a transparent drapery and a beautifully
carved nimbus. The face is expressive of perfect serenity and bliss. This is one of
the master pieces of Indian art (Mathura Museum No. A.5, fig. 139). Growse
reports that the nose of this excellent piece was mutilated either by some bigoted
iconoclastic person or by some child in mere spirit of mischief after its recovery.59
The pedestal records the name of Yasadinna who was supposed to be a monk but
the Kasia image of the Buddha in demise and the recent excellent Buddha image
from Govindnagar (Mathura Museum No. 76.25, fig. 142) bear this name as
sculptor. G.V. Mitterwaliner thinks that these Buddhas were carved by different
artists carrying the same name as these are quite different in art style from each
other. The Govindnagar Buddha appears to be the earliest i.e. 434 A. D. followed
by Sarnath of the year 154 Gupta era and last the dying Buddha at Kasia which
should be assigned to first half of the 6th century A.D. on stylistic as well as
palaeographic grounds.
57. Growse, op. cit., p. 123.

58. Growse, op. cit., p. 123.
59. Ibid., p. 115.
The pedestals of the Buddha images from Jamalpur or jail bear epigraphs on
the basis of which the name of two monasteries have come to light. These are
Huviska Vihdra, Kundokhara Vihdra and Sanghamitra Sada-Vihdra.60 Liiders opines
that Sadavihdrisa shuld be read as Sadhryagviharin meaning (travelling) compan¬
ion.61 The first name follow the name of the reigning Kusana king, Huviska. Cun¬
ningham recovered the bases of thirty pillars of this monastery. About fifteen names
of donors who presented these columns have been found inscribed on them. The
records suggest that seventy pillars were gifted to the monastery6-5 but it appears
that forty pillars were removed from the site for local use. The second monastery
needs some explanation owing to its strange nomenclature i.e. Kundokhara, Cun¬
ningham opines that the word is Kunda Suka Vihdra i.e. a monastery with a dry
tank. It was the same dry tank which was referred to by Hieuntsang in which an
over excited monkey was killed.63 Growse suggests that it is a compound word
incorporating Kunda and Puskara and both meaning a tank.61 It seems to be a
farfetched interpretation although such words are in usage e.g. Sera Singh,
Adityabhanu, Sasichandra etc.
The site of Jamalpur has revealed many important Buddhist figures beside the
most famous one, discussed above (Mathura Museum No. A.5 fig. 139). Those
which are housed in the Mathura Museum include : A.49 Buddha image of year
28, A.3 Buddha image, Kusana, A. 14 Buddha on lion throne, Kusana, A.15
Buddha in Abhaya, Kusana, A.19 Buddha in meditation, Kusana, A.33 life size
Buddha head, Kusana, A.34 life size Buddha head. Kusana, A.35 life size Buddha
head, Kusana, A.44 fragment standing Bodhisattva, Kusana, A.46 Torso of
Bodhisattva, Kusana, A.6 Headless Buddha Torso Gupta, A.7 Torso of
Buddha in abhaya, Gupta, A.8 Torso of Buddha, Gupta, A.10 Torso of Buddha,
Gupta, A.II Torso of Buddha, Gupta, A. 12 lower part of Buddha, Gupta, A. 13
Buddha Torso in Varado, Gupta. A.22 fragment left hand of Buddha, Gupta, A.31
Buddha head, Gupta, A.36 Buddha head, Gupta, A.37 Buddha head, Gupta, A.48
Buddha pedestal, Gupta era 135=454-5 A.D., A.51 pedestal of standing Buddha,
Gupta, J. 15 Railpost showing a man under tree, Kusana, J.41 Railpost with lady
and Uluka Jataka, 1.32 Fragment Railpost with male, 1.33 fragment with celestial,
N.l drum of miniature stupa, Kusana, 64.12 Pedestal of Buddha image dated
Gupta era 125=554 A.D.
Some of these fragments are so large that they should form the parts of a
Buddha figure measuring more than 7 metres. The number of railpost as gathered
from the epigraph comes to 129 and the interesting point as that these bear some
60. Ibid., p. 107.

61. A//., p. 81, footnote 4.
62. ASR., I, p. 239.
63. ASR., I, p. 239.
64. MDM.t p. 118-19.
figure most probably put by the sculptors as guide to the mason. The Mathura
Museum houses more than thirty Buddhist figures of ‘A’ series the provenenances
of which is recorded as Jamalpur with some doubt. An interesting exhibit is a
square pillar carved with niches on four sides probably to receive the miniature
Buddha figures. It served the purpose of a Sarvaiobhadra image (No. P.67).
The charming dancing girls, now in the National Museum, New Delhi, probably
adorned the gateway of the Huviska monastery.
Chaurdsi
Beside these four large Buddhist establishments i.e. Katra, Kankaii, Chaubara
and Jamalpur there were other monasteries in Mathura city and outside. We are
informed by the epigraphs that the devotees used to oblige their religious preceptors
in installing the Buddha images at their command. These included male as well as
female devotees. A pedestal of the 33rd year of Huviska (111 A.D.) reveals that
the image of Bodhisattva was set up by two nuns at the instance of their teacher
Bala 63 From ChaurasI and surrounding area large size fragments of Buddhist
railings and doorjambs were acquired and deposited in the Mathura Museum in
1957 (57.4446-48). A headless Buddha image of early Kusana period recovered in
197S near ChaurasI mentions its dedications by some Kayastha. This is probably
the earliest reference to Kayastha in an archaeological document (Mathura Museum
No. 78.34). We can safely presume the existence of some Buddhist stupa on this site.
Palikhera and other Sites
A bowl on the head of a Yaksa (Mathura Museum No. 12.260) indicates that
a monastery was built by goldsmiths Svarnakara Vihdra in Sadar quarter of
Mathura city. Another stone bowl reads at Sanghiydndm Parigraha (Mathura
Museum No. 15.662) and it may suggest that a monastery of the Mahdsanghika
order was existing at Palikhera the provenance of this bowl. It may be mentioned
that the site of Palikhera has brought to light numerous sculptures belonging to
different religions. Most of them were recovered from walls. The Buddhist objects
acquired by Mathura Museum include Buddha and Bodhisattva heads and frag'
mentarv halo pieces and these date from Kusana to early medieval period.66 It is,
therefore, quite possible that a Buddhist monastery as mentioned in the epigraph
existed there.
The Mahdsdnghikas had some other monasteries also. A fragment probably
from a water channel bearing an epigraph in the 91st year of the Kusana era (169
A.D.) informs the erection of a monastery known as Cutaka Vihdra (Mango
monastery) for the benefit of the Mahdsdnghikas. It was found in the Matagali in
Mathura city (Mathura Museum No. 17.1350). Yet another establishment named
65. Uttar Pradesh men Buddha Dharma kd Vikdsa, op cit., p. 105.

66. Mathura Museum No, 15.664, 15.665, 15.667, 15.668, 15.669, 15.671, 15.870, 15.877, 15.907,
15.921, 15.939, 15.992, 15.1004, 16.1211, 16.1217, 40.2907.
as Apdnaka Vihdra of the same sect is reported from an inscription incised on the
pedestal of a Bodhisattva image (Mathura Museum No. 25-26.1612) found at
Bharatpur gate, Mathura, From Kanskhar in Mathura city pedestal of a
Bodhisattva image was acquired (Mathura Museum No. 37.2740). It bears three-
line-Brahml inscription which refers to the erection of Kraustikiya monastery for
the teachers of Mahasdnghika monks. The image was set up in the 10th regnal
year of Kamska.
Maholl
Maholl near Palikhera was also a centre of Buddhist activities. The inscribed
pedestal of a headless seated Buddha image of the year 22 mentions Prdvarika
Vihdra (Muthura Museum No. 18.1557). As already mentioned the word has been
interpreted as Pavara meaning a cloak like drapery of monks. Pavara also means
a mango tree and the Prdvarika Vihdra under reference was another mango
monastery.67 The one by name Cutaka has already been discussed. It seems that
the word Prdvarika was very popular as it appears in different epigraphs. It is
also possible that the chief monastery of this name was at Maholl and its branches
were situated at different places. Thus there was one at Katra (Mathura Museum
No. KT.132) and curiously enough the fragments from a Ndgi image from
Girdharapur mound also bear this name (Mathura Museum No. 17.1316). This
mound has revealed a fragmentary Bodhisattva head with halo and another
Bodhisattva head (Mathura Museum No. 17.1310 and 17.1355 respectively). But
the reason for locating the headquarter of the Prdvarika Vihdra at Maholl is that
this spot has revealed some interesting Buddhist sculptures. The elegantly standing
colossal Bodhisattva (Mathura Museum No. 2798, fig. 95) is a remarkable
discovery. Near this image was also found an inscribed slab (38.2801) which refers
to another monastery known as Khanda Vihdra which existed in the Kusana period
as the slab is dated in year 92=170 A.D.
Saptarsi
Another Buddhist establishment of considerable significance at Mathura was

situated at Saptarsi mound which was a stronghold of the Sarvdstivddin sect. The
Lion Capital, now in the British Museum, London, is inscribed in the KharoshtI
characters and furnishes \erv useful information for the study of Buddhist church.
The gist of the document is that the relics of the Buddha were deposited, a lion
capital was erected and a monastery (Sanghdrdma) was built for the welfare of the
monks belonging to the Sarvastivddin faith. The other important point is the gift
of a monastery called Guhd Vihdra (Cave monastery) by Udaya a pupil of Buddha-
deva to Buddhila of Nagaraka in the time of Ksatrapa Sodasa the son of
Mahaksatrapa Rajula. The third revelation is the gift of some land to Acarya
67. Agrawala, V.S., Mathura Museum Catalogue, 1948, pp. 44-45.

Buddhila who had defeated the Mahasanghikas in arguments. The charity was
performed in the reign of Ksatrapa Sodasa. Salutatiod to Buddha, Dharma and
Sangha and also to the Sakas of Sakastan. The person performing this charity was
Kamuia, chief queen of Mahaksatrapa Rajula, daughter of Kharosta and mother of
Nada Diaka.68
The document indicates that the Saka rulers had faith in the Sarvdstivddin cult
and we know that their successors, Kusanas patronised the Mahasanghikas or
Mahayana sect. Another point is that there was sometimes much rivalry between
the two sects and one tried to defeat the other in canonical competitions and
Buddhila must have been a well known figure for such discussions among the
Sarvdstivddin scholars. This may be pointed out here that a life size female statue
of schist stone made in Gandhara style and discovered on the same spot (Mathura
Museum No. F.42) has often been interpreted as Kamuia or Kambojika under
whose patronage the charity under reference was accomplished.A beautiful
railpost (Mathura Museum No. 15.586) carved with different \arieties of full blown
lotus on both sides and the scene of the Jataka of the Worst Evil comes from the
same site. It should belong to the pre-Christian period.
Liiders in his list of Brahml Inscriptions refers to a large slab which mentions
Kakdtikd Vihara but the provenance is uncertain.70 One pedestal of a Buddha
image from Mathura but now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay
refers to a monastery known as Rosika Vihara/1
A stone slab incised with three lines in Kusana Brahml vvas acquired for the
Museum in 1914 near Gaughat well in the Mathura city (Mathura Museum
No. 14.461). The contents of the inscription are important for more than one reasons.
Firstly it mentions a monastery known as Siri Vihara and secondly it refers to the
Sammitiya teachers who were a sub-sect of the Theravadin monks. It is apparent
that the record was meant for Bodhisattva image which has been referred to in the
epigraph.7- Sometimes the inscription was incised on a separate stone and was not
written on the image itself. The same was the case of the colossal Bodhisattva
statue acquired from Maholi (Mathura Museum No. 38.2798).
Gokarnesvara in the northern out-skirts of Mathura is a potential site of Kusana

period. The image in worship appears to be a Kusana king. It must have been
the venue of the Buddhist activities in ancient time as several Buddhist sculptures
68 Mathura Museum No. 10.120, 15.514, 18.1557, 38.2798, 38.2799, 38.2801, 53.3650, 50.3520.
69. EL, Vol. IX, A/5., p. 19 and p. 83.
70. EL, Vol. X, Appendix No 140 on p. 24, also mentioned by Dowson in JRAS . . N.S., Vol. V,
p. 188, No. 28.
72. JBBRAS.j XX., p. 269.
72. Sahni, D.R., “Seven Inscriptions from Mathura”, El, XIX, p. 67.
have been acquired from this spot. Two small Buddha statues of Kusana period
were made over to the Museum when their heads were broken off by some
miscreants. These were worshipped as female deities under the name ‘NagarV and
Sagari (Mathura M useum 73.30 and 73.31). Other Buddhist figures from the sjte
are 47.3290 Buddha head, 43.3097 Buddha torso, 43.3095 Shin of Buddha figure,
43.3089 Right hand of the Buddha, 47.3268 Halo of an image, 20.1605 a square
pedestal representing life scenes of Buddha, all belonging to the Gupta period.
Trans Yamuna Sites
The Buddhist establishments were not confined to the Mathura city only but
some of them were situated in the interior also. As pointed out above, the Chinese
traveller Hiuentsang has mentioned that the monasteries stood on both the banks
of the Yamuna. This is corroborated by the antiquarian discoveries. Isapur situated
on the left bank, opposite Visramghata has revealed some Buddhist sculptures.
Mention may be made of H. 12, fig. 72, showing Lokapalas offering alms to the
Buddha. This is one of the earliest representations of the Buddha in human form.73
Mahaban was another point across the river where we can conjecture a Buddhist
shrine. Exhibit No. 36.2663 is a fine piece showing the worship of Buddha's halo.
Another exhibit No. 13.281 represents Buddha’s life events particularly the birth
and victory over Mara. Mahaban is an extensive site and many more pieces can be
discovered if area excavation is conducted.
Vrindaban which is as famous as Mathura among the devotees of Krsna also

possessed some Buddhist establishments in the Kusana period. This is vouchsafed
by several sculptures and architectural fragments which have come to light and
are displayed in the Mathura Museum. A fragment showing worship of Stupa by
two garland bearing Gandharvas (10.130) belongs to c. 1st century B.C. Two large
size Salabhanjika figures—lady under the tree—of Kusana period must have been
the part of some big railing of a Stupa (40.2887-88). The sculpture No. 10.119
is another citation of the same posture but in smaller size. The present author
had acquired a lower part of a Bodhisattva image (M.M. No. 74.26, fig. 88) with
a three line Kusana Brahml epigraph mentioning the installation of this image by
Senaka, the son of Siddhaka.
Existence of a Vihara named Uttar a Hdrusa is proved by an inscription on

one of the oldest Buddha images discovered by Gen. Cunningham at Anyor near
Govardhan. Another important Buddha figure from the same spot (Mathura
Museum No. A.65, fig. 109) is dated in the 51st year and is of great significance
to trace the development of Gandhara influence on Mathura and to frame the
chronology of the Buddha images.74 It was under worship as goddess Durga. A life
size head of the Buddha of Kusana period was another notable find from
73. Sharma, R.C., AfAfd., p. 38-39

74. The Scythian Penod, 1949, Chapter III, figure 39.
Anyor (A.32). A Buddha head of Kusana period (No. 42-43.3001) also came to
the Museum from Anyor in J943.
Sonkh which has attained an important position on the archaeological map
after the excavations conducted by H. Hartel from Berlin has provided two
Buddhist antiquities before expedition. One is a headless Bodhisattva statue record¬
ing Saka or Svaka Vihdra in the 23rd year of Kaniska (Mathura Museum No.
20.1602) discussed above and the other figure is a head with crown which can be
identified as Bodhisattva (No. 18.1534).
Lliders List of BrahmT Inscription records a Budhist image inscription of the

year 74 = 152 A.D. from Kaman. It refers to the gift of Sakyamuni Buddha image
in a convent captioned as Mihira Vihdra by the monk Nandika for Sarvdstivddin
Acaryas. So Kaman was the site of Mihira Vihdra and as discussed above the
conjecture to identify Mihiragriha as Mihira Vihdra at the site of Kankall is not
correct,75
There are many other spots which have yielded the Buddhist sculptures and
mention may be made of Bajna (near Mathura city), Sarai Azampur, Barsana,
Rawal, Ganeshra, Girdharpur etc. Several pieces were recovered from the Yamuna
bank.
Two interesting pieces were obtained from Rawal on the left bank of the
Yamuna. Of these one (17.1270) shows an elephant and a few letters in the
KharosthI script reading Sastakhadhatu’ (Sasta-oksha-dhatu) meaning The
collar bone relic of the Master’. The story as given in the Mahavamsa narrates
that Sumana, son of Asoka’s daughter, came to India from Ceylon to take some
holy relics of the Buddha as desired by the king. On his return to Ceylen the relic
vas carried out in a procession on a state elephant. This is the only piece outside
Ceylon representing this episode. The stone is not Mathura red sand stone and
seems to belong to some outside quarry. Moreover, the script used was also con¬
fined to the Gandhara region. The probability is that the sculpture was brought
from the Peshawar side (ancient Kaniskapur).
75. Luders List (No. 12), El.y Vol. X, Appeudix p. 12.

As the whereabouts of this documents are not known it is worthwhile to reproduce its texts
and translation as given by G. Buhler.
fas ISO V IT !o K ST'jf faSTW 3TPT
ww tjfw srlw faff* fksrk u Hi ^rf^r *rnfrri 7fork JTRrf'mr $

( ?r ) wr ^ i
‘Success’, in the year 74, the first (month of) summer, the fifteenth day—at that moment, a
statue of divine Sakyamuni (Sakyamuni, was set up as) the gift of the monk Nandika in the
MihiravihSra for the acceptance of the Sarvastivadin teachers, for the welfare and happiness
of (the donor’s) parents and of all creatures.’
£/., Vol. IF, p. 212.
Another find from the same place is an inscription (17.1271) with a four-line-
epigraph again in the KharosthI script. It is a copy of an inscription found at a
well from Shakradarra in the North western region (now in Pakistan). This forgery
or attempt to imitate an original record is an interesting case. Probably it was
some sort of a magic formula to get sweet water from the well. It must have
proven effective in case of Shakradarra well.76 Anyway, the discovery of the piece
from the left bank of the Yamuna strengthens the literary traditions and the
accounts that the stupas and monasteries stood on both sides of the river.
In the light of the above discussions we can conclude that Mathura was an
important Buddhist centre in pre and post Christian centuries and it flourished as
such upto the 6th century A.D. There were different sub-sects of Buddhism and
some of them had their independent monasteries and a few of these had different
branches also.
Archaeological finds have shed valuable light to reconstruct the history of
Buddhist church. It appears that in early days Sarvastivddlvns or Therdvadins or
Hmayanis exercised greater influence and they were patronised by the Saka rulers
also. Subsequently the fortune smiled in favour of Mahasdnghikas or Mahdydnis
who were encouraged by the Kusana kings and Mathura ushered into a metropolis
of India and probably the most important Buddhist centre.
The sites of Mathura have not been fully explored and excavated and many
more Buddhist pieces have yet to see the light of the day. These might prove of
great significance for a study of art and cultural history of India. During the recent
years the site of Govindnagar in the western outskirts of Mathura city has yielded
hundreds of Buddhist remains some of which are of outstanding value. One
pedestal of a Buddha image records a new monastery as ‘Viradatta Vihdra\ The_
antiquities present a variety of subjects and range in date from 1st century B.C. to
6th century A.D. One can frame a complete chronology of the Buddhist art of
Mathura on the basis of these finds. The issue would be discussed in detail in the
subsequent chapters.
Resume
Thus on the basis of literary traditions, accounts of foreign travellers and
archaeological finds we can conclude that efforts were made to spread the message
of the Buddha in Mathura region during the life of the Master himself although
not much success was achieved. Whether the Buddha visited the place or not is a
debatable point and the present author is not convinced with the arguments for¬
warded in the favour of the visit. It was Mahakatyayana who initiated to popularise
76. C//., II, pp. 49 and 161-62.

Another interesting point is that the find spot of these objects is wrongly mentioned in the
Museum records as Barsana the place of Radha’s father while her mother was born at Rawal
the provenance of these sculptures. It appears that Radha's association with both the place
confused the person who wrote the find at a subsequent date.
Buddhism but the real credit should go to Upagupta who gained the favour of
Emperor Asoka and converted innumerable people into Buddhism. But Mathura
could not become the stronghold of Buddhism untill the Kusanas came to the scene.
Kaniska favoured Buddhism and also made Mathura as an important seat of his
Empire. He patronised arts and artisans and a large number of Buddhist monuments
were built and hundreds of Buddhist images were installed in Mathura and its
vicinity.
The process continued in the reign of his successors and the archaeological finds
prove that there existed about forty Buddhist establishments in Mathura
region during Kusana and Gupta period. The Chinese pilgrims who visited India
between the fourth and seventh century A.D. also recognised Mathura as a great
centre of Buddhism, although during the late Gupta period it was losing the ground
and Brahmanism had started dominating again. The recent discoveries from
Govindnagar at Mathura support the view that Buddhism was quite popular here
upto the Gupta period and the erection of Buddhist monuments and installation of
the Buddhist images were considered to be very pious and sacred deeds.
The important sites in the Mathura region have been spotted in two maps i.e.
the map of the city and the map of the District.
SECTION II
Materials for the Study of Mathura Art
Chapter IV : HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGNS
Chapter V : RECENT DISCOVERIES FROM GOVINDANAGAR
Chapter VI : ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF MATHURA SCHOOL

OF ART
4
HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGNS
The glorious past of Mathura is richly corroborated by the antiquarian

remains unearthed from time to time in this region. Some of the spots have
emerged as mines of art treasures and there are many which have not yet revealed
their artistic grandeur. The archaeological potentiality of this area has been nicely
put up by Coomaraswamy.1 The riches of Mathura's past remained buried for
several centuries and the only source to unfold this mystery was literature, the
accounts of the foreign travellers or missioneries to Indian courts. The documents
are, however, either too exaggerated or too meagre to paint a clear picture of the
society of this region in different phases. Archaeology has helped us a lot in this
direction and except for certain dark patches it has now become possible not only
to verify the stock of events recorded in other sources but a comprehensive and
almost an undisrupted chronology atleast from the time of the Buddha and
Mahavlra i.e. from c. 5th century B.C. can also be framed. Since some of the
aspects have already been enumerated in detail while discussing the allied problems
in the Second Chapter it is proposed to draw an outline of the archaeological
researches in the Mathura region in brief.
Like many other great moments of archaeology, a chance discovery made by-
Stacy in 1836 put Mathura on the archaeological map of the sub-continent. The
finds consisted of the so called Silenus sculpture and a railing pillar with a lady
mounting on a dwarf and holding a cage with a bird.2 This event attracted the
attention of researchers in Indologv and they started exploring the sites of Mathura.
The Department of Archaeology was not yet born and it was for the individual
scholars to decide about the course of action in such cases.
The travel accounts of the Chinese pilgrims lured Gen. A. Cunningham to
make a first hand survey of the spot. As already discussed in Chapter three,
Mathura was a stronghold of Buddhism and the stupa of Sariputra was held in
L HJIA., p. 56.
2. The finds were originally made over to the Asiatic Society and arc now housed in the Indian
Museum, Calcutta. JASB., Vol. V, 1836, p. 567 and III.
great reverence, the perfumes were offered and the lamps were kept burning the
whole night. The grandeur and enthusiasm of the festivals and processions can be
judged from the fact that ‘the showers of flowers darkened the sun and moon.M The
traditions of depositing the nail of the Buddha in a monastery built by Upagupta,3 4
the story of a monkey associated with Buddha at Mathura etc. and several monas¬
teries were to be verified by Cunningham. He focusssed his attention on the site
of Kami which revealed numerous Buddhist remains.
About the topography and archaeological significance of Mathura Cunningham
observes, 'there are a great number of lofty earthen mounds around Mathura which
are covered with fragments of stone and brick. Nothing, however, is
known about them although everyone of them has a separate name. The numerous
fragments of stone which are found upon them show that they are not old brick¬
kilns, as might have been supposed from their vicinity to the city. Apparently,
they are natural mounds such as are found everywhere alongwith lower course of
the Jumna, and which have usually been taken advantage of for the sites of forts
or temples. . . .5 He opines that most of the mounds bear Brahmanical names but
the Ananda Tlla probably refers to the stiipa of Ananda and the Vinayaka Tila
reminds the stupa of Upali a teacher of Vinaya hence Vinayaka.
Cunningham’s archaeological explorations proved that the mosque at the site
of Katra Kesav Dev w as built after the destruction of the temple of Kesav Rai in
the reign of Aurangzeb. Some inscriptions recorded by the Hindu visitors to the
temple bear the incomplete portions of the year in Vikram Samvat e.g. 1713
(1656 A.D.) and 1720 (1663 A.D.) w;hich is five years later than the accession of
Aurangzeb. Tavernier had seen the temple intact in 1659 A.D. This proves that
the monument was standing in the beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb and that it
was destroyed sometime during his reign. The temple fragments were then used in
erecting the mosque. The Muslim architect cut the slabs according to his require¬
ments and relaid them at the proper place.’6
Cunningham's first sculptural discovery was a railing pillar found at Katra in

January 1853 showing a lady under a tree. He also found some capitals and
pillars in the surrounding area. A fragmentary inscription recording the genealogy
of Gupta kings upto Samudragupta was an important discovery.7 The whereabouts
of the pillar of capitals are, however, not known.8 In 1862 Cunningham resumed
his exploration on the Katra mound and found several interesting objects including
a door lintel carved on both sides representing the refectory of a monastery on
obverse and an architectural complex on the reverse (Mathura Museum No. M l).
3. ASRVol. I, p. 232.
4. fbid.,p. 233.
5. Ibid., p. 234.
6. Ibidpp. 235-36.
7. Fleet, J.F., Gupta Inscriptions, (CII), p. 26, No. 4.
8. ASR., Vol. I, p. 237 and Vol. Ill, p. 15 pi. 4 and 12A.
History of Archaeological Campaigns 11
The most important discovery of this year was a beautiful standing image
of the Buddha recording the year 230 (549-50 A.D.) installed by a nun Jayabhatta
in the monastery known Yasa Vihara. If the reading is accepted as 280 the
sculpture then belongs to the later part of the 6th century A.D. But we shall see at
the appropriate place, the year seems to be given in the Saka era hence it should be
dated in the year 230 plus 78 = 308 or 280 plus 78 = 350 A.D. The discovery of such
an important image suggests that the site of Katra was under the control of the
Buddhist church till the end of the 6th century A.D. and the Bhagavata temple
seen by Tavernier, Bernier and Manucci was put up subsequently. The image under
discussion is presently housed m the Lucknow Museum (No. B.10, hg. 134).9
When the mound of Jamalpur or Jail was levelled up for putting up the build¬
ing of the present Collectorate in 1860. the site revealed numerous architectural
fragments which are now seen in Mathura, Lucknow and Calcutta museums.
Growse records the number of pillar bases as thirty while Cunningham mentions
only fifteen.10 From the epigraphs on the pedestals we are informed of the existence
of a monastery known as Huviska VihdraH and a shrine dedicated to Dadhikarna-
nuga.1- A pedestal inscribed in the Gupta >ear 135 = 454-455 A.D. was also recovered
from here. The most remarkable find from the site of Jamalpur is more than life
size image of the Buddha an outstanding creation of the Mathura art and the glory
of Dinna. The sculpture now adorns the galleries of the Mathura Museum
(No. A.5, fig. 139).
In 1869 Bhagwan Lai IndrajT found the famous Lion Capital from Saptarsi
mound. It is inscribed in the Kharosthi script and records the erection of a
monastery Guild Vihdira, a Sanghdrdma, a stupa etc. at the instance of Kamuia the
Chief queen of Mahaksatrapa Rajula and mother of Sotjasa. The capital datable to
the 1st century B.C. was deposited in the British Museum, London.
Cunningham’s fourth achaeological campaign commenced in November 1971

and this time he selected Kankali and Chaubara mounds. At Kankall he recovered
some Jaina antiquities and from the nighbouring spot—Bhutesware he found a large
railpost which shows a lady with umbrella and a medallion depicting a strange
scene of an eyeward of an animal hospital.13 The letter incised over it has been read
bv Cunningham as the figure of hundred and according to him there must have been
one hundred railposts of this size in some Buddhist establishment. Vogel, however,
reads it as thirty.11 To the south of Bhuteswara Growse spotted eleven crossbars
9. T. Tavernier, Voyage % Pans, 1678, Vol. II, p. 71. Bernier. Voyage*, Amsterdam, 1699, Vol. It,
p. 76. Monucei, Stone do Mogor (trans Irvine) Vol. I, p. 298.
10. CAMM., 1910, p. 10.
11. £7., X., 1909-10, p. 112. No. 6. Lucknow No. B.3.
12. Agrawala, V.S., Mathurii, Museum Handbook, p. 3.
13. Sharma, R.C., MMA., 1976, p. 53.
14. Vogel’s CAMMp. 141 and footnote. Exhibit No. J I.
of railings at Balabhadrakunda at Bhuteswar some important and artistic railposts

were recovered. The Mathura Museum now displays two of such pillars; one (J.4)
represents a lady after bath on obverse and the episode of Vesantara Jdtaka on
the reverse; the other one (J.5) displays a lady with a mirror on front and some
Jdtaka narration including Vyaghri Jdtaka on the back. The railing pillars in the
Calcutta Museum show two beautiful damsels in a graceful and charming posture.
The curves and contours, the voluptuous bosoms and exaggerated hips are
indicative of their sensous nature. Even the dwarf under their feet feels happy and
enjoys the kicks of her delicate feet.
Exploring the series of about a dozen of mounds of Chaubara in 1871 Cun¬

ningham found a golden casket for relics but the relic was lost. From the other
mound a steatite vase for relics was picked up and this is now seen in the Calcutta
Museum. The third mound revealed a Persepolitan pillar capital depicting four
human faced animals with horns. This is to be seen in the Calcutta Museum
(No. M.14).15 The fourth mound of Chaubara chain consisted of fragments
of huge images.16
After Cunningham the Chaubara mounds were explored by Growse who found
a large Buddha head in Kapardin style but betraying some Egyptian features
(Mathura Museum No. A.27). The pedestal of Buddha image of 33rd year of
Huviska was also recovered from here (Lucknow Museum No. B.2). Other finds
included male and female figures, animals, decorated architectural fragments and a
few grotesque figures. The notable archaeological and artistic discovery was that of
a railpost depicting the young hermit Rsyasrnga in ecstasy and attitude of astonish¬
ment as seen through his fingers put on chin (Mathura Museum No. J.7). Between
Chaubara and Kankall mounds was unearthed the image of Parsva or Suparsva
with snake canopy over the head (Mathura Museum No. B. 26). The Yak$a with
large round head and big tummy was found on the border of Mathura—Maholl
and Pallkhera (Mathura Museum No. C.3). The second Bachanalian group showing
a pot bellied man enjoying drink on one side and his intoxicated helpless state on
the other was acquired from Pallkhera (Mathura Museum No. C.2). It is quite
possible that both the sculptures belonged to one monument. Growse also found
some pillar bases at Pallkhera and these were noticed after the interval of thirteen
feet. Their position suggests the existence of some temple or a similar monument
on the spot some inscriptions which were badly misused fora building or culvert
were also recovered. Mention may be made of the epigraph recording year 50 in
the reign of Huviska (Mathura Museum No. B.29 and P,22). Growse obtained
a Naga image from Kukargaon (Mathura Museum No. C.15).
Frequent discovery of antiquarian remains from Mathura region posed a

problem of their safe custody and maintenance. None bothered to preserve them
15. ASR., Ill, p. 18, pi. 3.

16. CAMM., p. 54, Mathura Museum No. A.24.
and their fate was at the mercy of the excavator or on an officer interested in them.
This resulted in the loss of hundreds of good specimens of Mathura art. When
Mr. F.S. Growse took over as Collector of the District he gave a serious thought to
check the outflow of antiquities. Being an archaeologist and a scholar himself he
explored several sites and acquired numerous objects. He also felt the necessity of
housing the available objects at one place and for this he found an unused guest
house near the Collectorate building. A museum was started here in 1874. It was
later shifted to the present building in 1930.17 The Museum, however, could not
gain the favour of Cunningham and when he visited Mathura in March 1882 he
sent several sculptures to Calcutta from Mathura. Of these, mention may be made
of the sculpture wrongly identified as Herakles strangling the Nemaean lion.18
Similarly a pillar bearing the Mauryan Brahmi script read by Cunningham as
4Amogha rakhitave-dandm' was acquired from Arjunpura locality but it was sent
out somewhere and the Museum wras deprived of the earliest inscription from this
region. A Jina image bearing year 62 and unearthed from Rani kl mandl in
Mathura city was also presented by Cunningham to Calcutta Museum (M.12).19
The Mathura Museum was, however, able to retain another Jina image of the year
57 from SItlaghatl (B.15).
A vast archaeological campaign in the last century at Mathura was undertaken

by A. Fiihrer at the site of Kankall in the years 1888-91. This resulted in the discovery
of hundreds of images and architectural fragments, mostly Jaina in character and
ranging in age from about second century B.C. to the 12th century A.D. The
antiquarian wealth proves the existence of atleast two Jaina stupas at Kankall.
Some of the inscribed pedestals are valuable documents to study the contemporary
society and specially the organisation of the Jaina church at Mathura. These
antiquities were removed enbloc to Lucknow Museum as Dr. Fiihrer was the
Curator there and nobody was at Mathura to look after the interest of the local
Museum after Mr. Growse’s transfer from the District. But this excavation was far
from being scientific and authentic records of digging were not prepared simultan¬
eously. Subsequently Dr. V.A. Smith published a monograph of the excavated
material.20 These antiquities from Kankall have made Lucknow Museum another
centre to study the Mathura School of art. Beside Kankall, many more objects
excavated at Mathura were made over to Lucknow Museum and Dr. Vogel has
expressed much regret on this.21
Fiihrer resumed his work in 1896 and made Katra mound as the target of his
expedition. His description of the site is of much significance to grasp the nature of
17. Sharma, op. cit., pp. 12-14.

18. IMC Cat., Part I, p, 190, No. M.I7.
19. JASB. (New Senes)., V., No. 7, 1909, p. 239 and IMC Cat,, I, p. 185.
20. ASR., XX., Jain Stupa etc., 1900.
21. CAMM., p. 17.
the spot. He writes, ‘With the sanction of the Local Government, Rs. 380/- were
spent partly on ‘prospecting operations’ in the large Katra mound, which is believed
to conceal the ruins of Kesava Dev’s ancient temple, destroyed by Aurangzeb in
A.D. 1669, and partly on diggings in some unexplored portions of the Kankall
Tlla, which mound in former years had furnished numerous Jaina sculptures and
epigraphical documents.
The Katra is an oblong brick enclosure, built like a Sarai, measuring 404 feet
in length and 653 in breadth. In its centre is a raised terrace, 72 feet long and 86
feet broad, upon which stands Aurangzeb's Masjid, occupying its entire length, but
only 60 feet of its breadth, about 5 feet lower is another terrace measuring 286 feet
by 268. into the pavements of which are let some short votive inscriptions, dated
Samvat 1713 and 1720, corresponding to A.D. 1656 and 1663. At the back of the
Masjid. and running at right angles to it for a distance of about 163 feet, may be
traced the plinth of some old brick sub structure, which according to the popular
belief, marks the ground floor of the sanctum of the once famous and imposing
temple of Kesava visited and described by the French travellers Tavernier (1650)
and Bernier (1663). About 50 paces to the north west of this plinth I dug a trial
trench, 80 feet long, 20 feet broad and 25 feet deep in the hope of exposing the
foundations and some of the sculptures of this ancient Kesava temple. However,
none of the hoped for Brahmanical sculptures and inscriptions were discovered,
but only fragments belonging to an ancient Buddhist stupa. At depth of 20 feet 1
came across a portion of the circular procession — path leading round this stupa.
On the pavement, composed of large red sand stone slabs, a short dedicatory
inscription was discovered, according to which this stupa w'as repaired in samvat 76
by the Kusana king Vasiska unfortunately, I was unable to continue the work and
lay bare the whole procession—path, as the walls of the brick sub-structure,
adjoining the Masjid, are built right across the middle of this stupa."1-
The last mentioned epigraph is of great significance as it records Vasiska in the

year 76. This means that this Vasiska was different from the successor of Kaniska.
But the inscription under reference was never reproduced and nothing is known
about the real contents and palaeography of the document. Thus it took 44 years
from Cunningham's first visit in 1853 to Filhrer’s last expedition in 1896 to
conclude the chain of archaeological campaign at Katra.
After a lull of about fourteen years Pt. Radha Krishna, Honorary Assistant
Curator and later Honorary Curator of Mathura Museum started the collection of
antiquities for the Museum at mass scale in 1909. Meanwhile, Dr. J.Ph. Vogel
rendered commendable service in bringing out the Catalogue of the Mathura
Museum in 1910. He not only classified and studied the objects but also managed
22. ASR , 1906, pp. 1-2 and also reproduced in CAMM., pp. 17-18.
History of Archaelogical Campaigns 81
to bring back several important sculputures which were sent out of Mathura by the
excavators and were lving neglected at different places. Vogel’s efforts served a
great cause to consolidate the position of Mathura Museum and also to install the
Mathura School of art among some of the noble art conventions of the world.
Later in 1912 Radha Krishna excavated the Itokarl mound at Mat and
unearthed the important royal portraits of Wema Kadphises, Kaniska and Castana.
These statues speak of a unique contribution of Mathura School of Art towards the
development of sculptural art of India. For the study of political, social and
economic conditions of the Kusana period society and also to have a grasp of
Scythian traits percolated in Indian art, these images are of much interest.-'3 Their
drapery, ornaments, traditions etc. were imitated for several centuries in India, at
least upto the dawn of the Gupta empire as we notice the early Gupta kings on
their coins, dressed in buttoned coat and trousers. This Central Asian impact is
seen on some gods and goddesses also. The early sun images carved in Mathura
studio look like Kusana kings.-4 The fashion being much prevalent in the northern
part of the country owing to greater movements of Scythians and Kusanas was
known as UdJcya Vesa, i.e. Northern Fashion. The roval portraits of Mat are the
best examples of this style. The statues also suggest the might and prowess of the
ambitious Kusana rulers by way of their impressive delineation.-5
Radha Krishan also added about 600 sculptures through his vigorous
campaigns of cleaning the wells in Mathura town and the adjoining region. These
finds added rich variety of deities which were carved in different periods and their
study, to trace the origin and development of various pantheons at Mathura is of
utmost significance. While no thorough archaeological campaigns were undertaken,
the sites like rich mines continued to reveal stray art treasures. Interesting finds
include some terracotta panels of the Gupta period from the bed of the Yamuna.
Their discovery hints to the possibility of the erection of a Saiva or Vaisnava temple
by the Gupta rulers who were the staunch followers of Brahmanism and particularly
the Bhagavatism. The epigraphs recording the names of the Gupta kings have also
been unearthed at Mathura and the remarkable discovery being an octagonal pillar
(Mathura Museum No. 29.1931) with square base and top carved with a big trident
Trisuia—and a corpulent figure with a third eye on the forehead, holding a shaft in
the right hand. The pillar points to the fact that Mathura was a stronghold of the
Lakulisa cult of Saivism. The inscription informs that Uditacarva set up two
Sivalingas, Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara in the 61st year of the Gupta era
corresponding to 380 A.D. Another notable point about this object is that it was
recovered from the site near the famous Siva temple Rangesvara.-6
23. DAK., Ch. VI.

24. The sun image in Mathura Museum No 12.269 is a typical specimen.
25. Sharma, R.C., “Kusana Royal Portraits (Hindi)*', BMA., No. 11-12, June-Dee., 1973,
pp. 21-29.
26. Sharma, R.C., MM A., pp. 71-72.
After the publication of the first catalogue of the Museum by Dr. J.Ph. Vogel
in 1910 there was an immense growth of collection and Dr. V.S. Agrawala, an
eminent Indologist who was fortunately associated with this Museum as Curator
in thirties prepared catalogue in four parts, published in different issues of the
Journal of the Uttar Pradesh Historical Society from 1948 to 1951. These were
classified as :
1. Buddha and Bodhisattva Images, J.U.P.H.S., 1948.

2. Brahmanical Images in Mathura Art, J.U.P.H.S., 1948.
3. Jaina Tlrthahkaras and other miscellaneous figures, J.U.P.H.S., 1950, and
4. Architectural pieces, J.U.P.H.S., 1951.
The last volume incorporated railing pillars, coping stones, cross bars, Torana
architraves and brackets, stupas, lion figures, miscellaneous architectural pieces and
inscriptions.
The scheme carried over Dr. Vogel's descriptions and also introduced new
objects acquired upto 1939, the last year of Dr. Agrawal’s tenure as Curator. These
catalogues have been of great significance for scholars, working on Indian art,
iconography and archaeology.
Ka(rd Excavation
In 1953 M. Venkat Ramayya and Vallabh Saran of the Archaeological Survey

of India conducted the first systemetic excavation at the Katra site. But this small
scale excavation was confined to the limited area. Besides, rich literary traditions,
the frequent discovery of coins, terracottas, inscriptions and sculptures, the
occupancy of the Northern Black Polished Ware and a few sherds of the Painted
Grey Ware at the site tempted the excavators to know a complete cultural sequence.
They were also attracted by two rings of mud-ramparts one elhptically shaped and
the other quadrangular suggesting citadel. While the report of this excavation is
not yet out, a brief note appeared in the Indian Archaeology 1954-55, A review
pages 15-16.
They laid a small trench at a distance of about 500 feet to the north of the
superimposed mosque or Idgah of Aurangzeb. The natural soil was touched at a
depth of 42 feet and their last point was the portion of earth composed of hard clay
and kankar bands. A few sherds of hand made pottery were noticed here. No
fragment of Painted Grey Ware was found from the layers although some pieces
were collected as surface finds. This was probably due to the fact that only a
limited portion was selected for excavation. The six feet deposit above the natural
soil revealed Plain Grey Ware and Polished Black Ware pottery, resembling the
Hastinapur variety. The N.B.P. was conspicuous by its complete absence. The
other antiquities included terracotta discs, balls, beads, a boat-shaped bird and
perforated pottery. On the ground of a comparative study with the finds of other
sites the period of these early items from Katra site has been fixed as the 6th
century B.C.
The next phase was distinguished by the occurance of the Northern Black
Polished Ware and in the chronological sequence it can be divided into three
periods. The earliest remains include bamboo and reed huts with meagerly baked
bricks, bone styli or needles, carnelian amulets and beads. The terracotta objects
represented grey mother goddesses and animals including a dog in red colour. The
ringwells were also given the same period. The next group of finds is characterised
by square copper coins and cylindrical terracotta, beads, ear ornaments, etched
carnelian beads, copper antimony rods, grey terracotta figurines of mother goddess
with appliquely treated girdle and elephant figurines with lozenge shaped eyes and
bodies decorated with punched, stamped or notched circlets and enormous tusks
with gorgeons head-dresses and monkeys with three legs, possibly serving some
religious purpose, were mostly in red but sometimes in grey colour.27 These figures
are the products of oneside mould. No complete plan of a house has come to
light but well laid—out walls, drains and ring—wells suggest a high degree of
planning. This phase has been assigned to the end of the second century B.C.
The site was deserted for some time and the ringwells were sealed. The third
is typified by a large variety of bead of crystal, agate, carnelian, lapislazuli,
jasper, shell, faience, bone dice, copper coins some belonging to the Kusana
period, stone caskets and a turquoise blue glazed finial. Such finials have been
unearthed from the excavations at Sonkh and have been assigned to the 1st century
B.C. This will be discussed subsequently.
The fourth phase assignable from 100 A.D. to 350 A.D. is to be identified by
the terracotta figurines of dwarfs produced through double mould process. The fifth
and the last period belongs to the Gupta period as evidenced by coins, terracotta,
sealings, Naigamesa, elephant and horse riders.28 It is rather unfortunate that the
report of this small scale excavation of one of the most important sites of the
Northern India has not yet been published. Such a publication would have been
of considerable significance for dating the large number of antiquarian remains
which are unearthed from Mathura quite of and on.
Thirty eight sculptures saw their way to the Mathura Museum in July 1954
when Sri K.D. Vajpevi (later Professor) was the Curator. These were unearthed as
a result of levelling and digging of the Katra site for renovating the birthplace of
Lord Krsna and were made over to the Museum by the Janmabhumi Trust. Some
other objects which were casually picked up by others from Katra site were also
acquired. The finds include terracottas from Mauryan to Gupta periods, a few
brick panels with creeper design and several Brahmanical objects ranging from
27. Indian Archaeology, 1954-55, A Review, p. 16.

28. Ibid.
Gupta to early Medieval age. The number of fragments of Visnu figures is quite
considerable and this suggests that a big Vaisnava or Bhagavata complex once stood
on the site.29 Vajpeyi also conducted a small scale excavation at different sites and
acquired some antiquities for the Museum. A casually found Buddha head
(No. 49.3510) is one of the best citations of the classical art of the Gupta period.30
Its provenance is Camunda site which has exposed several other valuable art pieces
on different occasions.
Sonkh Excavations
A large archaeological expedition at Sonkh, about 22 km. to north west of

Mathura was undertaken by Dr. Herbert Hartei, Director of Indian Art Museum,
Berlin and Professor in Free University. The work commenced in the year 1966,
continued for eight years and was wound up in 1974. The excavators looked for
an undisturbed site and they chose the lofty mound just at the northern outskirts of
village Sonkh. It was known as the Garhl (fortress) of a Jat chief Hati Singh who
was a contemporary of Suraj Mai and Jawahar Singh of Bharatpur in the 18th
century. In the 19th century the site was very large measuring about two lac sq.
mt. as mentioned by F.S. Growse31 but by the time the excavation was undertaken
it was reduced to 750)0 sq. mt. including the surrounding fields. The report of
this excavations will be out in due course but the main features have been discussed
by Prof. Hartei in his preliminary report and our information is based on it32 and
also on the basis of our close association with the campaign for more than five years.
As the Sonkh excavations were conducted on advanced scientific pattern and the
method of documentation was also precise, their results will bear greater impact on
framing the chronology and stylistic study of the remains, so far recovered from
various sites of the region. It is therefore desirable to mention this campaign in
somewhat detail.
Digging vertically from top to bottom, the excavators found 40 layers of the
whole deposit (fig. 3). The sequence is as follows :
1-5 Jat, 6-7 Islamic, 8-11 late to early Medieval, 12-13 post Gupta, 14-15
Gupta, 16-22 Kusana, 23-26 pre Kusana to post Sunga, 27-28 late Sunga, 29-30
middle Sunga, 31-32 early Sunga, 33-34 Maurya, 35-36 pre and early Maurya, 37-40
Painted Grey and Black and Red Ware periods.
All these layers have revealed some material which is representative of a

particular age. The Jat period is typified by cannon balls of iron and stone
29. The description of items from Katra site from SI. No. 3795 to 3801, 3807 to 3861, 3880, 3884
and 3888 was published in the Annual Report on t/te working of the Archaeological Museum,
Mathura for the year ending March 31, 1955, pp. 5-10.
30. MM Ap. 68, fig. 62.
31. Mathura—District Memoir, 3rd Edition (henceforth MDM), 1883, p. 383,
32. Hartei, H., GSI., II, pp. 70-99.
suggesting a fierce battle and also the cause of the destruction of the fortress. The
event was preceded by Mughal occupation as gathered by the presence of some
coins of Shahjahan, Akbar and Shershah Surl besides very fine quality of thin
glazed procelain and a few glass and shell objects.
In the lower levels we get the spouted jars with floral motifs and some thin
small grey stone plaques carved with Brahmanical deities particularly Surya and
Visnu. These can be dated in the late medieval period (c. 9th to 12th century A.D.).
The mud fortress of Hati Singh had its foundation on some brick structure of late
phase of medieval age (c. 15th century A.D.). The deeper layers reveal the objects
of early medieval time (c. 7th-10th century), characterised here by the pottery
marked with geese pattern and geometrical and floral motifs. The site appears to
have been neglected during the Gupta era (c. 4th-6th century A.D.) as the
contemporary remains are few and far between. A double rimmed Handle an
incense burner and a fragmentary terracotta brick plaque with crocodile and
human foot (probably conveying the presence of Gaiiga) are some notable
specimens. A clay seal reading Sur\agupta or Arvagupta in the Gupta Brahmt
script, leaves a riddle for identification.
Continuing digging in the lower stratas the excavators reached the Kusana
levels consisting of some brick pavements and structures. Horizontal expansion of
the trenches to know the exact nature and behaviour of these structures, gradually
exposed Kusana dwelling with several small rooms built of almost uniform large
sized bricks measuring 36x24x6 cms. Besides, an apsidal shrine was the most
significant discovery in this area. The position of its walls indicates that it was
begun in the early Kusana era (late 1st century A.D.) and rebuilt in the third
century A.D. A circumambulation path was also provided with it. It is a happy
co-incidence that a stone stele bearing a figure of a seated Matrka (Mother Goddess)
was also recovered from the shrine. The place being the earliest reminiscent of a
Hindu temple is a remarkable achievement of the Sonkh excavations.
The date of these structures is based on some very positive evidence. A vase
containing 120 copper coins from the reign of Vasudeva I to Kaniska III is a
notable discovery from these layers and we can safely assign a period of this Kusana
settlement from late second century to early 3rd century A.D. This can be said
with certainty that the residents of this ancient colony were the followers of
Brahmanism (Hinduism) as evident from several small statuettes of Visnu, Skanda,
Kubera, Mahisasuramardinl, Durga and Mother Goddesses. The cult of Skanda,
Kartikeva and Matrka seems to have been more popular. The pottery of this period
includes spouted jar and other vessels with stamped decoration of floral and
auspicious motifs like Nandydvarta and Svastika.
Discovery of some bronze figures from the Kusana layers was of high magnitude.
•One is almost a square plaque depicting a divine couple, the male with bowl in his
left hand and his lion or cat faced spouse holding a child to her left side. The right
arms of these figures are raised in the attitude of protection (Abhayamudra). Other
small plaque represents young Kartikeya? with a long spear. A few years later was
revealed a high cup with lid. We are informed by the literary traditions that when
Mahmud Ghaznavi invaded over Mathura he took away several gold and silver
statues with him. But an archaeological evidence to assent the prevalence of
metallic icons in early period was hitherto wanting. This may also be pointed out
that these are the earliest bronze figures of this region and are the oldest, Brahmani*
cal bronzes in India. Their discovery from the regular layers is an event of
considerable significance.
An interesting find was a tympanum piece carved on both sides with the human
faced Garuda quelling a three hooded cobra. A similar fragment acquired by the
Mathura Museum from the neighbouring hamlet Joglpura, showed a human form
of Garuda climbing a hillock. These architectural fragments encouraged the team
to locate the site of the building which could be the possible source of such casual
finds. Their attention was caught by a spot, lying at a distance of about 400
metres to the north of the main excavation site, from which the villagers frequently
recovered the old bricks. A small shrine for a large Naga deity of Kusana period
locally known as Camardevi is also standing on the top. The guess proved to be
correct and the exposure of this small mound resulted in great success.
It revealed an old apsidal shrine with distinct phases. The earlier one, on the
firm basis of mud bricks of 42 and 48 eras, and roof tiles as found in the
Suryamitra level at the main site, has been dated in the first half of the first century
B.C. while the second one standing above the same foundation and distinguished
by the remains of fifteen round brick pillars was built in c. 100 A.D., i.e. the
Kaniska era. The finds repeatedly display serpent figures or their anthropomorphic
representations hence the shrine has been correctly identified as an abode of the
Naga deity and as such it is the earliest Naga temple in India. The four sided
Naga figure in the modern shrine may be conjectured as the presiding deity of the
old temple.
The small mound of Camardevi ushered as a rich mine of Mathura School of

Art revealing some of the wonderful creations of early plastic art of India. A lintel
piece probably exhibitting the court of a Naga King (fig. 9) represents him with a
canopy of seven serpent hoods majestically sitting on a couch (throne) and fastening
a long turban which is being presented to him by a group of four children forming
the part of the delegation to his court. A lady with the equal number of snake
hoods in the canopy over her head occupies a place to his right side with equal
grace and elegance. She has stretched her right arm towards a young lady who,
facing the delegation and putting on a single hooded snake scalp, holds a small
necklace type beaded ornament. To the left side of the king are seen two female
and three male attendants each marked with a snake hood on top. The first female
attendant holds a flywhisk and the other a royal umbrella with a long shaft. The
three male figures wearing long bulging scarfs are seen with folded hands.
In view of the commanding position of the lady Dr. Hartel refuses her to
accept as wife of the Naga king and opines that the royal Naga pair represents
Nagaraja Vasuki and his sister Jaratkaru. The present author, however, thinks that
the lintel depicts some important ceremony in the court of the Naga king as is
evident by the gifts brought by the guests, one of them holding a flask of water
probably for anointment (Abhiseka or sarhkalpa), the depiction of flywhisk and a
royal umbrella (chattra). In this case the lady is none else than the queen
(Rdjamahisf). There are certain rituals or ceremonies when the wife is given a
venerable position. Whatever may be the interpretation of the scene it is a superb
specimen of Kusana art of Mathura.
The other sculpture of high degree of workmanship is a Sdlabhanjikd figure i.e.

a young lady standing on a postrate dwarf and holding the branch of a tree with
her right arm and the left hand held akimbo wearing different ornaments and
diaphanous drapery, she presents a real beauty form through her charming
physique and graceful posture. Her association with the Naga family is ascertained
by a serpent hood in her anklet. The figure served as a bracket to join the lintel
with doorjamb (fig. 10).
Other remarkable pieces include a fragmentary coping showing a man bearing

a Nagahood and coming out of the wide open jaws of a fish—tailed crocodile. I
am of the opinion that the sculpture symbolically represents some critical moments
of the Naga dynasty which it was able to overcome at last. Yet another beautifully
chiselled fragment displays a fish-tailed elephant (Jalebha) holding two stalked
lotus buds in his half upraised trunk. It is a happy and welcome gesture.
The excavators from the main site unearthed several interesting objects of
Kusana period viz, hollowed terracotta plaque with acrobatic scene, amorous
couple, a round plaque representing a lion crushing the boars etc.
Going further deep they recovered some coins of Ksatrapa and Mitra kings.
At this juncture the excavation became more interesting from the point of view of
fixing a chronology of \arious kings in the pre-Christian era. The finds indicate
that the Kusanas were preceded by the Ksatrapas and Dattas (Ramadatta). Then
we have names of Brahmamitra, Visnumitra, Suryamitra and Gomitra. These
Mitra kings are placed between 120 B.C. and 20 B.C. Thus the Sonkh excavations
shed valuable light on the possibility of a dynasty of Mitra rulers in this region.
Beside coins we have some other interesting finds from the 2nd-Ist Century B.C.
layers and mention may be made of a terracotta model of a house with three
rooms, different types of terracotta votive tanks, human figurines in grey colour, a
seal reading Nandikarasa in Brahmi letters and a silver punch marked coin.
The votive tanks are representatives of cult worship and must have served as
moving or portable shrines. These terracotta vessels were filled with water. Clay
lamps were put at regular intervals on rim and the birds were pearched, water crea¬
tures like fish, fiog or snake were shaped in relief on the surface. Sometimes a pillar
with a lotus capital was projected in the centre. Another votive tank shows seven
females (Mdtrkds) sitting on the bottom and each earning a bowl. H. Harte!
thinks that the purpose must have been the worship of Saptdmatrkds or Astamdtrkds
who received offering in the bowl on the lap. As the object comes from the last
phase of 1st century B.C. layer the prevalence of Saptdmatrkd worship should be
admitted to be so early. It is therefore an interesting discovery.
The Mauryan layers are represented by a few shining black polished pottery
pieces (N.B.P.). Fragmentary grey colour terracottas representing Mother
Goddesses, have also been picked up. Similarly a miniature copper Trisula is a rare
find. The lower levels revealed Black and Red Ware beginning from about the 4th
century B.C. and continuing with the Painted Grey Ware which is the earliest type
of ceramic from Sonkh. This is a fine quality of grey pottery with black pigments
and the earliest variety is datable to 8th-9th century B.C. Below is seen the
natural soil which is devoid of any human remains.
About the dating of the earliest levels the following remark of the excavator is
significant : ‘The natural soil had been reached in Sonkh in four cutting lying far
apart from each other. At all these spots the earliest levels of settlements were
marked through more or less numerous fragments of Painted Grey and Black and
Red Ware....Two charcoal samples found at different places in levels 39 or 38
yielded radio carbon dates of 620 and 575 B.C. As no charcoal was found in the
deeper and higher Painted Grey Levels, i.e. in 40 and 37, we must consider these
dates as indicating the middle of the period in question. Even at a generously
hypothetical assumption of 200 years towards each side of the middle date, we do
not come to any time older than 800 B.C. for the beginning of the Painted Grey
settlement at the old Sonkh.’33
While no positive evidence seems to be coming forth to set aside the chronic
dispute of the Kusana chronology, the Sonkh excavation indirectly suggests the date
of the accession of Kaniska as the end of the 1st Century A.D. Hartel remarks,
‘Not-with-standing theory one may follow in dating Kaniska I, after Sonkh there is
no justification of placing him in the second or even in the third century A.D.’34
The antiquarian wealth unearthed from the excavations at Sonkh were

deposited in the Mathura Museum in 1974 and important objects are to be seen in
the galleries. A few items were made over to the Excavation Party for permanent
exhibition in the Indian Art Museum, Berlin.
33. Ibid., p. 78.

34. Ibid., p. 85.
Excavations by Archaeological Survey
Immediately on or just before the winding up of the Sonkh excavations the

Archaelogical Survey of India started the excavations on different sites in the
Mathura city. It was taken up by the Excavation Branch II of the A.S.I. under
the supervision of M.C. Joshi. The sequence is as under :
Period I. From c. 6th century B.C. to the closing decades of the 4th century B.C.
Main pottery is Painted Grey Ware but upper layers have overlapping
with N.B.P.
Period II. From closing decades of the 4th century B.C. to c. 200 B.C. Main
pottery is N.B.P. associated with Plain Grey Ware.
Period III. From c. 200 B.C. to about the end of the 1st century B.C. the last phase
of N.B.P. with completely moulded terracotta plaques.
Period IV. From 1st century A.D. to 3rd century A.D. distinguished by sprinklers,
stamped pots, incense burners, jars pots, handles etc.
Period V. C. 4th and 5th century A.D. Red Ware.
Further periods could not be ascertained due to much disturbed conditions of

the sites but the traces of later deposits are met with. The excavations were
conducted at Kankall, Ambrlsha, Mahavidya, Hath! Tila, Camunda, etc. The main
intention was to trace the development of the township of Mathura. The report
records, ‘The excavations have also thrown some light on the development of the
township from a village of Period I in the northern part of the present town around
Ambrish Jlla. A fortification of mud, now known as Dhulkot, was raised around
the township in Period II. In Period III the city wall lost its utility, but in Period
IV, it was revived, enlarged and repaired. During the same period some sort of an
inner mud enclosure or fortification of much smaller size was also built inside the
walled town/35
We do not know whether it is safe to call Mathura a village in Period I i.e. in

the Pre-Mauryan period when it was the capital town of the Suresena territory in
the Janapada period (6th-5th century B.C.) It had earned a good reputation as a
textile centre by the time of Arthasastra.36 Hence the conclusions drawn by
excavators should not be taken as final and convincing.
The mystery of the so called terracotta ring wells appears to have found a
solution after the excavation at Ambrish. In almost every trench were found more
than one ringwells. If these served as water wells there was no need to have so
many wells at one spot. The only purpose which seems to have been served by
these ring wells was sanitation or a refuse pit or soak pit.
35. Indian Archaeology, 1975-76, A Review, pp. 53-54.

36. Joshi, M.C. and Margabandhu, C., “Some Terracottas from Excavations at Mathura”, A
Study, J1SOA, No. VIII, pp. 16-17.
The site of Kankall which revealed hundreds of Jaina sculptures during the last
century was retried and luckily a fine water tank made of Kusana period bricks and
reinforced by stone slabs at places was exposed. There is a slope or ramp on one
side which was probably used by the cattle for drinking water. A stone slab
recording year five of the reign of Kaniska was also found inside this tank. We are
aware of the fact that there was a well established tradition of erecting tanks, wells,
assembly halls and gardens. These deeds are recorded in various epigraphs
engraved on stone slabs and pedestals of Buddhist, Jaina and royal statues.37
Among the objects excavated by the Archaeological Survey, the terracotta

figurines are of greater interest, more so because these have been properly stratified
and studied. No terracotta is reported from the lower levels of Period I but the
upper layers have yielded hand made animal and bird figures. Period IJ i.e. the
Mauryan period according to the excavators marks a stage of transition from
ruralism to urbanism. The terracotta types are animals with decorative circlets and
incised strokes. Deer, horse, dog, boat-shaped bird with flattish tail, elephant, and
monkey figures are noteworthy. Mother goddesses and male figures appear in
different types. Head is seen pressed by mould and the rest of the body is by
hand. Period IIJ i.e. the Sunga period terracottas included complete moulded
plaques of male or females or representing both on one plaque in amorous pose —
Dampatl or Mithuna, toy cart etc.
Period IV i.e. Kusana period terracottas are characterised by moulded face and
hand-made body, glazing and figures of Ndgas, Yaksas, Vdmanakas (dwarfs), mother
and child etc.
Period V i.e. Gupta period has not left much remains of terracottas probably
due to the disturbance in the upper layers. But even a little quality speaks of the
classical touch. The figures are now slim and more impressive, suggesting an over
all serenity and grace as we notice in the stone sculptures of this age.38
The cultural material revealed from these scientific excavations generally
confirm the traditional dating based on the stylistic and comparative study. The
Sonkh excavations have also led us almost to the same direction.
It is worthwhile to record the discovery of a hoard of sixteen Pre-historic

copper implements from Sadabad Sub-Division of Mathura District. It wasrecieved
by the State Museum, Lucknow as Treasure Trove in 1970. The variety represents
Bat axes with slightly expanded edges and resemble with those found at Gungeria.
These are grouped in four categories on the basis of their measurements.39 One is
18 X 10 ems second is 20 X 11 ems, third is 19 x 10 ems and fourth measures above
2IXabove 11 ems. Hitherto only one copper implement was reported by
37. Statue of Wema Kadphisis Mathura Museum No. 12.215, fig. 7 and New inscriptions from
Mirjapur No. 79.29, fig. 6.
38. For a detailed study see JISOAop. cit.
39. Srivastava, A.K„ BMA., No. 11-12, Dec. 1973, Mathura Museum Centenary Issue, p, 41.
Cunnigham from the Chaubara mound in last century but it was unfortunately lost
soon. Four of the newly acquired copper axes preserved in the Mathura Museum
also.40
One of the recent discoveries of great significance is the discovery of palaeoli¬

thic tools by the present author and R.B. Joshi of Poona in 1975. This indicates
the presence of pre-historic man in this region earlier than 50000 B.C. Hence
Mathura now very well figures as an important centre for the interest of the pre¬
historians. The tools were found from the Govardban ridge and now displayed in
Museum gallery.41
A major salvage expedition of antiquarian remains was undertaken by the
present author with the assistance of the Mathura Museum staff in the year 1976-77
at the site of Govindnagar near the Bhuteshwar Railway in the western quarters of
Mathura city. But this interesting compaign will be discussed separately in the next
chapter while highlighting the important art treasures revealed from the site.
In December 1979 the Sri Krsna Janmabhumi Trust passed a resolution to
transfer its antiquarian collection to the Mathura Museum. This has further
enriched its grand repository. The new acquisition includes some important sculp¬
tures from Kusana to Mughal periods. An exquisitely carved doorjamb with a
small figure of Ganga on Makara is one of the finest sculptures of the Gupta period.
Of the same age is the figure of Varaha and a screen with rosette decoration. The
architectural fragments of the Mughal period remind of a temple which was put up
by VIra Singh Bundeia of Orcha in the reign of Jahangir. A beautiful red sand
stone figure of seated Laksmi holding a stalked lotus in the left hand was stolen
from the temple site probably in 1966 but was acquired by the Museum in 1980
through the good offices and Prof. H. Hartel of Berlin (Mathura Museum No. 80.2).
An important discovery in the vicinity of the site of Govindnagar is an inscribed
pedestal of the Buddha image (Mathura Museum No. 82.240, fig. 169) recording
the year 161 in the reign of Budhagupta (480 A.D.).4:
This is the brief outline of the history of the archaeological campaigns in

Mathura region from 1836 to 1979. This land is a mine of art objects and every
year it yields some art treasure hence the history of archaeological activities in
Mathura can never be called final and uptodate.
40. Sharma, MM A., p. 21, Museum No. 75.33 and 75.34.

41. Tbid., p. 20.
42. Thaplyal, K.K. and Srivastava, A.K., Journal of the Ep. Society, No. 8.
5
RECENT DISCOVERIES FROM GOVINDNAGAR
Govindnagar Site and Finds

Now we may turn our attention to the biggest known deposit of Mathura
sculptures treating Buddhist themes found in the area around the site of Govind¬
nagar. The site which yielded hundreds of Buddhist sculptures and some of them
as marvellous products of Mathura School of Art, is situated behind the Mathura
Water Works in the western outskirts of Mathura city. It is in the vicinity of
Bhuteswar Railway Station, Sri Krsna Janmasthana and the Jama temple of
Chaurasl. It comprises a huge range of mounds separated in two main divisions
by the Mathura Delhi main Railway line. But the portion of land with which we
are concerned is Sector D of the big housing colony known as Govindnagar
Cooperative Housing Society which as reported to me by some persons, was named
to cherish the memory of great Hindi writer, veteran freedom fighter and devotee
of Krsna, Seth Govind Das.
When the present writer took over as Curator of the Mathura Museum, the site
looked very imposing, potential and intact. It was lying in an area, more than a
kilometer in length and about three fourth of a kilometer in breadth. Repeated
efforts were made to persuade the authorities of the Archaeological Survey of India
to declare the entire land as protected area and to start excavations at the earliest.
A number of officers visited the site from Delhi and Agra on different occasions but
with no result. Meanwhile, a few colonisers started levelling some portions of the
land under the name Ramnagar, Gita Enclave and Bank Colony. Mathura is dent
of idol lifters and they harvest on such casual and private diggings. Consequently
I made more vigorous efforts by sending letters and wires to Delhi. The spot was
visited again by officers and a blue print for protection and exploration was prepared
but no progress was marked. Levelling continued and out of that devastation the
Mathura Museum could retain a few while a sizable number of antiquities was passed
away to Delhi and sold at high price. Some of the images were broken into pieces in
order to remove them conveniently.
Prof. Hartel was excavating at the isolated mound of Sonkh with his efficient
team of workers. Seeing no response from the Archaeological Survey, I approached
him to take up the vast site of Govindnagar for excavation before it was totally
Recent Discoveries from Govindnagar 93
ruined. Reluctantly he agreed to visit and both of us made a preliminary survey.

It was just a coincidence that a pre-Kusana rusted copper coin was also found on
the surface beside rich variety of pottery of pre- and post-Christian era. But some¬
how the idea did not appeal to him much mainly because he did not want to be
disturbed by the frequent visits of the officers and others and it was but natural
being so close to the city.
Luckily H.D. Sankalia the reputed archaeologist happend to visit the Museum
and I escorted him in surveying the archaeological sites. He made an extensive
Survey and was much pained to see the constant destruction of the promising
mounds. Next day he seriously took up the matter with authorities in Delhi and
advised them to start the work immediately at Mathura. Thus M.C. Joshi camped
here, but he had come with a different project under the instructions of B.K. Thapar.
The mission was to study the development of the township of Mathura in ancient
period. I again requested the excavation party to take up the Govindnagar site
first and to stop the levelling of the mounds but the team was there to fulfil their
mission i.e. to know the behaviour of ramparts etc. More than two years passed
and no site could be taken under protection.
Meanwhile, the Govindnagar Housing Society got its project of house building
approved and the devastation picked up a terrific speed. Three hundred labourers
were engaged for levelling the spot rapidly. The then Secretary of the Society Sri
Chandra Bhanu Garg once brought a hoard of early rusted copper coins unearthed
as the result of digging. A few days later some architectural fragments were
recovered and later brought to the Museum. The local antique dealers and
smugglers started visiting the site frequently and in order to counter their evil
intentions, adequate precautions were taken against any untoward occurance. One
after the other the art treasures started peeping out of the earth. It became a fun
fair for the surrounding localities. The levelling work of the Housing Society and
search for antiquities by the Museum staff went on for more than a week in the
last days of July 1976. A vigorous campaign of shifting, preliminary cleaning and
washing of objects, their photography, recording and identification commenced
simultaneously. The culmination reached when on August 3, 1976 the antiquities
were formally taken over by H.E. Dr. M. Chenna Reddy, Governor of U.P. on
behalf of the Mathura Museum from the Govindnagar Housing Society.
It was a strange but happy co-incidence that a new Buddhist monastery recorded
as Vlradatta Vihara in the inscription, came to light beside, hundreds of Buddhist
antiquities in 1976, the 2600th birth anniversary of the Buddha, A part of Sector
D of the site (Govindnagar) was declared protected by the State Government and
the Archaeological Survey deputed Sri M.C. Joshi to excavate the remaining spot
in 1977. The site was already much disturbed still at certain parts regular layers
could be traced. The material including some Buddhist and Visnu figures, terra¬
cottas etc. is under the custody of the Archaeological Survey. Proper report of
the work is awaited. The site revealed one or two stray pieces after the excavations
including a Yaksa carrying a bowl and a pedestal of Amitabha Buddha image in

Huviska’s reign.
When and how the site of early Govindnagar i.e. the Vxradatta Vihara was
ruined, remains a mystery. We are well aware of the intermittent attacks by
outside invaders on Mathura right from the post-Gupta period to the 17th century
A.D. The neighbouring site of Katra, traditionally renowned as the birthplace of
Lord Krsna, w;as the main target of the Muslim invaders. The Viradatta monastery,
having been so close to Katra, could also have been an easy prey of iconoclasters.
But as there is significant evidence of activity on the site after the Gupta period it
seems more reasonable to conclude that this magnificent Buddhist establishment
was pulled down by the Huna invaders in the beginning of the sixth century A.D.
The sculptures, however, could have been further mutilated in the subsequent
centuries. In the last century a part of the mound was destroyed for laying the
track for Indian railways. Deposit of lime (surkln) on the upper surface of some
sculptures hints that these came in contact with some later building activity when
the use of lime was a popular device for plastering and binding in the Muslim or
post Muslim period. One or two Buddha images have their arms mutilated and
the detached forearm is a later fabrication as its shape, size, quality and stone are
quite distinct, and suggest that the images installed in the Kusana or Gupta period
were subsequently reused after necessary repair and restoration.
Finds from Govindnagar
The variety of material found at Govindnagar is so great that no study of

any aspect of Mathura art is possible without scrutinising them. Hence an attempt
is made below to present a short survey of the material of Buddhist and also non-
Buddhist Art of Mathura. Actually the study of non-Buddhist objects is equally
significant as these hail from the new Buddhist site and most of these formed the
part of some stupa or a monastery. Hence these finds are also Buddhist in the
present context. Besides, decorative motifs were common to all sects.
Terracotta Objects
Among the objects recovered from the site, chronologically the earliest group
is formed by some terracotta figures although their variety and quantity is not as
rich as seen at other sites of Mathura. However, paucity in this regard may be
attributed more to the lack of intensive research for the materials in the mound
concerned than to the real absence of the terracotta objects at the site.
Archaic Mother goddesses
The earliest female figurines in terracota from Mathura are known by different
terms, viz. mother goddess, archaic female figure, tutelary deity and primitive
divinity. The site of Govindnagar has also revealed some specimens of this group.
The distintive features are as follows :l
Figures are modelled by hand and the mould has not been used, the face
assumes the shape of bird or of an animal. The hair is indicated by a few vertical
lines on the forehead, the eyes are incised and the nose is shaped by pinching.
Ornaments and some limbs are applique, i.e. separately fixed, although in certain
cases these have been carved out of the body material. The figure bears circular
punched marks and but for the ornaments, the body is nude, yet the mount of
venus is rather obscure. The arms, if intact, are spread out horizontally, the hips
are broad, and the waist is narrow. The girdle is either shown by a row of sunken
circular punched marks or by a grooved line. The navel is seen like a small sharp
pointed hole. The legs are separated from an arch. The body formation on the
whole is crude and dis-proportionate.
These are the general characteristics; but a host of individual features dis¬
tinguish one from the other figures, and these distinctions are based on the variety
of their ornaments, hair arrangements, facial features and formation of bodily
details. Sometimes the face is shaped like the beak of the eagle, while the other
figures display an inconspicuous depression of a quadruple or a wide open cavity.
The nose of some figures is modelled just in the continuation of the forehead, giving
an appearance of a pig or a boar. It bears one of two holes for nostrills and in
some cases the slit of the mouth covers the lower part of the nose. The eyes are
lozenge shaped or semi-circular in slanting position. Some are devoid of the marks
of pupils while others have very clear indication. In certain cases the eyes are seen
out of symmetry. Many have prominent breasts but there are a few in which these
are just indicated. Nipples are pointed or marked with pinholes or grooves. Neck,
shoulders and some other parts are seen in punched circles. The ears wear single
or double rings and in certain cases earlobe is stamped, with a rosette. The
forehead is seen with a row of sunken circles, rosettes or suspended beads. A
circular decoration mark Qbindi) occurs at the centre of the forhead quite
frequently.
The ornaments present a rich variety. Single or several rows of circles on the
projecting bands, probably signifying the pearled strings, are invariably seen,
These strings may either be worn independently or just as subsidiary to the main
ornament. Torque round the neck with one or two bands is quite common. Some¬
times it has a chain of circular beads, and in other figures heavy drum shaped
beads are also noticed. The necklace decorated with criss-cross motif is worn
across the shoulders and passes above or through the breast. Single or double
strings of this wearing are seen hanging down between the bosoms. A big garland
like ornament occasionally comes down from shoulders to the waist. The navel is
indicated differently by an incised circular mark, a round cavity or a pinhole.
I. Agrawala, V.S., “Mathura Terracottas'*, JUPHS, Vol. IX., July 1936, II, pp, 13-17.
While the exact nature and puropse of these terracottas are difficult to
determine, it would be far fetched to presume that the aesthetic urge of the people
could be pacified by these clumsy figures. Nor does the hypothesis holds any
ground that these are the products of children. The bird or animal like face,
elaborate ornaments and prominent breasts point to the fact that the modeller
meant to represent the female aspect and most probably the fertility cult. This, as
suggested by the excavators of several proto-historic sites in the Indus and
Gandhara regions, was a universal phenomenon, and India was not in isolation.-
K.N. Dixit observes, “The female energy or mother principle was one of the
earliest forms of worship among several ancient races of the world.”2 3
Commenting on the terracotta figurines of the Gandhara area Sir Aurel Stein
observes that “If a conjecture may be hazarded it looks as if the little figurines so
uniform in features and style might have been intended to represent some tutelary
goddess.”4 Coomaraswamy holds the similar view in his well known paper on
the Archaic India Terracottas’.5 Agrawala, however, goes a step forward and has
tried to correlate such female figures with Vedic and Pauranic deities such as
Prithivi, Mahi Mata, Aditi, Sinivali etc.6 He identifies the eagle faced figure as
Suparna, or Vinata, the mother of the great eagle Garuda.7 Some scholars are
inclined to trace foreign element in them. Whatever might have been the exact
purpose behind their representation, the terms given to them as ‘mother goddesses’
‘vergin goddesses’, ‘love goddesses’, etc. seem justified as the figurines must have
served some religious or ritual bearing.
The fixing up of the period of these terracottas has been a disputed issue and
the group has been conceived as ‘timeless’, ‘ageless’ ‘archaic’ or ‘primitive’ to convey
their hoary antiquity. To bridge up the wide gulf beween the protohistory and
history, the art historians have been advancing numerous theories and the Mathura
archaic terracottas are being tipped to play a vital role to cover this span of over
one thousand years, say between 1500 B.C and 400 B.C. This, however, remains a
wishful thinking as none of these archaic figurines has been recovered from any of
the pre-Maur\ana layers detected in several excavations in the Mathura region.
Venkatramayja and Ballabh Saran of the Archaeological Survey of India’ who

conducted the first svstemetic excavation at the site of Katra, did not report any
such find in the pre-Mauryan level.8 As seen in the previous chapter we have not
come across any archaic terracotta piece from Hartel’s excavations conducted at
Sonkh between the years 1966 and 74. The head of a Matfkd, which he assigns to
2. Ibid., p. 22.
3. ASR1924-25, p. 72,
4. ASR., Memoire, No. 37, p. 38.
5. Marg, VI, 1953, No. 2, pp. 22-35.
6. JUPHS. op. cit.y pp. 23-24.
7. Ibid., p. 14.
8. Indian Archaeology—1954-55. A review, pp. 15-16.
the Mauryan period, represents a developed stage and archaic in nature.9 Although
M.C. Joshi and C. Margabandhu two excavators, have discussed the dating of
archaic terracottas but not a single piece is reported from the pre-Mauryan
excavations of different sites.10
Thus the non-availability of the archaic terracotta figurines from the regular
excavations has led to the divergent views. Agrawala while writing the report on
Ahicchatra terracottas referred to some archaic figurines discovered in the levels
beginning from 300 B.C. to 200 B.C. He considered them to ha\e been imported
from Mathura. Ahicchatra finds give a jolt to the theory of Coomaraswamy, later
supported by Agrawala. These do not, however, lead us to prove a later date for
the archaic figures as the Mathura terracottas cannot be dated on the basis of a few
specimens found at Ahicchatra w'hich was not the centre of production of such
pieces. Both from Sonkh and Mathura we have the developed human terracotta
figurines from the Maun an layers, from where the archaic types are significantly
absent. Hence wre can safely presume that the archaic figures are anterior in age,
although it is not possible to fix any definite date for them.
The archaic terracotta figurines recovered from the site of Govindnagar repre¬
sent mother goddesses with applique features at neck, girdle, big navel, prominent
breasts, etc. These have either a bird face or an animal face. Grey colour with
occasionally black slip is the essential characteristic. A torso (No. 76.233) and a
bust with a beak face (No. 78.12) are good examples.
Mauryan
The archaic group is followed by a developed variety of terracottas datable to
the Mauryan period, between 4th and 2nd century B.C. While many characteristics
of the archaic nature (viz. applique treatment, grev colour and hand modelling)
continue, some new traits are noteworthy. The face is in oval shape with large
eyes, the number of ornaments has increased, hairdo is elaborate, showing
several floral motifs and the breasts and hips are exaggerated. The face is
sometimes pressed out of a prepared mould and the remaining body is hand
modelled. Thus the use of moulds for the limited part of the body is a new
technique.11 The female figures dominate although we have a few male and
animal depictions also Transformation of the face from bird or animal to human
feature is an important landmark. The figures of this category, discovered from
the site of Govindnagar include several interesting examples—No. 76.234 an armless
female torso. No. 76.235 a female torso with prominent breasts. No. 78.13 bust of
a mother goddess. No. 78.14 headless female bust. No. 78.26 female torso with
applique treatment punch marks etc.
9. H. Hartel, GSIp. 79, fig. 13.

10. JISOA., pp. 18-19.
U. Sharma, R.C., “The Terracotta Art of Mathura”, U P. State Lalita Kal& Akademi, Independ¬
ence Silver Jubilee Number, 1972, p. 147.
The site has also revealed a few animal figures some of which are rather
uncommon : viz , No. 76.236 a mutilated figure of a stag with applique treatment
and circular marks, the horn is extant on one side only and it had at least three off¬
shoots, a ocuhle ear ring is seen in the right ear; No. 76.237 figure of a dog or ram
with circular marks on the upper body, it bears the traces of black slip; No. 76.244
a mutilated elephant with applique treatment and traces of rider on back, legs and
trunk, damaged.
Sunga
The clay art in the Sunga period took a new turn when the artisans switched
over from hand modelling to complete moulds. The new technique was responsible
for wide popularity of terracotta figures. The early monotonous tradition of shaping
the mothergoddesses was replaced by a variety of subjects. Mathura terracottas of
this age portray a true picture of the contemporary society of this region. An
impression is left that the life was gay and prosperous and the people had refined
taste. We have a variety of figures including new deities such as Kamadeva (god of
love), Gajalaksmi (Goddess of wealth), Vasudhdra (Goddess of abundance), Sridevi
(goddess of prosperity), Yaksas (semi divine beings) etc. Besides, the male and
female figures are shaped together, thus embarking upon a new theme of introduc¬
ing the human secrecy to the world of aesthetics. This later multiplied into different
poses and postures from amorous to erotics. The Mathura terracotta artists of
the Sunga period, however, restricted themselves to the amorous scenes and we
rarely come across an erotic plaque. The terracottas of the Sunga age are known for
a double knotted turban on the male head, a tastefully arranged hairdo with different
braids, auspicious motifs and a large number of female ornaments.1- We find both
grey and red colour figurines.
The site of Govindnagar has revealed some interesting pieces which include
human figures and toys. A veritical plaque (No. 76.238 measuring 12 cms. in ht.)
depicts a lady wearing large circular earrings, necklace, girdle, bangle and lower
garment shaping a flat band on front. Her turban type headgear is noteworthy.
The hands suspend and rest against the waist. It is in dull red colour. Another
objects is a grey male head (No. 76.243 measuring 4.5 cms. in height) wearing a
bicornate turban and large earrings. There is a fragmentary red colour elephant
(No. 78.25 measuring 11 cms. in length) with a floral motif in relief on trunk. We
have also found a wicker seat (No. 78.15 measuring 7.5x7 cms.) of some figure
(now lost) with veritical incised lines. This grev colour piece bears black slip.
A few post Sunga and pre-Kusana terracotta objects have also been picked up
from the site. Mention may be made of a votive tank (No. 76.239 measuring 8
cms. in height and 23 cms. in diameter) shaped like a dish with lamps and birds
12. Ibid, p. 148.

perched on the rim, ladder, a raised lotus pillar (tenon), in centre and aquatic
creatures as fish, tortoise and frog are seen on the surface (fig. 11). Jt is an
interesting piece probably representing the mode of cult worship. Regarding
its dating I am inclined to compare it with the votive tanks unearthed by Hartel
at the pre-Kusana layers, at Sonkh, dated to the 1st century B.C.13
Kusana
The terracotta art in the Kusana period (between 1st and 3rd century A.D.)
suffered in quantity as well as in quality. The probable reason for this setback
appears to be the liking of the users and the artists for stone. It was the age of
masons and not of potters who shaped the clay figurines. The use of moulds
continued and sometimes we have a double mould separately for front and hind
parts. The practice of hand modelling was revived, consequently some products
look primitive in appearance. The body is rather rough and coarse with dispro¬
portionate limbs but the expression is quite suggestive and faithful. When two
moulds are used the body is hollow. A few new divinities who appear in this
age are Mahisasuramardim, Kuberaand Hariti, Nagas, Naginls etc.14
The site of Govindnagar has not yielded much material in form of terracottas
of Kusana age. The items met with frequency are dabbers for shaping the pots.
These are in different sizes, varrying from 6 cms. (78.19) to 10 cms. (78.18) in
height. Traces of husk mixed with clay are also visible in them. Other figures
include a horse of the toycart with legs broken (78.32), jaw of a crocodile (78.31)
etc. Red colour terracottas dominate in this age.
There are a few specimens which on the stylistic ground can be called Kusano-
Gupta i.e. belonging to the phase of transition between Kusana and the Gupta
period. These include a brick fragment with lotus decoration (78.33), brick showing
battlement motif-Kapisirsaka (78.22), etc.
Gupta
The terracotta art regained its significance in the Gupta period when the society
of India w itnessed a stage of resurgence in almost all spheres of life. The earlier
conventions were either revived and revised or refined with greater zeal and
enthusiasm. The highest aim before the artist was to combine spirituality with
phvsical beautv. The figures were made more attractive, graceful and rhythmic.
There is a greater movement and activity in the delineation of themes. Almost all
characteristics of stone sculptures were given place in the terracotta art and we
find the same charm and delicacy. The important features are oval head, slim
body, less ornaments, expressive face suggesting peace and bliss. The ears are
large, hair is curly and the eyes are shaped like half closed lotus buds.15
13. GSI, pp. 88-9, fig. 29.

14. Sharma, R.C., op. cit.f p. 149.
15. Agrawala, V.S., Studies in Indian Art, 1965, p. 199.
] PO Buddhist Art of Mathura
Here we can cite some examples of the Gupta period terracotta art among the
Govindnagar finds. One is a small Buddha head (No. 76.240 fig. 149 measuring
9 cms. in height) with curly hair and a mutilated UsnTsa. The earlobes are elongated
and the left eye which is now extant shows a pupil. This dull red colour terracotta
consists of some particles of mica. A fragmentary brick panel shows a band with
three square rosettes (78.21). Similar is a band with flowers at intervals (76.412).
There are other terracotta brick panels which illustrate square moulding (76.415),
human figure in an arched window (76.411) and a monster with bulging eyes and
wide nostrills (76.410 fig. 12). The number of terracottas including decorated brick
fragments, recovered from the site of Govindnagar, is above forty. Their discovery
suggests that the site was in occupation right from the pre-Mauryan period.
II. Architectural Fragments
The large number of architectural fragments unearthed at Govindnagar point

to the fact that the site was an important establishment. The earliest dated sculp¬
ture found in this locality belongs to the twelfth regnal year of Kaniska (M.M.
No. 76 36. fig. 13) corresponding to 90 A.D. and the latest dated find (M.M.
No. 82.240) recording year 161 of Gupta era corresponding to 480 A.D. This
will be discussed at the appropriate place. However, on the basis of stylistic study of
some remains we can safely presume that the construction work at the site started
atleast a century earlier than the reign of Kaniska and continued upto the end of
the Gupta period. What was the name of the monument at the time of its
commencement is not known; but an inscription on the pedestal of a Buddha images
of the Kusano-Gupta age gives its name as Viradatta Vihara (M.M. No. 76.34,
fig. 151). This epigraphic evidence dated in the year 121 will be taken up in detail
subsequently.
As the site has been much spoiled by the unscientific and casual digs, no clear
idea of the building activity is formed. Later the regular excavations of the
Archaeological Survey of India found some traces of layers, floors, walls, hearth,
pathway drain etc.16 Large number of early brick bats scattered at the site also
supports the conjecture that the site was a big Buddhist complex. The true picture
will emerge if the surrounding land is thoroughly explored and the remaining part
of the mound is also exposed. But even the present evidence is sufficient to prove
the existence of monastery in pre-Kusana, Kusana and Gupta periods. The
architectural remains recovered from the site include railing pillars, cross bars,
copings, door-jambs, pillars, screens and miscellaneous pieces.
16. The report of the excavation conducted by Sri M.C. Joshi of AS /. is not yet out and the
information is based on the basis of our visit and conversation with Sri Joshi.
Railing Pillars (Vedika Stambhas)
A railpost known as stambha in Sanskrit and thaba in Prakrt, is one of the

four constituents of a railing {vedika), viz., basement stone, upright pillar, crossbar
and coping. The railing aimed at the protection of a monument. Each pillar had
an unfinished base which remained under earth, the main shaft usually carved on
one side with a male or female figure and on other are seen lotus medallians or
compartments connected with some story. The railpost on the two adjacent sides
has two or three vertical sockets to receive the crossbars which joined two railposts.
The top bears a small tenon which was fitted into the socket of the coping stone
lying horizontally on the top of two or more railposts.
The railing pillar which seems to be the earliest in date i.e. late 1st century
B.C. or early 1st century A.D. is well preserved on one side but badly corroded
on the other (MM. No. 76.40 measuring 139 cms. in height, fig. 14). The obverse
displays four compartments conveying different scenes. The uppermost symbolically
conveys the presence of the Buddha/Bodhisatt\a through a haloed ro\al turban
(usnisa) of the Siddharttha, respecthely placed on a high pedestal and flanked
by a flywhisk bearing attendant on either side. The pedestal has three projecting
tiers or mouldings below and similar tiers above. It is in close resemblance with
the altar like seat of the Tirthankara appearing on the Jaina Ayagapattas which
antedate the Kusana period. The thatched roof of hut, elevated tiered pedestal
below the crown of the Bodhisattva, bulging drapery worn by the royal chief in the
lowest compartment also confirm its early dating.17
The three compartments after the top one probably represent the episodes of
the life of sage Ekasranga or Rsyasrnga : (a) romance between the sage Vidhandaka,
the father of Rsyasrnga and deer, (b) birth of the child from the deer and the sage
receiving the babe, (c) a scene of his marriage (?) with Santa, the daughter of the
king. The story appears in the Mahabharata18 and the Buddhist texts also narrate
it with some variation (e.g. the Alambusa Isisinga Jdtaka wherein a doe on
being conceived through an ascetic, gave birth to a male child). This is seen
at SanchT and Bharhut both with different names.19
The other side, which is badly damaged, shows in the top compartment an
apsidal shrine with a big caitya window on the main gate. The building being
conspicuous by the absence of any human figure should be taken to be the
17. SP., p. 15S.

18. Vanaparva, 110-13.
19. The following note of Y. Kristian deserves mention : of the Jatakas depicted at Bharhut only
the following can be traced in the Mahavastu.
(i) Ayagrodha, called Mrga Jdtaka at Bharhut.
(ii) Nalini Jataka, called Isisingiya Jataka at Bharhut.
(iii) The story of ‘ The Arrow that shot far” in the Mahavastu resembles the unnamed Jataka
at Bharhut, going by the name Asadisa Jataka in Peei. See Mahavastu translated by
Jones, p. 78 H.
At Sanchi only two of the five Jatakas can be traced in the Mahavastu viz. Alambusa
(Ekasrnga) Jdtaka and Sama Jataka (Marg, 1962, Mathura Number;.
102 Buddhist Art of Mathura.
Gandhakun of the Buddha. Thus his presence has been conveyed by his chapel for
meditation (Gandhakuti). The theme of the other three compartments is not clear
due to mutilation.
The other railing pillar (M.M. No. 76.39 measuring 108 cms. in ht., fig. 15) is
carved with a lady seated on a cushioned wicker seat wearing large ear pendants,
torque stanahdra (necklace falling between the breasts), armlets, wristlets, girdle
and anklets. Holding a mirror in the left hand she is probably pointing out at the
nailmarks or teethmarks at her cheek. The Caitya window balcony on top shows
a male bust probably recollecting his affair with the lady below. Reverse shows two
full and one half lotus medallians and three vertical sockets for crossbars on two
sides.
One railing pillar (M.M. No. 76.38 measuring 100 cms. in ht., fig. 16;
represents a nobleman standing under a balcony w hich shows figures of two
potbellied Yaksas carrying garlands inside two niches between the Indo-corinthian
pilasters. The main figure on the raiipost wears a crested crown, ‘V’ shaped
necklace, large earrings and wristlets. In his upraised right hand he carries a
garland which culminates into large knobbed flower. The left hand holds a flower
baskets. The reverse has two full and one half lotus medallians.
There is yet another raiipost (M.M. No. 76.37 measuring 63 cms. in ht., fig. 17)
showing a noblemen (feet missing) wearing a fluted crown, heavy round ear rings,
‘V' shape necklace and wristlets. His mutilated right hand is raised up holding big
garland and the left hand supporting the drapery restes on the thigh. The smiling
expression on the face is remarkable. He stands under a balcony showing a Caitya
window motif with a pillar like object in the centre. The reverse shows two full
and one half lotus medallians.
Apart from these almost complete pieces several fragments of the railposts in
different sizes have been unearthed. These are carved with variety of lotuses
rosettes, lion head, ladies in different actions viz. standing under a tree and bending
its branch, kicking tva stem (Asoka dohad, M.M. No. 76A34, fig. J8) etc. These
pillars exhibit rich variety of male and female ornaments. A fragmentary pillar
show s lower half of a lady wearing girdle, bangles, heavy anklets and scraf. Two
rosettes are carved below' (M.M. No. 76.124, fig. 19).
Crossbars (Sucis)
Between two pillars W'ere inserted two or three bars (sucis) made in stone. These
crossbars were fixed horizontally in the vertical sockets of the railposts. Lotus is the
most popular motif carved on them. Sometimes both the sides are decorated with
lotuses. The sculptor has, however, tried to make distinction from one flower to
other by differently shaping the knob, number of petals or spokes. Most of these
belong to the early Kusana period. The crossbars which deserve attention are as
follows :
76.43 Full blown lotus with a projecting large twisted rope shaped wreath encircling
the central knob. Reverse also shows a full blown lotus with a large knob.
76.46 A sharply chiselled full blown lotus with a projecting knob and a spoked disc.
The inside border of the petals bears pointed edges. Reverse also has a full
blown lotus in relief and an inverted type of knob. The petals show a
beaded line in centre.
76.48 The obverse shows full blown lotus with pointed petals and central knob
(fig.20 incised with a central circle and four semi circles on borders. There appears to
& 21) be a monogram of Brahml kMa’ or figure of 10. The reverse is carved with
full blown lotus with round petals. The monogram on this side may stand
for figure 5.
76,50 Wheel with clockwise spokes and central knob surrounded by a spoked disc.
Lotus buds on four corners. Reverse bears a similar pattern.
76.57 Full blown lotus with a large knob carved with criss cross motif and a spoked
disc. The petals are indicated with inturned tips looking like hoods of a cobra.
There were four buds on four corners but now only three are extant (fig. 22).
76.58 Full blown lotus with large petals and knob incised with two circles and
central point. It is encircled by a spoked disc. Four corners are decorated
with buds. Reverse bears an unfinished lotus (fig. 23).
76.75 Full blown lotus with betel shaped petals and buds on four sides. The knob
bears four incised round mark and a central groove. It is surrounded by a
spoked wheel (fig. 24),
Reverse bears a full blown lotus with inverted petals looking like the serpent
hoods. Lotus buds are seen on four sides. The central knob bears four
incised mark and a sunken spoked wheel around (fig. 25).
76.76 About one third of the full blown lotus with betel shaped petals and the
central disc representing the lotus petals in place of usual spoked wheel. The
carving is in bold relief.
Reverse is carved with a small fragment of a full blown lotus consisting of
betel shaped petals. Its size of 22x IS cms. suggests that it belonged to a
bigger railing.
76.211 Central medallian indicating a spoked wheel surrounded by a band of lotus

petals and ouler circle carved with beautiful acanthus leaf (fig. 26).
Reverse shows dense petals in central disc, followed by a band of pointed
petals and outer circle carved with beautiful scroll.
There are several cross bars from Govindnagar bearing some letters or a figure
the exact purpose of which is not known. This may be interpreted either as mason's
mark showing his initials or monogram of the guild of the sculptors. It can also be
taken to be a numerical mark which indicated the setting of the pieces. The mystery
behind these marks is not fully unfolded but these are too prominent to be ignored.
The crossbars bearing these marks are 76.48 (fig. 21), 76.51, 76.52, 76.53, 76.54, 7c.55,
76.56, 76.57 (fig. 22), 76.60, 76.62, 76.71, 76.73 and 78.30. These monograms or
figures have been noticed earlier also and the best citations are two railing pillars
in Mathura Museum. 0 A few crossbars are made from vertical frieze with a tenon
on either side. Depiction of vine creeper with a bunch of grapes supports this
conjecture No. 76.61.
Copings (UsfiJsa)
Two or more railposts were fastened on top by the help of large horizontal bars
which are known as copings or Usnisa in Sanskrit and Unhisa in Prakrt. These bore
sockets at intervals to receive the tenons of two or more railpost. The copings were
rounded on top and represented various themes in medallians, or creeper and floral
motifs on one or both sides. The number of coping is comparatively less probably
due to the fact that these served as good lintels and were taken away from the site
by the people and reused in their houses. The important copings are :
76.136 An ogee arch representing the crown (Usnisa of Bodhisattva) respectfully

(fig.27) placed and being worshipped by a devotee who is seen under another arch
with his hand in adoration.
Reverse shows both the arches bearing corpulent devotees with the one
sided headgear and ear rings carrying flower basket and wreath.
76.138 An ogee arch decorated with lotus petals portions of Dharmacakra are
seen inside.
76.139 With one third of the ogee arch decorated with lotus reel and beaded
border.
76.141 One complete arch with full blown lotus and about one fourth of the
second arch the carving of which is not clear. The adjacent side is also
carved with one arch bearing a tree which signified the Bodhi tree. This
must be the first piece beginning from the gateway (Torana) of the railing.
76.156 A mutilated fluted crown placed on the lion throne. It is a forceful and
impressive depiction of ihe cult of Usnisa.
Pillars (Stambha)
Pillars and beams are the supporting constituents of a monuments. Sometimes
these are independently installed to commemorate an event or the glory of a king or
a chief, a great man or a sage. Such pillars were known as Klrtistambha (Mathura
20. No. J.l and 15.585, See V.S. AgrawaFs Mathura Museum Catalogue.
Museum No, Q.3) from Isapur recording the performance of a Vedic sacrifice. The
site of Govindnagar has revealed several pillars but unfortunately none is complete.
These are of different shapes i.e. round, octagonal, square etc. Sometimes the base
is square and the shaft is either octagonal or round. The important pillar fragments
are :
76.36 It is square below and octagonal above with a vertical double scroll band
on one side and lotus buds on four projecting corners. The most signi¬
ficant point is that the pillar bears an inscription recording the twelfth
regnal year of Kaniska corresponding to 90 A.D. (fig. 13).
76.107 Fragment from a doorjamb carved with a headless devotee is a sunken

niche carrying garland in his hands. He wears ear ring, torque, bracelets
and dhoti. The niche is shaped between the two pillars. On our left
adjacent side is carved a half lotus and lozange shaped vertical band.
76.110 Top of a pillar representing a half kneeling headless Yaksa or a celestial

with folded hands wearing ear ring, necklace and flat necklace. A pillar
with this type of surmounting figure is rather peculiar and difficult to be
explained. There appears to be a wing type object on the left shoulder and
if we compare this figure with sculptures No. 76.83 to 86 we may interpret
it as human form of Garuda and as such the shaft should represent a
miniature or votary Garuda>J/irq/a. We have the tradition of installation
of Garudadhvaja in the earlier period also as testified by the Helliodoras
pillar at Vidisa belonging to second century B.C. The piece from Govind¬
nagar, however, is of Kusana period.
76.123 Fragmentary semicircular pillar with groove and projecting band with
lotus petal decoration. The sculptor might have intended to shape a
Mahgala Kalasa. It can be assigned to 3rd or 4th century A.D.
76.144 Fragment from an octagonal pillar showing beautiful lotus decoration
remains, Kusana period ?
76.145 Lower part of a pillar with square base and ghata motif above (Kusana).
76.151 Fragment from a pillar with lotus decoration on three sides. It has square
base, an octagonal upper point with plain caitya window carving (Kusana
period).
76.155 Pillar fragment with Makara motif, human head and two mutilated stand¬
ing human figures on adjacent side (Kusana).
76.158 Pillar fragment which was probably eight sided. One side is carved with
two bold twisted floral ropes issuing out of a large fiower (Kusana
period).
76.159 Fragment from a round pillar with beautiful Kirttimukha projecting with a
beaded band above. The circular beads are intervened by a horizontal
bead. The stylistic lion heads are also intervened by a bold floral motif.
An undulating pearled chain suspends below with strings at intervals.
It is a fine example of pillar decoration of Gupta period.
76.168 Four miniature pillars or pegs of some seat carved with acanthus, floral,
A to D criss-cross and other motifs. The base and top are square and the central
shaft octagonal. A tenon is seen on top to receive the socket of some
upper structure or seat (Kusana).
76.198 Lower part of a pillar with unfinished square base followed by a truncated
shaft and a round moulding (Kusana).
76.199 Lower part of a pillar with an octagonal projecting band with petals and
and upper broken part carved with large lotus petals. The artist probably
76.351 intended to shape it as a vase (Kusana).
76.216 Upper part of a pillar, tenon broken. The top shows the acanthus decora¬
tion on winged lions seated back to back. The reverse is damaged. The
shaft is octagonal. Acanthus appears to be Tdladhvaja and its towering
position hints to the religious significance of the theme (Kusana).
76.381 Upper part of a small pillar with round and square mouldings. Traces
of tenon above (Kusana).
76.385 Part of a pillar with round moulding etc. (Kusana).
76.387 Top of the pillar with disfigured winged lion seated back to back and lotus
moulding below (Kusana).
76.391 Square top of a small pillar with a tenon on top (Kusana).
Doorjambs
The site has revealed some parts of doorjambs of the monastery. These are
carved with different scenes both religious and decorative and other motifs. More
significant ones can be described here :
76.41 It is a richly carved part of a doorjamb representing on front a grape

(fig.28) creeper issued from the mouth of a half knelt dwarf below. This project¬
ing band is followed by a wide sunken vertical panel carved with an
attendant holding a long spear in Scythian attire in a niche. The compart¬
ment bears a fish tailed crocodile surrounded by a round beaded mould¬
ing while the upper compartment is carved with a devotee couple
holding garland and a basket of flowers. The adjacant side bears
three compartments representing devotees with garlands and flowers and
the lower one shows an attendant with a Vajra type object in his upraised
right hand. He wears a lion cloth. The sculptor seems to have committed
an error in providing the shoes for the native attendant and displaying the
Scythian doorkeeper with bare feet. A tenon projecting below was to be
fixed in the socket of the doorsill. The sculpture is made in buff sand
stone but it appears that efforts were made to apply a coat of red paint
over it (Kusana period).
76.121 Part of a doorjamb with two full compartments and just a part of the
(fig.29) third compartment. The uppermost compartment bears the figure of the
Bodhisattva seated in Padmdsana on a pedestal which has a projecting
edge. It is difficult to say whether the figure represents Maitreya or
Siddhartha but the absence of moustaches and youthful look favour the
latter.21 The second compartment shows two flywhisk bearing acolytes
with left arm resting on the waist. There is no object of worship. The
remaining part of the third compartment shows just the haloed head of
the Buddha of the Kapardin type (with protuberance above and Urna on
forehead). Carving of attendant figures above the Buddha is inconsistent
and the only explanation before us is to assume them as part of the top
compartment. The sculptor probably faced difficulty in shaping the
attendants due to the limited space and he shaped them independently
below the Bodhisattva figure. It belongs to the early 1st century A.D. and
the reason for placing it so early will be discussed in detail in Chapter 8
dealing with the chronology of the Buddha figures.
76.152 Badly damaged part of a doorjamb with a border carved with scroll and
(fig.30) reel and bead bands and showing two compartments depicting the scenes of
renunciation, M ahdbhiniskramana, of Siddhartha. The upper compartment
bears only the legs of the Bodhisattva and his nimbus while the remaining
part is missing. To his left is seen the half knelt figure of groom Chandaka
who is seen in act of receiving the wearing of the prince Siddhartha. On
the other side his favourite horse Kanthaka licks the feet of the Bodhi¬
sattva in emotion and grief and wetting his feet with burning tears from
the eyes. The first look on the horse gives the impression of a boar.22
The lower compartment depicts Gautama removing his fluted crown

with his upraised hands while Indra wearing a high crown stands to his
right. The hands and lower part of his (Indra's body are fractured but
whatever is extant is enough to indicate that he also stood in half kneeling
post probably to receive Siddhartha’s royal turban which was later
installed in the Trayastrimsa heaven as Cuddmahdcetiyaf3 To the left of
Gautama stands a hunter clad in the Northern style (Udlcva Vesa) holding
bow and arrow. As the story goes the Bodhisattva exchanged clothes
with him. It should be assigned to that phase of Kusana period when the
Gandhara influence had set in at Mathura.
21. Ingholt., H,, Gandhara Art in Pakistan, 1957, figs. 277-312. Joshi, N.P., and Sharma, R.C.,
Catalogue of Gandhara Sculptures in the State Museum, Lucknow, 1969, pp. 11-12.
22. Ibid.
23. Lalitavistara, edited by Dr. P.L. Vaidya, 1958, p. 154 and Nidanakathd, Avidurenidana, Hindi
Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad, 1941, p. 85.
76.158 Fragment from a doorjamb carved with two twisted wreath issuing from
(ng.31) a large flower (Kusana).
76.160 Upper part of a doorjamb carved with a projecting a pilaster representing

(fig.32) acanthus on half rosette lions seatad back to back, a full vasc-Marigala-
kalasa with some indistinct object. It is curious that the lions are
supporting the acanthus which should have some mystic religious signi¬
ficance. The sunkan band shows beautiful grape creeper. A small tenon
is seen above. It is a fine piece of sculpture and belongs to the Kusana
age.
76.348 Fragment from a doorjamb carved with a vertical hand of a vine creeper
etc. (Kusana).
76.358 Fragmentary doorjamb showing wreath and lotus motifs (Kusapa).

76.403 Fragmentary jamb with a kneeling devotees etc. (Kusana).
76.404 Lower fragment from a jamb with right part of a male who sat on some
couch (Kusana).
The site has yielded numerous other architectural fragments such as friezes,
bands, seven basement lintels etc. There are a few pieces which are carved with
architectural motifs and designs. These provide a good scope to study the contem¬
porary architecture. The architectural pieces which deserve our attention are as
follows :
76.146 Fragment showing full railing on one side and it continues on the adjacent
sides. There is an undercut groove below to receive the tenon (Kusana).
76.147 Fragmentary frieze showing a vine creeper which issues from the mouth
(fig.33) of the Yaksa (Kusana).
76.148 Fragment of a frieze with grape creeper (Kusana).
(fig.34)
76.150 Fragment from a frieze showing inter-woven scroll (Kusana).
76.153 Portion of a lintel carved with a standing male figure in a sunken niche
(fig.33) and holding a lance in his right hand. He wears a one sided head crest.
It is followed by a devotee with his hands in adoration and facing to his
left. The figure is carved between the two mutilated pilasters. The third
compartment appears to be the main scene where the traces of the Buddha
are visible. He was flanked by the flywhisk bearing attendants but now
only the bust of one of them is extant. Existence of an attendant on the
other side can also be made out. A socket is cut below to receive the
tenon (Kusana).
76.165 Fragment showing a railing and a projecting vertical arch which bears an
oval shaped object probably the Gandhakuti, place for the dwelling of the
Buddha, There are five tiers which shaped these mouldings as pedestals
(Kusana).
76.200 Large vase shaped object with a hole in the centre. It is square below
with a projecting figure of lion at each corner (Kusana).
The exact purpose of the piece is obscure but it may be a part of
some lion throne serving as seat.
76.203 Fragment probably from a base of which only two adjacent sides are
extant. The lower moulding displays acanthus and the upper one has
twisted wreath. The socket marks suggest that the sculpture was a part
of some complex (Kusana).
76.204 Fragment from a water channel with undercut deep groove (Kusana).
76.214 Fragment showing railing and Caitya window motif (Kusana).
76.346 Part of a doorjamb with scroll motif in bold relief (Gupta).
76.356 Fragment from a vertical frieze bearing undulating creeper (Kusana).

76.357 Fragmentary band with horizontal and vertical heavy lines and a human
foot atop (Kusana).
76.359 Fragment carved with a pillar, inverted lotus and five separate bands of
horizontal headed strings (Kusana).
76.360 Piece carved with scroll and traces of lion head (Kusana).
76.363 Slab showing more than half lotus and two horizontal grooves on the
adjacent side (Kusana).
76.376 Fragment carved with two mutilated human busts inside broken arches
(pre-Kusana).
76.378 Piece representing two rosettes and two pilasters (Kusana).
76.379 Fragment carved with a full vase on one and a creeper issuing from full
vase on the adjacent side (Kusana).
76.380 Fragment carved with a rosette band and a pot bellied headless Yaksa
who carried a garland (Kusana).
77.25 Part from a band carved with vine creeper bearing bunch of grapes,
(Kusana).
78.6 Fragment from a vertical band representing spreadout leaf decoration
(Kusana).
78.11 Basement stone for installing the image. Its importance has been dealt
with while discussing the technique. It is a unique find from Govindnagar.
78.3 Broken part of a screen with a frame of plain but inter-dependant

mouldings. The screen is shaped on railing pattern and a central frieze
is carved with one winged Hon and traces of hind legs of another lion
before him (Kusana).
Only a few instances have been cited to give an idea of the variety of
architectural pattern and decorative motifs. Besides, several tiles have been found
and the purpose must have been to use them for hardening and beautifying the
floors. These are decorated with leaf pattern. The notable examples are 76.347,
76.355, 76.364 and 78.5.
Lion Throne
The Govindnagar finds include fragments of lion thrones. For the first time we
get almost a complete idea of a Simhasana (76.167 fig, 35). The throne in question
was found in twelve pieces. A to D are four side frames carved with lion heads,
railing, arches with human head, rosette and battlements (Kapislrsaka) motif. Two
tenons below are meant to be fixed in the sockets of the supporting screens.
E to H are four pegs or small pillars of the throne and each pillar has a
projecting tenon which was fitted in the socket of the basement stones (I to L).
Some other fragments of the lion seat or lion throne have been recovered from
the spot.
76.202 It illustrates projecting lion heads with rosette band above. A scroll is
seen running on two sides. The seat bears the socket marks to receive
other components of the throne. It is to be studied with pieces bearing
No. 76.167, discussed above.
76.342. Piece probably from a lion throne representing one complete and one
mutilated lion heads and the upper panel bearing human head in
semicircular arch with pillars on which some object of worship was
placed. A tenon is seen below.
76.344 Fragment from a lion throne showing front part of a seated winged lion
with stylised manes. There is a vertical groove out on two sides.
76.388 Fragment probably from a lion throne with forepart of a lion which
supported a pedestal or seat.
All these pieces belong to the Kusana period. This is for the first time that
independent lion throne has been found. We have numerous sculptures from
earlier excavations that exhibit the iion throne as part of the image. The lower part
of the king (as Verna Kadphises) was shaped as seat with lions and the whole
composition including the presiding statue is made in one block of stone. But the
Govindnagar finds present a complex of lion seat in different parts.
Cornerstones
Several lion figures have been collected from the site. These are not simply
the animal figures but had a functional use. Most of the lion figures are just the
front part and the remaining portion is shaped like a vertical projecting tenon to
be fixed in some wall. Their manufacturing and position hints that these served as
the corner stones and were fixed on the street where the two walls of a house
joined. The house was strengthened against the vehicular menace. The half lion
slabs also served as gateway pieces or bracket figures. The anatomy of the lions is
quite bold and expressive of the vigour and strength of the beast and these are
important as art pieces also. The notable specimens are 76.154, fig. 36, 76.205,
fig. 37, 76.206, 76.207, 76.208, 76.209, 76.210, 76.343, 76.345, 76.390.
Thus the sculptural fragments from Govindnagar present a good glimpse of

the architectural experiments being made at Mathura during the Kusana period.
Although the ground and elevation plans of early establishments are extremely rare
owing to continuous devastation in different periods and disturbed layers, but
hundreds of pieces viz. railposts, crossbars, copings, brackets, corner stones,
doorjambs and a few illustrations in them speak of a rich Buddhist architectural
complex of Mathura in the early centuries of Christian era. Besides the urban
settlements as gathered from various monuments we also have some idea of the
Asrama life in ancient India.'4 The best specimen to serve this purpose is a railing
No. 76 40, fig. 14 discussed above bearing four compartments on each side. The
baby Rsyasrnga was born in a Asrama and the compartments depicting this episode
paint a lively life of a hermit. The hut with a straw and leaf roof, the fire altars
with high conical flames etc. are the essential features of the hermitage. This is
further corroborated by the long matted hair, large beard and the garment made
of tree skin and leaves (Valkala). The reverse of this post illustrates a building
with a voluted roof (Gajaprsthakara) and this may be identified as a chapel or the
dwelling place of the Buddha, GandhakutL
Parasols (Chattra)
It was customary to provide the image of a deity with an umbrella or parasol

0Chattra) in the Kusana period. In early phase of image worship the temples were
not fully developed and the statues were installed on open platforms. In order to
protect them from sun and rain it was felt necessary to provide an umbrella over
the image at least in case of more important ones. While the parasol did not serve
the purpose as the deity could not be protected from the angular sun and side
showers the device undoubtedly added glory to image and conveyed a super human
status of the deity. The provision of a parasol was considered as an important
item particularly in case of a Buddhist and Jaina image as both the Sak>amuni
Buddha and the TIrthankara Mahavlra belonged to the ruling Ksatriya race and
the donor or the sculptor probably deemed it fit to put a royal insignia reminding
their status of Cakaravartin. From the inscription of a Sarnath Bodhisattva
image we learn that the Mahaksatrapa Kharapallana and the Ksatrapa Vanasapara
erected a colossal image of the Bodhisattva together with a Chattra yasti in the third
regnal year of Kaniska. The sculpture belongs to the Mathura School. Besides
24. CM AS., pp. 35-36.

round umbrellas we come across some square parasols used for Gandhakutf and
which, as observed by V.S. Agrawala, were constructed for the colossal free
standing images of the Buddha by erecting three vertical plain slabs on the three
sides and covering them with a flat slab which was on its inside with the same
decorative patterns and symbols as were seen on the parasol or Chattrar5 A
square umbrella reported by Agrawala and acquired by the present author for the
Museum in 1976 (76.12) shows devices and grooves for erecting the upright slabs.26
Gandhakuti ushered into the full fledged temple with the addition of a porch and a
Sikhara in the Gupta poriod.
About fifty pieces have been collected from the site of Govindnagar of which
a few are complete and the remaining ones are the fragments of different parasols.
These parasols range in size from 16.5 cms. i.e. miniature to the colossal size of
208 cms. Most of them bear eight undercut grooves and the present author is
inclined to explain that these grooves received wooden nails for supporting the
hanging garlands which must have been provided atleast on special festivals. The
large number of umbrellas further suggests that their provision was an invariable
part of the installation of an image whether large or small. The practice was very
common in the Kusana period but as we shall see it was subsequently discontinued.
Those which deserve special attention are as follows :
72.5 It is more then half of a huge stone umbrella carved with decorative
(fig.38) bands and auspicious symbols. The main circular frize consists of lotus*
wheel, full vase, winged~pot oozing square coins, lotus, bowl, Svastika9
winged conch omitting wealth (Sankhanidhi), lotus and lastly a halo with
scalloped halo (Prabhd~mandala)P With a diameter of 208 cms. this is
the largest specimen of parasols recovered from Govindnagar. The size
of the antiquity suggests that the image installed under it must also have
been of colossal size. This was the first sculpture which hailed from the
site of Govindnagar. Unearthed in 1971 the object saw its way to the
Museum in 1972 (Kusana).
75.32 This is one of the best specimens of the parasols. It is a complete wheel
(fig.39) with a projecting central knob and the inturned rim bearing marks of
grooves for decorative garlands. The knob and the field of the wheel
display beautifully carved full blown lotus. But the most important part
is a band showing eight auspicious motifs and each flanked by a full
blown rosette on one side and a ten grooved simple design on the other.
The auspicious motifs are Mahgala kalasa (full vase), Svastika (mystic
cross), Triratna (three jewels), Sankha (conch), Puspadama (basket with
25. Studies in Indian Art, 1995, p. 17.

26. Ibid., p. 18, fig, 9 and MM A., p. 58, fig. 46.
27. Sharma, R.C., BMANo, 8, December 1971, pp. 74-75.
rosary, Palapatra or Ratnapatra (basket with fruits or jewels), Srivatsa.

(central jewel) and Nidhipatra (a pot pouring the wealth in shape of
square coins). The sculpture was acquired a year before the discovery of
the large number of objects from the site of Govindnagar (Kusana).
76.169 Plain umbrella, rim damaged, a large projecting central knob with a hole
to receive the shaft. Due to removal of upper surface the low carving is
now missing but it probably showed a full blown lotus in the field. It is a
complete piece with 66 cms. diameter (Kusana).
76.170 More than half part of a plain parasol with a large projecting perforated
central knob for shaft (Kusana).
76.171 About three fourth of an umbrella with a projecting central knob for
shaft, rim damaged at parts (Kusana).
76.172 Small umbrella carved with lotus motif and a projecting central knob with
perforation for shaft. The rim bears eight grooves in which probably
wooden nails were inserted for hanging the garlands (Kusana).
76.174 Miniature umbrella with traces of lotus decoration and plain central halo.
The eight grooves probably for fixing the garlands incised on the rim
(Kusana).
76.176 Miniature parasol with hole and eight grooves for garland. Measuring
16.5 cms. in diameter it is the smallest in size (Kusana).
76.177 Fragment from a large umbrella which bore several auspicious motifs out
(fig.40) of which only a pair of fish (Matsyayugma) is intact. The band of motifs
was surrounded by the lotus decoration (Kusana).
76.178 Fragment from a large umbrella showing lotus petals followed by a band
(fig-41) of decorative motifs out of which only winged conch is extant. It was
flanked by rosette on one side and lotus (now missing) on the other. The
last band is fashioned as projecting twisted rope (Kusana).
76.180 More than half of an umbrella with traces of projecting central knob and
grooves undercut on rim. The deposit on surface points to its later use.
This deposit has been detected on several finds and it appears to be the
incrustation of lime in Mughal or post Mughal period (Kusana).
76.191 Fragment from an umbrella with traces of lotus decoration and a groove
(fig-42) on the rim also bears a few letters in the Kusana Brahmi script read¬
ing. Vajaga (de) vasa. Letter ‘de’ seeme to be damaged due to
the incision of the groove. This suggests that the groove was cut after the
inscription and may be after the installation of the image and the parasol
(Kusana).
76.197 A complete umbrella with lotus and wreath motifs. The posthole in the
centre bore a coating of later deposit which was removed in chemical

treatment of the object in the Museum laboratory (Kusana).
76.352 Fragment probably from an umbrella representing a damaged Triratnay

plain flat band and traces of lotus decoration (Kusana).
76.361 Fragment probably from an umbrella with traces of several wreath and
floral band (Kusana).
78.8 Fragment from a parasol with lotus leaf and groove on rim which also
bears a few Brahml letters out of which ‘m’ and, ‘sa’ can be read
(Kusana).
Halo (Prabhdtnandala)
In order to distinguish a great man from the ordinary person a halo was
marked around the head. As it was deemed to be a symbol of divinity its
carving was confined only to the divine figures or the Cakravartins. It is interesting
to note that the early Brahmanical deities viz. Yaksas, Balarama etc. are devoid of
halo but the Buddha and Jaina statues are marked with it from the very beginning.
The Govindnagar Buddha images show different stages of development from plain
field to pre and early Kusana period to the rich decorated bands in the Gupta
period. With the advent of shrines and temples the parasols outlived their utility
but their rich carving was transferred to the halo which also symbolised greatness
and divinity. Lotus decoration is an essential feature of development of halo.
Kalidasa rightly terms it as Padmatapatra or Chayamandalawhile comparing the
halo of Raghu with a lotus parasol. He conceives that goddess Laksrm in her
invisible form held a lotus parasol on Raghu’s head and its shadow was transformed
into the lotus halo behind the head.29 This further supports the view that the halo
like parasol was also considered as roval emblem signifying greatness, glory,
prosperity and its development was in direct succession from parasol.
The word Parbhdmandala which is the most popular term for a halo also
conveys the same significance and it has continued at least from the Gupta age.
Kalidasa gives a fine description of a full blown lotus halo30 and it portrays a
beautiful picture of the contemporary halos found at Mathura and elsewhere. He
compares the beautiful figure of Parvatl with an elaborate halo with radiating rays
of light.31 The description very much tallies with the halo of some of the Mathura
28. fifHT I
t^tt qrrrr^r srrsrnr flfacm u

Raghuvansciy IV. 5
29. Studies in Indian Art, p. 209.
30. Ttfzjv JJFRt qrfHt ST>*5SPTr t
Kumarasambhova, 1.24
Buddha images as A.5 fig. 139 in Mathura Museum 76.25 fig. 142 from Govind¬
nagar site now in the Museum and a Lucknow Museum Tirthankara image from
KankalIJ.il 7.
From the site of Govindnagar about 25 fragments of halo have been picked up.
These formed the parts of the Buddhist images installed in the monastery and
stylistically can be dated from c. 1st century A.D. to the post Gupta period. While
the plain halo with scalloped border are the earliest pieces datable to c. 1st century
A.D. the halo marked by mermaid or flame on border should be assigned to a late
period i.e. 6th century A.D. Thus the carving becomes more elaborate and intricate
in the later period. The important pieces are described below :
76.192 Fragment from the halo of the deity carved with scalloped border,
(fig.43) twisted wreath displaying at interval two small lotuses one of which looks
like a fluted head crest and may be interpreted as Usnisa of Siddhartha—
followed by a band with scalloped decoration round the beaded string and
a full blown lotus. It can be assigned to late Kusana or early Gupta
period.
76.193 Fragmentary halo with scalloped border, circular beaded string, again a
(fig.44) scalloped band with spear head and lotus (Kusana—Gupta).
76.194 Piece from a halo representing scalloped border, string of circular beads,
twisted wreath with rosettes and spear-heads (Kusana).
76.195 Fragment from a halo depicting scalloped border, string with circular
beads and lotus (Kusana).
76.196 Halo fragment with scalloped border, wreath, scroll and spearheads. The
(fig.46) workmanship is fine (Gupta).
76.223 Part from a halo carved with scalloped border, beaded string, twisted
(fig.47) wreath, scroll and bands. The scroll seems to bear the headless winged
mermaid which is an interesting feature and suggests a late date, (late
Gupta).
76.224 Fragment from a halo showiug just the headless figure of a winged
(fig.48) mermaid whose body appears to be floating (late Gupta).
76.225 Fragment from a halo with wreath, scroll and some leafy object in projec¬
tion w hich may be identified as hind part of a feathered mermaid or swan.
The most striking feature of this piece is that the outer rim of halo is
carved with flames which should be a late characteristic (late Gupta).
76.226 Piece from a halo showing hindpart of mermaid, scroll and wreath bands.
(fig.49) Like previous one it also displays flames on the border (Late Gupta).
76.227 Fragment from a halo representing scalloped border, beaded string,

(fig.50) twisted wreath and scroll decoration which subsequently assumed the
shape of mermaid (Gupta).
76.228 Same features as described in 76.227 (Gupta).
76.229 Part from the halo carved with wreath rosette, large lotus petals and traces
of spoked disc towards the centre (late Kusana).
76.230 Fragment from a halo carved with scalloped border beaded string, twisted
wreath with flowers, scroll and spearheads (late Kusana).
76.231 Piece from a halo which had scalloped outer rim, beaded string, wreath
with a plain flower and boldly carved spearheads (late Kusana).
76.338 Fragment from halo showing scalloped border, beaded string, rosette band,
bead and reel and scroll with full lotus blown at interval. The number and
variety of bands is remarkable but the piece is too small to appreciate it
properly (Gupta).
Decorative Motifs
Decorative motifs occur as part of architecture or of an image and are rarely

noticed carved independently. Their presence not only adds grandeur but some¬
times a deep underlying thought is also conveyed by them. One cannot fully
appreciate the spirit of Indian art unless the language of motifs and symbols is
properly understood. As opined by the scholars, ‘art in India is not a factual record
of life in various forms, but from the outset it was intended to become a vehicle of
the forms of thought, which enriched culture, religions, philosophy and literature.
In India art has been employed to convey through its symbolical language—the
ideas of the mind’.32
Since all relgious sects adopted symbolism to convey their message, we find
variety of themes carved in Indian architecture. There are several motifs which
frequently appear on religious and secular buildings and have continued todate.
Sometimes one symbol is common to all religions although it conveys different
meaning according to the concept of the creed and canons. Before the birth of the
Buddha MayadevI sees some auspicious dreams like a white elephant entering her
womb. Similarly Trisala or Devananda also had the similar vision and the number
of motifs increases. Sometimes it is eight (Astamangalas) and sometimes the number
is much more. The theme found popular depiction in paintings and sculptural art.
As symbolism preceded the image wmrship the earliest religious manifestation

is to be conceived only by motifs. The Buddha was represented by Wheel, Tree,
Stupa, Chapel, Elephant, Lion etc. as for an orthodox Buddhist a prince walking
in the streets of Kapilavastu was not of much significance but who mattered much
was the Buddha who after attaining the highest goal i.e. the Enlightenment wandered
for removing the miseries and sufferings of the people. The similar thought is

encircled around Mahavlra, Rama and Krsiia who were ready to give up all worldly
pleasures for the welfare of others.
This may also be pointed out that motifs found their natural place in the realm
of art. In early days man was in close affinity with nature. The flowers, trees,
scroll, vegetation, animal and bird kingdom was very near and dear to him and he
quite faithfully gave ample space for rendering different motifs. This is corroborat¬
ed by the fact that in the Ayagapattas only symbols are represented and if the
figure of the Jina is introduced, it is also surrounded by large motifs (J.250 in
Lucknow Museum). Mathura followed earlier art traditions of Sanchi and Bharhut
in laying emphasis on the depiction of symbols and the antiquarian remains
revealed from the site of Govindnagar present a feast of such motifs. Those
which gained more popularity are : full vase, creeper, lotus or lotus creeper, tree,
svastika, wheel, caitva-window, Kirtimukha, garlands, rosettes, alms bowl, turban of
Siddhartha, halo, Yaksas issuing creepers, Garuda, fish, crocodile, twin fish, snvasta,
conch, three jewel (triratna), railing with lotuses {Padmavara vedika) and a host of
mythical or composite beings. Most of these motifs have been pointed out while
describing the architectural gleanings (fig. 38, 39, 40 and 41).
The purpose behind carving these motifs was to create an atmosphere of
auspiciousness, prosperity and enjoyment. The full vase (purnakumbha) stood for
the fullness of life. In Vedic literature the full vase like human body is representa¬
tive of life and force and it consists of all pleasures of life. "Enjoyments, pleasures,
delights, gladness, rapturous ecstasies, laughter, merriment, dance and play, have
made body their home/33 Right from the period of Rgveda the placing of the full
vase was considered as an important ritual of a ceremony.31 The full vase was used
for home decoration as a symbol of prosperity. We have a good description of this
use in the Atharvaxeda where such dwellings are praised as reward of charity.35 The
Buddhist texts mention a house decorated with full vase.36 This is supported by
several Buddhist architectural pieces preserved in the Mathura Museum. The beam
of a gateway (M.3) shows beautiful illustrations of this motif (fig. 73-76). Among
the Govindnagar finds the two parasols (M.M. No. 72.5, fig. 38 and 75.32, fig. 39)
display different types of full vases.
33. srt^r sffiTT: T 1
AY, XL 8. 24
34. l
„ RV. X .32.9
35. (jTjfqifV qqr I
qmqqqqr qq reftTSTTrqqTO \
AY., III. 12.8.
O fair damsel, bring hither to us the Purnakumbha. tilled w ith streams of clarified butter,
blent with nectar. Bedew these drinkers with a draught of Amrta. May the reward of our
pious works (fstapurta) guard this dwelling.
Studies in Indian Art, p, 46.
36. 'joqrr? Tforfe
Dhammapada Attakathd, 1, 147.
Other important motif is the tree which symbolises knowledge and existence.
The Buddha attained his Bodhi under a tree at Gaya, hence the tree was later
known as Bodhi Vrksa. In Brahmanical canons we have the concept of Kalpa
vrksa under which all wishes are ful-filled. The trees which are treated more
auspicious in this regard are PlpaU banyana (Vata); Pdrijdta and Asoka. Kalpalatdy
an undulating long scroll, also known as Padmalatd for its depiction of lotus buds
and flowers conveys the same significance as the Kalpavrksa. Lotus signifies light,
life and evolution. The wheel on the other band stands for time, movement, change
of seasons and the solar energy. It is also shown as the Wheel of Law. The first
sermon of the Buddha is indicated through a wheel placed on a pedestal or on a
pillar. The Master is supposed to have turned the Wheel of Law (Dharmacakra
pravartana) in the deer-park fMrgadava). Triratria (three jewels) is also a favourite
symbol in Buddhism and Jainism (fig. 39). It is a combination of two buds, two
fish shaped arms and a wheel on top. In the Buddhist traditions the triratna stands
for Buddha, Dharma and Sangha while the Jainas take this motif to symbolise
samyakdrsti (right vision), samyakvac (right speech) and samyakjhdna (right
knowledge).
Svastika connotes the sense of auspiciousness and is the common motif among
the three major sects of early India. It is a cross with ends turning clockwise or
anticlockwise. Sometimes the ends are shown touching the next arm of the cross
and the motif assumes the shape of a wheel. It is suggested that the clockwise
turning (daksinavarta) of svastika signifies the solor energy and masculine power
while the anticlockwise (vamavarta) position symbolises the lunar or feminine force
(fig.38). The bowl reminds the begging bowl of the Buddha and it is shown in a
respectful position as one of the motifs in the parasol (M.M. No. 72.5, fig. 38).
Sometimes it is carried on bead of a yaksa (M.M. No. 77.31, fig. 51). The Mathura
Museum houses some large stone bowls which were probably placed in the
monasteries for collecting the alms for the monks and nuns.38 The srlvatsa motif is
represented in a dozen of varieties on the chest of TIrthankaras but it is also seen in
the Buddhist Art (M.M. No. 75.32, fig, 39). A new inscription of the reign of
Sodasa bears a beautiful carving of this motif.30 The depiction of a fish-tailed female
figure is repeated in several fragments of halo found at Govindnagar (M.M. No.
76.224, fig. 48). Stylistically these are comparatively of late date but seem to carry
over the early tradition of the winged maidens (dikkumarikds) noticed on some
of the Jaina ayd«apattas recovered from Kankall and other sites.40
The finds from Govindnagar frequently depict all such symbols in architectural
fillings.
37. Little, P C,, ‘‘Svastika, some facts and fallacies”, BMA., No. 10, December, 1972, pp. 37-38.
38. Mathura Museum No. 10.97 and 15.662.
40. Smith, V. A , Jain Stupa etc. pi. IX.
Coins
The mound of Govindnagar has revealed an interesting hoard of 1543 coins

(Mathura Museum No. 76.245) which have been studied by A.K. Srivastava and
the information is based on a paper presented by him in January 1980 in the
International Seminar on the cultural History of Ancient Mathura. As reported the
break up of these coins is as follows :
Ksatrapa coin 1
Rajuvula ? 1
Rude copy of Huviska 2
Vasudeva 2
Late Kusana king at altar and Siva with bull 738
King at alter and Ardokse 26
lndo = Sassanian (or earlier variety) 402
King at altar and seated figure (Huna 7) 1
Double struck 2
Kidar Shahi Kusana (?) 2
Illegible 366
1543
The reamarkable points which Srivastava notices in this hoard are :
1. The coins of Siva and Nandi type do not bear any inscription below the arm.
2. On coins with Ardokso inscription is seen under arm.

3. For the first time coins of Sakas and Ksatrapas together with different Kusana
series are seen.
4. Kusdno—Sassanian coins should be placed from about the middle of the 3rd
century A.D. to the 5th-6th century A.D., or even later.
5. The Imperial Kusana coinage is missing.
Discovery of this coin hoard from Govindnagar is of considerable significance.

As pointed out earlier the hoard was the messanger of the hidden antiquarian
wealth in the site. This was the first event which led us to take due precautions for
salvage of art treasures. But the real significance was, however, not known till
Srivastava examined the coin hoard. As the site is greatly distributed and strati¬
fication has not helped us much we can now rely on the combined study of
numismatics, epigraphy and artistic development for fixing the time span of the
site. Stylistically the present author has been dating the sculptures from about 1st
century B.C. to the 6th century A.D. This dating is fairly supported by two dated
inscriptions, one in the 12th regnal year of Kaniska on a pillar (76.36 fig. 13) and
other on the pedestal of the Buddha image (M.M. No. 76.34, fig. 151) recording
120 Buddhist Art of Mathurd
the name of the monastery as VJradatta Vihara and the year of installation as 121
of the Gupta era ? corresponding to 440 A.D.? A recently found Buddha image
pedstal (M.M. No. 82.240, fig. 169) is dated in the year 161—480 A.D. So the
epigrahic evidence is met with from the end of the 1st century A.D. to almost the
end of the 5th century A.D.
Fortunately the discovery of the coin hoard is not against our dating. An
analysis of the contemporary hoard suggests its burial sometimes in or shortly
after the late Kusana or post Kusana phase, each of which is found covered by
the broad brackets of dates as suggested by us. It can also be conjectured that the
Buddhist establishment of Govindnagar was dismantled as a consequence of the
attack by the Hunas towards the end of the 6th century A.D. The numismatic
evidence has thus proved of much importance for framing a general chronology of
the sculptural finds.41
OTHER ICONS
The site of Govindnagar has yielded numerous sectarian and secular objects.
The epigraphic and sculptural remains furnish ample evidence to prove that it was
mainly a Buddhist establishment. While the Buddhist figures will be discussed in
detail independently in the forthcoming chapter, we purpose to present a brief
account of the associated icons including some female deities, yaksas, garudas, and
a few other male and female figures, such representations have been common to all
pantheons in ancient India.
Brdhmanical Objects
A handless upraised arm with traces of beautiful garland of victory vaijayan-

timdld must be a fragment from the Visnu image (M.M. No. 76.311). Another
fragmentary Visnu figure was unearthed by the Archaeological Survey and it is in
41. A.K. Srivastava has furnished information about other coin hoards from Mathura*
Accordingly four more hoards were found and sent to the State Museum, Lucknow. These are
as under :
Lot No. 1—Consisting of two gold coins one belonging to Kadphises and other Chandra-
gupta I Treasure Trove No. 17, 1900-1. Exact find spot not reported, only Mathura district is
mentioned.
Lot No. 2—Contains 2114 copper coins in the following sequence, Verna Kadphises 298
Kamska 1426 and Huviska 451.
The importance lies in the fact that this hoard was reco\ered from the site of Bhuteswar
which is quite close to Govindnagar. While the Govindnagar hoard is conspicuous by absence
of the Imperial issue the Bhuteswar hoard is representative only of the roval varieties (Treacniv-
Trove No. 3 of 1966-67, JNSI., XVIII., p. 232, BMA.\ Vol. III).
Lot No. 3 Contains 1221 copper coins in this order : Vema Kadphises 254, Kaniska 927
and Huviska 49. Exact find spot not reported. (Treasure trove No. 6 of 1978-79.
Lot No. 4—Consisting of 593 copper coins but these donot form the part of the royal
coinage as no name of a king is made out. Exact provenance not reported.
Lot No. 5—Including 1542 copper coins from Govindnagar discussed in the main body of
the present work.
their custody. Both these pieces are in red sand stone and belong to the Gupta
period. Besides, we have found one or two fragments of Visnu figures of Medieval
period and these are in buff stone. One is a pedestal representing his ankleted
feet on lotus cushion (76.219) and it may also be identified as the middle part of
Visnu image wearing necklace and the Yajfiopavita.
Yaksas
76.106 Fragment from a doorjamb representing the torso of a divinity with his
right hand raised up in Abhaya and the left hand holding a club or Vajra
type object which rests against his shoulder. He wears ear rings, bracelets
and loin. The sculpture seems to represent Vajrapani or Mudgarapani
Yaksa (Kusana).
76.109 A male torse representing a Yaksa who probably held a cup in the left
hand against his chest. The right hand rests akimbo holding the hilt of
the dagger which suspends from his belt A plain necklace is w'orn round
the neck. The sculpture is carved in round and the back shows projecting
scarf with horizontal lines and the belt. The over all treatment including
foldless drapery, selection of stone with less spots and finish suggests that
it would be assigned to the Gupta period ?
76.221 Headless and armless image of Kubera seated in Lalitusana. The body is
(fig.52) corpulent with pot belly and he wears a torque and scarf. There is a
tenon below for installation (Kusana).
76.310 Lower part of a pedestal with grotesque figure of kneeling Yaksa
(Kusana).
77.31 This is one of the best figures of a Yaksa. It represents only the bust
(fig.51) carrying a broken bowl on his head which is round and devoid of neck.
The ears are shaped as benowing basket Surpa. A round plain torque and
wristlets are his wearings. The breast part is unusually prominent and the
figure deceives for a female. The smile on the face is remarkable. The
sculpture is carved in round and the long wavy curls on back are notewor¬
thy. Stylistically the sculpture should be assigned to the early Kusana
period.
Female Deities
The terracotta female figures probably representing the cult of mothergod-

dess have already been discussed in the beginning of this chapter and now wre
describe a few stone sculptures depicting female deities :
76.99 Stele showing a badly disfigured squatting Matrka with a child on her
left lap. The right hand was raised in protection (Abhaya) pose. Heavy
ear-rings suspend on the shoulders and a halo is seen behind the head
(Kusana).
76.118 Lower part of a female deity wearing girdle and heavy anklets and seated
(fig.53) in lalitdsana or paryankdsana on a two cushioned couch. The period is
doubtful, may be late Kusana.
There are some fragmentary sculptures which are definitely parts of
female figures but their divine characteristics are obscure. The important
ones are cited below :
76.90 Fragmentary female face with circular mark on forehead, sharply chiselled
(fig.54) eyes with eye brows drawn up. The hair is tied with a cloth depicting
criss-cross design. It is tied to her left side in a large floral shaped
knot.
76.97 Fragment probably from a screen representing back and profile of a lady
with tastefully decorated hairdo terminating in a Judd (tuft). She wears
an armlet and the fillets of the front necklace suspend below. She carried
probably a basket in the upraised left hand (Kusana).
76.113 Small fragmgent showing lower part of a lady from navel to legs with
girdle, scarf and dhoti. She stands in tribhanga pose with left hand resting
on the left hip (Kusana).
76.132 Lower part of a railpost reprsenting human feet on some fish trailed
(fig.55) animal. The position of feet suggests the tribhanga attitude probably of a
Yaksi.
76.215 Stele representing a female torso wearing a stanahdra (necklace falling
(fig.56) between the breasts), bangles and dhoti. Hair suspends on her breast and
she holds a big garland (Kusana).
76.308 Fragment probably from the railpost showing the feetless lower part of a
lady (sdlabhanjikd who stood crosslegged holding a scarf with his hand
(Kusana).
76.317 Fragment from a female figure showing only her breasts and traces of
pearled necklace worn round the neck (Gupta).
76.318 Fragmentary female bust wearing heavy ear rings and torque (Kusana).
78.9 Fragment from a female figure representing breast, bangied wrist and
traces of double stringed beaded necklace (Kusana).
Ajarudas
The discovery of about twenty figures of garuda (eagle deity) suggests its wide
popularity and presents an interesting study. As already pointed out it symbolises
knowledge, elevation, light and victory of good over evil.42 The formula is conveyed
by the carving of a cobra in the beak or under the clutches of grauda. According
'42. Studies in Indian Art, p. 142.

to the mythology he is a carrier of nectar hence associated with divinity.43 As a

decorative motif it is to be seen on doorjambs and tympanums in the Kusana
period.44 Sometimes we notice it adorning the crowns and armlets of the
Bodhisattvas.45 The proper significance of and association of garuda in Buddhism
is yet to be properly studied in detail but it has been mentioned as a vehicle of
Amitabha Buddha.46 The deity is to be seen in bird form, hybrid form combining
human and bird aspects and also in complete human form. There appears to be
some gradual evolution from bird to human form and in the Gupta and post
Gupta periods the deity assumes almost a full human form and serves as vehicle of
Visnu. The iconography of garuda seems to have developed in this age.47
The sculptures recovered from Govindnagar presents a variety of garuda
figures and it is only after a close and comparative study that one is able to make
a clear distinction between a human and garuda representation. There are several
human busts with hands clasped in adoration which on first appearance look like
the figures of devotees but these really represent anthropomorphic form of garuda.
The Govindnagar finds warrant us to re-examine such figures afresh and give them
a proper label. This will help us in removing the confusion so far prevailing in
Mathura antiquities. It is also interesting to note that a good number of garuda
figures served some functional purpose because a tenon on top or below the
sculpture was meant to be fixed in the socket of some architectural component.
The important garuda figures are mentioned as under :
76.79 The sculpture represents garuda with outstretched wings. The eyes are
(fig. 57) open and wide spread and beak is pointed and large. There is a vertical
tilaka like motif in relief on the forehead. The notched hair is arranged
in two tiers. He wears ear rings (Kundalas) and holds a hooded cobra
with his two bangled hands. The upper part of the serpent is seen in the
clutches of his beak. A criss-cross design is shaped on the body and lower
vertical portion is decorated with leaves etc. The uncarved tenon above
the head hints its functional use. It is a composite form of bird and man
(Kusana).
76.80 It is a bird form of the deity with a vertical incised tilaka mark on the
forehead and pupils in the round e\es are seen bulging. The wings are
half spread and the snake is absent. The projecting middle part shows
criss-cross design, A plain vertical panel is seen below (Kusana).
76.81 It is also the bird representation of eagle deity. The eyes, beak and wings
are conspicuous otherwise the figure is plain and devoid of any carving
(Kusana).
43. The story is narrated in the Mahabhdrata and several Pur anas. Also see T.A. Gopinath Rao’i
Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, pt. 1, pp. 283-87.
45. Mathura Museum No. A. 45 and 44.3112.
47. Elements of Hindu Iconography, op. cit.
76 82 Head of garuda with prominent features. The notched type hairdo

shows different tiers and the forehead bears a big vertical projecting
tilaka mark. The pupils of eves are bulging and the beack tvpe nose
with snake is sharp and pointed. The earlobes are damaged and cheeks
show incised marks. The unfinished tenon type projection is seen on the
head. It represents the composite features of human and bird shape and
when complete it must have been in close affinity with figure No. 76.76
(Kusana).
76.83 The stele represents the human form of garuda. The wings of the earlier
(fig. 58) figures of garudas have now been transformed into proper arms. The
hands are shown clasped in adoration and placed against the chest and
their position reminds of the bulging middle portion of the body found in
birds and composite forms of the deity. The head is completely human
although the eyes are slightly bulging and the nose also has some affinity
with the bird form as seen in M.M. No. 76.79. There is an effort of shaping a
turban on the head which also bears a halo with incised border. The snake
is absent and the portion below waist does not indicate any feature whether
birds or human. The tenon on top indicates its functional utility. The
figures is a good citation of the development of garuda from bird to
human form. At the same time there is a deliberate effort to mark a plain
halo with an incised line behind the halo in order to elevate the status of
the figures from human to divine. Probably the wings on shoulders were
transformed into halo (Kusana).
76.84 The figure has almost the same features as discussed in figure No. 76.83.
The horizontal incised line below navel suggests an Jndo-scythian lower
garment ? (Kusana).
76.85 Same as No. 76,83 and 84 except the tongue which is conspicuous in the
wide open mouth (Kusana).
76.86 Fragment of the face of garuda with round and bulging eyes (Kusana).
76.92 Headless bust of a male with hands folded in adoration. Portion below
waist is plain. It should be identified as human reprentation of garuda
as No. 76.83 to 86 (Kusana).
76.93 Human form of garuda showing a male head with a fluted crown and ear
rings in the right ear and a mark on the forehead. Traces of plain halo
behind and the tenon on top to be fixed in some socket (Kusana).
76.95 Mutilated male bust with turban, ear rings torque and scarf. Traces of
halo and tenon are also visible (Kusana).
76.96 Human form of garuda representing his bust with a crown and torque.
Re cent Discoveries from Govindnagar 125
The eyes are bulgings and the hands are clasped in adoration against the
chest. Plain halo behind the head and tenon on top are conspicuous
(Kusana).
76.105 Headless bust of garuda with hands clasped in adoration against the
chest. He wears armlets, bracelets, torque and round ear rings. Traces,
of halo are also visible.
The divine aspect of garuda is indicated by the nimbus but the folded
hands suggest his position as devotee. He may, therefore, be called as divine
attendant a concept which continued with him for ever. The folded hands
appear to be reminiscents of his central body. This should be compared
with No. 7*\83, fig. 58.
76.213 This represents another aspect of male form of garuda in which he sits on
lion’s head with hands touching the shoulder. The hair is combed back
and he wears round ear rings, necklace and torque. The legs spread round
the lion look like bird’s paws (Kusana).
76.232 Head of garuda in bird form with a cudd on the forehead, the hair is
combed back in thick line, round ear ring in right ear, open eyes and
pointed beak. Tenon points to its functional use (Kusana).
76.315 Male head of garuda with fluted crest and ear rings with traces of halo
behind and broken tenon above (Kusana).
76.316 Headless figure of garuda with folded hands, halo round the head and
portion below waist is plain (Kusana).
76.326 Same as object No. 76.316.
Other Objects
A large number of items falling in different groups and of varied interest have
been recovered from the site. Those which deserve special attention for their
artistic or stylistic significance are described in brief :
76.88 Stele representing a standing nobleman wearing a fluted crown, ear rings,
(fig.59) torque, armlets, bracelets, scarf and dhoti. He carries a flower basket in
left and a large garland in the upraised right hand. The plain halo round
his head is an interesting feature and it elevated his status to a cakravartin
(Kusana).
76.89 The sculpture has close affinity with the previous one except the forehead
bears a round circular mark and the torque is replaced by a ‘V’ shaped
necklace and the carving is in bold relief (Kusana).
76.91 Fragment from the doorjamb representing a headless human figure beating
(fig.60) the drum with both hands on one side (Kusana).
76.102 Torso of a male deity whose right hand is raised in Abhaya while the left
one is held akimbo (Kusana),
71.1 14 Right half of a male head with wavy moustache and wavy hair arranged
(fig.61) in tiers. The pigtail (coti) is tied in the centre. It is a remarkable feature and
appears probably for the first time in Mathura Art. On the basis of this
feature the person may be indentified as a priest of a temple. Sikha and
sutra (yajhopavita) were essential feature for a Brdhmana. The neck is
marked wdth three incised round lines and the finish is fine (Gupta).
76.115 Human head with locks of hair falling on both shoulders. There was a
(fig.62) central tuft on top. The right ear wears a round ear ring {Kundala) while
the left ear denotes a suspended lobe. Unfortunately the face is chipped
off otherwise it w as a beautiful specimen of the classical art of the Gupta
age.
76.313 Fragment showing an armless human bust wearing a headgear, round ear
rings and single pearled necklace. It is noteworthy for the Gupta period
ornaments. The bust is seen under some pedestal like objects and should
be identified as a devotee carved on the pedestal probably of a Buddha
image (Gupta).
77.24 Fragment showing a headless flying celestial (Kusana).
77.28 Headless bust of a warrior wearing cross belts and a central buckle repre¬
senting probably a lion head. The piece is notew'orthy as it helps to study
on the dress of Scythian noblemen. The dress worn by the figure reminds
us of the garments covering the royal portraits excavated at Mat
(Kusana).
A. Stray Architectural Fragments
78.3 Screen shaped like a railing with a central band representing a charging
(fig.63) winged lion. It should belong to early Kusana period.
76.204 Water chanel with a deep groove (KusanaJ.
(fig. 64)
76.163 Fragmentary round pillar with a projecting decorative band carved with
(fig.65) Klrtimukha. scroll and beaded strings suspending below. The top also bears
a beaded string. The sculpture belongs to the Gupta period.
6
THE MATHURA SCHOOL OF ART
The Mathura art products represent one of the most important art schools
which influenced the other contemporary and later styles of art in the country.
More than one features are to be enumerated which establish Mathura as a distinct
and a powerful school of Indian art.
Abundance of Sculptural Finds
The richness of Mathura Art is suggested by the large number of sculptures

unearthed in Mathura and its neighbourhood during the last two centuries. The
first important sculpture from Mathura, the one representing the so-called ‘Bach-
hanlian scene and now housed in the India Museum, Calcutta,1 was reported in 1836.
Since then a large mumber of sculptures has come to light. More are being found
every other day. The number must have exceeded the figure of ten thousand by
now. While Mathura and Lucknow Museums are the chief repositories of this
antiquarian wealth, the art products of Mathura are seen adorning numerous other
museums, art galleries and private collections both at home and abroad. Even after¬
several archaeological expeditions, the region has not been completely explored
and excavated, not to speak of being exhausted. Consequently much more cultural
wealth is still awaiting the spade of the future archaeologists. The Mathura
Museum is of course the luckiest institution to be able to enrich its galleries speedily
off and on, but other museums, in India and abroad, are also expanding their
collections. This assessment is corroborated by a report of the Cleveland Museum
of Art, U.S.A.2
1. The find was made over to the Asiatic Sciety but now housed in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
JASB, V., 1836, p. 567.
2. ‘In the United States before 1950 there were not more than ten Kusana sculptures of major
significance, it would have been difficult at that time to write about the Mathura holdings in
American collection and virtually impossible to concentrate on the contents of a single
collection. Today the Cleveland Museum collection alone is sufficiently large to provide a
comprehensive overview of the diverse types of Mathura sculpture and even an examination
of the stylistic development of the school from the Sunga through the Gupta periods.' Czyma,
Stanislaw, Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, March, 1977.
The statement, although unfortunate as we are losing our art treasures so

rapidly, does prove the potentiality and antiquarian richness of the Mathura region.
As early as 1906*07, when only a small part of the art treasures of Mathura had
seen the light of the day, Vogel had realised the magnanimity of the Mathura
School of art. He observes, ‘the vast amount of the sculptural remains discovered at
Mathura would suffice to show' the importance of this place in the history of Indian
art. . . , the great flourishing period of the Mathura school undoubtedly coincides
with the reign of the great Kusana rulers Kaniska, Huviska and Vasudeva .... that
the Mathura School still existed in the Gupta period is attested by some inscribed
Buddha images/3
The plentitude of the products of the Mathura school, had impressed Gen.
Cunningham also and at the end of the last century he remarked,’ ‘Everywhere in
the North-West. I found the old Buddhist statues are made of Srkn’s sandstone
from which it would appear that Mathura must have been the great manufactory
for the supply of Buddhist sculptures in Northern India.’4
The places which have yielded the products of Mathura include Taxila in
Pakistan and Begram in Afghanistan in the west, Candraketu Garh (west Bengal)
and Mahasthan (Bangla Desh) in the east,5 and SravastI and Kasiya (both in Uttar
Pradesh) in the south.6 Such a mass scale production of sculptures at Mathura,
must have been possible only when the art-traditions w'ere well established here
and Mathura had earned high reputation as a great School of art. No place has
yielded, such a large number of sculptures, architectural fragments or other
detached pieces as Mathura. This vast variety points to a glorious art-style
flourishing here.
The Stone
The Mathura art products are distinctive because of the use of a special
variety of a stone, known as red sandstone with varying shades of colour. It often
bears white, dull w hite, creamish or buff spots hence is generally called spotted or
mottled red sandstone. This type was available in the neighouring region, viz.
Agra, Rupbas, STkarT, Karauli etc. The\ariety of stone, however, differs due to
composition of layers as the sandstone is the sedimentary rock shaped by the waste
material deposited due to the decay of earlier rocks. This material is composed of
mud, clay, sand, silt and gravel transported from the nativity through water action
and deposited in the form of layers, one over the other and transformed into the
rock.7
3. ASR., 1906-07, p, 142-3.

4. ASR.y XT, p. 75.
5. Saraswati, S.K., Early Sculptures of Bengal, Second Ed., 1962, Calcutta, 111-12.
6. Marg% March 1954. p. 13.
7. Agrawaia, O P., “Conservation Problems of Mathura Sculpture”, Journal of the Indian
Museums, Vol. XXIX, 1973, p. 44.
The Mathura. School of Art 129
Thus the variety and quality of sandstone depends on the nature of its deposits
and formation of layers, therefore, sometimes we notice big patches of buff colour
and occasionally the whole statue is made in buff stone. The spot and line in
different colours sometimes are so prominent that the aesthetic appeal and
expression are seriously affected.8
The artist in certain cases seems to have been conscious of this drawback and
he became selective in picking up the stone, but obviously under pressing demand he
was left with no choice but to carve out the figure in the available material. During
the Kusana peroid, when Mathura was serving as a great studio of plastic art, the
heavy requisition of its products in northern India engaged the artist day and night
for shaping the figures of deities and carving the details in architectural components
of the monuments, he could not afford to wait for the stone of his choice.
The study of sculpture from the different sites of Mathura and also the recent
discoveries from Govindnagar reveals that the stone mainly used by the sculptor is the
spotted red sandstone but stone of other types are also met with. Sometimes the spots
are very large and bold but in other cases they are small and minute. There are a
few sulptures of which the front is red and the back is buff or vice-versa. In other
cases, the statue or an architectural fragment made in buff stone, with red patches,
are \isible here and there.
The famous statue of king Kaniska in the Mathura Museum (No. 12.213;
fig. 8) and the headless meditating Buddha image from Govindnagar (No. 76.19;
fig. 112) are buff in front and spotted red at the back. The section of such statues
shows a straight vertical line dividing the entire block of stone in two different
colours pointing to a natural deposit of layers of different colours and texture
shaping a large rock. The present author availed himself of the opportunity to
survey a few quarries of stone in the adjoining region of Mathura and Agra and
also the composition of rocks in different layers of buff and red sandstone, and
patches and spots of either variety were seen in abundance.
A careful examination of a few sculptures reveals that efforts were sometimes

made to harmonise the colour of the statue through the application of a coat or
number of coats of the matching colour. A standing headless Buddha in the
Mathura Museum, from Govindagar (No. 76 187), is made in buff sandstone but
the traces of red colour in the armpit indicate that the figure was painted red
probably to impart uniformity of colour and resemblance with other images installed
in the monastery. Another sculpture providing this testimony is a torso of the
Buddha image acquired from Mainagarh (M.M. No. A.44). In this case the
painting aimed at blending the old buff patches into red which is the real colour of
the image. Rowland rightly observes, ‘This is an exceedingly ugly stone frequently
marred by veins of yellow and white so that streaks and spots of these lighter
colour disfigure the surface. For this reason there can be little doubt that the
8. Rowland, Benjamin, The Art and Architecture of India, 1953, p. 92.

while carved surface was originally covered with a concealing layer of polychromy
or gilt/9
The Gupta period arti7t working at Mathura seems to have been very careful
in the selection of the quality of the stone. Most of the sculptures of the period are
light pink or red in colour with very few or no spots. He never compromised with
the patches or spots that tended to mar the beauty of his product. He has rarely
carved in the buff variety, but in such exceptional cases too, he has avoided the
spots. The reason behind this factor appears that the artist in this age aimed at
quality and not at quantity.
In comparison to the Kusana period the Gupta sculptures are much smaller in
number while the quality by and large is superb. It appears that during the age of
strong Gupta rulers of Bhagavata belief, the demand for the Buddhist and Jaina
statues considerably fell and with the convention of the age the artist focussed his
attention on producing the ideal from combining physical charm with an inner
feeling of beatitude and serene expression. The choice of the stone did of course
play a vital role in achieving this aim. It may, however, be pointed out that the
typical stone used at Mathura is spotted red sandstone and the Mathura school of
art is distinguished by this trait.
Origin of the School
When actually the Mathura School of art began, cannot be stated with
certainty. It was of course a flourishing and dominating style in the Kusapa period
but it did not commence with the advent of the Kusana rule. It is only for the sake
of convenience that sometimes art historians prescribe the time limit of the Mathura
School from c. 1st century A.D. to the Gupta period. But the fact remains that the
art traditions had already gained footing at Mathura at least in the 3rd century
B.C.10
Before the development of the pantheons of the different sects it was only
the images ol Yaksa who was under worship. The uniform pattern of the Yaksa
images found in the region suggests that the production of this variety of images
was the national obsession of art, or if we make two divisions of Maurvan art, it
can be said that the monolithic columns with shining polish and imposing capitals
formed specimens of court art on the one hand while the Yaksa statues constituted
specimens of folk art on the other. The large size images falling in the second cate¬
gory, i.e., the images of folk style have been found at many different places of which
the following may be mentioned.11
I. } aksi from Besnagar near Bhopal now housed in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta.
5. ib\d.
10. Mdrg, March, 1964, p. 13.
11. Agrawala, V.S., Indian Art, 1966, p. 111.
The Mathura School of Art 131
2. Yaksa from Patna, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.

3. An inscribed Yaksa from Patna also in the Indian Museum. Calcutta.
4. Inscribed Yaksa from Pawaya (Padmavati), now in the Gwalior Museum.
5. Yaksi at Besnagar called Telin.
6. Yaksa recovered from the river bed at Bhilsa.
7. Some Yaksa statues revealed by excavation at Sisupalgarh, Orissa.
8. Yaksa from Western India, now in the National Museum, New Delhi.
9. Trimukha Yaksa from Rajghat now in the Bharat Kala Bhawan, Varanasi.
10. Fourfold Yaksa from Bhlta. now in the State Museum, Lucknow.
Mathura was an important centre of Yaksa worship in the pre-Christian epoch

and consequently several Yaksa statues of Mauna-Sunga period have been found in
this region, the most notable among which are mentioned below.
1. Colossal statue from \illage Parkham now in the Mathura Museum (No. C.3,
fig. 1) recording the name of the sculptor as Gonmaka and his teacher
Kunika.1-
2. Yak si from Nagla Jhlnga acquired for the Mathura Museum bv the present
author (No. 72.5) with an inscription on the pedestal referring to the stone
craftsman as Naka whose teacher is again mentioned as Kunika. The wicker
seat on which the headless deity is seated, is beautifully decorated.13
3. Yaksa from village Baroda resembling the Parkham image and wearing heavy
earrings in the cloven earlobes, a flat torque fastened by a band and a necklace
with an interwoven knot ending in two lovely tassels.14
4. A colossal Yaksa statue in village Noh in Bharatpur district. It is in close
affinity with the Parkham image.
The discovery of these images proves that there were stone cutters, engravers
and sculptors at Mathura in the Maurya and Sunga periods although a polished
monolithic column distinctly assignable to the reign of Asoka is yet wanting from
the rich sites of the region. It may, however, be pointed out that the traditions
ascribe the construction of the Buddhist monastery to the famous preceptor
Upagupta who exercised much influence on Emperor Asoka. The Chinese pilgrim,
Hiuen-Tsang also recorded such recollections in his travel memoirs.1'
Sir John Marshall has rightly classified the pre-Kusana products of Mathura
art in three groups, i.e. the earliest, assignable to the second century B C.,
the second belonging to the first century B.C. and the third, remiscent of the
satrapal interregnum.1'’ Thus the art traditions were already deep-rooted at Mathura
12. V.S. Agrawala, Mathura Museum Catalogue, JUPHS., 1951, p. 75.

13. Sharma, R.C., MM A., 1976, p. 29.
14. Agrawala, V.S., Studies in Indian Art, 1965, p. 114.
15. Growsc, F.S., Mathura Memoir, Part I, p. 62.
16. CHI, Vol. T, pp. 632-33.
in the pre-Kusana period and the best examples of this period are the Yaksa statues.
Chanda describes them as ‘the crudest of the early Indian school.,1T But to us it
does not appear to be a correct assessment of these early images which appear
intentionally to represent both volume and monumentality suggesting the might and
power of these superhuman beings. Their delineation is simple but not without grace
and at times the ornaments and wearings are indicative of royal splendour. No
doubt the folk element dominates but this cannot be dismissed as crudity.
These Yaksa statues are really the earliest specimens of the sculptural activities
of Mathura. The fact that the names of two sculptors are also recorded on two
statues are particularly significant as the name of their common teacher is also
mentioned. As already stated the image from Parkham mentions Gomitaka while the
Yaksi statue from Nagla Jhlnga refers to Naka as the creator. In both these statues
the name of their teacher is read as Kunilca. This clearly suggests that at least three
centuries before the Kusana rule art was practised in the Mathura region as a
regular discipline and there were master craftsmen and their disciples (antevasfs)
as recorded on the pedestals of the two above cited Yaksa statues. This indicates
that Mathura was already a centre of art even in the MauryamSunga epoch,
although we may not be inclined to term it as a School of art yet in the strict sense.
But it had a fairly good background to emerge as an independent style of art. There
can be no doubt that it gained momentum before long under the royal patronage
of the Kusana rulers and transformed itself into a highly potent and dominating
school during the Kusana period, but qualitatively it reached the pinnacle of glory
in the Gupta period, when among others the gifted sculptor Dinna produced
sculptors of suberb quality.
Development of the School through the Ages
If one carefully studies the stylistic development through the centuries the
following characteristics become apparent :
In the first phase the sculptures appear to be heavy and voluminous with the
front treated better as indicated in the old Yaksa statue. With the passage of time
a tendency of reducing the mass is seen as indicated by the sculptures of the period
between the 1st century B.C. and 1st century A.D. The third phase is characterised
by the products of Saka-Kusana age. These are mundane, sensuous, graceful
and full of movement. A good deal of foreign traits are seen amalgamated with the
indigenous trends. The fourth phase of development towards sublimation is indicated
by the specimens of the Kusano-Gupta period which show a tendency of growing
repulsion for the foreign elements and a penchant for creating a subtle expression. The
fifth phase represents the classical culmination of the Gupta period when sculptural
art reached its zenith. The products are rather detached, supermundane, expressive
of inner peace, calm, grace, and an indescribable harmony of physical charm and
intellectual awakening. As observed by Saraswati, 'The lush sensuality of Mathura
17. Chanda, R.P., ASR., 1922*23, p. 165.

and the careless abandon of Amaravatl undergo a distinct transformation in the

hands of Gupta artists who seem to have been working for a higher ideal.
A new outlook appears to have emerged to inspire the artists to rise above
this mundane world—the world of senses—and bring their productions within the
confines of reason and intellect. The period of the Gupta ushers in a heightened
intellectual consciousness which permeates all forms of activity.18 Having reached
this culmination, the Mathura School of Art starts descending in the end of the 6th
century A.D. The Gupta empire disintegrated and Northern India fell a prey to
devastation caused by the barbarous Hurias who made a fierce attack and struck a
hard blow upon its monumental glory, and the long cherished art conventions
suffered an unrepairable loss. Mathura reeled under the inpact and never recovered
from the damage. Although some efforts were made to restore and revive the
artistic tradition of old, Mathura failed to recapture its glory and ceased to be a
creative school of art from about the 7th century A.D.
Richness of Art Forms

A striking feature of the Mathura School of art is the rich variety of art forms
and traditions and there is an apparent reason for these phenomena. Mathura has
been a meeting place of several cultural currents right from about the 2nd century
B.C. to the end of the 3rd century A.D. It is but natural that impact of foreigners
and their traditions were absorbed by the art of Mathura. After all art and litera¬
ture are the mirrors of the contemporary society and Mathura was no exception to
this maxim. Moreover, when the foreigners occupied a dominating position in the
society and the destiny of the country was in their hands, the artist had no choice
but to give a befitting place to their likings and conventions. It is not always
under a compulsion that the artist adopted a certain trend or was influenced by the
ruling force, sometimes he himself derived pleasure in presenting new themes and
motifs. Thus we do come across several foreign features in art of Mathura but this
depiction just speaks of the flexibility of the society which was reflected itself
through art.
The presence of foreign themes and motifs in Mathura Art has sometimes been
misrepresented by some scholars who thought that there were several Greek artists
actually working at Mathura. This confusion was created by the early discovery of
a sculptures of the so-called Silenus or the Bachhanalian scene now in the Calcutta
Museum. It was labelled then as a Grecian sculpture carved bv a foreigner.
Prinsep thought that the sculpture was the outcome of Greek mythology. This
encouraged Cunningham, Smith and Griinwedel to conclude that there was a group
of Bactrian sculptors at Mathura and that they were employed by the local
followers of Buddhism who were prosperous enough to build monuments and instal
images. Smith, however, thought that Mathura represents a distinct school but it
18, A Survey of Indian Sculpture, 1975, p. 125.

was highly influenced by the Greek conventions hence he gave the nomenclature to
the Mathura School as Jndo-Hellenic.19
The reasoning behind these arguments was not much convincing and main
impediment was the paucity of materials then for a deeper probe. As the number
of remains increased, Indologists started interpreting them in the light of Indian
mythology and scriptures; consequently when Growse found a sculpture from
Palikhera in 1873-74 resembling the earlier piece discovered by Col. Stacy he
challenged the theory of Cunningham and others of the presence of Bactrian
sculptors at Mathura. He did not agree with Stacy and Prinsep to identify the
central figure as Silenus and advanced his views in favour of some Indian deity
most probably Balarama who is often shown as a drinker in art and literature. The
first verse of Svapnavasavadattam by Bhasa introduces him as fond of wine.
Rejecting Cunningham’s theory Growse concludes ‘Considering the local charac¬
ter of all the other accessories I find it impossible to agree with Gen. Cunnin¬
gham in ascribing the work to a foreign artist .the thoroughly Indian character
of the details seems to me as to Rajendra Lai Mitra, a decisive proof that the
sculptor was a nati\e of the country, nor do I think it very strange that he
should represent one of the less important characters as clothed in a modified
Greek costume, since it is an established historical fact that Mathura was
included in the Bactrian Empire, and the Greek style of the dress cannot have
been altogether unfamiliar to him/-0
With regard to the identification of the main figure in these so-called Bachha-
nalian Groups the present author docs not find in agreement with Growse, who
calls them Balarama as the statue of this deity were already canonised and was
represented through snake coils and hoods. The earliest one recovered from
Junsuti near Mathura and now in the State Museum Lucknow (No. G. 215; fig. 2)
represents him in this fashion. Such cognizances are not to be seen in the
Palikhera and the earlier group of the sculptures. Vogel seems to be justified in
identify ing: them as Kubera—the lord of wealth and the cup probably stood for
the treasure vase of the de ty/1 Supporting his views it may be added that the
Yaksas, who possesed great might and wealth, have been adopted as attendants to
the pontiffs in Jainism and Buddhism. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the
underlying idea of the sculptor was to depict the lower nature of the Yaksas by
exhibiting them drinking wine and falling senseless. Such representations were
meant to amuse the general visitors to a Buddhist monastery as well as to warn
them against the vices of wine.
19. “Greco Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India", JASBVol. L, VIII, 1889,
Part I, pp. 140 and 156.
20. Growse, F.S., AfDAf., p. 168.
21. ASR.< 1967, p. 144.
Transformation of Symbols
The other important contribution which the Mathura School has made is the
inception of the new art forms and also continuing and improving upon the earlier
trends experimented at Bharhut and SanchT In the pre-Christian period, the
Mathura artist depended more on symbols, tree and animal motifs and the message
remained co\ered in such a mvstic depiction. But the creative sculptor of Mathura
gave a new dimension to the whole concept and he transformed the symbols into
direct representation. Thus he unfolded the mystery of nature and the object now
conveyed a more clear meaning.
Emergence of New Deities
The Mathura School is also known for the evolution of deities of different
sects. Once the transformation of symbols into human form set in motion all
important religions were encouraged to opt for it. Consequently there was a race
for carving the deities in different forms and shapes. The Mathura artist accom¬
plished the great task of amalgamating the two different traditions which hitherto
flourished independently.
There were on the one hand the cults of Yaksas, tree deities and other folk
divinities and on the other the newly developing pantheons of Buddhism, Jainism
and Brahmanism to inspire the artist. The masses, although keen to worship the
Buddha, were equally keen to retain the earlier Yaksa and folk traditions. There
are several divinities who appear for the first time at Mathura and no study of art
and iconography can be complete without surveying their earlier representations
at Mathura. Some of these deities of course disappeared in the long span of time but
many continue to the present day. Vasudhara, Srldevi, Gajalaksmi, Matrkas, Durga
(particularly MahisamardinI), Kamadeva, Visnu, Siva, Kartikeya etc have found
their first form at the hands of Mathura artists either in stone or in terracotta.
If the nude and controversial torso from Lohanlpur near Patna is left aside,
the Jaina TIrthankaras were also shaped for the first time at Mathura. While the
cognizances for identification of different Jinas were fixed up in the post Gupta
period, some of the distinguishing features of important ones were already settled
several centuries earlier at Mathura. Thus we have Adinatha or Rsabhanatha with
hair falling on shoulders, Suparsvanatha or Parsvanatha with a snake canopy over
his head and Neminatha flanked by Krsna and Balarama right from the 1st century
A.D. The Ayagapatas assignable between the 1st century B.C. and 1st century A.D
record a faithful delineation of transitional phase from symbols to anthropomor¬
phic form. It is from these stone tablets of homage that a student of iconography
concludes with a sense of firm conviction that Mathura made a start of Jaina
icons.
The same is the case of Buddhist pantheon and this issue has been discussed
in a separate chapter but it may be briefly pointed out here that nowhere else do
136 Buddhist Art of Matuhrd
we find an earlier representation of the Buddha in human form than in Mathura.

This is one of the noblest contributions which the Mathura school has made
towards the development of Indian Art. Not only the Buddha but several other
Buddhas and Bodhisattvas with their variation emerged for the first time at
Mathura.
Eclecticism
Mathura attracted all sects and religions and their followers built monuments
and shrines of their choice. The eclectic atmosphere of Mathura thus prepared a
good background for the evolution of pantheon of various sects almost simul¬
taneously. Besides of Brahminical, Jaina and Buddhist nature other folk deities
such as Nagas, Ndgis, Kubera, Haritl, Yaksas and Yaksis were also carved in
abundance.
Royal Portraits
A novel experiment made in the Mathnra School was the introduction of

royal portraits. Life or heroic size statues of Vima Kadphises (fig. 9), Kaniska
(fig. 8), Castana and some other unnamed princes were discovered at the mound
of Tokrl or Itokri near Mat in Mathura District. This was a portrait gallery of
Kusana rulers and has been called as Devakula in the contemporary epigraphs.
These kings used Devaputra as their epithet and must have thought of installing
images at a particular place or their sons or successors might have done so as token
of their regard for their fathers and the complex consisting of the statues of
Devaputras was probably titled as the Devakula. The underlying idea seems to
exhibit the might and prowess of the rulers. One can mark the fusion of Central
Asian and North Indian artistic trends in these statues.22
It may be pointed out here that a section of scholars, particularly, S.K.

Saraswati. opines that the Mat portraits are not the representative products of the
Mathura School of Art and the idea is possibly a loan from the west, from the
Classical World in ultimate analysis.23 These are strikingly overwhelmed by the
alien trends, and the possibility of the presence of some foreign sculptors in the
Kusana period can well be conjectured. But the concept of a portrait gallery is not
altogether an imported one. The third canto of Bhasa’s Partimdndtaka refers to a
Devakula which housed beautiful stone sculptures of the deceased Iksvaku
rulers.
Feminine Beauty
The Mathura School is known for presenting the feminine form with great
beauty, charm and attraction. In the earlier styles of Bharhut and Sanchi the
22. A comparative study of the Mathura portraits with similar statues excavated at Surkh Kotal,
Afganistan has been made by C.M. Kieffer in the above quoted Mathura Number of Margr
pp. 43-48 For further details see J.M. RosenfieUTs DAK., Ch. VI.
23. A Survey of Indian Sculpture, 1975, p. 69.
womanfolk seem to have played a simple and innocent role. They are there as a part
of the society either to perform worship and rituals, to earn charity or are seen
as superhuman beings as objects of worship in the form of Yaksis and Devatas. But
the artist of Mathura served a different purpose through shaping their extra round
breasts, heavy hips, graceful postures suggesting movements, attractive looks and
inviting gestures.-1 Numerous toilet scenes, more than thirty varieties of coiffure
and about fifty kinds of ornaments speak of the gaiety and abandon of the beauties
of the Kusana period. Apparently the artist of Mathura aims at revealing the
secrets of female beauty through voluptuous forms. This was again a unique
experiment which blended the fervour of sensuous emotion with a religious and
spiritual flavour. The overtures were, however, much restricted in the Gupta
regime.
Female in Terracotta Sculpture
It may be made clear that use of the female figure was not a monopoly of the
Kusana period or an innovation of the artist working under royal patronage in
the Kusana era. We have seen the beginnings of this theme right in the Sunga
period. A close study of the development of terracotta figures at Mathura reveals
several distinct stages of their evolution. The archaic mother goddesses are crudel}
modelled with applique ornaments and limbs, disproportionate flat body and a
face giving the impression of an animal or a bird. It is not possible to call them
as artistic pieces and they look like cult objects, aimed particularly, at promoting
fertility. For this very reason these are known as mother goddesses and are
assigned to the pre-Mauryan age. The second stage is marked in the Mauryan
clay figurines which are provided with a naturalistic human face and the hairdo too
is tastefully decorated. The other characteristics of the pre-Mauryan phase
continue. Although, as a result there is much improvement in modelling, yet the
figures are devoid of any expression, not to speak of being capable or rousing
subtle emotions.2'’
The story of the Sunga period terracottas is, however, dfferent and here we
notice the womenfolk willing to display their charm and delicacy as it were. Here
the women are shown busy in various actions, viz. fastening a coiffure, applying
cosmetics, looking into the mirror, playing with a bird or feeding it, holding a fan,
removing a thorn etc. It appears that she has become conscious of her physical
charm and is keen to exhibit it through her actions, gestures and rhythmic move¬
ments, certainly they donot serve a cult or ritualistic cause as may be conjectured in
the case or Mauryan and pre-Mauryan mothergoddesses. But this is not enough;
she goes a step forward and moves out with a male companion. It is not always
neeessary that such a companion is her husband only and scholars have tried tc
24. Ray, N.R., AlU., p. 524.

25. Sharma, R.C., “Terracotta Art of Mathura”, U.P. Lalit Kala Akademi, Independence Silver
Jubilee Number, p. I4S.
divide them in two groups—firstly, where the woman stands to the left of the man
as is the usual attitude of husband and wife hence the couple is termed as Dampati
plaque, and, secondly, the woman is sometimes seen on the right side of the man
and such plaques have been called as Mithunas and may be taken to represent
lovers. In any case the idea in either case is to depict them in an intimate and
endearing attitude.
The love scenes as seen in the terracotta art are also noticed in contemporary
architecture. A vertical architectural fragment, probably a doorjamb (Mathura
Museum No. 1.11), belonging to about the 2nd century B.C. is of great signifi¬
cance. Here we find different compartments carved with male and female musicians,
dancers and actors. In one compartment is depicted a copulating scene. It appears
as though the whole theme represents the house of a courtesan—Ganlka Prakostha
Vogel thinks that the relief represents the lower world — Kamaloka with prominent
sensuous elements.-6 A railing pillar (Mathura Museum No. J.2) is carved with a
lady in a dancing pose. She wears a large hairdo, a variety of ornaments and her
garment-sari-is so transparently thin as to completely expose the body. We are
aware of the fact that Kamadeva and Rati were worshipped in ancient India. The
Mathura Museum possesses a few terracottas and stone sculptures representing
Kamadeva in different forms and these belong to the 2nd contury B.C.
(No. 39.2894, 34.2552 and 18.1448).
In the light of these examples it can be stated that the depiction of the female
body in a sensuousness aspect already existed in the indigenous art tradition and
the credit for the discovery or rediscovery and exploitation of this phenomenon
should not be given altogether to the Kusanas or other foreigners as held by some
scholars.17 The Kusana people and the artists of this age ofcourse gave due, perhaps
greater, recognition to this striking theme and the spectators may also have found
the Kusana period quite intoxicating, in consequence, if not distracting.
Decorative Motifs
The decorative motifs as depicted in the early architecture of Mathura further

suggest that the Mathura School represented an integrated art style. These motifs
are common in Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism and are indicative of purity,
prosperity and auspiciousness. The Svasiika, Mahgalakalasa, Phalapdtra, Srivatsa,
Dharmacakra, Sankhaniahi, Padmanidhi, Garuda, Kalpalata, Kalpavrksa or Bodhi-
vrksa, Triratna, elephant, lion, bull, deer, snake, goose, peacock, fabulous or
composite figures and different types of lotuses are some of the motifs which are
repeatedly seen in Mathura art (fig. 38, 39, 40). Some of these convey a deep
metaphysical meaning and cannot be dispensed with as just ornamental devices.
26. CAMMp. 136 and pi. XX.

27. Md?g, Vol. XV., No. 2 March 1962, Mathura No. Editorial.
Artists of the Mathura School

A very important factor which favoured Mathura to be an important centre
of art is the discovery of the names of several artists in the epigraphs of Mathura.
As stated above the names of three artists are well known from the pedestals of
the Mauryan-Sunga Yaksa images i.e. Kunika, Gomitaka and Naka. Dinna is
another popular name recorded in the images of the Gupta period Buddha images.
The statue lying in the Mahaparinirvdna posture at Kasia also points to the
probabilty of its being carved by Dinna who belonged to Mathura. The pedestal
of the famous standing image of the Buddha (Mathura Museum No. 45, fig. 139)
also refers to him as Yasadinnasya i.e. glory of Dinna. But it is not clear whether
this name occurs in the capacity of a donor, monk or artist. A similar statue
slightly smaller in dimensions excavated at the site of Govindnagar informs that
the sculpture was made by Dinna (Mathura Museum No. 76.25, fig. 142).28
Needless to say that these products of Dinna rank among the outstanding creations
of Indian art.
The scholars once thought that Dinna is the only artist who has been recorded
in the sculptures of Mathura. Vogel remarked, ‘the famous Nirvana, statue of
Kasia, which may be assigned to the 5th century appears to have been the work of
Dinna of Mathura, the only one of these numberless artists, whose name has,
though, imperfectly been preserved.'29 The SravastI excavations, however, brought
to light one pedestal of the Bodhisattva image which clearly records the name of
the sculptor as Sailartipakdra Sivamitra. The object is housed in the State Museum,
Lucknow (fig. 87). It is one of the earliest Buddhist images and Daya Ram Sahni
is inclined to date it in the pre-Kaniska period.30
H. Liiders is inclined to read the names of atleast six more sculptors in the
inscriptions discovered at Mathura. These names are Rama, Dharma, Sanghadeva,
Jotisa, Dasa and Sivaraksita. About the first name he writes, ‘From the position
of the inscription it appears that it cannot possibly refer to the person represented
on the obverse, and as the name, which undoubtedly in correct spelling would be
Rama is put down without the ending of the genetive. I feel sure that it is not the
name of the donor, but of the sculptor who did the carving.'31
The present author is in agreement with Ltiders and has discovered that some
other sculptures also bear the initials of the artists. Mention may be made of
Singha (Mathura Museum No. 56.4239), Nayasa (16.1552), Deyahu (J.I5), Visnu
and Javakula. The last name has been read on the pedestal of a small Buddha
of the Kusana period in a private collection registered in the office of the Registering
Officer, Agra No. 1322 of Mathura District. Thus we now have more than a dozen
28. The last two letters of the epigraph are read as ‘Ghatita Dinnena’ i.e. carved by Dinna.
29. A SR., 1906-07, p. 143.
30. A SR., 1908-09, p. 134.
31. MI., pp. 113 and 239.
of names of the sculptors of the Mathura school from the Mauryan to the Gupta
periods. Many more may be traced if the sculptures and the architectural fragments
are carefully checked up. Some sculptures bear single letters which may be taken
either as the initial or a monogram of the name of the sculptor. But this requires
proper investigation before any firm conclusion is drawn.
Culmination
The Mathura School reached its zenith in the Gupta period when the foreign
trends imported by the Scythians and Kusanas were either completely rejected or
Indianised. The ligure became slim and slender and the expression reflecled bliss
and serenity. The youthful body is now full of energy and mobility. There is an
overall improvement in carving which reflect grace, charm and delicacy. The Gupta
sculptures represent a unique combination of beauty and spirit. This was a noble
experiment made by the school of Mathura and was followed by other contem¬
porary and subsequent art styles. The Mathura School represents an integrated art
dictum and the varieties of art forms of the Kusana period were fused into one
main style. It may also be stated that even the Sarnath school of sculpture was
inspired by Mathura School and it developed on the experiments made by the
mastercraftsmen of Mathura.
It may, however, be pointed out that the process of manufacture of Mathura

sculptures in the Gupta period slowed down considerably, probably due to the fact
that royal patronage was not available now. During the Kusana hegemony Mathura
was the most important headquarter in the eastern expanse of the empire but the
Gupta kings ruled this region directy from Pataliputra and Mathura in consequence
lost its political primacy or importance. But it continued to enjoy the favour of the
religious teachers and their wealthy devout followers. Nevertheless it appears that
after the fail of the Kusanas many artisans had to leave the place to seek shelter
elsewhere, though a few' of them still stayed and continued to display the splendour
of their chisel. The artists were no more in a hurry to meet any pressure of demand,
which had shrunk, and they were able to concentrate upon the quality of the
products. The Mathura School took a distinct turn now. The inteliectural and
political resurgence which ousted the foreign authority of the Kusanas and gave
wav to the rule of the Guptas, after an upheaval lasting a century, is amply
reflected in the Gupta art of Mathura.
SECTION III
Buddhist Art
CHAPTER VII : BUDDHA IN ART OF MATHURA
CHAPTER VIII : CHRONOLOGY OF BUDDHIST ICONS
CHAPTER IX : MATHURA AND OTHER SCHOOLS OF ART

7
BUDDHA IN THE ART OF MATHURA
The figure of the Buddha has fascinated throughout centuries artists and art
critics, not only in India but all over the world. Therefore understandably the
problem of fixing the the place and date of the origin of the practice of producing
images of the Buddha has engaged the attention of many oriental and occidental
scholars. They are divided into two camps : one propounding the occidental
theory is led by Foucher, Smith. Griinwedel etc. and other advocating for the
Indian origin include Iwasaki Masunvi, Goloubew, Coomaraswamy, Lohuizen, V.S.
Agrawala and others.1 When we study the Buddhist art at Mathura it is not
possible to ignore this controversy as the School of Mathura has been a great
manufactory of Buddhist figures from the very beginning. The problem can be
scrutinised from three different angles, put in the form of questions below:
A. When did the Buddha image begin ?
B. How did it begin ?
C. Where did it begin ?
A.
When was the Buddha Image introduced ?

So for we heave not come across any contemporary image of the Budhha.
But there are some later literary traditions which appear to indicate that the figure
was already evolved in his time. The Divydvaddna states that on the request of King
Bimbisara the Buddha agreed to allow his shadow to fall upon a cloth in order to
facilitate the painting of his figure on it. He also desired to fill the outline with
colour and write some religious sentences. Here we find a detailed description of
1. Sharma, R.C., “Pre Kaniska Buddhist Iconography at Mathura,*’ Archaeological Congress

and Seminar Papers, Nagpur, 1972, p. 289.
preparation of a banner painting.- Another text, namely, Korala Bimba Varrtava

records that a gilded sandalwood image of the Master was made with his permis¬
sion. Probably placed in a monastery, it aimed at consoling those visitors who
came from a far distance and felt disappointed when the Buddha happened to be
out.2 3
The Sri Lankan tradition, as recorded in the Mcha\cmsa, reveals that a golden
statue of the Buddha in the attitude of Enlightenment W'as kept in the relic
chamber of Ra\ana\ati Dagoba of King Duthagarr ani in the middle of the second
century B.C. Besides this image, which was painted in suitable colours and adorned
with precious stones, a few statues of other deities were also kept in the relic
chamber.4
Such later literary traditions about the making of the image of the Buddha
during his own time are not corroborated by archaeology. Bharhut and Sanchi
belonging to 2nd-Ist century B.C. do not display a single Buddhist icon in human
form. Instead his presence has been indicated through various symbols sometimes
with imagination or elaboration of wrell known events of his life, the conception
was indicated by Mavade\T$ dream in which a white elephant is seen entering her
womb. The nativity is marked by a lotus flower; a riderless horse stands to show
the event, of Great Departure (Mahcbhisriskramana), and the tree or footprints
2. The story is narrated m the 37th A\adana i e. RudrOyamocdarwm in the Divyavadanam edited
by Dr. P.L. Vaidya, 1959, p. 466. As it is of great significance it would be worthwhile to
quote the relevant passage.
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3. Anand, Mulk Raj, “Origin of the Buddha Image”, Marg, Vol. XV, No. 2, Mathura, March
1962, p 10.
4. Ibid.
Buddha in the Art of Mathura 145
under the tree recall the Enlightenment which he obtained while sitting under the
Bodhi tree at Bodhgaya. Similarly the First Sermon at Sarnath (dharmacakrapra-
xartana) is to be recognised by a wheel on the pillar, and, the last event, i.e. the
Great Decease (mahdparinirxdna), is suggested by a stupa.
The early Caitya halls executed in the pre-Christian centuries, i.e. Bhaja,
Kondane, PTtalkhora, Ajanta cave (Nos. 9 and 10), Bedsa. Nasik, Karle etc.
do not possess in relief the events of the life of the Buddha.5 The Bodhgaya railing,
slightly later in date, i.e. 50 B.C., also has the aniconic representation of the Master.
Early AmaravatT architecture follows the same principle. Even in Sri Lanka where
we have the Mahdvamsa tradition of an early golden statue of the Buddha, not a
single early figure is met with at any of the sites including the stupas of Thuparama
and Ruwanwaeli at Anurudhupuram.6
The early art of Mathura has also been reluctant in exhibiting the Buddha in
hu man form. He has been represented through various symbols, viz. Bodhi tree,
cakra and stupa. These are carved with much respect and reverence and their
apparently superior position in relation to other objects in the panels of sculptures
displaying them lea\es no doubt that the presence of the Master has been com eyed
through them.7
The absence of the Buddha's representation in human form needs some

explanation. It may be attributed either to the incapability of the sculptor or to some
prohibition in this regard. About the first it may be pointed out that the human
portrature was not a problem for the Indian craftsmen. They were faithfully carving
the Yaksas, devotees, attendents, kings, celestials, and even some deities as
Brahma, Indra and others. The scenes from the jdtaka tales were tastefully carved on
stone and the Buddha was showm in human form also but only in his previous
births. Thus the only explanation of the absence of the Buddha figure in these early
art works appears to be canonical interdiction. Depiction of the Buddha as an
ordinary man after his Enlightenment and salvation was perhaps considered to be
contrary to the Buddhist canons.
Statements attributed to the Buddha in the early Theravadin literature seem to

have disfavoured any attempt to make his image. He declared that the cause of
the bondage of his body had extinguished and the people and gods could
see it (the body) only till it existed. Afterwards nobody could see him in that
form.8 The Buddhists, therefore, could have thought that an effort to represent him
in human form would be a violation of the wishes of the Master. This inhibition
haunted the orthodox Buddhists for several centuries after the death of the Buddha.
They obviously believed that after the state of complete nirvana, there was no
question of reviving his body form.
5. Krishnan, Y., “The Origin of the Buddha Image, Mdrg'\ op. cit.y pp. 15-16.
6. Ibid., page 15.
7. Mathura Museum No. 1 8.1516,114-15.438 and 10.130.
8. Digghanikava, Brahmajalasutta 2.3.23.
In the light of the above survey vve can conclude that the early art styles
deliberately did not represent the Buddha. Mathura too followed the Theravddins’
injunction against making an image of the Buddha and remained content with the
aniconic representation of the Master.
How Did the Buddha Figure Evolve ?
A large number of images of the Buddha dated or datable to the Kusana age
proves that the Mathura artists came out of the inhibition some-times in or before
the Kusana period. But we have to determine the reason and date for the
introduction of the image of the Buddha in Mathura.
There were three main religious sects in the pre-Christian period, i.e. Brah¬
manism, Jainism and Buddhism. The positive evidence of the prevalence of icons in
the Vedic period is doubtful and generally the scholars do not favour any theory
advocating the image worship in the Vedic age. When asked about the image making
in the Vedic period, Max Muller replied, ‘The religion of the Vedas knows no
idols. The worship of idols in India is a secondary formation.’'1 Wilson held the
same view when he observed that, 4The worship of the Vedas is for the most part
domestic worship, consisting of prayers and oblations offered in their own houses,
not in temples.In a word, the religion of the Vedas was not idolatory’.1'1
Macdonell remarked that no mention of either images or temples is found in the
Rgveda.11 Bloomfield stated, ‘.As a matter of fact there is no record of
Vedic icons or Vedic temples. In all these senses there is no Vedic pantheon.31
Some scholars have, however, criticised these views. Bollensen has tried to
prove the existence of images from some hymns of the second Mandala of the
Rgveda. He refers to a painted image of Rudra and of Varuna with a golden coat of
mail, Venkatesvara after a long controversy with Macdonell further supported his
view.13 But these depositions have been criticised by J.N. Banerjea. He has noted
that ‘scholars like Bollensen and Venkatesvara mainly utilise the anthropomorphic
descriptions of the Vedic divinities as contained in the hymns of the Rgveda in
support of their theory. But what is the extent of this anthropomorphism14 Banerjea
supports Keith who thinks, ‘that the Vedic pantheon has none of the clear cut
figures of the Greek.'15 Opposing the view of Bollensen about the existence of images
in the Vedic period, Banerjea opine that there is not the least justification for
assuming that these were based on actual concrete figures.'16
9. Chips from a German Workshop, Vol, 1, p. 38.

10. Wilson, H H., Preface to Visnu Purana, Pt. II.
11. Vedic Mythology, pp. 17-18.
12. Religion of the Veda, p. 89.
13. Rupam No. 42-4, 1930,
14. Development of Hindu Iconography (henceforth DHl), 1956, pp. 53-54.
15. Religion and Pnilosophy of the Veda and Upanisads, Vol. I, p. 58.
16. DHL, p. 61.
The attention of scholars who do not see any references to icons in the Rgveda
may be drawn to the verse which may be translated as follows :
‘O Indra armed with strong stone we do not sell you even at a high price. Not
even for a thousand or ten thousand or even for innumerable riches (cows).’ 17
Another passage of the fourth mandala may also be quoted to remove

further doubts. Kaegi gives the following translation of the passage: ‘who offers me
ten cows for this Indra of mine. When he has overcome the enemy he will return
him to me. ‘Explaining it Kaegi opines that, ‘this is hardly conceivable without an
image or symbols of the gods. I do not personally think that such type of sale,
purchase, exchange or return is possible without having some object in hand.'18
The Taittiriya Samhitd of Kjsna Yajurveda refers to the ‘temple of the gods.' The
use of the word ‘Devala* meaning one who earns by dealing with images, indicates
that there was a proper installation of Vedic deities and a priest used to look after
them and thus got his livelihood.19 The following reference of the Rgveda which states
as, ‘Oh Maruts accept this your portion offered as temple' also deserves attention.20
The Taittiriya Aranyaka mentions two sculptors namely Tvasta and Visvakarma
and images of the sun. ‘Let Visvakarma provide you with sun images. Let Tvasta
provide you with images.21 The third artist is Kasyapa who is said to have repre¬
sented seven suns in his art.22-23 The use of word ‘Devamalimluc' (robber of the
gods) in the Pahcavimsa Brdhmana clearly points to the fact that the people were
concerned about the theft of images.24
It appears from the above discussion that the use of icons was not altogether
unknown in the Vedic period. The Sutra and Smrti literature occasionally refers to
the image worship.25 The Epics also bear testimony to image making. The golden
statuette of SIta at the time of the coronation of Rama,26 and the iron image of
Bhima which was placed before Dhrtarastra at the end of the Bharata war27 are
cases in point : the chapter on Town Planning in the Arthasastra of Kautilya
prescribes that the abodes of some deities should be situated in the centre of a city.28
The word Prdsada occurs for a shrine or temple and Patanjali’s Mahdbhasya which
refers to one in which were the images of Dhanapati (Kubera), Rama (Balarama)
17. Rgveda IV. 24.10.

18. Ibid, Note 79a
19. Macdonall and Keith, Vedic Index.
20. Rgveda VII 56, 14-VII, 59.
21. Taittinva Aranyaka, Edited by Rajendra Lai Mitra, p. 133.
22. Saddimsa Brahana, V.10.34, p. 80.
23. Ibid., V. 10.13.
24. Pancavimsa Briihmana XXII 1.18.1.
25. Kauslklsutra of Atharvaveda, Chapter JV, Kandika 25.
26. Ramdyana. Yuddhakanda 99.8.
27. Mahabhdrata, Strlparva 12.17.
28. Arthasastra 2.4.
and Keâva.20 He further points to the exhibition of statues of Siva, Skanda and
Vislkha while interpreting a Sutra of Astiidhyayi.X)
Thus we have ample evidence to prove that image worship was known in
India from a very early period and gradually it gained popularity. The extent of
which it was common or popular is not known. The practice of purchasing images
for worship could have been known in eastern India at the time of emergence to
Buddhism and Jainism. Installation of images of living great men was well known
in Jainism and some of the early Jaina works like the Avasyakaciirni. Nisithacurni
and the Vasudevahindl mention the tradition of the JIvantasvamI at Vidisa and
Vitabhayapattana. It is said that a sandalwood image of Mahavlra was got
prepared31 one year before the renunciation of the world by him. He did not feel
any attraction towards the worldly pleasures and derived satisfaction from meditating
for hours together in the palace. His father realised that it was impossible to
change the course of destiny, hence a wooden portrait of him was prepared before
the prince had left for the woods to practise austerity. As the image represented a
living person or saint, it was known as JIvantasvamln. The sculpture remained for
some time with Udyana of Sindhu Sauvlra and was later taken away by king
Pradyota of Ujjain, who got a similar wooden statue prepered for installation at
Vitabhayapattana. It is believed to have been buried in a sandstorm causing great
calamity to the town. Later Kumarapaia had it unearthed and brought it to
Anahilu\adapatna.3- That the Jainas began to make representations of Jina during
or, at least not very long after, the period of Mahavlra is suggested by the evidence
of the Hathlgumpha inscription of Kharavela. While the epigraph is assigned to
the 2nd century B.C. it records the incident of reinstalling a Jina image which had
been taken away by the king of Magadha, a couple of centuries earlier.33
Thus Brahrnanical cults could have been familiar with image worship before
the birth of Buddhism and the Jainas could have accepted the practice by the 4th
century B.C. The incidence of the cult of Bhakti perhaps gave rise to a demand for
images of the deities and popularised them in early India. Service, devotion, loyalty
and attachment to the deity were the characteristics of the Bhakti movement
resulting in the making of images and building of temples for adorable great beings
and deities. It was in this spirit that Heliodoros installed a Garuda capital as a token
of his respect for Vasudeva at Vidisa in early 2nd century B.C. He calls himself as
Bhagavata and addresses his deity as Bhagvan Vasudeva. The ancient site of
Madhyamika (modern Nagari near Chittor in Rajasthan) has revealed an inscription
recording the existence of a Ndrayana Vdtaka which should belong to the same
period, although Coomaraswamy is inclined to date it in the third or even fourth
.29. Mahdbhasya II. 2.34.

30. V. 3.99
31. Shah, U.P., Journal of the Oriental Institute Vol. I, Mo, 1, pp. 72 and Vol. I No. 4, p. 158
32. Shah, U.P., Stupies in Jaina Art, p. 4.
33. AW,, 1951, p. 214.
century B.C The inscription on a large stone slab acquired from the village Mora in
Mathura District (Mathura Museum No. Q. 1) records that the images of five
Vrsni heroes (probably Balarfiima, Krsna, Pradyumna, Aniruddha and S^mba) were
dedicated in the time of Sodiisa, i.e. 1st century B.C. Mention has already been
made of a Balarama image of a still earlier date from the village Junsuti now in the
Lucknow Museum (G. 215, fig. 2).
The idea of complete devotion to one’s adorable deity or Master which
influenced the growth of the Bhakti movement and secatrian cults was not perhaps
confined to the Brahmanical cults only. No doubt the Gita:34 frequently mentions
Bhakta and Bhakti and incorporates an independent chapter on this aspect.3*' We
should also remember that an old Buddhist text like the Majihima Nikdya declares
that the Master had said that “even those who have not vet entered the Path are
sure of heaven if they have love and faith toward nie.*,3,i Through his devotion and
loyalty the devotee held the deity in high esteem and called him Bhagavun and
those who worshipped Bhaguiuta or Bhagtnan were known as Bhtigavjtu\. So we
have the usage of Siva Bhdgavatas and Vivut Bhdgavatas in the pre-Christian
centuries.37 The same epithet was applied to the Buddha who has been called as
Bhagavun in Bharhut epigraphs and also in the inscriptions on a base excavated at
Pipravva (where the relics of the Buddha were deposited in a stupa). All these facts
corroborate that the development of devotion only was responsible for image
worship and this was the natural urge among the people. The idea of personal
devotion to adorable beings became common to all religious beliefs and made
image worship popular among the followers of all early Indian religions.
The Buddha image may thus be considered a result of the movements and
strong urge among the lay worshippers who wanted to have a direct vision of their
Master before them. Their demand for the representation of the Master in human
form, which they could freely worship and adore, became too strong an urge for
earlier inhibition against image worship to resist it any further.
C.
Where was the Buddha Image Evolved
On the question of exactly where, when and by whom the first image of the
Buddha was produced, scholars are divided into two camps, one favouring the
Gandhara School and the other supporting the Mathura school as responsible for
introducing the icon of the Buddha in art.
34. The Composition of which is generally assigned to the 4th-5ih centur> B.C.
35. Gita. Chapter XUI.
36. Coomaraswamy, A.K., “The Origin of the Buddha Image”, Art Bulletin, New York, 1927,
p. 11.
37. Ibid.
The Theory of Gandhara Origin The main arguments in favour of the

Gandhara origin of the Buddha image are as under;
(i) The Gandhara style is known to have followed or imitated mainly the
Hellenistic art which had a very long tradition of plastic art and its classical
age was in the 5th-4th centuries B.C. It was, therefore, easier for the Gandhara
sculptor than the Mathura artist to shape the figure of the Buddha.
(ii) India had developed her contacts with foreign countries several centuries be¬
fore Christ and it was but natural that the region of Gandhara which was a
meeting ground of several alien cultural currents was much influenced by the
Greek art which was much superior in quality to any other art styles of the
times.
(iii) There is no positive evidence to prove the existence of the Buddha images in
India before the inception of the Gandhara School.
(iv) Foreign sculptors were accustomed to carving the Apollo figures and early
Gandhara Buddha sculptures are in close affinity with Greek Apollo.
(v) The evidence of coins goes in favour of the theory of the origin of the Buddha
image in the Gandhara region. The crosslegged seated figure on a class of coins
of Maues (c. 100 B.C.) is considered as the earliest depiction of the Buddha. A
series of coins of Kadapha or Kadphises (before Kaniska) also display a seated
figure, taken to be that of the Buddha. The coins of Kaniska show the Buddha
standing on the reverse side with legend: ‘Boddo\ The reliquary discovered at
Shahji-ki-dhen of Kaniska’s time also bears a figure of the Buddha.
(vi) The reliquary of Bimaran represents the earliest representation of the Buddha
and it belongs to the pre-Kaniska’s era.
Let us now examine these points one by one:
(i) No doubt the Gandhara School has all the Hellenistic trends of delineating
anatomical details in the icons of the Buddha but w'hen this school emerged in
the 1st century B.C.-A.D., the Hellenistic art had already exterpated and it
had tended to become Greco-Roman in character. The Gandhara School
consequently indicates Greco-Roman as well as Parthian and Indian
characteristics. The imitation of Hellenistic or Roman trends, however, does
not necessarily support the view that the Buddha figure was carved for the
first time in Gandhara.
(ii) This has been discussed under (i) above. The contacts with the foreign
countries in the pre-Christian era are well known but this is not a cogent
argument for the emergence of the Buddha figures in the pre-Christian epoch
in the Gandhara region. We know of the visit of the Greek ambassador
Megesthenes to the court of Chandragupta Maurya and of Greek Heliodoros to
the court of Kasiputra Bhagabhadra. Heliodoros was an inhabitant of Taxila, a

part of the Gandhara. But we do not have a single image of the Buddha either
in the Gandhara country or at Mathura belonging to the Mauryan or the
Sunga period.
(iii) There is absolutely no evidence to justify the existence of a Gandhara Buddha
image before its inception in a more indigenous school. The date of the
introduction of the Buddha image in Mathura In this context will be discussed
later.
(iv) It is conceded that Gandhara Buddha inherits the influence of Apollo. But
this argument cannot prove that the first image of the Buddha was manufac¬
tured by the Gandhara School.
(v) As regards the evidence of coins the identification of the cross-legged seated
figure on the coins of Maues as Buddha by Longworth Dames3!> has been
challenged by other scholars. Whitehead describes him as a king seated on a
raised cushion35* and Smith mentions him as a deity or a king.10 Gardner thinks
that it is the figure of a king who is seated on a cushion and hold a sword on his
knees.41 Coomaraswamy also does not favour the identification of the figure as
Buddha and explains That the two hands are folded in the lap, but there is a
horizontal bar extended to the right which may be a sword or sceptre or possibly
the back edge of a throne or seat.42 Bachhofer has also rejected the possibility
of a Buddha figure on the coins of Maues.13
The coin of Kadphises has been cited with greater probability for the identifica¬
tion of the Buddha. Smith considered it as a remarkable discovery in numisma¬
tics as it proved the introduction of the Buddha image in the time of Kadphises,
i.e, before Kaniska.44 Whitehead has agreed with this identification while
describing two such coins in his catalogue.1'’ Marshall has also accepted this
figure as seated Buddha.*6
Coomaraswamy, however, contradicts this identification and comments, ‘In the

case of Kadapha (fig. 8), of which there are two closely related varieties, the
38. JRAS1914, p. 793.

39. Whitehead, R.B. Punjab Museum Coins Catalogue (henceforth PMC Cat.), p. 102 and p. X-31.
40. Smith, Vincent, Catalalogue [of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1906, p. 40 and
pi. VIH, 4.
41. Gardner, Percy, Catalogue of Coins in the British Museum, Greek and Scythian kings of Bactria
and India, 1971, p. 71 and PI. XVI 1.5.
42. Ibid,, p. 16, fig. 6.
43. Bachhofer, L., ‘‘On Greek and Sakas in India”, JAOSVol. 61, 1941.
44. “Numismatic Notes and Novelties”, Part II, JASB.y 1897.
45. PMC Cat., op. cit., pp. 181-82.
46. ‘‘Excavations at Taxila”, ASR., 1913-14, p. 44, pi. XL, 53, 1914-15, p. 33 and p. 1. XXIX and
1915-16, p. 34 and pi. XXV, 18, 19.
right hand is raised, holding some hammer-like object, perhaps a sceptre, the
left hand rests on the thigh, and the elbow js extended, which the breadth of the
shoulders and slenderness of the waist are conspicuous. It seems to me that these
personages represent a king, and not a Buddha. The Kadapha type, however,
apart from the object held in the hand, is exactly like that of the early Mathura
Buddhas (fig. 34-39) and of figures of kings or perhaps Bodhisattvas, and of
Buddha at Amaravatlf...lT
Coomaraswaim seems to be justified in casting doubt w?ith regard to the
identification of the Buddha figure on the coins of Kadapha. The object on his
right shoulder looks liks a hammer or a club and this does not have any associa¬
tion with the Buddha. The posture of sitting is unusually stiff and an over all
appearance of the figure suggests that it should be a king. The cross-legged
posture of sitting should not necessarily be explained in favour of the Buddha as
we have the figure of the king sitting cross-legged on the coins of Azes.as In this
case too we notice a raised cushion on which the king sits. We should, therefore,
not place much reliance on the coins of Kadapha for the Buddha figure. Even if
we accept it for a while, it does not become the earliest evidence of the Buddha
image and as would be pointed out later we have still earlier evidence for the
beginning of the Buddha figure.
Coomaraswamy thinks that early Ujjain coins represent the seated figure of the
Buddha on a lotus seat and the Bodhi tree is seen to his right. The date is
not certain but such coins should belong to the 1st century A.D.10 The coins of
Kaniska undoubtedly bear the Buddha figure and we find two varieties. One
shows him seated cross-legged with both arms held akimbo.50 In the other type
he stands with the right hand raised in the preaching or protection pose and
supports the hem of the drapery with his left hand.51
Thus the survey of the numismatic evidence reveals that the coins of Maues
and Kadpha or Kadphises I donot represent the Buddha figure. The early Ujjain
coins depict a seated Buddha type person. But there is no doubt about the
coins of Kaniska as not only we have the figure of the Buddha but the legend
also records this fact. This may further be pointed out that the standing
Buddha figure on the coins of Kaniska betray a sufficiently developed stage. '
(vi) The reliquary at Bimaran (Gandhara region) is forwarded as a very strong

argument in favour of the Gandhara origin of the Buddha image. The decorated
47. BMC. Cut., op. tit., p. 16.

48. PMC. Cat. op. tit., p. 118 and pi. XI, 195.
49. BMC., op. cit., p. 16 and Fig. 9.
50. Ibid., fig. 10 aud PMC., Cat. op. tit., p. 193, pi. XVIII, No. 113.
51. Ibid., Fig. II and 12, PMC. Cat. op. tit., pi. XX No. VII.
Buddha in the Art of Mathura
153
piece shows three ogee arches. In the central one is seen the standing figure of
the Buddha with his right hand raised in the protection (abhaya) pose and
touching the chest. The left arm supporting the drapery rests on the waist. He
wears ubhayansika sanghdti (upper garment covering both shoulders). The usnJsa
over the head is prominent and a pair of moustaches is also traceable. The
head is of a bearded man with hands in adoration and he is to be identified as
Brahma. The arch on the other side is occupied by another male, Indra, with
folded hands wearing a crown or a turban. The triangular space between the
two arches above shows two eagles hovering in the air. The pillars of arches
bear an oblong cut. A few coins of Azes II were found with the casket and
scholars have dated it in the Parthian reign, i.e. in about 50 B.C. If so, this has
to be considered as the earliest known representation of the Buddha.
The dating of the reliquary has been challenged on various grounds. Lohuizen-
de-Leeuw:,“ thinks that the little oblong cut on the pilasters is a late motif and the
oldest Gandharan specimens do not display this shape. The design of row of ogees
resembles the late architecture of about 3rd century A.D. as seen on the stupa of
Shevaki at Kabul. However, the shape of the pilasters also suggests a later date as
in the earlier phase we have the round Corinthian pilasters. All these features do
not support an early dating of the Bimaran reliquary. As known from the
numismatic evidence the mound of Sirkap near Taxiia was in habitation before
Kaniska only, for the coins upto the period of Wema Kadphises have been found
from the site. Lohuizen rightly interrogates that if the Bimaran reliquary is to be
dated from about 50 B.C. then why do we not get any Buddha figure till Kujula
Kadphises i.e. till the middle of the 1st century A.D. ?"j3 Why is the site of Sirkap
silent over the issue?
The other arguments favouring the early dating of this reliquary are the
discovery of four copper coins of Azes with it, fine workmanship and KharosthI
epigraph incised on the steatite vase which contained this casket. Regarding the
first point it may be explained that the date of the casket may not necessarily be
the same as that of the coins. The deposit of coins w ith the casket wâs considered
to be an auspicious act and the possibility of the coins of Azes being current at the
time of the deposit cannot be ruled out. Sometimes the old coins remain current
for centuries, as at Mathura itself the Kusana coins were in circulation till the
beginning of the 20th century. We should, therefore, be cautions while dating an
object on the basis of a coin deposit.
Regarding the second point of fine workmanship it may be added that the
tendency of assigning an earlier date to the better looking piece does not hold good
in all cases. It is a debatable point and several aspects are to be considered before
52. SP., pp. 84-85.

53. Ibid.yp. 87.
assigning a definite date to an object. Hence this argument should not be stressed
when there is a dispute.'14
The third argument concerns the Kharosthi inscription on the steatite vase of
the casket. But this also does not help us in dating it early. While Konow was
inclined to put it, to the latter part of the 1st century B.C., Thomas favoured a
date between 50 A.D. and 78 A.D. on palaeographic grounds. The difference of
about a century indicates that this is not at all a forceful plea in favour of early
date of the reliquary. Thus whatever has been discussed above leads us to the
conclusion that the Bimaran casket must belong to the later half of the 1st
century A.D. ',lrT A recently discovered Kharosthi inscription of the time of
Kujula Kadphises refers to a painted figure of the Buddha in the Gandhaia
region."1 This new evidence is a welcome addition but does not predate Gandhftra
origin to Mathura. It only suggests that the Buddha figures were shaped in the
Gandhara region even before Kaniska.
J The theory of the Gandhara origin of the Buddha image has been rejected by
Coomaraswamy also."0
Mathura Origin of the Buddha Image
Let us now evaluate the case of the origin of the Buddha image at
Mathura.
The necessity of carving a Buddha image, in view of the religious background

in the pre-Christian era, goes in favour of Mathura. The issue has been discussed in
this chapter and this can conclusively be put up again that the Orthodox
followers and teachers of Buddhism were not in favour of showing the Buddha in
human form as he had already cut off the bondage of the cycle of birth and rebirth.
But the issue was reviewed when other sects adopted the media of image worship
for popularising their faith. This rivalry forced Buddhism also to follow the same
line of action. The move was resisted by the followers of the old school but the
urge among lay worshippers greatly favoured this new concept and the larger
section of the Buddhist church had to adjust with it. Thus the emergence of the
Buddha image was the result of a farceful Bhakti movement, the chief centre of
which was Mathura. There was no such urge or urgency in the Gandhara region.
The association of Buddhism with Mathura has been discussed in detail in the
third chapter and this also favours Mathura as the actual venue for the
commencement of the Buddha figure. Buddhism was introduced into the Gandhara
.region at a much later date. The early art traditions also decide the case in favour
54. Ibid., p. 93.

34a. Ibid., p. 94.
55. The information was furnished by Prof. B.N. Mukherjee with the reference of the Bulletin of
the Asiatic Society, January 1981.
56. BMC. Cat., p. 33.
of Mathura. As testified by the Yaksa statues we have clear evidence of

manufacturing of images at Mathura right from the Mauryan period. The colossal
Yaksa from Parkham and a Yaksi from Nagla Jhlnga)T reveal that there were
teachers and their pupils who practised the art of carving in stone. The process
grew in momentary in the 2nd-lst centuries B.C. as gathered by numerous
architectural remains and images of Yaksas, Nagas, Balarama etc.
But the beginning of art in Mathura should not be traced to the Mauryan and
Sunga periods. We have here pre-Mauryan and archaic terracotta figurines which
suggest that the art activity was in a flourishing state in some form or the other
several centuries before Christ and the artisans could shape any from whether
indigenous or alien. We find several foreign faces in the terracottas found in the
Mathura region. All these belong to the Sunga period. So the artists were ready to
produce the Buddha figure also but canonical interdiction alwa\s came in the way.
Indian art which was generally a vehicle of religion and spiritualism could not
ignore or hurt the religious sentiments.
One of the chief characteristics of the Mathura School of art is that it took
the initiative to transform symbols into human form. Here we notice an entire process
of evolution, i.e., representation of symbols, and emergence of tiny human figures
substituting the symbol which can be called a stage of transition, as aniconism to
continue to dominate. The third stage of evolution is marked by the human figures
dominating aniconic presentation, while the culmination is reached in the
independent images where the symbols have little or no role to play. This point
will be taken up again at the appropriate place. What we intend to stress is that
the Mathura School has shown different stages of the evolution of the Buddha
figure and these stages speak of the gradual development and change in the
mental outlook of the society and the chain of events which resulted in the outcome
of the Buddha image. The Mathura studio of art was highly sensitive to register all
vibrations with which the contemporary religious environment of the pre-Christian
and post, Christian centuries was charged.
As indicated above, archaeological discoveries do not suggest a definite date

for a Buddha image produced in Gandhara except a recently discovered
Kharosthi epigraph of the time of Kujula as referred to above. The coins of Kaniska
of course represent a real Buddha portrait along with a caption. The numismatic
evidence is supported by the sculptural finds also as we have the dated Buddha/
Bodhisattva images from the beginning of the reign of Kaniska. Although carved
in the Mathura style these were installed at distant places. One found at KausambI
and now displayed in the Allahabad Museum (fig. 93) belongs to the 2nd regnal
year of the Emperor, the other in the Sarnath Museum is dated in the 3rd year
(fig. 94.). Assuming the generally accepted year of the accession of Kaniska as
57. Mathura Museum No. C. 1 and 72.5.

58. Goswami, K.G., Kushan—Inscription of Kaniska : The year 2, EI.f XXIV., 1938, pp. 210-12.
A.D., these two sculptures were set up in A.D., 80 and 81 respectively. Another
Buddha image (Bodhisattva as described in the inscription) supposed to belong to
an early date is the famous seated image from Katra site (fig. 79). Lohuizen is
inclined to give it an earlier date.*'1'
These three sculptures, particularly the last one, are finely executed and
represent a fairly developed stage of Buddhist art and iconography when the artist
already had some set formula before him. Even the coin of Kaniska represents
the Buddha in an elegant pose. Such beautiful depictions in coins and sculptures
almost reaching perfection could not have evolved suddenly under the instructions
of a patron or a king, but would presuppose a well entrenched tradition with an
earlier inception. The sculptors who were responsible for these statues would be
expected to possess a long experience of shaping the Buddha figure. They just
could not produce them merely on the king’s command, without prior experience.
Now the problem before us is to find out those specimens which sened as
models or prototypes for meeting the demand of the Buddha images in the reign of
Kaniska. Luckily we have a few sculptures which should be placed in the pre-
Kusana period and which must have served as models for the fine statues of
Kaniska’s time, it has already been discussed that the earliest sculptures dated in
the beginning of his era, i.e., belonging to the reign of Kaniska are seen both in the
standing and seated postures and we have to trace the earlier specimens in both
these attitudes.
Yaksa and Buddha
It has now been established beyond doubt that there existed an early tradition
(in the Maurya-Sunga age) of making Yaksa statues throughout the country and
the Mathura region contributed significantly to it.59 A close examination of the
Yaksas and early Buddha—Bodhisattvas will reveal that there is a good deal of
resemblance between the two. The following features deserve special mention :
(i) The sculptures, though corpulent, are conspicuous for their volume and
heaviness.
<ii) These are carved in the round and the appearance is frontal.
(iii) The left hand resting on the waist bolds the hem of the garment.
(iv) The right hand is folded and raised up in the gesture of imparting ahhaya
(attitude of protection) upto the shoulder. Although the hands of many
Yaksa statues are now broken but the scars clearly indicate that the right
hand was in abhaya, This is corroborated by a small Yaksa figure in the
Mathura Museum (18T506).fio Sometimes the Yaksas are shown
59. SP.. p. 150.

60. BMA.t No. V-VI, June-December, 1970 plate facing page 18 lower fig.
holding a cauri in right hand, a characteristic to be discussed in detail

later,
(v) Some space is left between the two legs and has been filled with the folds
of drapery.
(vi) A decorated girdle or a plain waist band is seen round the waist.
(vii) Two fillets hang down from the knot of the girdle and fall on the right
thigh.
(viii) The under-garment is fastened with the girdle and shows many pleats
between the two legs.
(ix) The upper garment is worn diagonally across the chest and covers the left
shoulder.
On these common grounds Coomaraswamv rightly reached the conclusion that

the Buddha figure was evolved from the Yak)a images.61 Sometimes the resem¬
blance is so striking that it is not possible to distinguish it in the absence of an
inscription or label. The confusion was prevalent even in early times. According
to the Niddna Kathcl, Sujata could not distinguish between the Bodhisattva and a
jungle deity/- This sometimes happens even today and a student of art easily
gets confused between an early Bodhisattva and a Yaksa. The reason for this close
resemblance was that the Yaksas were supposed to posses superhuman power and
great men were sometimes addressed as Yaksa. In the Majjhima Nikdya the
Buddha himself has been called as Yaksa™
Standing Figures
Our aim in emphasising this similarity is to present the fact that for carving
the standing Buddha-Bodhisattva images the sculptor had had an ideal model of
Yaksa before him and when the image worship was accepted by the church as a
result of the tenacious perseverance of the Mahdydnists the artist readily offered
the solution. Not only did the iconographic features bear similarity, but the aim
of installation was also sometimes the same as both the Bodhisattva, and the
Yaksas served as guardian and protecting deities/’* In order to differentiate
between the two (Yaksas and Buddha) a label was inscribed and whenever it was
not done, the confusion remained. The stock of evidence thus proves that it
was neither necessary nor did the artist wait for any royal command to represent
the Buddha in the anthropomorphic from as he (the sculptor) had already started
to fulfil the need of the time.
61. BMC. Cat., pp. 17-18.

62. Ibid., p. 14.
63. Ibid., p. 13.
64. Ibid., p. 18, Footnote No. 38.
Among the standing Buddha-Bodhisattva images which can be cited as Pre-

Kaniska, the following need mention.
(i) Bodhisattva in the Archaeological Section of the State Museum, Lucknow

(B. 12B; fig. 69)H'J is an important specimen. The treatment of drapery, the
ornaments, the posture of hands, the girdle and modling of body point to the fact
that the image is directly drawn from the early Yaks a tradition. Another important
feature which has rather escaped the notice of the scholars is the treatment of the
pose of the right hand. No doubt it is raised up, imparting protection (ahhaya) but
the significance lies in the decoration behind. What does it indicate? Some hold
that it is just the decorated filling between the hand and the shoulder and its
purpose was to give strength to the upraised hand. But to us it appears to be the
continuation of the caurl—bearing pose of the Yaksas.
Whatever may be the interpretation, the Yaksa statues are sometimes shown
holding a flywhisk. This is evident from the Didarganj Yaksi, now in the Patna
Museum. Agrawala thinks that the flywhisk was sometimes a distinguishing emblem
of a Yaksa image, the idea being that these figures w ere attendents of their king
Maharaja Vaisravana or Kubera and this was a mark of honour proclaiming their
relationship with the god of wealth and immortality.66 Coomaraswamy also refers
to Yaksas holding caurl',: as the Yaksa from Patna, for instance. Even in the case
of the Parkham Yaksa. Cunningham thought that the image carried a caurl over
the right shoulder, although Vogel does not agree with this conjecture.68 Actually
the Yaksas have been variously represented in Indian art. Sometimes they are
supposed to possess superhuman power and sometimes they are shown
as mere attendants. As referred to above, they have been described as attendants in
the palace of Kubera and Brahma in the Mahabharata.69 This justifies their caurl
bearing pose.
Position of Yaksa
The term Yaksa has been variously explained in Indian literature. It seems to
have been derived from the root ‘Yaj; meaning worship. In the Vedic texts it
generally means wonderful or terrible. Brahman has so often been called a Yaksa in
the Vedic literature. 'By concentrated energy I became the primal Yaksa'.'0 The
other gods also realised that Yaksa is Brahman.'1 This supremacy, however, loses
its force in later periods. Both benevolent and malevolent aspects have been
associated with the Yaksas who are believed to be possessed of magical or
65. Smith, V., Jain Stupa etc., p. 43, pi. LXXXVII.

66. Indian Art, 1965, p. 118.
67. Yakshas, Part I, 1971, pp. 30-31.
68. CAMM.. p. 83.
69. Sabhdparva 10/18; 11/56.
70. Taittirlya Brahmana 3.12.31.
71. Kenopanisad 3.15 and Jainumya Upanisad Brdhmana, IV.2.
supernatural powers Their female counterparts, Yaksims are more famous for
witchcraft. In the Atharvaveda the subjects of Kubera, i.e. Yaksas and Rdksasas,
are called as Pimyajanas but the disease Yakstna (a mysterious fever) also seems to be
connected with the word Yaksa. The Gita points out that the people of the Rdjasika
class worship the Yaksas and Rdksasas.'2
It is also held that the Rdksasas had two-fold divisions, the one as guardian
of treasures was known as the Yaksas; while the other class, which was notorious
by nature and disturbed the sacrifices (Yajhas), was called the Rdksasas.73 Generally
the Yaksas are supposed to be friendly with men, while the Rdksasas are of evil
nature. There are, however, many references of the wicked Yaksas behaving like
the Rdksasas. There seems to be a gradual dethroning of the Yaksas, as from the
supremacy which they once enjoyed in the Vedic period they met the fate of semi-
divine beings, guardian deities and reached the bottom when they started serving
as mere attendants. The reason of their descent seems to be the emergence of
Bhakti movement which required loyality to a particular deity and Yaksas were
ignored. In Jainism we find a fully developed pantheon of Yaksas and Yaksinis
as attendants to the Tirthankaras. In Buddhism also these have a subordinate
position as seen on the Stupas of Sanclu and Bharhut. We have already referred to the
tradition (Chapter III) which indicates that the notorious Y'aksas of Mathura were
humbled by the Buddha and the citizens felt much relieved afterwards. All these
literary evidences suggest that the Yaksas were gradually losing their position and in
such case the holding of a cauri in their hand to suggest their position as attendants
or subordinate to the main deities in other popular sects is quite appropriate.
The hands of many Yaksas are missing but their position hints to the possi¬
bility that the right hand was raised up either to be in abhaya or to hold a cauri
or some other object.71 One of the purposes of the cauri was to avoid trouble
(physical inconveniences) and the same idea was conveyed by mystic representation
of abhava in a wider perspective. When the Yaksa figure was replaced by the
Bodhisattva, reminiscences of cauri continued even in the abhay a pose. The position
of the wrist is bound to take a turn as it cannot be shown frontally while holding a
cauri like object. The feature appears to have been copied in the early Buddha-
Bodhisattva figures which show the palm at right angles to the body (in profile) and
not in its frontal position. The obvious reason for such an execution was that the
artist was trained in working on the Yaksa images and consequently he faithfully
copied all Yaksa features while carving a Buddhist image. As the years rolled on,
the Yaksa convention was attenualed and the cauri decoration behind the upraised
right hand was deleted. The position also became frontal. The same characteristic
is to be met with in the seated Buddha figures as well.
72. Gita, 17.4.

73. Sharma, R.C , MM A, 1976, p. 28.
74. Yaksha from Palwal now in the State Museum, Lucknow holds some hilt like object m his
upraised right hand.
On these grounds the Bodhisattva under reference should be assigned to the pre-
Kaniska era. The *13’ shape necklace is also a fairly early feature. R.K. Mukerjee
was correct in labelling this sculpture as the earliest image of standing Bodhisattva
from Mathura.71 Vogel thought that this statue served as a prototype for subse-
quent Bodhisattva figures produced in the Mathura School.'6 Strangely enough such
an important image has escaped the attention of van Lohuizcn who had made a
detailed study of the subject and has been able to prove the priority of Mathura to
Gandhara for the beginning of the Buddha figure, quite convincingly.
2. The next sculpture, which is to be categorised as pre—Kaniska, is also

housed in the Lucknow Museum.77 Fiihrer, probably on the basis of its provenance
(Kankall mound), wrongly identified it as representing Mahavira in conversation
with a king.7b Smith disagreed with this interpretation but did not offer his own.7<J
But the Usnisa on the shaven head and the posture of abhaya clearly indicate that
the figure represents the Buddha and not Mahavira. There is no mark of Srnatsa
which is a sure cognizance of Mathura Jinas, and, moreover, the figure wears
garments while Mahavira or Vardhamana should be represented nude. Van Lohui-
zen has rightly interpreted it as meeting of the Buddha with Suddhodana.S0 She
has strongly supported the Mathura origin of the Buddha image in her work, “The
Scythian Period'\ and subsequent writings, particularly, the paper titled “Once
more the Origin of the Buddha image”. South Asian Archaeology 1979. Similar
view were expressed by her in the international Seminar on Mathura held in New
Delhi in January 1980.
Here we are mainly concerned to know as to what extent this figure is associa¬
ted with the early tradition. The standing pose is given a frontal view although
the Buddha is engaged in conversation with the king standing in his front. The
corpulencey and heaviness of the Yaksa body are continued. The drapery worn by
the figures also suggests an early dating. Particularly the bulging j/?nw7isto be
compared with the shawl worn by the figures seen on some aydgapatas, which, as
we shall discuss later, are anterior in age. The style of the scarf is to be traced in
the sculptures from Hekateion at Lagina, Cana, belonging to second century B.C.lS1
This points to the fact that the motifs travelled from one country to the other and
this exchange is noticed even in the pre—Kusana period at Mathura which was in
contact with other advanced and civilised countries. But the practice of wearing a
bulging shawl does continue in the Kusana period and should not be considered a
75. “Notes on Early Indian Art” JUPHS., July 1939, Vol. XII, Part I, pp. 76-77, fig. 2.
76. Ibid.
77. Acc. No. J. 531, Smith, Jain Stupa etc., pi. XVII, fig. 1.
78. SPp. 160.
79. Jain Stupa etc., op. cit. No. 87.
80. SPp. 160.
81. Encyclopedia of World Art, Vol. VII, p. 187. The sculpture is in the Istambul Museum and
it is to be compared with Lucknow Museum No. J. 248 and J.249, Smith, Jain Stup etc., pis.
VIII and IX.
sure means of dating the piece early. At the same time not all early figures are seen
with this type of garment. For instance, many Yaksas and central Indian figures
are devoid of it. The shape of the column with a winged lion capital is an early
characteristic. Another figure which may fall in the same category is seen in the
Musee Guimet, Paris.S2
In view of the above discussion and two illustrations we can safely conclude,
on the lines of Coomaraswamy, that the standing Buddha images were in succession
to the Yaksa statues. Van Lohuizen, generally agreeing with Coomaraswamy,
is more specific and suggests that the Buddha image was derived from the king type
as there is a close similarity between the figure of the king and the Buddha in
citation No. (ii). The folds and bulging form of the scarf, position of hands,
modelling of the body etc. are almost the same.83 But it may be pointed out here
that the representation of both of these figures reflects an unmistakable impact of
the Yaksa iconography, and, in advancing her argument of king type, Van
Lohuizen does not challenge or affect Coomaraswamy’s theory that the Buddha
figure was an outcome of the old Yaksa tradition.
Seated Figures
The earliest seated images placed in the beginning of Kaniska’s reign are those
which hail from Katra and Anyor.84 As already explained, finely finished Katra
image points to a gradual development of Buddhist iconography which culminated
into such perfection. Unlike the standing images the seated figures should not be
considered to have evolved from the Yaksas, as the early seated Yaksa figures have
not been found.85 We have, therefore, to remain in search of some other model
which might have served as the prototype for the seated posture of the Buddhist
figures.
We do come across seated meditating figures in the earlier art of India, but
these represent cither devotees or donors. An architectural fragment from Bharhut
shows two ogee arches on a coping stone occupied with seated male figures. Both
of them wear turbans and ornaments and neither can be identified as ascetics. But
they are seated in cross-legged posture and in perfect meditating pose with hands
crossed below the chest.86 Although these are given a place of honour, we cannot
take them as Bodhisattvas as in that case the juxta-position of in the same attitude
would be difficult to justify. There is another frieze the central band of which
depicts a seated ascetic in the attitude of discourse or Vyakhydna,87 Before him sit
his four (may be five as one figure appears to be paying respect in the prostrate
82. S.P., fig. 30.

S3. Ibid., pp. 153 and 160.
84. Mathura Museum No. A.l and A.2 respectively.
85. S.P., p. 154.
86. EiYC., op. cit., fig. 25.
87. Ibid., fig. 27.
position) pupils in an attentive pose. There is a close resemblance in this scene

with the e\ent of the Dharmacakra pravartana by the Buddha to his first five
disciples at Sarnath. One whose entire back view is visible may be in the meditat¬
ing pose or listening to the discourse very attentively. So we notice a few devotees,
ascetics, and pupils in seated and contemplating posture but so far no Yaksa statue
in this position has been found in early Indian art. We cannot, therefore accept
the seated Buddha figure as a successor of the Yaksa statues, although the
essential elements of Yaksa iconography are present.
The other alternative before us is to examine the seated Jaina figures. The
dyagapatas excavated at Mathura reveal that the Jaina iconography had matured
here, at least in the latter half of the 1st century B.C. The AmohinI tablet set up
during the reign of Mahdksatrapa Sodcisa is a dated specimen/8 This, however,
does not depict any Jina and the identity of the central female figure commanding
respect (Aryavati) is controversial.89 But the other dyagapatas also excavated at
Mathura and now shown in the galleries of Mathura, Lucknow and Delhi
museums are contemporary of the AmohinI tablet on stylistic and palaeographic
grounds. Scholars have given them an early date.90 In fact, the Ayagapatas
belong to the transitional phase when symbol and image worship flourished side by
side. More correctly, the symbols were prevalent and the human form of the deity
was being introduced. The earliest TIrthankara figure carved in the dyagapatas
was surrounded by numerous symbols.91
It would be rewarding to compare these tiny Jina figures with the early
Buddha-Bodhisattva images in order to examine whether the former had
influenced the latter. The study of the Katra Buddha (Mathura Museum No. A. 1;
fig. 79) reveals that while the posture of sitting is the same, many features show an
advanced stage from crudity and roughness to refinement and conventionalised
treatment. So even if wê presume that the seated Jina figures on the dyagapatas
(datable to the latter part of the 1st century B.C. as discussed above), served as a
prototype for the Katra and other early Buddhist icons, we have to look for a few
earlier examples of Buddhist figures which were chiselled before the execution of
the Katra statue and which bear a direct impact of the dyagapatas in several
88. Lucknow Museum No. J. 1, Smith, Jaina Stupa etc.y p. XIV.

89. U.P. Shah presumes that the lady in centre is the mother of Mahavlra, Studies in Jaina Art,
1955, p. 79.
90. Van Lohuizen remarks, ‘these Ayagapatas date from the time when in Jainism people began to
incline towards representing the Jina side by side with the symbols customary of old.In the
second half of the 1st century B.C. the Jina was therefore depicted side by side with the Symbols
which formerly substitued him’. S.P., p. 155.
U.P. Shah observes, ‘Most of these Ayagapatas are assignable to the later phase of the
Suhga art and some of them belong to the period of transition to the Ku$ana art’. Studies in
Jaina Art, 1955, p. 77.
91. Sharma, R.C., “The Early Phase of Jaina Iconography”, Chhote Lai Memorial Volume,
Calcutta, pp. 58-59.
respects. Such sculptures as are being dealt with here are very close to the
dydgapata tradition and should be put approximately in the same period, i.e. the
pre-Kaniska era.
The first among these is a fragmentary post in red sandstone.5'2 Wrongly
identified as a Jaina piece, it shows the Buddha as an ascetic flanked by
four lokapdlas, who apparently hold almbowls in their hands. The Buddha sits on
a six-tiered high pedestal with his right hand in abhaya and the left hand placed on
the left thigh. The pedestal below shows two lions seated back to back. The
corpulent figure of the Buddha resembling the dydgapata Jina and the shape of the
altar-type tiered pedestal as seen on the Simhanddika tablet,23 are its early
characteristics. Another early feature is the position of the left hand which has
not yet reached the knee as seen later in the Katra Buddha and other images. On
these grounds the sculpture may be easily dated to the end of the 1st century B.C.
The next early representation of the seated Buddha is seen on a torana beam,94
carved on both sides (ATM. No. M. 3; fig. 73-76). It belongs clearly to the period
of transition when symbols continued along with an anthropomorphic representa¬
tion of the deity. On one side the Buddha sits in a cave attended by Pancasikha
Gandharva and Indra to his right and left respectively. The other figures are
female devotees, elephants, full vase and fish-tailed mythical human being distributed
on both sides. The reverse of the beam shows the worship of a stupa, a sanctuary
and the Wheel of Law. These three symbols are indicative of Bodhi (Enlightenment
at Bodhgaya), Dharmacakra praxartana (First sermon at Sarnath) and Mahaparinir-
xdna (great demise at Kasia). The Bodhi tree is in the centre, the wheel on lions is
to our right and the stupa is to the left. Devotees holding long-stalked garlands
are seen standing. The Buddha is seated in abhaya pose and the left hand is placed
on his thigh, an early feature as pointed out while discussing the previous figure. His
cross-legged position bears a great similarity to the seated Jinas on the dydgapatas.
The elephant portraits on the lintel remind the early Bharhut style.95 The sculpture
should be placed in the end of the 1st century B.C. or the beginning of the 1st
centuav A.D.
The piece is significant for the study of early Indian architecture as well. While,
the Bodhi tree has been shown inside a building (Bodhighara or Bodhirukkhapasdda),
the branches of the sacred tree are seen issuing out from a decorated gateway and
the stem is noticed in the centre. The Bodhighara has been shaped as a fort or castle
with gateways and an upper railing sloping towards the lateral bastions. Similarly
the shape of the stupa is also remarkable. The complex of a high tower made of
several super-imposed stories is a unique depiction of stupa architecture. The two-
ends on both sides of the beam show a fabulous creature combining the human bust
with the lower part of crocodile (ihdmrga).
92. Mathura Museum No. H.12.

93. Smith, Jain Stupa etc., pi. VII,
94. The Scythian Period, fig. 35.
95. Bachhofcr, L., pis. 27, 29.
Prof. GV. Mitterwallner has drawn our attention to a pre-Kaniska Buddha

figure, fig. 81, in the Museum fuer Voelkerkunde, Muenich in West Germany. It
represents the Master in the Katra style with shaven head, prominent top knot with
snail shell, urnd between the eyebrow, small earlobes, right arm raised up in the
protection pose and the left covered with lappets of the sanghdtj. The left hand is
broken hence its exact position is not known. The back slab behind the left arm is
occupied by a standing male holding a flywhisk in the right hand. He wears a left-
sided turban and heavy round earrings suggesting a fairly early date, i.e., before the
1st century A.D. The torso alone of the attendant, to the right of the Buddha,
is discernible. But as will be discussed in the next chapter the Munich Buddha seems
to belong to the Kaniska phase on the stylistic grounds.
The fourth example, which has remained almost undiscussed by the champions
of the Mathura school, is a fragmentary sculpture discovered at Galteswar near the
Katra site in the Mathura city and is now in the Mathura Museum (No.A. 66;
fig. 78). Only the left leg, right foot and left hand of the Bodhisattva along with the
left foot of an attendant on our right are extant. The fragmentary evidence is ample
enough to conclude dhat the sculpture was carved in the same style as the Bodhisattva
from the Katra site. The pedestal was carved to present a projection at the centre
with uniform recesses on either side at a depth of 8 cms. The central part bears a
rampant winged lion and a female worshipper who was in all probability paying
homage to the Dharmacakra. The most important part of the sculpture for our purpose
is that it is incised with a four line hapazard inscription which informs that a female
worshipper set up this Bodhisattva image and that it was dedicated to the Sarvdsti-
rad in monks for their well being. Yet more significant is the reference to some
Ksatrapa and it is of vital importance to decide the age of this piece.96
Vogel incorporated this object in his Catalogue but did not make any comment
on the word Ksatrapa occurring on this Bodhisattva image.97 Agrawala took due
notice of this fact in his edition of the Catalogue98 and put it in the 1st century
B.C. He, however, missed this argument in his discussions on the origin of the
Buddha image and opined that the earliest Buddha images were those that bear
dates in the reign of Kaniska.99 Such observations point to the strong bias in those
days against the Indian origin of the Buddha image and to the fact that even savants
were led away by the current prejudices. Anothet possible reason for this helpless-
96. The inscription reads as :

.em (*?)
.: (sft) fa KcT fatf’-'-'ere
% *T(3TPT)
ferrr Tporff
H. Luders op, cit.y p. 32
97. CAAfM., pp. 66-7.
98. “Buddha Bodhisattva Images”, JUPHS., Vol. XIX, 1948, pp. 62-63.
99. Indian Art, 1965, p. 236.
ness might have been that the Saka and Kusana chronology was rather confused and
a scientific sequence was not then available. It could not attract the attention of either
Coomaraswamy or of Van Lohuizen, although they have both dealt with the subject
in detail and have favoured Mathura as the place of origin of the Buddha image.
This incidentally is the only Buddhist figure unearthed at Mathura which
records the word Ksatrapa. Unfortunately the letters following this word are
obliterated and we are not able to read the name of the Ksatrapa here. As discussed
in Chapter II, the Kharosthi inscription of the famous Lion capital recovered from
the SaptarsI site of Mathura records that the followers of the Sarvustivadin sect of
Buddhism enjoyed royal favour in the pre-Kusana era and the two Ksatrapa kings
Rajula and Sodasa patronised them most. The erection of Guhd Vihdra by queen
Kambojika, the wife of Rajula corroborates this statement. B.N. Mukherjee has
drawn our attention to the Ksatrapas, Vanaspara and Kharapallana, in the Kusana
period as recorded on the Sarnath Bodhisattvn of the third regnal year of Kaniska
and as such he disagrees with our observations.100 But it may be pointed here that
the Mathura Museum sculpture does not refer to any king and we cannot definitely
assign it to the Kusana period. Moreover, the btyle of the figure and the calligraphy
of the record point to an anterior date.
It is, therefore, quite probable that one of these Ksatrapa rulers is referred to in
the Bodhisattva image under discussion. They preceded the Kusana ruler and the
sculpture should be fixed somewhere between the middle of the 1st century B.C. and
the middle of the 1st century A.D. The use of spotless red sand stone of hard
variety, the style and formation of letters of the epigraph support our line of
thought.
Although no aid seems to come forth from Prof. Hartefis repository of Sonkh,
owing to the absence of Buddhist figures from the site, he has indirectly helped us
in pinpointing the fact that the Kusanas were preceded by the Ksatrapas. Out of
the 40 layers of the cultural chronology of the site101 the deeper levels, i.e. No. 23
and 24, have been assigned to the Ksatrapas, and the Kusana period, which includes
the early kings viz. Wima Kadphises and Kaniska, starts from layer No. 22*
Commenting on this problem the excavator reports, ‘Naturally, for the Ksatrapa
levels again no absolute date can be given. But there is no doubt that the reign of
the Ksatrapas follows the rule of the last Mttras. The sequences of levels require
Hagamasa a date in the end of the 1st century B.C. Even without any attempt at
dating Rajuvula and Sodasa, it is evident that at Sonkh their reign reaches into the
early decades of the Christian era.’102
Whatever period we may assign to the Ksatrapa kings it is now proved
beyond doubt that they preceded the Kusanas and as such the fragmentary
inscribed Bodhisattva figure under discussion should also belong to the pre-
100. Mukherjee, B.N., Mathura and its Society, 1981, pp. 38-39.
101. “Some Results of Sonkh Excavation”, GSI, Vol. II, 1976, fig. 10.
102. Ibid., p. 84.
Kaniska period and, therefore, there is no reason to believe that the anthropomor¬
phic form of the Buddha was introduced (just) after king Kaniska came to power.103
The hypothesis of Foucher and his followers that the Gandhara school was
responsible for the innovation of the Buddha image, no longer stands.
Resume
A survey of the literary, numismatic and sculptural evidences reveals that the
images were known and existed in the Mauryan period. There are also references
to the making of the paintings and statues of Mahavlra and Buddha during their
lifetime, but no contemporary specimen is now available. Early Indian art is
aniconic and the Buddha does not appear in anthropormorphie form till late 1st
century B.C. or early 1st century A.D. The coins of Maues, Azes and Kadphises
do not represent the figure of the Buddha. The early Ujjain coins which can be
placed in the beginning of the 1st century A.D. seem to display the figure of the
Buddha but this is not more than a conjecture. The coins of Kaniska, of course,
depict the Buddha and the label Boddo leave no room for doubt. But this does
not constitute the earliest representation of the Buddha. The reliquary of
Bimaran is not so early as was presumed by some scholars and the presence of the
coins of Azes with it also does not help us in attributing it to the 1st century B.C.
It should actualy be assigned to the second half of the 1st century A.D. and should
be contemporary with or later than the reliquary of Kaniska found at Shahji ki
Dheri as pointed out above. The new inscription of the time of Kujula Kadphisess
as stated above recording the painted image of the Buddha in the Gandhara region,
cannot be taken as tangible evidence of the priority or antiquity of the Buddha
image in Gandhara.
In the early art of Sanchi and Bharhut the presence of the Buddha is conveyed
through symbols only and it is at Mathura that we notice the confluence of symbols
and human form. The arguments forwarded in favour of Gandhara as the place
of the origin of the Buddha image are at best very weak. On the contrary the
religious and spiritual background and a long established art tradition support the
case of Mathura for the distinct,on. The presentation of the figure of the Buddha
did not commence suddenly after the accession of Kaniska but was an outcome
of the urge of the society and the concession which had to be allowed by the
Buddhist church to meet the challenge of the growing popularity of other sects.
The dated Buddha images in the beginning of the reign of Kaniska are not the
earliest examples but these were also evolved from the already existing Buddha-
103. While I was reading a paper in a seminar in the National Museum, New Delhi on October 25,
1977, Dr B.N. Mukherjee and Dr K.K. Dasgupta of Calcutta University pointed out that
K§atrapas are mentioned in the Sarnath Bodhisattva of 3rd regnal year of Kani$ka. No such
evidence has come to light in the Mathura region. Moreover, there are strong stylistic and
palaeographic grounds to date this piece. At the same time the Lion capital suggests that the
early Kshatrapas favoured Buddhism. We cannot, therefore, rule out the possiblility of the
carving of a Bodhisattva image during the K$hatrapa reign which preceded the Kusana rule.
Bodhisattva figures which served as prototypes for subsequent images. The standing
Buddha figures are direct successors of the Yaksa statues but the seated ones seem
to have been influenced either by the Jaina Tirthankaras on the aydgapatas or by a
few sculptures installed during the Ksatrapa rule. The earliest Buddha figures were
carved at Mathura between 50 B.C. and A.D. 50 and certainly before Kaniska. No
Buddha sculpture of the Gandhara school is known or can be shown as earlier
than the pre-Kaniska Buddhist icons of Mathura. The patronage given by Kaniska
to Buddhism and the artisans accelerated the process of large scale manufacture of
Buddhist images. Hence the credit for the origin of the Buddha image and its
proliferation goes to Mathura. The Gandhara sculptors subsequently welcomed
this revolution and it was the close contacts that were established between Mathura
and Peshawar under the mighty Emperor Kaniska which made the introduction of
the fruits of the experiments of Mathura in the Gandhara region possible.
When the issue of the origin of the Buddha image was discussed in the
beginning of this century the scholars did not have strong arguments in the support
of either school and Coomaraswamy, summing up his discussion, observed, ‘The
balance of real evidence tends to show that the Buddha figure came into general
use somewhat before the beginning of the reign of Kaniska, and not more than
fifty years at most, if so much, before his accession. The evidence is not sufficiently
precise to warrant us in forming a theory as to the priority of either school. We
are inclined to presume on general grounds a priority for Mathura; but that is not
evidenced104
Gangoly depended more on the study of early Buddhist texts and reached the
conclusion that the Buddha figure was evolved in the first century B.C.105 Van
Lohuizen with her critical study of stylistic aspects of the early Buddha figures and
survey of different archaeological sources pronounces a clear judgment‘when we
survey these data in the light of the substance dealt with above, inevitable conclu¬
sion must be that we find the Buddha image atleast half a century, if not a whole
century, earlier at Mathura than in Gandhara.106
Following the footprints of these eminent forerunners the present author has
made an humble endeavour to bring out a few more facts and add a few more pre-
Kaniska Buddhist sculptures for further cementing the theory of the Mathura
origin of the Buddha image.
104. Coomaraswamy, A.K. “The Origin of the Buddha Image” op. citp. 37.
105. Gangoli, O.C., “The antiquity of the Buddha Image”; The Cult of the Buddha, O.Z., Neuc
Folge, VoL XIV, 1938, p. 56. There he remarks, ‘It is reasonable to conclude that the earliest
of these texts sanctioning and recommending image worship had very probably been composed
some time during the early part of the pre-Christian century {circa 150 B.C.). And there is
nothing inherently improbable in the first image of the Buddha having been carved or painted
some time before 50 B.C.
106. SP.t p. 169.
CONTRIBUTION OF MATHURA TO THE EVOLUTION

OF BUDDHA IMAGE
One of the greatest achievements of the Mathura school was the introduction
in art the representation of the Master in human form. Mathura also established
a set formulae for carving the Buddha figure. The essential elements of Buddhist
iconography as conceived by the seers were given proper shape by the sculptors at
Mathura.
The Buddha was born as a son of a king and later, after renouncing the
wordly pleasures, he started leading the life of a monk. So we have two aspects
combined together, i.e., the ideal of a cakravarti and that of a yogi. Even after
renunciation, the symbolic effect of this so far greatness continued. This has been
conveyed through various symbols known as Mahdpuntsa laksanas. The long arms
hanging upto knee (ajanubahu), the elongated earlobes (pralamhakarnapasa), broad
chest (visdfavaksa), webbed fingers (jaldngulikara), soles, palms, finger tips
decorated with wheel etc. (cakr ankahastapada), knotted hair above the head
(usrtfsa), spiral hair mark between the eyebrows (urnd) are some of the signs seen
on the Buddha images of Mathura.107
The Buddha has been shown in the form of a Yogi through his posture of
sitting (padmdsana) in meditating pose (Dhyanamudra) and the gaze of the eyes set
on the tip of the nose (nasagradrsti). These basic requirements for representing a
great ascetic like the Buddha were not known in the Gandhara region which was
dominated by the western conventions but Mathura with a suitable spiritual and
religious background was at home to depict such posture.108
Not only the Buddha and’ Bodhisattva figure but the iconography of a few
other deities of the Buddhist pantheon was either evolved or developed at Mathura.
We have the tradition of different Buddhas, Dhyani Buddhas, Maitreya Buddha
and Bodhisattvas right from the Kusana period. The site of Govindnagar has
recently revealed an inscribed pedestal of the Amitabha Buddha image (M.M. No.
77.30, fig. 154) which is dated in the year 26 (A.D. 104). This Buddha as we know
is in the Dhyani Buddha category. This will be discussed in detail in the next
chapter.
In showing the jataka scenes the Mathura art followed the earlier tradition of
Sanchl and Bharhut but while representing the life scenes of the Master new
technique and style were introduced.
Besides the Buddha and Bodhisattva figures in different forms, the Mathura
school of art incorporated other divine and semi-divine figures also in the Buddhist
107. Asvaghosha has mentioned the same features while describing the child Buddha :
TTT fT deft ^, fa qTf*T |
*snsr 3tt*t
■* «
ii
„„ „„„ Buddhacarita 1-60.
108. SP., p. 239.
pantheon. Mention may be made of Kubera, Hariti, Brahma, Indra, PancaMkha

Gandharva, Naga. Garuda, Vajrapani etc.
Mathura was the main manufactory of Buddhist figures in Northern India

from the 1st century A.D. to about A.D. 500. These products were installed at
distant places and consequently the artisans of those region** vveie largely inspired
by such images. Several styles were also influenced by the Buddhist sculptures of
Mathura. Gandhara art betrays the impact of this school and the Sarnath school
owes its origin mainly to the Buddhist images of Mathura. These points will be
taken up in detail when Mathura’s art products will be compared with those of
other schools.
We can thus infer that Mathura has contributed a lot towards the evolution
of Buddhist art and particularly towards the development of the Buddhist
pantheon.
An Observation
During the course of our study of Buddhist Art of Mathura we had the oppor¬
tunity of examining the antiquarian remains or photographs of the sculptures of
other art styles also. Our gaze fixed at a coping stone from Bharhut which illustrates
the ascetic DIrghatapasa oreacbing his disciples. (Cunningham, A. The Stupa of
Bharhut, 1962, Reprint, PI. XLVIII, F/4, p. 130). One of the half medallions of a
large undulating creeper shows an ascetic almost in Padmasanci (cross legged
attitude). His left hand rests on the knee while the right one is raised upto chest in
the attitude of preaching. There is a tree in the background and before him are
seen four young persons in the attitude of listening and at the same time they are
either reading a scripture or recording some thing as their hands are half raised.
Three persons are seen in profile but we can have the back view of the fourth one
who was facing the tree. His matted hair suspend upto waist and he sits in full
padrnchana. The teacher sits on a raised pedestal and the pupils are on the ground.
The scholars have recorded it as ‘DIrgha-tapas instructs his female disciples’

we don’t find ourselves in agreement with this identification. On what basis the disci¬
ples have been termed as female is not clear ? There seems nothing to Irbel them as
such. Thev are of course young and handsome which is quite natural for a student.
The hair sty le looking like a judd is actually the loosely tied up matted hair. The
disciple sitting from back is undoubtedly a male as indicated by the fall of matted
hair and the stiff posture of fitting. Thus to us these young students appear male
and not female. The Brahnff label on the top reads as ‘DIghatapa sise anusasati’
which should be translated as ‘Dfrghatapas instructs the disciples’. There is no
chance for insertion of W'ord ‘female’ in it.
More significant point for us is that there are traces of the fifth disciple who is
lying postrate to pay homage to the sage. If it is so, can it be conjectured that an
indirect effort was made at Bharhut to represent the scene of the Dharmacakrapra-
xartana after the Enlightened One gave his first discourse to the live disciples at
Sarnath. The word DIrghatapas does not appear to be the name but an epithet or
adjective of the sage who has spent long time in austerity. This very well fits in
case of the Buddha who had attained the Buddhahood after several years of
penance and austerity. Religious interdiction did not permit to present the human
form of the Buddha in this early period hence the event was reminded through a
slight variation in the figure of teacher and the label above.
This is just a farfetched conjecture but we could not resist the temptation of
pinpointing it. We have given a passing remark in the chapter but did not elaborate
it deliberately in the apprehension of certain other complicated issues.
8
CHRONOLOGY OF THE BUDDHIST ICONS OF
MATHURA SCHOOL
A researcher is confronted with several problems while endeavouring to frame

the chronology of Buddhist sculptures of the Mathura School of art. These issues
are the date of Kaniska, eras used, contribution of Mathura as a school of art,
chronology of different events and the social and religious conditions prevailing at
Mathura in the early centuries of the Christian era. We have already shed ample
light on most of these problems in the previous chapters, of course, avoiding a
detailed discussion on the date of the accession of Kaniska and we follow the
general consensus which is in favour of A.D. 78 as the starting point of the reign
of this Kusana Emperor.
This has also been pointed out in the last chapter that the credit of evolving
the Buddha figure should not be attributed to the reign of Kaniska or to the royal
favour enjoyed either by the scuiptors or the Buddhism itself. This great event took
place much before the accession of Kaniska and the contemporary religious and
spiritual environment and the competition between the religions to propogate their
respective ideals and message were largely responsible for the introduction of the
Buddha figure at Mathura. The reign of Kaniska of course contributed much in
the mass popularity of the Buddhist images and accelerated their production with
a set and canonised formulae. The theory of the Gandhara origin of the Buddha
image also loses the ground in the light of the arguments detailed in the preceding
chapter.
1. Symbolic-Representation
Before the emergence of the Buddha in human form in plastic art his presence
was conveyed through one or more symbols which may at first glance appear to be
mere decorative themes. But a deeper probe and the context of their representa¬
tion would indicate that there is a message or story hidden under such decorations
3 72 Buddhist Art of Mathura
The main svmbols which have found p]ace in the art of Mathura1 or other Buddhist
sites and monuments in early India are :
(i) MayadevT in her dream with elephant etc. or elephant alone (the Birth)
(ii) MayadevT under the S.Ila tree (the Birth).
(iii) Riderless horse (the Renunciation).
(iv) Turban (the Renunciation), fig. 14 and 27 top compartment and others.-
(v) Bodhi tree (the Enlightenment), fig. 66, (M.M. No. 10.130).3
(vi) Bodhi shrine (The Enlightenment), fig. 73.4
(vii) Deer park (the First Sermon).
(viii) Wheel (the First Sermon), (M.M. No. 14-15.438).5
(ix) Gandhakutf (Buddha's dwelling hut), (M.M. No. 11.154 Reverse).6
(x) Stairs and steps (Descent from Tusita heaven), fig. 67, M.M. No. 77.26 and
39.2868.7
(xi) Lion (Buddha’s clan, Lucknow Museum No. J. 268).8
(xii) Bull (Buddha as Muni Puiigava or Sakya Piuigava).9
(xiii) Bowl (Buddha's begging bowl).
(xiv) Halo (Halo of the Buddha) (Mathura Museum No. 36.2663).10
(xv) Triratna (Motif indicative of three jewels, i.e. the Buddha, the Dharma and
the Sangha, I.M.C. No. A. 25019),
(x\i) Footprints (the feet of the Buddha).
(xvii) Jdtakas (the narration of the previous birth of the Buddha) fig. 14, lower three
compartments (Mathura Museum No. 7-’.40, fig. 14 and also 15.586).11
Cxviii) Stupa (the great demise), fig. 68, (Mathura Museum No. 10-130).X“
(xix) Coffin box? (Mathura Museum No. J. 17) as pointed out by Dr. A.K. Srivastva.
1. Agrawala, V.S., Studies in Indian Art, 1965, pp. 125-26.

2. Joshi N P., Mathura Sculptures, 1956, p. 81, fig. 28.
3. Ibid., p. 80, fig. 8.
4. Sharma, R.C.. Mathura Museum and Art, 1976, p. 33, fig. 23.
5. Joshi, N P., op. cit , fig. 9.
6. Sharma, R.C., op. cit., p, 62.
7. Joshi, N.P., op cit., p. 81, fig. 28.
8. Agrawala. V S , A Short Guide-Book to the Archaeological of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow,
fig. 2a.
9. Saraswati, S K., 4 Survey of Indian Sculpture, 1975, p. 26.
10. The following reference of Triratna is met with m the Lalitavistara an early Buddhist text :
1% g-arrerrarrc si=rftrfT*r
^ ^rrsrrFf fWgrr
C
^ :
ftt i.26.42.45
11. Joshi, N P., op. cit., p. 80, fig. 13.
12. Ibid.
Chronology of Buddhist Icons of Mathura School 173
2. Pro- Ka'?iska Trunsition
As already explained in the preceding chapter the symbols were transformed

into the anthropomorphic representation before the accession of Kaniska and
preliminary and rudimentary icons had already evolved. As these are of much
significance for framing the chronology of the Buddhist images of Mathura it is
necessary to give an account of their main characteristics. The time limit which
may tentatively be fixed for such figures is of about a century between the later half
of the 1st century B.C. to the end of the third quarter of the 1st century A.D. or to
be more precise till the accession of Kaniska i.e. A.D. 78. This was the phase when
the symbols continue to dominate but at the same time the human figure of the
Buddha was reluctantly or inconspicuously shown. The reluctance is gathered
either through a tiny figure of the Buddha or through captioning the represented
deity as Bodhisattva and not as the Buddha. The hesitation continues in the early
Kusana period as well. The seated figures have a close resemblance with the Jina
figures carved on the dydgapatas while the standing figures bear the impact of the
earlier Yaksa statues.
Some of the notable features of the pre-Kantska Buddhist icons are noticed as
under :
(i) The drapery is rather inconspicuous or marked with an incised line suspending
from the left shoulder in the small figures. The bareness is also broken by a
few lappets on the left shoulder but the chest does not indicate any pleats as
the cloth is foldless transparent muslin. Sometimes the upper part of the
body shows just a bulging scarf touching the left shoulder only.
(ii) While the small figures are devoid of the UsnUa characteristic, the others are
shown with a snail shell (Kaparda) tendency.
(iii) The earlobes are smaller than the upper part of the ear.
(iv) The eyes are protruding with a short line at the outer corner.
(v) The chest is well developed.
(vi) The navel is deep.

(vii) The girdle is generally absent.
(viii) The upraised right palm is in profile.
(ix) The portion behind the hand upto the breast is filled with the decorated
cushion pattern which as discussed in the previous chapter appears to be an
adoption of the flvwhisk of the Yaksa images.
(x) The thumb is pressed against the fingers,
(xi) The elbow is raised up and does not rest on the lap.
(xii) The left hand is not put on the left knee.
{viii) The figure is rather corpulent which is an impact of the Yaksa images.
(xiv) The field of the halo is plain and indicated by an incised circle. Even the
scalloped edge is not noticed in the very early figures.
(xv) The seat shows a few tiers one over the other looking like an altar. Some¬
times the lions are also seen supporting the seat and there is no space between
the two animals.
(xvi) The overall impression of the figure is rather crude, primitive and archaic.
(xvii) No date or era is recorded.
Many of these features have been noticed by Van Lohuizen13 and some have
been added by us.
The important specimens falling in this group may be cited as follow :
(i) Headless Bodhisattva in the State Museum. Lucknow (No. B. 12b, fig. 69)
is one of the earliest images and shaped in the fashion of a Yaksa. Smith
wrongly captions it as Vardhamana.14 It is strange that Van Lohuizen has
missed this important statue in her thesis.
(ii) The stele, carved with a scene of discourse between the Buddha and a king
(probably Suddhodana) in the Lucknow Museum (No. J.531, fig. 70), is also
a very early representation of the Master whose body is almost bare except a
scarf on the left shoulder. He is shown dwarfish like a Yaksa with a small
Usnisa over the head. The big halo behind the head is devoid of any
carving.15
(iii) A medallion on the railpost in the Lucknow Museum (No. J.295, or 339 fig. 71),
represents a rider on the horse back with a groom in front. To us it reminds
the scene o{ Mahdbhiniskramana of Siddhartha. The anatomy of the human
figures and double knotted turbans on their head are indicative of the
Sunga period, trends. To our knowledge it has not been published so far.
(iv) The slab carved with the scene of the offering of alms by the four Lokapalas
in the Mathura Museum, No. H. 12, fig. 72, falls in the pre-Kaniska group.
The multi-tiered altar shaped pedestal, corpulent body of the Buddha, the
insignificant elevation on head, absence of halo, turbans of the attending
Lokapalas. position and posture of lions etc. are some of the notable
features of the beginning of the Buddhist icons.16
(v) The Torana beam in the Mathura Museum (No. M.3, fig. 73-76), is of great
significance as it really represents a stage of transition between the symbols and
the icons. Bodhigrha and Dharmacakara on the lions are on one side and on the
other side is noticed a small anthropomorphic representation of the Buddha
13. Van Lohuizen, J.E., The Scythian Period, 1949, p. 171.

14. Smith, V.A., The Jain Stupa etc,, 190J, pi. LXXVII.
15. Van Lohuizen, J.E., op. cit., pp. 159-60.
16. Ibid., pp. 157-58, fig. 27.
seated in padmdsana inside a cave. He is being worshipped by Indra and his

retinue who hold their hands clasped in adoration. This episode terminates by
the depiction of a full vase with lotus buds and mermaids at each end. Here the
corpulent Buddha is seen in a very primitive form and the posture of sitting
does not betray a sense of comfort. The right hand is raised in abhaya and
although a cavity is cut round the head to separate the figures from mass of
the cave there seems no effort in shaping it as halo. This should definitely be
assigned to the pre-Kaniska era.17 The elephant figures remind us the Barhut
rendering of the animal carving.18
(vi) The recent discoveries at the site of Govindnagar have also brought to light a
small fragmentary upper part of the Buddha (Mathura Museum No. 76.104.
fig.77) in which his head with Usnlsa and right arm raised up in the protection
are intact. It is a clumsy representation and no decoration is noticed on rim of
the nimbus. Although not much is left to discuss all features but the piece
illustrates the archaic trends of the Kaniska stage.19
<vii) A fragmentary sculpture in the Mathura Museum (No. A. 66, fig. 78 also
discusses on p. 164 >, has rather escaped the attention of the scholars (and even
Van Lohuizen has not taken any note of it). The Bodhisattva is now extant by
his left leg with left hand placed on it and right foot which was in the cross-
legged position. One leg of the flanking attendant is also seen. The pedestal
shows a winged lion and a female worshipper in the adoration pose. The sculp¬
ture represents a developed stage of treatment. The epigraph on the pedestal is
of vital importance.20. As already explained it records the installation of a
Bodhisattva image by a female devotee Nanda for the acceptance of Sarvastiva-
din monks. The most important point is that some Ksatrapa is mentioned in it.
Although Mahaksatrapa Kharapallana and Ksatrapa Vanashpara are recorded
in the Friar Bala Bodhisattva image of Sarnath of the year three of Kaniska,21
the Mathura Museum figure does not refer to the reigning king. It is, therefore,
possible that it was carved during the Ksatrapa period. V.S. Agrawala rightly
putting it in the late 1st century B.C. observed, ‘the reference to a Ksatrapa
and the Sarvdstivadin monks as well as the early form of writing together with
the style of carving and spotless hard stone make it highly probable that the
present Bodhisattva image goes back to the time of the earlier satraps who
ruled at Mathura in the late 1st century B.C.*22
17. Ibid., pp. 155-57, Sharma, R.C.. op. cit., p. 33, fig. 23.
18. Bachhofer, L., Early Indian Sculpture, II, pp. 27 and 29.
19. Sharma, R.C., New Buddhist Sculptures from Mathura, Lalit Kala, No. 19., 1979, p. 21, fig. 5.
20. See p. 164, footnote No. 96 and Vogel’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, 1910, p. 63.
21. Sahni, D.R., Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath, 1914, pp. 33-35, Museum
No. B (a).
22. Agrawala, V.S , Mathura Museum Catalogue, JUPHS., 1948, p. 63.
3. THE IDEAL FORM—The Kaniska Phase
The Buddha figure took a definite model shape during the reign of Kaniska. It
is generally presumed that patronage to Buddhism given by the Emperor was
responsible for the production of large number of Buddhist statues from the very
beginning of the assumption of power by the great monarch. But this general
belief although supported by the literary and sculptural evidence needs some
verification. While the Chinese sources (particularly Huien-tsong) present Kaniska
as a great patron of Buddhism and compare him with Asoka, the Vigur (Turkish)
texts denounce him as a sinner.There is also no direct evidence to project him as
a comert to Buddhism. It is also sometimes argued that his inclination towards the
faith was politically motivated.'4 Even his association with the Buddhist Council of
Kashmir is sometimes acknowledged as a‘pious fabrications’.-'5
What is intended here is to explain that it is not proper to attribute the sole
credit of evolution of the Buddha image to King Kaniska or his patronage to
Buddhism, although his reign must have provided a congenially commensurate
atmosphere for the production of better figures in larger quantity. As discussed
in the preceding chapter the evolution was a natural process and it had a fairly
early background of at least a centurv before the accession of Kaniska. The art and
literature grow in proper direction and reach a classical stage when the adminis¬
tration of the country is under an efficient and powerful ruler. No doubt, Kaniska
was a great king in this respect and before him the land was in a stage of disruption
and we cannot except an effective art style at Mathura under such circumstances.
Kaniska not only had a firm control over his large empire but he tried to give new
dimensions to different walks of life and this resulted in the development of a
dynamic school of sculptural art at Mathura which handled the Buddhist images
more skilfully and delicately.
Seated Figures
A distinct formula seems to have been evolved for the seated figures and it
became a popular convention in the northern part of the country unto the middle
of the second century A.D. As will be seen later, a few changes were introduced in
this form after Huviska came to power. Van Lohuizen terms it as ‘Canonised or
Kapardm Buddha and notices several p?culiaiities~6 to which we may also add a
few.
(i) The sculptures are generally in high relief and not carved in round. This
means that the back is devoid of any artistic treatment.
(ii) The features are clear and expressive.
Rosen field, J.M., The Dynastic Arts of the Kush ana, 1967, p. 29. For Turkish text see Bailey*
London Seminar, ref. iurkische Turfan Texts, IV, p. 4.
24. Gobi, R., ‘Die Munzpragung der Kusan.\ p. 19].
25. Rosenfield, op. cit., p. 32.
26. Van Lohuizen, op. cit., p. 150.
(iii) The nimbus bears the scalloped border.

(iv) The back slab shows the foliage indicating the Bod hi tree in which the
pccpal leaves are quite conspicuous.
(v) The upper two corner^ are occupied by two celestials hovering in the sky
with wreaths in their hands.
(vi) The deity is Hanked by an acoiste on each side, generally carrying fi\ whisk.
(vii) The top hair on the head of the Buddha is shaped like a snaii shell,
Kaparda. hence the distinguishing feature oi this variety is known as
Kaparditu
(viii) The right arm is raised up in ahhaya and the hand goes slightly above the
shoulder in the protection pose.
(ix) Some space is left between the light elbow and knee.
(x) There is a cushion decoration between the back of the right hand and the
shoulder.
(xi) The head is shaven or tied with cloth and no hair is visible except the top
knot.
(xii) Between eye brow's is seen the circular mark of L rna which is usuallv in
relief or sometimes incised.
(xiii) The almond shaped eyes are wide open.
(xiv) The earlobes are small.
(xv) The expression of the face is slightly smiling.
(xvi) The left part of the body is covered by garment and the upper arm shows
thick and heavy pleats.
(xvii) The left hand resting on the thigh or knee is sometimes clenched which is
suggestive of commanding attitude of a prince or a king, a cakra\artin
style.
(xviii) The legs cross each other as desired in the Padmdsana pose.
(xix) The upturned soles of the feet are marked with auspicious motifs as wheel,
Triratna etc.
(xx) The lower garment covers the half leg only.
(xxi) The frill of the garment falls on the seat.
(xxii) The navel is deep.
(xxiii) The chest part is prominent.
(xxiv) The posture suggests some stiffness.
(xxv) The Yaksa impact continues through corpulence.
(xxvi) The seat is shaped as an altar with ridges.
(xxvii) It is supported by three lions of whom two on the corners are in profile
while the central one is in face.
(xxviii) The central lion is sometimes replaced by a symbol or an object of

worship with donors at sides.
(xxix) Sometimes neither the lions are carved nor any object of worship. The
space is occupied by two devotees.
(xxx) The sculptures generally bear the epigraphs sometimes recording the date
of installation and the name of the reigning king.
The important seated sculptures which should be included in this group are as
under :
(i) Bodhisattva from Katra (Mathura Museum No. A.l, fig. 79), is probably
the best specimen of this group.27 It represents almost all above charac¬
teristics of the ideal Buddha Bodhisattva images. Van Lohuizen is inclined
to date it in the pre-Kaniska period.28 On the ground of its well advanced
workmanship we do not favour such an early date. The epigraph captions
it as a Bodhisattva image.
(ii) The headless image of the Buddha from Anyor near Govardhan, (M.M.
No. A.2, fig. 80), differs with the Katra in some respect. The central lion
on the pedestal is missing and the left hand is clenched. There is no back
slab and the flanking attendants are also absent. The image is indepen¬
dent and not projecting from the stele. Like Katra Bodhisattva the
epigraph neither mentions the reigning king nor any year. But unlike
Katra the Anyor image inscription informs that it is a Buddha image.29
Vogel observes that, The image is the oldest Buddha figure designated as
such in an inscription and must, therefore, be one of the first representa¬
tions of Buddha found at Mathura . . . .’30
(iii) Bust of the Buddha in the State Museum of Ethnology Munich (fig. 81)
is also an important citation. During the course of discussion at Lucknow
27. Vogel’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, pp. 47-48. Its inscription is read :
2. sTsr *mrr
3. *?c=rprr
‘Budharakhita’s mother Amoha-asi has erected (this) Bodhisattva together with her parents in
her own convent (or temple) for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings’.
Sharma, R.C., Mathura Museum and Art, op. cit.. pp. 47-48.
29. Vogel’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. cit., pp. 48-49.
1. SFT(-)!(?)sr5r(f)cTJTr3rTT^5(T)w(F*T)
2. 3ft trim' fTfafj? wk ^(r)fp’^(TST-)
‘Gift of the lay member Suha of Harusa, a Buddha image at the convent of Uttara of Haru§a
together with his parents for the sake of the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.*
Sharma, R.C., Mathura Museum and Art, op. cit., p. 39.
30. Agrawala’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. cit., p. 51.
Chronology of Buddhist Icons of Mathura, School 119
G.V. Mitterwallner supported this dating i.e. placing it in the early phase
of Kaniska. But she fixes the accession of Kaniska sometimes after
A.D. 142.
(iv) Headless weather worn sculpture of the Buddha is a new addition from
the site of Govindnagar (M.M. No. 76.32, fig. 82). The corpulent
treatment of body and bulging breasts are indicative of the continuation
of Yaksa and archaic traits.31
An image of the Buddha resembling the above cited sculptures now

housed in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and which has been explained
as an early and canonised Buddha by Van Lohuizen,3- should not be
considered in this group as it does bear some Gandhara impact. This
will be taken up at the appropriate place.
(v) Bodhisattva seated cross-legged in meditation wearing a crown and

flanked by one attendant on either side is carved on a stele in the Lucknow
Museum (No. J.621; fig. 83). Below are seen two devotees and three
ascetics with their hands clasped in adoration. The three tiered pedestal
devoid of any figure is an early feature. The sculpture has escaped the
attention of several scholars dealing with the Buddhist figures from
Mathura probably because Smith had wrongly identified it as Vardhamana
in his monograph.33
(vi) A headless image in the Lucknow Museum (No. B.l; fig. 84) is parti¬
cularly noted for the absence of the lions on the seat the centre of which
is carved with the Wheel of Law (Dharmacakra) mounted on a pillar
which is being worshipped by eight devotees, each holding a garland. The
restored reading of the two line inscription records the name of Kaniska.34
(vii) A stele representing the complete figure of the Buddha,36 almost in the
Katra style, is a good specimen of this group, cow in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta (No. 25524; fig. 85). The central lion is replaced by a Dharma¬
cakra being worshipped by a couple. The upper rim of the seat is left
blank and does not bear any inscription. The overall treatment is rather
weak and the sculpture seems to be a product of some inferior artist.
31. Sharma, R.C., Lalit Kala, No. 19, p. 21.

32. Van Lohuizen, op. cit., p. 172, fig. 32.
33. Smith, V.A., The Jain Stupa etc., 1901, pi. LXXXV.
34- 1. .to: ^
2. .TT3r%TT5r ^ )
35. The World of Buddha, 1980, p. 233.
(viii) The lower part of the Buddha image in the Lucknow Museum (No. B. 18;
fig. 86) showing just his cross-legged position, frill of the drapery and the
ridged pedestal occupied by two devotees who have been identified as
Indra and Brahma by Van Lohuizen. She observes that the palaeography,
dwarfish acolytes, the style of bulging shawl worn by the left figure and
the beautiful style of frill on the seat suggest a pre-Kaniska era33 although
the figure of the year is now obliterated from the epigraph.37
(ix) The State Museum, Lucknow houses an important pedestal of a
Bodhisattva image, renumbered as 66.48, fig. 87, consisting of the cross-
legged part of the body with beautiful frill on the seat. The inscription38
supplies very valuable information. The first three lines are incised in the
early Brahml characters of the 1st century A.D. but the last line record¬
ing the Buddhist creed is a later addition of the 8th-9th century A.D.
The real significance lies in the fact that although it w'as discovered at
Sravastl but the epigraphy informs that the image w'as carved by Sivamitra
who belonged to Mathura and who has been termed as Sailarupakdra™ i.e.
36. Van Lohuizen, op. cit,, pp. 174-75.

37. The one line epigraph reads :
77fm# 2 f?77 6.% 7rf7*r77 jfaesrfqrm wr F77 %77
On the sixth day of the second month of winter.(the image of) Bodhisattva was dedicated
for the welfare of parents, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI, p. 219, No. 9).
38. The original three line document is read and translated by Daya Ram Sahni as :
1. .pt fsrsrsTOsr vrr7<»rr (•) srf7777 ( •) 7f7csx7 snprrs 7777 srnrer %7
77 37% *7777 77*7 ( 37 ).
2. rrr 77 §777 qspsr 7777 fast «r*?fr«r 77 m*r ff77 7 7 ( q ) • fir 77 f775T°Tr
77*777 7 7I7777
3. .373177 7 7*7f77 37777 '77 ^577 77>f7 7 ( 77 ) 7*7 577 7<T77%0T ( f)
577 77% 7c7 1^77

A Bodhisattva (has been set up) in the Jetavana of Sravasti (as a) gift of.and
Sivadhara, Ksatria brothers from Vihsta and sons of Dharmananda (residents of) Mathura.
'Being) versed in the scriptures and (knowing) the unreality of pleasures and the unsuitability
of life, (they i.e. the Ksatriya brothers referred to) give (the Bodhisattva) in honour of all
the Buddhas, for the welfare of all living beings with special regard to their parents, and
accumulate merit for this world and mem for the next. (This) Bodhisattva was made by
Sivamitra a sculptor of Mathura.
ASIR1908-9, p. 135.
39. Sahni quotes two important verses from Kcithasaritsugara regarding the painting and sculpture
carving
7377T%77 f%77 777 ^7f77 7f I
7 *7*7 3>77 757RF7 77 777f7*77 11
^77Trfrsf7 57*77 77777)f*7777r7 II
Katha Saritsdgara, Taranga, 37, 8-9.
‘In these verses the painter is called a eitrakrta and the engraver or sculptor a rupakdra.
The eitrakrta drew samalikhat—the figure of Gauri on the column, while the rupakara did the
engraving — uUilekha—with his tool.’
ASIR., 1908-9, p. 138, footnote 3.
the stone sculptor. This document also furnishes the evidence to locate
Jetavana at Sravastl. Sahni opined that the character of the script was
pre-Kaniska.40 The ridged pattern of the pedestal, the absence of lions,
name of the king or year all suggest an early date.
(x) While at Mathura the present author had acquired the lower part of a
Bodhisattva image seated in padmdsana (M.M. No. 74.20, fig. 88) with
folds of drapery falling on the pedestal which is carved with three lions
two in profile and the middle one enface. Soles of the feet of the deity
are carved with Triratna and wheel marks and traces of auspicious motifs
are seen on the toes also. Two third part of the legs is bare and it can be
guessed that the left hand was resting on the left knee. Made in spotted
red sandstone the sculpture on the stylistic and the palaeographic grounds
should belong to the late 1st century A.D. The three line epigraph neither
records the name of the reigning king nor any year.41 Its provenance
Vrindaban had earlier yielded large size Salabhanjikas (M.M. No.
40. 2887-88).
(xi) Fragment from a pedestal of a seated Buddha/Bodhisattva image in the
Mathura Museum (No. 50.3533, fig. 89) is important for its epigraph which
records 5th regnal year of Kaniska.42 The pedestal shows the worship of
Dharmacakra on a pillar by a devotee who is assisted by a dwarf
carrying garland in a basket over his head. To the right of the devotee
is seen the tail of a lion who supported the throne (Simhdsana).
(xii) Lower part of the seated Bodhisattva image (Mathura Museum No. 10.121,
fig. 90) with hand clenched on the left thigh and the upturned soles of feet
are marked with auspicious motif. The frill of the lower garment is seen
on the pedestal which shows a sejant lion on either side. The remaining
field of the pedestal is occupied by six devotees comprising two male, two
40. Ibid., p. 134.

41. The inscription as deciphered by Dr. K.K. Thaplyal and me is as follows :
1. (TfajcSHTT (fcr)'TT
3ft 2ITT I
2. ?fa ferfa *mn f<pfa rpfa ^ ^
3. ^
Senaka the son of Sre$thahasti who is the son of Sindhuka (?) installs (this image of)
Bodhisattva. for the worship of ail Buddhas and for the welfare of all beings in the
honour of parents. by Senaka and son of Dama.
42. 1 read it as :
1. .(fa) 2 fa*'"
2. •■••••ffT fa^n>r jsrfa ffa 3c3fa 'prfa
In the 5th year of fCani^ka in the second month and on the day.for adoration of parents
and for adoration of all beings.
female and two children. The elderly persons of the group carry garlands
while the children hold their hands clasped in adoration. The upper rim
is incised with two lines and the lower rim records only one line Brahmi
epigraph which is of much significance as it mentions among other things
the teachers of the Dharmaguptika sect which was an offshoot of the old
Sthaviravdda sect.43 Another important point is that there is neither a
lion nor any symbol of worship in the centre of the pedestal. The figure
is a rather crude specimen of early Mathura art but on the basis of its
style as composition it should not be taken to be a late piece.
(xiii) Headless and armless image of Bodhisattva (Mathura Museum No. 20.1602,
fig. 91) seated cross-legged (padmasana) with upturned feet. The frill of
the garment is seen on the pedestal. The upper garment is notable for its
transparent effect and only a few pleats are noticed on the left hand. The
pedestal shows two sejant lions in the supporting position. The centre is
carved to show a triratna, worshipped by two devotees, a male and a
female holding garlands. The Brahmi inscription44 undercut on two
bands is important for the fact that this is the last dated sculpture of
Kaniska’s reign installed in the year 23. The other significant point is
that the sculpture was recovered from Sonkh which was later excavated
by H. Hartel but no Buddhist antiquity was found from the site.
Standing Statues
The standing Buddha/Bodhisattva images of this group (Kaniska period) are

noted for the following general characteristics :—
(i) The body is straight and stiff.
43. V.S. Agrawala in the Mathura Museum Catalogue, JUPHS , 1948, p. 65, reads it as follows :
1. snNrrcreft TTfaW
3. ^ smfcpfmr sftnrt
‘On this date (specified as above) this Bodhisattva image was established by Pusika Nagapaya
(? Nagapriya), wife of the trader Dharmakasa in the (gandha) kuti of her own temple for the
acceptance of the Dharmaguptika teachers.’
44. The inscription is read by Dayaram Sahni as :
1. JTfTTT (3T) cq 20 3 ^ 'TcTWT T?' fefK JTiriq- ffer%
(err).
2. sftfatfcqr srfaGsr (7 *%)
3. *3% f%^TT fr (4 ^.)
‘In the first month of the summer season of the year 23 in the reign of MahSraja Kanijka, on
this occasion as specified, Pu$yadata, the daughter of Guna, the master of Vihdra (Vihdras-
vdmt), established this image of the Bodhisattva in her own convent (for the welfare) of all
sentient being.
JRAS., July 1924 and Agrawala’s Catalogue, op. cit., p. 46.
(ii) The head is shaven with a top knot in the style of snail shell (kaparda).
(iii) The right hand is obliquely held in the protection imparting pose (abhaya).
(iv) The left hand is held akimbo resting on the waist.
(v) The chest is prominent and the navel is deep.
(vi) The large halo, if intact, emerges from the shoulders and bears a
scalloped border only while the remaining field is left blank.
(vii) Only the left arm and shoulder are covered with the folds of the
drapery.
(viii) The lower garment reaches below the knee and its hem rests on the left
hand.
(ix) A waist band fastening the lower garment terminates into a double knot
to the right side and two fillets from the knot hang down on the thigh.
(x) The thinness and fine quality of cloth is marked through its transparent
effect and consequently the body appears seminude.
(xi) A bunch of flowers surmounted on a knot of hair is usually seen between

the two legs. Sometimes this object is replaced by a lion.
Thus the upper part of the body of the standing images resembles the seated
figures and the lower half has its own peculiarities.
Eight important specimens of this group are dealt with as below :—

(i) Almost life-size standing Buddha image (MM. No. 71. 105, fig. 92)
with snail shell knot on shaven head. The shape of the iirnd between the
eyebrows deserves our attention as it represents the central point
enriched by five lines in relief. The cakra on the palm of the right hand
indicating his greatness is stylistically carved and surrounded by a beaded
band. The finger tips of the raised right palm show svastika marks.
Broken in two parts from the waist the sculpture acquired for the
Mathura Museum from the Govindnagar mound in 1971 is stylistically
very early specimen45.
(ii) Headless images of the Buddha from KausambI, (Allahabad Museum

No. 69, fig. 93), with left hand held akimbo and resting on waist and the
right-arm completely missing. The ekansikasanghdti and the lower garment
is of same type as of the image described above. Between the legs is placed
a large cluster of lotus buds and some object assuming the form of hair
with top knot. A floral decoration is also noticed outside the left leg. The
epigraph inscription on the pedestal informs that the image was dedicated
45. Sharma, R.C., New Rare Sculptures in Mathura Museum, BMA., No. $, pp. 71-72.
in the second regnal year of Kaniska16.
(iii) The colossal statue in mottled red sandstone in the Sarnath Museum (No.
B. 1, fig. 94), dated in the 3rd regnal year of Kaniska, is another interes¬
ting example. The Bodhisattva stands erect with his right arm broken and
missing but the left arm held akimbo on the waist. The anatomy and drapery
are same as described above. The cluster of lotus buds is replaced by a figure
of lion which according to Vogel was carved as a cognizance of Gautama
Buddha17. The statue was protected by a large stone parasol with the help
of a shaft pierced in the hole of the umbrella. The parasol now broken
but rejoined represents a rich variety of motifs carved on its ceiling.
These twelve motifs each intervened by a grooved design are: triratna (three
jewells); matsyamithuna (pair of fish), with a noose hanging between them, srivatsa
flanked by a rosette on either side, managalakalasa (full vase), honeysuckle, an
obliterated symbol the traces of which indicate that it was another Srivatsa,
sapaksasankha (winged conch), another honeysuckle, svastika (mystic cross) in
anticlock position and decorated with leaves, phalapdtra (basket of fruits),
maldpdtra (cup of leaves containing systematically arranged garlands and lastly the
honeysuckle which finds repetition three times4*. The parasol has close resemblance
with the umbrellas recently recovered from the site of Govindnagar (figs. 38 and
39). Another band of the Sarnath umbrella represents some winged animals
including lion, elephant, buffalo, goose, lion, crocodile, leogryph, goat, camel etc.
Actually these are all mythical animals (ihdmrgas) with their hind part differently
shaped.
The inscriptions on the pedestal of the Bodhisattva is an important docu¬
ment41' for the study of contemporary political, social, religious and artistic trends.
46. Chandra, P., Stone Sculpture in the Allahabad Museum, American Institute of Indian Studies,
Poona, 1970, pp. 61-62, fig. 85. The epigraph has been deciphered and translated as under;
1. (jt) *r (*rr) w f *1?)^ p) (1) 2 fa 8 ^rf«r^r: : % : fa? :
2. : esr: <wfa- faerH (f) zw.\ wsrfft fjpt ^ (•) ^
In the year 2 of Maharaja Kani$ka, on the 8th day of the 2nd (month) of hemanta, (Buddhist)
nun Buddhamitra, who is well versed in the tripftako, sets up (this image of) Bodhisattva at
the promenade of the Lord Buddha (El, XXIV, pp. 210-12).
A. Ghosh suggested that the year recorded is 22 and not 2. (IHS , X. 1934, p. 575).
47. Sahni, DR., Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath, 1914, Calcutta, p. 34.
48. Ibidpi. VIII.
49. A. The ten line inscription as deciphered and translated by Sahni in his above cited catalogue
(p. 35) is as follows :
1. ff 3 | 3 ft 22
2. yr? faww 3Eir
3. frirw 3^3
4 ^ srftwf'mt
The statue on the basis of stone and style must have been carved at Mathura and
was brought to Sarnath for installation.
(i\) Another important statue, which in many respects is a close copy of the
above, is the colossal statue of Bodhisattva from Mahoh now7 in the
Mathura Museum (No. MM. 38. 2798. fig. 95). The main difference
between the two is in respect of the object between the feet which in the
case of the Maholl Bodhisattva looks like a high crown with hair tied in a
knot, lotus buds and a rosette on the top50.
(v) The railpost from Jamalpur, Mathura now in the State Museum,
Lucknow (No. B. 73), represents the Kapardin style of standing Buddha in
abhayamudrd. The halo is left blank except for the scalloped border. The
reverse in the top panel shows a Buddha with shaven head seated on a
a seat supported by two lions.
(vi) A railpost, now in the Musee Guimet, Paris, is carved with the figure of
the standing Buddha in the same style. It is a dwarfish figure with the
heavy impact of a Yaksa figure51.
5. TTTmfTT *TTT (r)

6. ■TqT -zr&mzfT fe§rfr
8. $ ?T5T ’sTêcTI
9. %5T ^ ^ (3) f? Tft'rrf?

10. *nsrr*r
In the third year of Maharaja Kaniska, the third (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this
date (specified as) above, was (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the tripifakas and follower of
Friar Pusyabuddhi (namely, an image of) the Bodhisattva and an umbrella with a post,
erected at Banaras, at the place where the Lord used to walk, together with (his) parents, with
(his) masters and teachers, (his) followers and pupils and with (the nun) Buddhamitra versed
in the tripitaka, together with the satrap Vanaspara and Kharapallana and together with the
four classes (monks, nuns, la)men and Jaywomen) for the welfare and happiness of all
creatures.’
The other short inscriptions engra\ed on the image are :
(B) 1 srfircsrftcft ;
2.
This (image of) the Bodhisattva, (a gift) of Friar Bala, master of the tripitaka; has been
erected together with the great satrap Kharapallana together with the satrap Vanaspara.
(C) 1. (citric) 3 3 3 f? 2 (2)
2. rrjfjf T## fvraj«T Z (^)
3. sflfsra^rt ^ (srfiresrfw)')
In the third year of Maharaja Kaniska, the third (month) of winter, the 22nd day, on this
(date specified as) above has (this gift) of Friar Bala, a master of the tripifaka (namely, an
image of) the Bodhisattva and an umbrella with a post (been erected).
50. Agrawala’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. cit., pp. 76-78.
51. Van Lohuizen, op. cit., fig. 30.
fvii) A small Bodhisattva figure in the Mathura Museum (No. 14. 485, fig. 96),
is also an interesting illustration of the theme He stands majestically on a
ridged platform wearing princely ornaments viz. a fluted crown, heavy
round ear rings, a beaded torque, a flat necklace with a betel shaped
central pendant, thick wristlets, and an ornamental waistband. A long
scarf hangs down from his left shoulder to the right thigh and the
clustered vertical pleats of the lower garment touch the surface of the
pedestal. This feature will be discussed again. For the present it is suggested
that the statuette represents Prince Siddhartba, i.e. at a stage before the
Renunciation. The scalloped nimbus emerges from the shoulders with an
extra circular line. It graphically points to the ornaments in use among the
noblemen of the Kusana period5-.
(viii) The Sarnath Museum possesses an important headless Buddha image,

(No. B(a) 2; fig. 97), with the left hand resting on the waist holding the
scraf and the right hand broken, raised up in the abhaya posture. Between
the legs is a kneeling figure of a lion, who, according to Bachhofer, is
suggestive of the deity being the ‘lion of the Sakya race'53. D.R. Sahni on
the other hand thought that the defaced object is perhaps meant to
represent a corpulent Yaks a51. But Bachhofer’s interpretation is nearer
the truth as the figure looks like the usual central lion on the pedestal of
the seated Buddha Bodhisattva images. The treatment of drapery shows
shallow and inconspicuous lines imparting a transparent effect which is a
very early trend. Sahni guesses that some Banaras sculptor carved this
statue in imitation of the Mathura style5 ’. But there seems no ground for
such a h\pothesis and the image is clearly a direct product of Mathura
School, considering that the practice of importing sculptures from
Mathura was well known.
Some Observations on the Early Buddha Figures
Before closing the discussion on the standing Buddha/Sodhisattva images of

this (Kaniska period) group a few points deserve our attention. The identifica¬
tion and meaning of the object between the feet is important in this context. The
shape is not uniform in all the cases and it differs from image to image.
Undoubtedly we come across two motifs, either a lion as in the case of the colossal
Sarnath Bodhisattva (fig. 94) or a cluster of flowers etc. as in case of Maholi
Bodhisattva (fig. 95). The lion seems to suggest the supremacy of the Bodhisattva
Gautama who was known as Sakya Siriiha i.e. the lion among the Sakyas. The
52. Agrawala’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. citp. 67.

53. Bachhofer, L., Early Indian Sculpture, Vol. IT, p. 80.
54. Sahni, D.R., Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath, 1914, Calcutta, p. 37.
55. Ibid.
same message seems to have been conveyed in the early seated figures where the
third lion is carved in the centre otherwise there was no justification for carving
the additional figure. It would now appear that the Asokan pillars surmounted
by the lion carried the same meaning. The Buddha figure had not yet evolved and
the presence of the Master was conveyed through some symbolic representation.
The lions supporting the Dharmacakra on the Sarnath capital probably signified
the same superiority of the Master as the third lion figure on the seat or between
the standing Buddha or Bodhisattva images.
The other motif, a more popular representation on the standing Buddha/

Bodhisattva images, is the cluster of lotus buds or a full blown lotus assuming the
shape of the royal turban. H. Hartel suggested56 that the motif should be
identified as the turban of Siddhartha which was thrown away by him along with
his hair during the great event of the Renunciation. Later it was installed in the
heaven by Indra and was worshipped as cuddmaha. The cluster of hair (Cudd) in
several cases is very conspicuous as the lower component of this theme. Display
of the royal turban between the feet may also indicate the supremacy of the
Buddhahood over the kingship, the insignia of which (turban or crown) is placed
at the feet of the Enlightened One. It may also be pointed out that in certain cases
the depiction of hair is absent and only the flowers, sometimes placed in a basket,57
take the place. Such representations may be treated as the offerings to the deity
by the devotees but this may also be interpreted as a modified version of the royal
turban of Siddhartha. Furthermore, the Bodhisattva figure No. 96 (M.M. No. 14.485;
fig. 96) does not represent a ‘turban’ between the feet but it is just a part of the
garment shown in a round shape and hanging below. Does this suggest that the
turban was to be shown on the statues made to represent Gautama after his
Renunciation ? It does not seem to have had any purpose in the case of Prince
Siddhartha. But this conjecture needs further verification.
It may be postulated that the Mathura artist has invariably shown the Buddha
in abhayamudrd in the early phase and the other postures were introduced as a result
of the Gandhara influence. It was not because the Mathura artist was incapable of
showing other poses but it seems that there was a deeper meaning and ideological
justification for this. The Mathura artist conceived of the Buddha as a superhuman
being or a deity, a stage which he attained after the Enlightenment. So the only
befitting posture for such an elevated soul was the abhaya. The Gandhara artist on
the other hand had a realistic approach owing to Greek and Roman influences and
he visualised the Buddha as a great man. Consequently he derived pleasure in
displaying the events of his life and different stages of penance and austerity. The
56. Sharma, R C., op. cit., p. 48.

57. G.V. Mitterwallner in the course of discussion with the author at Mathura did not favour the
identification of the object as the usnlsa of Siddhartha as she thought that the hair or cuda
could not be cut in the existing shape without causing injury to the head. She opined that
the object should better be explained as flower basket placed by the devotees.
Buddhist Art of Mathura
288
postures other than abhaya i.e., vyilk/iyaua, d/mrnuicakf civiirtatui, bhutnispatsa9
dhydna etc. indicate some human effort and endurance while the BuJJha. according
to the Indian concept, had crossed these stages when he attained the Buddhahood
and wandered on the earth to remove the sufferings of the people and to assure
them for the perfect protection through Dharma and Saiigha. This message of the
abhaya pose appealed to the Indian society and the artist displayed it as a mark of
divine protection and assurance.
The survey of the standing Buddha images reveals that in most of the cases
the right hand in the protection pose is missing while the left arm with the hand is
intact. The reason is that the left arm found the support of the waist but the right
arm was devoid of any such support remained vulnerable and often got broken.
Most of the statues are captioned as Bodhisattva in the accompanying inscrip¬

tions even though there is no iconographic distinction between the Buddha and
Boddhisattva.
4. Emergence of Gandhdra Traits — The Huviska phase
The seated Buddha image in the National Museum, New Delhi, (No. L. 55.75;
fig. 98) dated in the year 32 is marked for the introduction of some new features
which are not seen in the sculptures discussed above. There are some other speci¬
mens which follow the same trends and a critical examination of such figures
suggests that the Buddha icons in the Huviska’s reign were undergoing a modifica¬
tion. The characteristics noticed in this group of sculptures are as follows :
(i) The nimbus bears a beaded fine in addition to the scalloped border or a
full blown lotus decorates the plain field.
(ii) The top knot of hair on the head is more conspicuously tall and has more
than one twist. Alternatively it shows matted hair which is usually combed
back or shows small curls.
(iii) The figure is elongated although the semblance of the Yaksa figure
continues.
(iv) Additional thick pleats are seen over the inner folds.
(v) The central lion on the pedestal disappears.
(vi) The eyes are sharpened at the ends.
(vii) A line on the neck is generally noticed.
(viii) The inscription on the pedestal of the seated figures seems to be an import¬
ant aspect.
(ix) The iconographic distinction between the Buddha and Bodhisattva emerges
now.
(x) The traces of the Gandhara impact can be felt for the first time in the
Buddhist sculptures of Mathura.
(xi) Vajrapani, ciad in the Udlcvavesa, is a new introduction.

(xii) Sometimes the frill below the Buddha is decorated with a round band.
The important sculptures which may be considered in this group are :

(i) Buddha (National Museum, New Delhi No. L. 55.75, tig. 98) seated in
usual protection pose and left hand clenched on the knee. He is flanked
by Vajrapani on the right and by Padmapdni on the left. The earlier
Caurl-bearers have been replaced by these new attendants. The rest of
the characteristics are the same as discussed above. The pedestal shows
the worship of the Bodhi tree. The three lined inscription does not record
the name of the reigning king.58 This specimen of Mathura style was
unearthed at Ahicchattra.
The sculpture is of great significance from the fact that it is probably

the earliest dated Buddhist image which reflects Gandhara impact. This
is just the beginning of the confluence of the two art schools of ancient
India viz. Mathura and Gandhara. This impact is to be noticed in the
figure of Vajrapani who is clad in a Scythian or Northern dress (udicyavesa),
wearing a flat turban with crisscross motif. The buckled scarf round the
neck and the stitched short lower garment or short pants are also alien
in form. The style of draping round the neck has a close affinity with the
motif seen on the statue of so-called Hercules with the Nemean lion from
Mathura and now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.59 Besides the thunder¬
bolt (yajra) in the right hand, the physiognomy is apparently non-Indian.
The ladies worshipping the Bodhi tree on the pedestal wear their saris in
the Scythian fashion.
Now carefully looking at the presiding deity in the light of this dis¬
cussion we are apt to draw the conclusion that the additional thick pleats
on the left shoulder should also be considered as a Gandhara trait. The
deity does not sit in a calm and composed way as seen in the case of the
Katra or other Buddha-Bodhisattva figures of the earlier phase. The
legs of the Ahicchatra image under discussion suggest a somewhat upward
trend indicating a feeling of discomfort.
58. Mitra, Debala, ‘'Three Kusana Sculptures from Ahichchhatra” JASLetters XXI, 1955,
No. 1, pp. 63-67.
The inscription is read as :
1. (•) ? 30 2 4 far 8 ijarcr ttt (f) ferzw?
2. * (') (0 (3) sr=r (*r) srfijr ^ anprTfijpT f§
3. wf (?r) ?Tr fqrfafk sj-q-ir (%) ? srqfxqq mr
There is error in the sequence of the inscription. The third line should be the second and the
second line ought to have been incised last.
59. Vogel, J. Ph., La Sculture de Mathura, pi. XLVII b.
Thus Van Lohuizen’s views that the Buddha images do not bear any
Gandhara impact before the year 50 and the first sculpture registering this
influence is the small figure from Anyor (M.M. No. A. 65; fig. 109), dated
in the year 51, would perhaps need revision. The National Museum sculp¬
ture of the year 32 had not come to the light when she wrote her thesis.
The Gandhara influence at Mathura should now be traced back to an earlier
date probably in the beginning of Huviska's reign as the sculpture under
discussion is to be dated in A.D. 110 (32 + 78).
The assessment of Van Lohuizen regarding the products of Mathura

of the Huviska period is, otherwise, quite justified. She observes, ‘During
the reign of Huviska, however, is a great revolution in the style of
Mathura. This change is caused by a strong influx from Gandhara
probably due to the fact that the art of this country had by this time risen
to such a height that its products passed the borders and drew7 the atten¬
tion of sculptors from other parts of India. The result of this can clearly
be seen for instance in the Buddha images at Mathura.’60
(ii) The seated Buddha in the Boston Museum61 has to be considered on the
same grounds. The pleats of the drapery on the left shoulder and arm
are heavy and thick although the additional upper folds are not seen.
Whatever remains of the attendant to the right of the deity is sufficient
enough to suggest that he is Vajrapani with a thunderbolt in the right
hand, buckled scarf round the neck and the short pants. The views of
Van Lohuizen, who has assigned a very early date to the Boston
Buddha,9-2 would now need reconsideration and modification.
(iii) Another important instance of this group of sculptures is a new acquisition

of Mathura Museum (No. 78.34; fig. 99), representing a headless seated
image of the Sakyamuni Buddha, accidentally unearthed in the course of
the foundation for a wall in the TrivenI Engineering Works near the
Govardhan by-pass in the vicinity of Delhi Agra Highway. The upturned
soles of the cross-legged deity are carved with auspicious motifs of double
circle, spoked wheel and triratna. The toes of the left foot are rubbed off
but the right foot toes show' some marks like full vase. Srivatsa and
svastika. The right hand raised in abhaya hears a sharply chiselled spoked
wheel with a beaded rim inside a circle. The finger tips show a bowl or
basket with flowers, triratna, full vase and srivatsa symbols. The back¬
ground of the hand is carved with criss-cross design suggesting a webbed
hand. There is a decorative line round the neck. The left arm is broken
and the hand is clenched on the left knee. The ekdhsikasanghdfi covering
the left shoulder only shows schematic loose folds. A decorated girdle is
60. SPop, citpp. 180-81.

61. Ibid., p. 172, fig. 32.
62. Ibid.
fastened around the waist and it suspends on the pedestal. The frill of
the lower garment is further decorated with a round band. The fragment¬
ary halo rises above the waist and is marked by a lotus in centre
surrounded succesively by the traces of a band of shooting arrows, a
scroll and a scalopped border, respectively.
The two lined inscription63 on the plain band of the pedestal is
important due to the fact that it is probably the earliest archaeological
document to record Kayastha. The word ‘Bhatti’ occurs three times
and the members of the family were fond of the use of this epithet or
nomenclature which probably conveyed the significance and popularity of
the profession of goldsmith as ‘‘Bhatti’ means a furnance, an inevitable
base of the business.
The statue is notable for the following new stylistic features which
make it quite distinct from the earlier group of the Kaniska period :
(a) There are additional thick pleats over the sanghdti on the left shoulder.
(b) The inscribed pedestal is devoid of any figurative exposition and even the
lions are missing. It seems that the statue was placed on the separately
provided lion throne.
(c) The frill of the lower garment is richly treated.
(d) The field of the large halo is carved with full blown lotus. The unusual
size of the nimbus hints that the entire scheme of the parasol was trans¬
formed into the halo. Thus with the help of the present sculpture it can
be suggested that the elaborate halo was a modification of the earlier
practice of placing a large decorated chattra (umbrella) over the Buddha/
Bodhisattva statues. As already stated the colossal image of Bodhisattva
from Mathura installed at Sarnath in the third year of Kaniska records
that an umbrella with a post was also erected over the image.54 Thus the
development of the halo can be traced from the parasols in the first quarter
of the second century A.D. i.e., in the reign of Huviska.
The statue under discussion is of extraordinary significance from
different aspects and it deserves proper attention of art historians and
epigraphists.
63. The inscription is read and translated by the present author as follows :
1. (?T) f|TT TTTT *Tf| jffer
tfFTftTTT faff
2. fferfq' ^ mcK vtiRfrt 5TFPT SrfcfJTT STfacsifafiT
fiawp-f
This image of Sakyamuni Buddha was set up for the welfare of all beings by Yasa, daughter (?)
of Grahadina, mother of Hasti and Datta and housewife of goldsmith (?) KAYASTHA
Bhaqipriya who is the son of Bhattisena and grandson of Bhattihasti.
64. Our reference No. 49, D.R. Sahni’s Sarnath Museum Catalogue, p. 35, pi. VIII.
(iv) The site of Govindnagar has yielded a new specimen, (Mathura Museum
No. 76.121; fig. 29) (also discussed in Chapter 5 dealing with the
Govindnagar finds) which on stylistic grounds should be included in the
early phase of Huviska. It is a part of doorjamb which was refused in the
subsequent period for a different purpose. The top compartment shows
a Bodhisattva seated cross-legged on a pedestal with a projecting edge.
His right hand is raised in abhava and the left one holds a water vessel.
He wears a torque, ear rings and bangles and the matted hair is tied in a
cylindrical knot at the top. The urna (circular mark) is seen on the fore¬
head and a thick scarf is worn on the left shoulder. Two lines are
marked from the left shoulder and their space becomes wider on the right
side of the waist. It appears that the sculptor intended to convert these
lines into amulets.
The second compartment displays two attendants only with their left
arms resting on their waists. Their ornaments comprise fluted headgears,
earrings, torques and bangles. The depiction of mere acolytes inde¬
pendently in a niche is rather unusual and needs some explanation as there
is neither a figural representation nor any symbol of the Master. We
think that the sculptor could not carve the figures of the flanking atten¬
dants in the upper compartment owing to paucity of space, so he displayed
them with flywhisks in the lower niche. The extant part in the third
compartment depicts only the head of the Buddha figure.
The sculpture under discussion is of greater significance not only for
assigning a proper period but also for the development of the Buddhist
pantheon. The present author had once attributed this piece to the
early first century A.D,65 but the critical analysis of stylistic traits
warrants us to post date it by about a century. The hair style, the addi¬
tional scraf like pleats on the left shoulder and the ornaments etc. are
indicative of Gandhara impact which enters Mathura in the beginning of
Huviska’s reign.
Another striking point which deserves our attention is that from now
on the sculptor of Mathura begins to make a distinction between the
Buddha and the Bodhisattva figures. We have seen that in the preceding
era, he., during the reign of Kaniska there is no iconographic distinction
between the two and the only' source of their proper identity is the inscrip¬
tion recorded on the pedestal. Thus the sculpture from Katra (Mathura
Museum No. A. 1; fig. 79) is recorded as Bodhisattva while the statue of
the same characteristics from Anyor ( Mathura Museum No. A.2, fig. 80)
is captioned as Bodhisattva. But from the time of Huviska the pantheon
develops and the confusion between the Buddha and Bodhisattva dis¬
appears. More contacts with Gandhara resulted in assimilation of several
western traits in the art of Mathura.
65. "New Buddhist Sculptures from Mathura-.Lalit Kald No, 19, p. 22.
The Gandhara artist visualised the Master as a great pontiff and

rendering of the mundane aspect of the Buddha’s life was his favourite
subject. This encouraged a diversity of theme and pantheon in the
Mathura school as well. The concept of pantheon developed through the
narration of the events of the Buddha’s life. The episode of the renuncia¬
tion of Siddhartha has already been illustrated while describing the archi¬
tectural fragment (MM. No. 76.152; fig. 30). This theme is depicted on
a small piece (MM. No. 76.87; fig. 100} which shows the lower part of
Siddhartha on horseback. The neck of the animal is missing and the hoofs
have been supported by the four lokapdlas in order to avoid noise. Though
a popular subject in the Gandhara art it was rare at Mathura.
(v) The Indian Museum, Calcutta houses a stele representing a headless image
(No. A. 25019; fig. 101) of Bodhisattva seated cross-legged on the lion
throne.66 His right arm is raised up in the protection pose and the left
one rests on the lap. The drapery covering the left side is transparent.
He is flanked by attendants whose heads are now missing. The pedestal
shows the worship of the triranta by two male and two female devotees.
The much worn out inscription on the rim records that the Bodhisattva
image was set up by a num named Pusahathini, together with a nun
Buddhadeva and her parents on the 5th day of the third month of the
winter in the year 39 during the reign of Huviska.67
The sculpture under discussion is important for the fact that though
carved in the reign of Huviska it retains all the essential characteristics of
earlier group. The form of the body, the indigenous fashion of clothes worn
by attendants, transparent drapery with narrow folds, prominent chest
and absence of extraneous influence suggest that art is not a watertight
compartment and the established conventions do not disappear suddenly.
Various factors are responsible for retaining the old consideration for
assessing the chronology of any sculpture.
(vi) The Buddha head in the State Museum, Lucknow (No. J. 226; fig. 102)
with prominent Orna, multi-tiered top knot of hair on head, eyes sharpen¬
ed at the extreme end and a line round the neck should stylistically belong
to the Huviska’s phase.68
The standing images of this group (Vasiska/Huviska’s early phase) are
not marked with many new peculiarities and there is always a possibility
of a stylistic overlap between the third (Kaniska’s phase) and the fourth
group (Vasiska/Huviska’s early phase). Nevertheless, a few characteristics
may now be considered.
66. Vogel, J. Ph., La Sculpture de Mathura, op. c/7., pp. 106-7, pi. XXVI b.
67. ASR., 1916-17, p. 13.
68. Smith, V.A., The Jain Stupa etc., 1901, p. C 1, fig. 2.
1. The sculptures are comparatively less voluminous, with a tendency of

reducing the mass.
2. As a result the corpulent aspect of the Yaksa impact is now diluted.
3. The pleates of the upper garment covering the left arm and shoulder are
less refined and broader.
There are only a few instances to illustrate the point.
(i) A headless standing Buddha image acquired by the present author from
Dhaulipiau near the Mathura Junction Railway Station (Mathura Museum
No. 80.1; fig. 103) is a good specimen. The bunch of lotus buds over
the detached hair knot (a motif already discussed above) is placed
between the feet. The lotus decoration is also seen behind the legs. The
right arm is missing; the left arm with thick pleats rests on the waist and
supports the hem of the scarf. The tapering solid block of the pedestal
bears an inscription which is unfortunately rubbed off and only a few stray
letters can be made out. The lotus carring behind the left leg is accidental
or indicative of the development of pantheon is a debatable point.
(ii) The standing figure of Bodhisattva Maitreya holding a flask in the suspen¬
ded left hand is a beautiful sculpture in the collection of the National
Museum. New Delhi, (fig. 104). The rare feature of the statuette is that
the inscription on the pedestal labels the deity as Maitreya.69 The right arm
is raised up in the usual protection imparting pose. A big cakra is noticed
on the palm. Heavy ear rings, a fiat torque, a necklace, three bracelets and
armlet are his ornaments. The waist band is also carved with floral
motifs and the neck shows two incised grooves. The Brahmanic aspect is
reflected by the pitcher and the sacred thread (yajnopavfta) with a drum¬
shaped bead as a substitute for the knot. The nimbus has a scalloped
border and the remaining field is just left blank. The small curls of
hair seem to have appeared in the art of Mathura for the first time in
this phase, but gained popularity with the passage and became a prominent
feature in later periods. This, however, did not find favour in the
Gandhara region.70 Despite the lower garment the bareness of the body is
conspicuous. Only the last line of the inscription is now intact.71 The
appearance of semi curls in hair alone is a late feature, but the other
characteristics point to an early phase.
5. Furtherence of Gandhara Impact {Huviskas second phase)
The Buddhist icons at Mathura witness another stage of development in the
69. Agrawala, V.S , Indian Art, op. cit, p. 244, text, fig. 149 and Saraswati, S K.., Survey of Indian
Sculpture, fig. 33, The inscription i> read as 'Maitreya pratimd pratisthdpitci i.e. the statue of
Maitreya was installed.
70. Joshi, N.P. and Sharma, R.C., Gandhara Sculptures in the State Museum. Lucknow, 1969, p. 9.
71. This can be read as
Tsft
N3
nT.
reign of Huviska and this is evidenced by a small figure from Anjor (Mathura
No. A.65; fig. 1C9) dated in the year 51 corresponding to A.D. 129. The author
is in agreement with Van Lohuizen who had opined that the sculpture should be
reckoned in the Kaniska era on the basis of the paleographic and stylistic develop¬
ment.72 But her theory that it suggests the beginning of the Gandhara impact cannot
be upheld in the light of the discussion of the preceding group. No doubt the Anvor
figure represents a distinct group and betra\s considerable Gandhara impact but a
close scrutiny of the Buddhist figures of Mathura hints that this impact had set in
at the very beginning of Vasiska or Hu\iska's reign and it is seen developing in
different stages of which we have already discussed the first. The second stage of
Gandhara impact is marked by the following new characteristics.73
(i) The drapery covers both the shoulders.74
(ii) The feet of the deity are also covered with the garment.
(iii) The broad pleats covering the feet fall in a semicircular fashion.
(ivj The left hand is also raised up holding the hem of the drapery and it is
almost parallel to the right hand in abhaya.
(v) The left elbow does not rest on the knee.
(vi) The upper garment forms a semicircular or ‘V’ shaped pattern round the
neck.
The other features viz., the flanking attendants, scalloped border, chest made
visible through cloth and right hand in abhaya retaining the profile position. The
notable examples of this group are as under :—
(i) A headless seated Buddha image (fig. 105) which wras taken over by the
present author for the Museum (but not acquired so far) may be the earliest
statuette of this category. The pedestal with ridged bands and three
lions is in close resemblance with that of Katra image. The left hand
holding the hem of the drapery is partly lifted. The navel is deep and
prominent. The halo does not bear any carving probably it had a scalloped
border. The body conspicuously bears the corpulent aspect of the Yaksha.
The traces of attending figures indicate the archaic. Although the date is
rubbed off from the inscription it is apparently of the early Kusana
period.75
(ii) The State Museum, Lucknow possesses a sculpture in low relief, (No. B.
14; fig. 106) representing a headless figure of the Buddha with the right
hand raised up in the protection pose and left hand also lifted up to the
72. 5/?., op. cit., p. 196.

73. Ibid., p. 183.
74. Van Lohuizen thinks that the idea of covering both the shoulders might have originated in
Mathura, SP., p. 183.
75. This can be read as
1. tt :
armpit supporting the hem of the garment, marking a progressive step in

comparison to the earlier figure. The treatment ot the drapery is same
as described above. The pedestal shows two lions occupying the two cor¬
ners and a disfigured lion in the centre.70 This has been identified in the
Museum records as a stupa. The acolyte to the right ot the deity may be
recognised as Indra or Sakra from the vajra type implement held by him
while the object with the other attendant is not clear. Van Lohuizen once
opined that this should be one of the earliest images bearing the Gandhara
influence;77 but this view is not tenable in the light of the arguments
detailed above.
(iii) Another specimen with much stylistic affinity with the above is a small
standing statue of the Buddha in the Mathura Museum (No. A. 4; fig. 107).
The deity with early features showing a shaven head, urna, between the
eyebrows, scalloped carving on the edge of the nimbus, right hand in
abhaya held in profile is noteworthy for some of the important new
features of the group such as broad pleats in the drapery covering both
the shoulders, ‘V’ shape formation of the sanghatl below the neck, which
has two distinct incised lines. The scholars like Griinwedel and Vogel78
also thought that the sculpture bears Gandhara impact.
(iv) The Buddha statuette in the Mathura Museum (No. 15.514; fig. 108)
although unique for its drapery must belong to this group on other stylis¬
tic grounds. Its early characteristics are : (a) posture of sitting, (b) flanking
acolyte to his right, (c) plain halo with the traces of a scallop mark
between the head of the attendant and the right hand of the Buddha, and
(d) the lion throne. At the same time the sanghdti covering both the
shoulders is a new formula as it represents the chequered drapery pdnsukula
civara with pdlibandha and marydddbandha79 looking like the small squares
in the fields, a befitting garment for a monk. The idea was to encourage
simplicity and austerity and a monk's robe could be prepared by
stitching the stray pieces of cloths. The sculpture is carved in the round
and the back slab carries the Bodhi tree and wreaths. The other specimens
of this type of monk’s dress in the Mathura Museum are No. H. 9 and
No. 2362.eo One such representation is on the tympanum in the Boston
Museum/1
76. SPop. cit., p. 184.

77. Ibid.
78. Buddhist Art, fig. 117.
Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. citp. 49.
79. Joshi, N.P., op. cit., p. 83, fig. 50.
80. Agrawala‘s Catalogue, op. cit., p. 68.
81. Vogel, J. Ph., La Sculpture de Mathura, ph LV, fig. b.
6. The Anyor Idiom
A distinct group of the Buddha icons may be captioned as representing the

Anyor idiom after the Buddha figure from Anyor (fig. 109), a leading specimen
which is dated in the year 51 = A.D. 129. The remarkable features as noticed by
Van Lohuizen82 and a few by us are :
(i) The garment is coarse with thick pleats and impart a rib effect.
(ii) Despite thickness and heaviness of the folds the transparent effect is retain¬
ed to some extent.
(iii) A triangular shape is formed on both the shoulders by the wearing of the
robe.
(iv) Both the hands are raised up in almost parallel position, the right hand
being in the protection pose while the left hand supports the drapery.
(v) The right palm in abhava becomes frontal.
(vi) The kapardin fashion of hair is now replaced by the rows of notches
fashion or semi-circular scratches.
(vii) The meditating (dhyana) posture appears for the first time.
(viii) The lions on the pedestal are usually frontal or inward. These are now
shown standing and indicate a departure from the hitherto seated depiction.
The rendering of the animals is rather crude.
(ix) The acolytes flanking the presiding deity are generally missing.
The important sculptures of this group are as under :

(i) As already pointed out, the statuette from Anyor (Mathura Museum No.
A. 65; fia. 109) is of considerable significance for fixing the chronology
of Buddhist images of the Mathura school. It represents the Buddha
seated in padmasana with his right hand raised upto the shoulder. The
position of the palm is now frontal instead of being in profile. This is a
new development in shaping the Buddhist figures at Mathura. The left
hand is also raised up holding the hem of the sanghati which now shows
somewhat thick and coarse pleats. This is another feature which developed
in the second phase of Huviska’s reign. The hair is arranged in the schem¬
atic notched fashion with row of crescents or semi-circular scratches
placed one over the other. This is another departure from the kapardin or
canonised form which remained prevalent at Mathura before and in the
early period of Huviska's reign. But this style of hairdo should not
necessarily be attributed to the Gandhara school and may be a natural
development of Mathura style83. The remaining part of the nimbus does
not show any decoration.
82.
S3. Joshi and Sharma, op. cit., p. 28. It has been observed that the notched hairTash.o
Mathura feature which was imitated at Gandhara. Van Lohuizen J ^
semi-circular scratches should be taken to be an effort to imitate the curly hair of the Buddha
from Gandhara. {SP.< op. cit.y 195).
The pedestal indicates the change in the posture of the lions which
are now carved en face on the two sides. Previously these two animals
were always made in profile. This is of course a new feature but the earlier
tradition of carving the lions also continues. The most important addition
on the pedestal of this sculpture is the depiction of a meditating Buddha as
an object of worship between the two devotees. This Buddha also wears
the same type of drapery as is worn by the presiding Buddha. The
meditating posture (dhydnamudrd) is a innovation81 at Mathura where the
only way of depicting the Master was in abhaya pose which conveyed his
divine status. This has already been explained in detail in connection
with some observations on the early Buddha figures of the third
group i.e., the Kaniska phase. The devotee to the left of the meditating
Buddha seems to wear a headgear or turban while the person in attendance
on the other side is bareheaded. It is presumed that the figures
represent Sakra (Indra) and Brahma,85 respectively. If so, their status has
been downgraded from being at a level and by the side of the Buddha to
a lower level, on the pedestal.
The importance of this statuette is further enhanced by the incision of
a Brahmi inscription86 on the upper and the lower rims of the pedestal. It
records the year 51 which on counting in the Kusana era corresponds to
A.D. 129. This fixes a time limit for the influx of several Gandhara features
as well as the emergence of a few indigenous traits in the Buddhist icons
produced at Mathura during the reign cf Huviska.
(ii) The statuette in the Boston Museum (SP., fig. 40) has a close resemblance
with the Anyor Buddha and must have been carved contemporaneously87.
(Hi) Curiously enough the Lucknow Museum also possesses a fragmentary
sculpture (No. B. 3; fig. 110) dated in the 51st year of reign of Huviska.
Fortunately the year and the name of the reigning king are clearly legible.
It shows the legs of the deity and traces of the legs of another devotee to
the left of the main image. To the right side of the Master is seen the
kneeling figure of a headless male with some offerings in his hands. This
devotee is clad in the Northern style, namely, the tunic. loin cloth and the
buskined sandals. An important point which claims attention is that both
the seated and standing images of the Buddha, of the year 51, are marked
84. SPop. cit., p. 195.

85. Ibid., p. 194.
86. Luders deciphered the inscription as
1. x 50 i ( f) * 3 fe (4) srer (•••) ^tcT: (?rar)
2. (w) *t(-)(s)-3T" **"•(•) fav (7) ( f) (?)••* ( )
‘In the year 51, in the 3rd (month) of summer, on the 4th (?) day, on this date,...th^
Bodhisattva (?), the (gift) of...., for the acceptance of the teachers (?), the Mahasanghikas,*
H. Luders, Mathura Inscriptions edited by K.L. Janert, 1961, pp. 170-71.
87. SP., op. cit., p. 197.
by the extraneous characteristics. As the presence of the presiding deity is

indicated by the extant remains of the feet only the intended drapery cannot
be described. But the kneeling devotee furnishes good evidence to support
the present stand. The inscription informs about the existence of a monas¬
tery of Devaputra i.e., Huviska where the image under reference was
installed.8S
(iv) The Buddha head within a niche (Mathura Museum No. 1.20, fig. Ill)
seems to be yet another specimen of this group. Here the notched hair is
arranged in several tiers and terminates into the high top with three
circles. Vogel describes this arrangement as ‘concentric rows of schematic
waves surmounted by a high nsnisa of peculiar shape.89
(v) The headless Buddha in the Indian Museum, Calcutta90 is another pro¬
minent product of the Anyor idiom. Actually it represents a further
developed stage of Gandhara influence. The drapery dominates the entire
composition with rib and wooden effect. The figure seems to have been
formed in a triangular shape. The pedestal is devoid of any lion figure and
it appears that a separate pedestal was prepared to place the statue. The
epigraph is much damaged and nothing can conclusively be said about the
dating. Chanda read the year 30 and thought that the sculpture is a clumsy
imitation of the Gandhara style at Mathura.91 Van Lohuizen, however, does
not uphold his reading and opines that the piece must be contemporary of
the Anyor Buddha and the year may be read as 50 (A.D. 128) and not 30.92
7. Culmination of The Gandhara Impact

The Gandhara influence at Mathura penetrated still deeper and reached the
point of culmination during the last years of Huviska’s reign with the following new
additions93:
(i) The drapery becomes thick and more stiff but the folds are broader.
8$. The inscription is read as : H. Luders, Ibid., p. 64-65.

1. It (T)SRST 50 1 £ (’) ff'TTTT I ( f ) <T” (TT)
(T) fa SOFT .
2. srfffm srfffcsrfq-Tr TfeTrffT trtrt t (*) t zmpr
jrpnTPTTT TT faff.
3. ffff TTTT Tff gfaiqTTRTT TT ffc? faff Iff fffffR
‘In the year 51 of the Maharaja the Devakutra Huviska on the .. ..day of the first month of
winter on that (date specified as) above the ...image.of Bhiksu Buddhavarman was
dedicated in honour of all the Buddhas. By the donation of this sacrifice and pious gift let it
be for the acquisition of knowledge of teacher Sanghadasa....mother and father.for the
lessening of all griefs of Buddhavarman (and) for the welfare and happiness of all sentient
beings. In the Vihara of the Maharaja Devaputra (i.e. Huviska).’
$9. Vogel’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. cit., p. 138.
90. SP., fig. 37.
91. Chanda, R.P., “The Mathura School of Sculpture,” ASR1922-23, p. 168.
92. SPop. cit., pp. 201-2.
93. Ibid.
(ii) The rib effect is transformed into the shutter effect.

(iii) There is a control pleat at the elbow from which the lower pleat is covered
by the upper one and above this master (box or control) pleat the upper
pleat is covered by the lower one.
(iv) A ‘V’ shaped additional scarf seems to go round the neck.
(v) The folds suspend from the left shoulder and are gathered upto the right
side.
(vi) Beside the abhaya pose the other postures of the Buddha like dhyanay
bhumisparsa and dharmacakrapraxartana also emerge.
(vii) The feet upto half legs in the seated figures are covered more.
(viii) The hair now becomes curly with a topknot and sometimes it is wavy.
(ix) The nimbus is more elaborate showing a scalloped border and shooting
arrows.
(x) The Bodhisattvas are also frequently shown.
(xi) The flanking acolytes disappear.
(xii) The frill of the garment on the pedestal assumes the shape of a cushion.
(xiii) Buddha's life cycle becomes more popular.
It appears that the heavy inflow of Gandhara traits at Mathura resulted in a

sort of stylistic crisis and despite several new alien features a few archaic and
indigenous conventions were also revived and the most important among such
indigenous features is the fashion of showing the uncovered feet which was current
during the Kaniska phase.
A few important examples of this group are described :
(i) A recently discovered headless image of the Buddha from the site of
Govindnagar (M.M.No. 76.19; fig. 112). The meditating Buddha is seen
carved in high relief against a stele of which the back is red and front is
buff in texture. The feet and hands are in crossed pose as desired in the
dhydna attitude. The pedestal is plain and devoid of any animal figure or
inscription. The sculpture seems to be an unfinished specimen as seen from
the carving of just the scalloped line of halo and the remaining field left
blank. The scarf thrown round the neck assumes a ‘V* shaped blank space.
The frill of the lower garment appears to be a separate cushion,94 which
was a common features of the Buddhist figures in the Gandhara region.95
(ii) Another new discovery from Govindnagar is an almost complete seated
image of the Buddha (MM. No. 76. 17; fig. 113), with the left hand
supporting the hem of the garment while the right hand raised in the
protection pose. The palm is decorated with a double rimmed wheel and
94. Sharma, R.C., Lalit Kald No. 19, p. 23.

95. Ingholt. H., Gandhara Art in Pakistan, figs. 45, 47, 48, 49, 51.
the filling between the fingers gives the effect of the webbed hand,
jdldnguhkara, a cognizance of a great soul.96 The hair on the head has
schematic curU with a protuberance above. The eyebrows are marked with
projecting semicircular lines and a circular mark in the relief is cons¬
picuously shown on the forehead. The almond shaped eyes have been
stretched towards the temples by a small but sharp horizontal stroke.
The earlobes are small and the nose is straight and pointed although
the tip is rubbed off. The expression on the face is sober. The
halo, as indicated by some traces, was carved with a full blown lotus,
shooting arrows and a scalloped edge. The drapery has the same features
as explained in case of the image described earlier.
(iii) There are several images of this variety in Mathura and the Lucknow
museums. Mention may be made of a headless statue in the Lucknow
Museum (No. B.5, fig. 114). The following remark of the late R.D.
Banerji in the old unpublished Lucknow Museum records is noteworthy :
“.had not the material been different the sculpture might have passed
for a specimeivof Gandhara.” This observation approximates to correct
assessment of the element of Gandhara influence in the art of Mathura in
the later half of the second century A.D.
(iv) The State Museum, Lucknow, houses a fine architectural fragement (No. B.
208; fig. 115) which on stylistic grounds should be included in the same
group. The whole composition is divided into six horizontal bands. The
uppermost panel represents the worship of the Royal Turban (usnfsa of
Siddhartha) by the busts of eleven male and female devotees each
with a garland shown separately in niches. This is followed by a row
of ornamental creepers. The third band is carved with a figure of medita¬
ting Buddha inside a cave at the extreme left. That it has been visited by
Indra is suggested bv the depiction of his mount Airavata standing in
front of the cave. Behind the elephant is seen the bodhi tree. The episode
of the first sermon at Sarnath has been shown next by the scene of the
turning of the Wheel of Law (dharmacakra prmartana) by the Buddha him¬
self. His first five disciples are seen between the bodhi tree and the
Wheel on pillar in two rows. The victory over Mara has been repre¬
sented next by the carving of the cupid and his retinue in action while the
picture of Buddha’s firm and unshakable determination has been shown
by his posture of touching the earth (bhumisparsamudrd) as witness to his
victory over Mara. This is a new pose introduced in the art of Mathura
as a result of the Gandhara influence. The last figure of the panel shows
Surya with a lotus in the right hand and a dagger in the left. His bust is
shown behind two horses running in the opposite directions. The idea
96. Abhijhdna S&kuntalam, VII. 16.

is to suggest the chariot of the deity which is seen drawn by two horses
only in the early Kusana period.
The fourth band is carved with a railing with four major components
i.e., the basement stone (alambanapindikd), upright pillars (thabha), two
cross bars (sucis) and the coping stone (usnfsah which also serves as the
pedestal for the upper frieze.
The fifth band is carved with stray scenes beginning with the broken
fragment of the left thigh of the Buddha with traces of a hand on it.
Buddha is next shown twice seated in abhayamudrd flanked by devotees. This
scene is followed in succession by Bodhisattva in meditation wearing usual
ornaments and turban, Bodhisattva Maitreya with a water bottle, a half
kneeling royal devotee and lastly a standing attendant clad in the Northern
style (udicyavesa) with a long spear. The last panel is a mixture of several
decorative motifs including a wavy creeper with leaves and flowers, caitya-
window and railing, a full blown lotus, alternating with a rosette twice.
The real significance lies in the fact that this sculpture represents a
confluence of several old and new stylistic traits. The garment invariably
wraps both the shoulders and the feet of the Buddha are covered in two
figures of the third band while the fifth band shows his bare feet. There
are thus four distinct postures of the Master comprising dhvdna, dharma-
cakraprai art ana, bhumisparsa and ah hay a respectively. The fragment of
the first figure in the fifth compartment reminds us of the depiction of the
Buddha in the canonical fashion when he placed his left hand on the lap
and the right hand remained in the protection pose. This representation
was quite popular in the Buddhist icons of Kaniska's period and continu¬
ed in the early phase of Huviska. A point to note is the depiction of two
Bodhisattvas beside the Buddha. The one in meditation with royal attire
may be identified as Siddhartha while the other with a flask is Maitreya.
The depiction of Surva with the Buddha arouses further interest. Most of
the attending figures are in the indigenous fashion but the one with long
spear is a Scythian. The sculpture really serves as a mirror to reflect the
contemporary society of Mathura. It faithfully renders the churning and
melting stage of religious and social movements which were drawn upon
by the master sculptors through themes and motifs.
(v) The stylistic development is further attested by a fragment of a bas relief
(Lucknow Museum No. B.23) representing the visit of Indra to Buddha
who is seen in meditation on a rocky cave.
(vi) Another important sculpture of the same group is No. B.182 of the
Lucknow Museum, showing a row of acanthus leaves and an undulating
creeper. Two Buddhas sit in different attitudes. The first one is in abhaya
pose wearing ekdnsikasanghati with bare feet. The second Buddha is seen
in meditation wearing ubhaydnsikasanghdti and also covering the feet.
The third is a Bodhisattva Muitreya as recognised by his ornaments and

a water pot in the ieft hand.
(vii) The fragmentary lintel in the Mathura Museum (No. 14.403; fig. 116)
shows from our left the Buddha seated in abhaya wearing ekansikasanghati
in the Katra Bodhisattva fashion. The second Buddha is also in abhaya
but he wears the ubhaydnsikasanghdti holding the hem of the drapery in the
lifted left hand while his feet are covered. The second scene displays the
Bodhisattva in meditation, wearing a crown and usual ornaments. To his
right is seen a devotee clad in the Northern style (udicvevesa) holding a
garland. The lady in the alien attire also holding a wreath may be his
spouse. The third niche represents the Buddha in abhaya with the gar¬
ment covering both the shoulders and also his feet.
The fusion of several traits of Gandhara and Mathura styles in this
sculpture is specially noteworthy. Another important feature is the shape
of the halo which shows the scallop motif between two lines97 and this
appears to be a common characteristic of tins group. But we do come
across several varieties as in the present piece also the nimbus of one
Buddha contains several incised lines of decoration.
8. Late Kusdna Treatment
It appears that the Buddhist sculptures experience stylistic changes after about
each quarter of the century and during the reign of Vasudeva also this process
continues. Van Lohuizen is justified in analysing the two Buddha figures, namely,
one from SravastT and the other from SItlaghatl under a separate category.98 The
main distinguishing features of which are as follows :
1. The shutter type stiff drapery is ‘fan’ shaped to the right side.
2. The usual ‘V’ shape space below the neck is roundish.
3. A cushion of kusa grass is seen on the pedestal.
A few noteworthy specimens of this group are described below :

(i) A statuette in dull yellowish stone in the State Museum, Lucknow,
(Renumbered as 66.18T fig. 117), was discovered by Sir John Marshall
in the course of the excavations at Sravastl." The hand shows the webbed
(jalangulikara) style as explained above and a beautiful cakra on the palm
of right hand held in abhaya. The traces of halo suggest that it was deco¬
rated with a full blown lotus. The eyebrows are drawn up as if to
provide a cupshaped cavity for the eyes. There is a thick kusa-grass
cushion on the pedestal. Below in the centre is seen a Bodhisattva seated
97. SPop. cit.. p. 196 and text fig. 40.

98. Ibid., p. 201.
99. ASR., 1910-11, p. 12.
in meditation and flanked by four garland bearing worshippers. The

inscription on the lower rim of the pedestal is interesting. It reads :
'Sihadevasya Pr (a) var (i) kasya Sdketasya deya dha (r) mo’ i.e. ‘the
pious gift of Sihadeva, a Pravarika of Saketa (Ayodhya)’.100
Van Lohuizen opines that stylistically it should belong to the later phase of
Vasudeva’s reign who was in power during the years 62-98, corresponding
to A.D. 150-176.101 But her palaeographic argument may not stand a
scrutiny and this point has been dealt with separately. The installation of
a Buddha figure of the Mathura school by a devotee from Saketa at
Sravastl is of extraordinary interest to us. Firstly it pronounces the fame,
richness and popularity, of the art works of Mathura. Secondly, it also
indicates that the only style of art that flourished in the Northern India
during the Kusana period was that represented by the Mathura school
and the people of Saketa also depended on Mathura for procuring their
good sculptures. Thirdly, it also indirectly hints that Buddhism was making
a footing even in the strongholds of Brahmanism and a resident of Saketa
(Ayodhya a renowned seat of the Vaisnava sect) preferred to install a
Buddha statuette at Sravastl. Mathura, the other stronghold of Vaisnavism-
Bhagvadsm, was already under strong Buddhist influence.
(ii) Another good specimen of this group is in the Mathura Museum

(No. A.21). It is from SItalaghatl Mathura city.102 The detached head has
been rejoined with the body and it shows the traces of curls. The
hands are broken and the pedestal, although damaged, has received
almost the same treatment as discussed in the case of the Sravastl Buddha.
The only difference is constituted by the elaborate halo on the pedestal
of the Bodhisattva figure from SItalaghati. The obliterated letters on the
pedestal are read as “Nam hira sukhartha".10*
(iii) A comparatively new acquisition in the Mathura Museum (No. 61.5304;

fig. 118) may form part of the same group. It represents a headless
figure of the Buddha turning the Wheel of Law with his right hand. The
drapery is similar to that of the earlier figure and a thin cushion on the
pedestal has also been indicated. This is of course a crude representation
but the style resembles the idiom of the previous two Buddhas. In the
present case the dharmacakrapravartana action is noteworthy.
(iv) An important statue of the Buddha (Mathura Museum No. 76 1; fig. 119),
was acquired for the Museum by the present author. It represents the
100. ASR., 1910- JI, p. 12.

101. 5T5., <?/?. m., p. 203, fig. 43.
102. Ibid., fig. 44.
103. Agrawala’s Catalogue, op. citp. 54.
lower half of the standing deity flanked by four garland bearing devotees
on the right, and the same number of female worshippers on the left.
Between the legs is placed the typical object consisting of hair, a cluster
of lotus buds and a full blown lotus on top. The identification of this
motif has already been discussed above. The drapery is rather peculiar
as it is devoid of folds forming a large vertical triangle in front and
another small triangle above. The three lined sharply incised inscription
records the date of installation as 93 (A.D. 171) in the reign of Maharaja
Devaputra Vasudeva. V.N. Srivastava reads the word Kayastha in the
end.104 The inscription records the installation of this image along with
an umbrella which is now lost. Although this dated piece does not help
us much in framing the chronology of the Buddhist images, nevertheless,
it is a rare specimen of the Mathura School of Art.
9. Decline of Gandhara Impact
It has already been pointed out that with the overwhelming Gandhara influence
in the last years of Huviska and early days of Vasudeva a stylistic crisis developed
at Mathura. Consequently both indigenous and Gandhara traits started
dominating the sculptures. The revival of the kapardin form of Buddha with
usnisa and bare feet in padmdsana is an important landmark. Ultimately the
indigenous trends emerge victorious and the flood of Gandhara trends starts
receding. This gradual retreat is to be traced from the iast days of Vasudeva i.e.
the beginning of the last quarter of the second century A.D. The alteration of the
drapery is the most conspicuous aspect of this change. It appears that after the
Kaniska phase the Mathura school, owing to the closer contacts with its
counterpart in Gandhara region developed a taste to dress up in the foreign garb
and this preference remained a dominant feature for about three quarters of the
second century A.D. Then a feeling of disgust is seen with the rejection of alien
traits and it is first reflected in the Buddha’s garment w'hich is now less stiff, relaxed
and light. Actually the thick wooly robe suited the requirement of the cold
104. V.N. Srivastava reads it as follows :
1. (fas?) u 90 (+) 3 14 fc 20 (+) 5 (?)

■jc?? ?? (?) ?r f?
2. ????*? in???*? srfam ? 'rfqwf'r? uj4 ????? m ?r?
3. m ?? fqcR ? ?T?t ? f?? (fsr) fx TXX§ryj jqqnprr ?T?*??
In the 93rd year of Maharaja Devaputra Vasudeva, in the 4th month of Hemanta as on the
25th day, an image of Lord Buddha, (Pitamaha) who has full grasp of knowledge and whose
faith cannot be shaken, was set up along with a parasol by a Buddhist monk who was
Kayastha (?) after paying due respect to his father Sarvanandl, mother Jivasri and Arya
Dharmesvara, Arya Magha and Arya Dhana. (R.C. Sharma, Mathurii Museum and Art, p. 67
and BMA No. 4, p. 22).
climate of the Gandhara region but it did not suit Mathura which is quite hot.
The outlandish cloth was adopted just for a change and as the wave against the
foreign elements prevailed it made its frontal attack on the drapery and it was the
beginning of the process of Indianisation. With the decline of the Kusana rule
funder the circumstances explained in chapter two) the process gained a further
momentum and the art products of Mathura experienced it at every stage.
The most important instances of this development are :
(i) Headless image of the Buddha in the Mathura Museum (No. 42. 2919; fig.
120) wearing ubhaydnsikasanghati and seated in meditating pose. There is
a thick Kusa-grass cushion on the throne supported by large lions and the
worship of the Bodhisattva by the Saka noblemen and women. Thus the
pedestal bears many Gandhara traits. But the garment of the deity shows
relaxing trends. The folds present a tendency to become independent
reviving the earlier rib convention under a refined treatment. The statue
may suggest the beginning of the process of Indianisation but still
retaining a heavy Gandhara influence on the pedestal.
(ii) A headless statuette from the site of Govindnagar now in the Mathura
Museum (No. 76.33; fig. 121), wears the robe with loose and independent
folds. Stylistically it seems to be the work of a less skilled sculptor.
(iii) The site of Govindnagar revealed an important standing image of the

Buddha, (fig. 122), now in the possession of the Archaeological Survey
of India. This beautiful piece of art presents the deity with a long robe
covering both the shoulders and reaching below the knees revealing the
second under garment below. The right hand is raised up in the abhaya
pose with webbed (jalalaksana) features.105 Although the control pleat is
seen at the elbow yet the stiffnesss has given way to lightness. The curls
in the hair present a more sophisticated treatment with three row's of full
circles. The cupshaped eyes show an inclination for elongation and
there is a indication of an inward vision. These features mark a definite
stage towards refinement if compared with the statuette from Sravasti
(fig- 117).
105. We have already explained this feature while discussing the figure No. 113 (MM No.76.17)
but for detailed discussion the following references may be seen :
(a) SP., op. cit., pp. 213-15.
(b) Foucher, A., Art Greco Buddhist, 1952, p. 558.
(c) Banerjee, J.N., “The Webbed Fingers of the Buddha,” lHQ.y VI, 1930. pp. 717-27.
(d) Coomarasvvamy, A.K., “The Webbed Fingers of the Buddha,” lHQ.y VII. 1931,
pp. 335-36-
(e) Stutterheim, W.F., “Le Jalalaksana de lTmage du Bouddha” Acta Or: VII, 1929,
pp 232-37.
(f) Konow, S,, “Note on the Buddha’s Jalalaksana,” Acta Or, X. 1932, pp. 298-301.
(iv) The torso of the standing Buddha image (MM No. 76.21; fig. 123) is
another new addition from the site of Govindnagar. The treatment of the
cloth though prominent yet suggests a light effect through schematic carving
of independent folds. The right hand in the protection pose is a subsequent
addition as the stone used for carving it does not match the stone used
for the image. The use of an iron nail to join the hand to the arm points
to the truth. The addition of this hand suggests that the image was
reused after mutilation. The new hand is rather heavy and crude and
might have been fixed to the image in the post-Gupta period.
(v) The Mathura Museum possesses yet another interesting headless Buddha
image (No. 76.18: fig. 124) with the right hand raised up in the frontal
position, imparting abhaya. The webbed (jdlalaksana) feature is couspic-
uous between the fingers. The palm is decorated with a disc and there
are some ornamental lines on the wrist. The left hand supporting the cloth
shows half a cakra. The garment suggests a subtle treatment with indep¬
endent folds. The gathering of the lappets below the neck has become
round in place of the usual shape. The pedestal is carved with the
dental moulding intervened by blank space. Between the feet is placed
the favourite ‘turban' motif. The deity was provided with a halo as
suggested by a small projection above the left arm. The sculpture is made
in the bull sand stone.
(vi) The figure of Bodhisattva in meditation (Mathura Museum No. 46.3231;
fig. 125), may also be included in this or earlier group. Flanked by
worshippers, Prince Gautama, wearing a crown and ornaments, is seen
practising austerity and penance. It reminds one of the pronouncements
of the great poet Asvaghosa that the attainment of nirvana (salvation), the
highest goal was not the monopoly of the ascetics and it could be achieved
even by the pious house-holders.106
10. Controversy about Style and Date

Before taking up the next group of the Buddhist icons in the process of fram¬
ing the chronology we should introduce the problem of a prevalent confrontation
between the style on the one hand and the date recorded on the specimens on the
other. The sculptures so far illustrated to distinguish the stylistic development of
the groups dealt with above are noncontroversial, as the features generally
tally with the specified date. We have seen that the dated sculptures of Mathura
do record an established era which, as discussed in the second chapter, most
probably commenced with the accession of Kaniska to power in A.D. 78. This era
was used in the Kusana art products of Mathura upto the year 98 i,e. A.D. 176
106. STTRff FPT : Buddhacarita, IX. JO.

and seems to have been discontinued subsequently probably after the death of
Vasudeva, the last important monarch of the Kusana dynasty. But suddenly we
find stylistically developed Buddhist or Jaina figures from Mathura inscribed to
record lower digits of the years from 5 to 57, but not mentioning the name of the
ruler. In order to avoid a lengthy discussion we would prefer to confine ourselves
to the Buddhist figures only.
To make our point more explicit we would introduce a Buddhist image of year
22 (Mathura Museum No. 1557; fig 126). This represents a headless deity seated
in padmasana holding the hem of the drapery with the left hand. The right hand,
which was raised in abhaya, is broken. The drapery covers both shoulders and the
pedestal shows the worship of Bodhisattva Maitreya as indicated by holding a
waterflask in his left hand and ornaments on the body. The treatment of the
garment, a thick cushion of kusa grass, decoration of the pedestal, and the heavy
and bulging figures of the lions all speak of a very late stage of development with
several Gandhara traits and the statue has many similarities with figure No. 120
discussed in the last group belonging to the late second century A.D. This certainly
suggests a much more advanced stage if compared with the statuette from
SravastT (fig. 117) which has been stylistically assigned to the last days of Vasudeva.
But the year 22 inscribed on the statue under reference creates confusion106*.
On the other hand the statue of Bodhisattva recording the year 23 and the
name of the ruling king Kaniska, (Mathura Museum No. 20. 1602, fig. 91) repre¬
sents him in the old Katra or canonised fashion. He wears an ekdnsikasanghati
covering left shoulder only with a few folds above while the remaining part of the
robe is transparent. The statue does not suggest the slightest infiltration of the
Gandhara influence. Thus there is no similarity between this image and the statue
recording the year 22 giving no name of the ruling king. Stylistically these two are
quite poles apart. Under these circumstances we are compelled to draw the con¬
clusion that the year referred to in these two statues has to be reckoned in two
different systems of counting. There are several other examples but we have cited
just one to introduce this controversy.
A solution of this riddle would now be the obvious desideratum. In this task we
are helped mainly by the views of three scholars in the field i.e., J.E. Van Lohuizen
de Leeuw.107 J.M. Rosenfield108 and B.N. Mukherjee.103 In recent years G.S. Gai
has also joined the fray on the palaeographical grounds.110 B.N. Mukherjee has
106a. The inscription reads : *Siddham sam 22 2 gra 2 di 30 asydm purvaydm prdvarika vihare Buddha
pratimd pratisthapitd, Aggrawala’s Catalogue, op. cit., p. 44.
107. SPpp. 232-32.
108. Rosenfield, J M , DAK., pp. 270-73 and p. 295.
109. Mukherjee, B.N., “Problems of Dated Images of Mathura School of Sculptures of the
Kushan Period,” Central Asia in the Kudiana Period, Vol. II, Moscow, 1975, pp. 346-62.
110. Gai, G. S , “Note on the Mathura, Pedestal Inscription of Kaniska year 14,” Journal of t he
Epigraphical Society of India, VI, 1979, pp. 12-17.
presented a condign summary in his introductory paras to a recent publication on

the subject. The suggestions offered by these authorities are mentioned below.111
(A) Van Lohuizen opts to omit the figure of 100 from the date. Elaborating her
viewpoint she remarks (with which we agree) that the omission of the digit of
hundred has been a common practice and is followed todate112 as by writing 83
we really mean 1983 for the sake of convenience of current and populaj coun¬
ting. She further suggests that after reaching the figure of 100 in the era
founded by Kaniska the digit of hundred became redundant and with the
beginning of the new century altogether a fresh counting, commenced, it was
after the death of Vasudeva whose reign has been recorded upto year 98 of
Kaniska era that the digit of hundred was omitted. Thus she prefers to date
the above Buddha statue of the year 22 to 122 corresponding to A.D. 200
which befits the stylistic sequence also.113 As such the presumption of Daya
Ram Sahni for assigning the statue in the reign of Kaniska is not justified.111
(B) J.M. Rosenfield holds almosr a similar view with a slight variation that he sees
the possibility of the commencement of a second Kusana era115 just after the
death of Vasudeva in year 98 and the controversial icons giving small digits
should be reckoned in the second Kusana era. Thus although the theory
differs, the net resuit is almost the same. Van Lohuizen omits 100 and Rosen¬
field omits 98 a minor difference of two years only and this slight variation for
us is negligible in framing the stylistic chronology.
(C) B.N. Mukherjee commenting on the above two theories opines, The above
arguments apparently look impressive. However, these perhaps do not stand a
close scrutiny/116 He argues for considering different factors for dating the art
objects and only the style should not be held to be the conclusive proof.
Social, religious and economic conditions, skill and performance of the crafts¬
man, urgency of work etc. should be taken into account in case of any
discrepancy.117 Mukherjee has given his own observations on the stylistic
111. Mukherjee. B.N., op. cit89, pp. 346.

113. Ibid., p. 236.
114. Sahni, D.R., El, 19, 1927-28, p. 65, pi. 1.
115. DAK., op. cit., p. 106.
116. Mukherjee, B.N., op. cit, p. 349.
Analysing the stylistic and palaeographic features of several dated Luddhist and Jaina
sculptures he observes : Thus on stylistic grounds the dates of the images discussed above
cannot be referred to the century after the first hundred years of the Kam$ka era. Had the
system of omitting the figure of 100 been in vogue in the Mathura area in the century after
the reign of Vasudeva f, we could have expected, on the analogy of the dates on several
Maukharl coins following perhaps a similar custom, to find occasional appearances of
numerical for 100 in the dates of some of the epigraphs, p. 350.
117. Ibid., p.352.
development of the early art of Mathura. The details furnished under the
major nine heads are of considerable significance for the researchers of early
Indian art but we do not find ourselves in complete agreement with his
assessment.118
It is also not possible to ignore the gradual line of development of art and
rely on the date of any unspecified era as discussed in case of the present
statue of the year 22 (fig. 126). We are aware of the fact that different eras
have been used simultaneously at all times according to the conventions and
convenience of the people. In the modern times also, we have several current
eras in India while the Christian era is predominant, the Saka and Vikrama
Samvats are preferred in the Hindu rituals. Similarly the Hizri San is preva¬
lent among the Muslims.
(D) G.S. Gai reopening the discussion on the fragmentary Buddhist image from
Mathura of the year 14 of Maharaja Devaputra Kaniska criticises the views of
Van Lohuizen who on the paleographic grounds opines that this piece should
belong to the year 114. Some other statues under the theory of omission of
100 have also been discussed.119
The Kausamhl Riddle
After introducing the controversy of the dated sculptures in brief we now

scrutinize a few important Buddhist icons which, although dated and controversial,
fit quite well in our chronology. Jn this connection we should first take up the
three statues discovered at Kauâmbl recording the vear 83 but not mentioning any
Kusana king.
(i) A fragmentary statuette in the Allahabad Museum (No. 89; fig. 127)
representing the right thigh of the Buddha covered with the broad pleates
of a heavy woollen garment. The lower expanse of the folds cover the
feet also. Mirashi explores several eras to date this piece.1-0 But our
stylistic study fairly coincides with the period assigned by Promod Chandra
and accordingly the date should be reckoned in the Kaniska era and the
gi\en date should correspond to vear A.D. 161 (83+78), the reign of
Vasudeva1-'1 although the epigraph refers to Bhadramagha.
118. 1. Treatment of body, 2. Treatment of draperies, 3. Nimbus, 4. Heads, 5. Face, 6. Eyes,

7. Auspicious marks, 8. Pedestal, and 9. Human attendants on the main figures (Ibid.,
pp. 353-56).
119. Gai, G.S., op. c/7., p. 213.
120. Mirashi, V.V., “Dates of some early kings of Kausambi”, Studies in Indology, Vol. I,
pp. 141-45.
For Maghas see A. Ghosh’s “The Maghas of Kausamof”, Indian Culture, Vol. I, 1935,
pp. 715-16.
121. Chandra, Promod, Stone Sculpture in the Allahabad Museum, op. citpp. 63-64, pi. XLI.
The inscription is read as :
Sri Bhadramaghasya va <83 ‘The gift of Sri Bhadramagha,the year 83’.
(ii) The defaced sculptures in the possession of the University Museum,

Allahabad (fig. 128) represents the Buddha seated on a lion throne with the
two animals rendered in profile, facing opposite directions. The sanghdti
covers both the shoulders and feet of the deity. The neck is marked with
incised decorative lines. Van Lohuizen thinks that the hair was arranged
in semicircular lines in different rows.12- The folds of the garment falling
from the left hand bear the honeysuckle motif of decoration.
(iii) The headless statue of the Buddha in the Allahabad University Museum
(fig. 129) bears the same characteristics as observed in the preceding
figure. But in the present case the right arm is missing and the pedestal
does not show any lion figure. Like the two earlier images this one is also
dated in the year 83 of King Bhadramagha.1*3
Our observations
The three Buddha sculptures detailed above are of considerable importance for
more than one reason. All of them were found at the same site and all bear the
year 83. These are all caned in the Kusana fashion of the Mathura school. The
statues follow the style of carving which wras prevalent in the early years of
Huviska’s reign approximately towards the end of the first quarter of the second
century A.D. But the Kausambi sculptures record the year 83 which corresponds
to A.D. 161. By this time the Buddha figures unearthed at or in the vicinity of
Mathura had undergone a vital change as explained in group No. 7 and 8. The
problem now is to bridge upthe gap between the styles of Huviska and Vasudeva
for assigning periods to the stray Mathura products found at Kausambi.
We are aware of the fact that there was no independent manufactory of stone
sculptures at Kausambi in the Kusana period and the images chiselled in the Mathura
atelier were transported and installed in distant places. This is corroborated by the
Buddha image of the Allahabad Museum which was installed at Kausambi in the
second regnal year of Kaniska. Tnis statue follows the contemporary idiom practised
at Mathura but the three later statues under reference stand for the continuance of
an earlier tradition in a subsequent period. The reason of this gap in our opinion
seems to be that the statues were carved earlier but remained unused or unsold
for a long period as with the introduction of new trends the old fashioned statues
probably outlived their market \alue. Later, on some urgent demand, these were
pressed into service again and supplied and the inscription was then undercut
recording the actual \ear of installation.
122. Van Lohuizen de Leeuw, J E., “The Date of Kaniska and some Recently Published Images'*,
Papers on the date of Kaniska, edited by A.L. Basham. 1968, p. 127.
123. Rhie, M.M., “Some Aspects of the Relation of 5th century Chinese Buddha Images with
Sculpture from North India, Pakistan, Afganistan and Central Asia" East and H'est.^
Vnl. 26, Nos. 3-4, September-December 1976. Rome, fig. 15.
Alternatively, the family of some sculptors working at Mathura during the

reign of Huviska may have migrated to Kausambi and settled there for good. Owing
to slow means of communication or for other reasons the family could not remain in
touch with the new experiments taking place in the homeland metropolis of
Mathura. When the occasion demanded the old fashioned statues were chiselled in
A.D. 161. Harle suggests the possibility of an offshoot of the Mathura School at
Sarnath and Kausambi.124
These are some of the conjectures which may help in bridging up the gap of
about quarter of a century which can otherwise be ignored. But this line of
thinking may pave the way for considering other stray statues recording a late date
but bearing an anachronistical^ archaic look. The famous Mankunwar Buddha
in the Lucknow Museum (No. 0.70; fig. 163), installed in the reign of Kumaragupta
retains the Kusana idiom of Mathura to a great extent. The same can be said
about the new Jaina sculptures discovered at Vidisa and dated in the reign of
Ramagupta (A.D. 376-380)125 but looking like the late Kusana period products of
Mathura. Thus the name of the reigning king or even the date may not prove to
be of absolute help in attributing a period to stray and doubtful specimen. We
must be prepared to explore several possibilities and should not jump to a
conclusion abruptly.
Sr avast! Bodhisattva
The colossal statue of a Bodhisattva in the Indian Museum, Calcutta hailing

from SravastI (No. A.2502; fig. 130) also deserves our attention. This »s fashioned
in the style of the early Buddha/'Bodhisattva statues of Kaniska’s reign and can
well be compared with the standing images of our group No. 3. The drapery
covers only left shoulder and a transparent effect is seen on the left arm and soft
folds are seen on the left shoulder. The lower garment is fastened with a waist¬
band of which broad fillets suspend to his right side. The major part of the halo is
broken and the remaining portion does not show any details. But the sculpture
is carved in the round and the scalloped edge can be noticed at the back side.
Between the feet is placed the ‘lotus turban’ object which is now corroded. The
four line inscription on the pedestal is rubbed off and only a few letters can be
made out.
Cunningham while describing this statue commented, ‘It opens with the figure
10 and some unit of the Gupta numerals. . f1Zb This means that he was inclined to
date it in the early Gupta period. This does not tally with the fabrication of the
image, particularly the stiff posture, deep navel and drapery, which constitute
124. Harle. J.C., Gupta Sculpture, Oxford, 1974, p. 15.

125. G31, G S., Tnree Inscriptions of Ramagupta, ’ Journal of the Oriental Institute of Baroda,
Vol.XVUr.1969. pD. 247-si and Agrawaia, R.C., “Niwly Discovered Sculptures from
Vidisa . ibid., pp. 252-53.
126. Anderson's Indian Museum Catalogue, 1883, p. 194.
earl> features. But there are a few points which might justify a date in the post-
Kusana phase. The carving of several lines (trivalava) round the neck and the
elongation of the ear-lobes till they touch the shoulders and the slimness of the
body are late characteristics. Thus this Bodhisattva image combines both early
and late features and cannot be dated so easily. Anderson was not in favour of
dating it later than the first century A.D.1-7
Buddha of Year 36 (?)
Another very interesting dated sculpture falling in our controversial group is

an intact and beautiful statue in the National Museum, New Delhi, fig. 131. It is
reported to have been found between Agra and Mathura.1-1" It represents the
Buddha seated in meditation wearing an ubhaycinsikasanghdti (garment cover¬
ing both shoulders) imparting a rib or shutter effect with schematic folds
which suspend from the left side but are drawn up to the right side. The feet in
padmasana are exposed and the hands are placed crossing each other. The
eyebrows are drawn up and a circular mark yurnCi) is seen between them. The hair
is arranged in spiral curls with a protuberance on the crown. The nimbus is
tastefully decorated with a full blown lotus in the centre successively encircled by
a floral wreath interspersed with rosettes, a beaded line and a scalloped edge. The
pedestal supported on two sturdy lions looking frontally with protruding tongues
bears a kusa-gvass cushion. In the interspace between the lions, below the throne,
is a dharmacakra mounted on a pillar at the centre, flanked on either side by
worshipping devotees, both men and women. The lower rim of the pedestal bears
a one line inscription which records the year 36 without mentioning the name of
the reigning king.129
Now this inscription poses a problem as the year 36 reckoned in the Kusana
era corresponds to A.D. 114 which falls in the early phase of Huviska and as such
must tally with our group No. 4, but it does not. This has no similarity with the
other Buddha image of the National Museum, New Delhi (No. L.^5.75, fig. 98),
which records the year 32 and bears all characteristics of the style of early Huviska
period. Actually the statutte of the year 36 represents a more developed style than
the Buddha figures of our Group 8 of Vasudeva period. Clearly the inscription
given on the pedestal is misleading and we should not reckon it in the Saka era of
A D. 78.
In such cases we are left with no alternative but to accept the theory either of
Van Lohuizen of the omission of 100 or to follow Rosenfield, suggesting the
commencement of a second Kusana era after the death of Vasudeva This gives us a
good margin of a century and the sculpture may be placed in (1004-36+78)
127. /bid., p. 195.

128. Van Lohuizen de Leeuw, J.E., op. c/7., (our reference No. 122) p. 130.
129. Ibid., p. 131.
A.D. 214 according to Lohuizen and in (98-f*36-f-78) A.D. 212 following the
suggestion of Rosenfield. In the light of this discussion the assignment of this
Buddha statue by A.K. Narain to the reign of Huviska stands revision.130
There are several other dated Buddhist sculptures of Kusana and late Kusana
period which are dated but the fixation of their age needs a fresh scrutiny in the
light of the above discussion. Mention may be made of the pedestal of the Buddha
statue seated in padmasana representing the Wheel of Law on a corpulent Yaksa
dated in the year 8, Mathura Museum No. 234 L
Sometimes the problem of chronology is further complicated by the over-

enthusiastic or ill-conceived views of art collectors and museum personnel. For
example, in the State Museum, Lucknow, some Kusana period fragments were
joined with the Gupta and Medieval period images. These have been separated
now. Even the art historians have cited such wrongly joined figures in their
researches to support their arguments. Van Lohuizen has published one such
image in her thesis and discussed it in detail.131 The same has been illustrated and
discussed by B.N. Mukerjee.132 But if it is made clear that the Gupta period
Buddha head was wrongly transplanted by someone on the Kusana period Jina
body, the mystery is solved and there would be no room for laboured and undue
interpretations.
Religious rivalry, overzealousness or ignorance have also been responsible for

creating stylistic confusion. The Mathura Museum houses a few Bodhisattva
images and sdiabhahjikds of the Kusana period (MM No. 40.2887*88) which are
marked with a tilaka in bold relief on the forehead. This was probably done
during the 16th century when the Mathura region was under the influence of the
Vallabha or pusti sect of Vaisnavism.
In the late Medieval period the old canons of iconography were either
forgotten or ignored and the Buddhist statues were worshipped as Brahmanical
deities. The present author acquired two Buddha statuettes from the Gokarne-
shwar shrine (MM. No. 73.30; 73.31) under worship as female deities namely
Nagarl and Sagan, respectively. The statuette from Anyor (MM No. A. 65; fig. 109)
of the year 51 was known as Durga and the famous Katra Bodhisattva (MM No.
A. 1; fig. 79) was interpreted as Visvamitra with Rama and Laksmana. A
miniature votive stupa is currently accepting the offerings as Sivalinga near the
Bengalighat on the bank of the Yamuna at Mathura ; The image of SnnathjI at
Nathdwara is suspected to be a Buddha statue of the Kusana period from
Mathura.
130. Narain, A.K., “Unique Inscribed Buddha image of the Mathura School of Sculpture’’,
Journal of Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXVI, 1950, pp. 51-56.
131. Sp., op. cit., pp. 249-51, fig. 60.
132. Mukherjee, B.N., op. cit., p. 349, pi. V.
11. Poii-Kusuna Pre-Gupta Phase

As explained in chapter two, with the setting in a decline of the Kusana
power was on and especially after the death of Vasudeva in about A.D. 176 a
period of disruption and disintegration emerged and it continued for more than a
century. The dust of political instability in northern India settled only when the
Guptas came to power in A.D. 319-20. What terminology should be given to the
artistic creation of this long time span in the absence of a real controlling authority,
is a problem before us. This gap may be explained by different nomenclatures viz.,
(a) transitional phase, (b) post-Kusana period, (c) pre-Gupta epoch, (d) age of
disruption etc. But from the point of view of the study of art we prefer to caption
it as ‘Kusano-Gupta phase’ when the Kusana trends were passing away and the
Gupta features were coming in.
Really speaking it is only for the sake of convenience that the dynastic names
are given to the art of a particular period. The names of the king or of ruling
dynasty become common and it is easy to associate the art of the age with them
without going into details of the actual contribution made by the ruling king in the
furtherence of art. Art did not extinguish with the end of the Kusanas at Mathura,
neither did it suddenly reappear with the emergence of the Gupta rule. It was, in
fact, a continuous process which had iN roots in the masses, wealthy merchants
and nt blemen who encouraged th? an and the artisans for the fulfilment of their
religious, spiritual, cial and aesthetic p.eddictions and aspirations. No doubt,
ro>ai patronage resulted in the refinement and acceleration of artistic creations.
As the royal patronage in real sense was denied to the sculptors of Mathura
during the period of disruption, art lived on its own and the artist followed the
tune of the people in his products. We have already pointed out that the feeling of
disgust and repulsion against the foreign influence had begun in the late years of
Vasudeva’s reign and the choice was for reviving the old indigenous trends.
The Kusano-Gupta phase is, therefore, marked for the following* characteris¬
tics :
(i) Rejection of alien i.e. Gandhara influence,

(ii) Revival of earlier comentions,
(iii) Thick and heavy folds giving way to light treatment of the drapery,
(iv) Resurgence of transparent effects,
(v) Commencement of the diminution of rib or shutter effects,
(vi) Improved facial expression conveying a feeling of serenity,
(vii) Horizontality of the eyes,
(viii) Tendency of the earlobes for elongation,
(ix) Fully curled hair style,
(x) Thinning down of the massive body,
(xi) Clearer carving of the nimbus, and

(xii) Inclination towards all round refinement and improvement of the figure.
There are several Buddhist sculptures which fall in the Kusano-Gupta group
and we cite below a few instances :
(i) A headless statue of the Buddha in the Mathura Museum (No. 13.361;
fig. 132) is an important illustration of this phase. The deity sits in
padmasana in meditation on a lion throne. The abhaydnsika drapery
shows the Kusana pattern but it is consideiably relaxed. The independent
folds make it light and transparent. The remaining part of the neck bears
trivalaya carving. V.S. Agrawal dated this piece in the Kusana period133
but it has more Gupta features than Kusana.
(ii) A headless seated image of the Dipankara Buddha in the State Museum,
Lucknow (No. B.22; fig. 133), should not be placed in the Gupta period,
5th century A.D., as has been done so far.134 A fresh scrutiny of the art,
palaeography of the inscription on the pedestal of and inconography leads
us to put it in the late 3rd or early 4th century A.D. The treatment of
drapery is similar to that of the previous statue with relaxed rib effect.
The identification of the posture (mudra) is also subject to revision. To us
the deity appears to be in ahhaya pose and not in upadesa (preaching) pose
as described earlier.135 The left hand was raised up to support the hem of
the drapery in the parallel position to the right hand in the protection
pose. This was the common practice of shaping the Buddha statues in the
late Kusana period.
(hi) Among the Buddhist images of Kusano-Gupta phase we would particul¬

arly like to include a dated Buddha statue of the Lucknow Museun (No.
B. 10; fig. 134). This almost intact and complete figure in buff sand stone
representing the deity standing in the attitude of ahhaya was found in the
course of an excavation, the site of Katra in Mathura during the last
century. Wearing an ubhaydnsikasanghati the Buddha holds the hem of the
drapery with his left hand. The halo behind the head is richly decorated
with various bands including the prominent radiating arrows or spear¬
heads at the centre. The two-line boldy undercut Brahnff inscription is
read as on further pages :136
133. Agrawala's Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. citp. 66.

134. I A., VI., p. 219 and XXXtII, p. 155.
135. Lucknow Museum's unpubhshd records prepared by R. D. Banerjee.
136. J.F. Fleet deciphered the date as 230 and dated the sculpture in A.D. 549, C././., Inscription of
the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Vol. Ill, pp. 2734-74. But H. Liiders suggests the
reading of the figure as 280, (Mathura Inscriptions, 1961, pp. 34-35).
1. Devadharmoyam Yasaxihdre Sakyabhiksunyd Jayabhattdyd yadatra

punyarh tadhavatu sarvasa
2. txdndmanuttara jhdndxaptaye samvatsarah 230 (280)
The sculpture has been attributed to the Gupta period adding 319 to
the year 230, corresponding to A.D. 549. If the reading is accepted 280 it
would be placed towards the close of the 5th century i.e., A.D. 599-600.
The date was checked up again by Prof. G.R. Mitterballur and it was
found that the year given is 230 and not 280. A careful study of the
stylistic features, however, prompts us to review the date so far accepted by
the scholars. In no case can the sculpture be cited as a specimen of the full-
fledged Gupta period art. The following points deserve due consideration :
(i) The body is rather short statured and not slim as is generally seen in the
5th or 6th century Buddhist images from Mathura.
(ii) The halo bears a radiating band of arrows, an earlier trait than the
sophisticated lotus decoration which became an essential feature in the
Gupta age.
(iii) The right hand raised up in abhaya is carved with a wheel w7hich is a
common trait in the Kusana period but almost absent in the Gupta age.
(iv) The broad zigzag fold of drapery falling from the left hand is again a
motif of the late Kusana period while in the Gupta age two parallel lines
of rippling pleats hang down from the waist to the feet.
(v) Another striking feature is a small lotus or turban shaped pattern placed
between the two feet. This is quite conspicuous in the Buddhist images of
the Kusana period hailing from Mathura. It becomes small and insigni¬
ficant in the later phase but is extremely rare or absent in the Gupta
period. The interpretation of this phenomen on has already been offered
above while submitting some observations at the end of discussion of
group 3 but the point desired to be stressed here is that it is a distinct
feature of the Kusana period standing Buddha-Bodhisattva icons.
(vi) The webbed hand with criss-cross net between the fingers is also an early
tradition.
(vii) The face does not bear the typical serenity of the Gupta age. The over¬
all expression is less suggestive than the faces of the Gupta period.
(viii) The circular mark on forehead is a pre-Gupta feature and seldom seen
in the Gupta age.
(ix) The two little devotees as seen near the feet of the Gupta period Buddhas
have not yet emerged.
(x) The formation of Brahml letters of the inscription is rather archaic
compared to the beautiful script of the Guptas.
(xi) The language of the inscription is hybrid form of Sanskrit as against the
chaste Sanskrit used in the 5th-6th century inscriptions in Northern India,
particularly, at Mathura.
Taking all these points into consideration one is apt to suggest that
the image under reference should not be reckoned in the Gupta era as the
stylistic features betray a fairly early date. It appears that the Kusana
era of 78 was not altogether forgotten in the period of disruption and the
figure of 230 in the present image probably infers the same. The date then
comes to A.D. 308 (78 + 230—308) which quite convincingly fits the
stylistic development. The sculpture should, therefore, be cited as a good
specimen of the transitional or the Kusano-Gupta idiom prevalent in the
early 4th century A.D.
It is interesting to note that Joanna Williams has also thought on the
same lines and has felt the necessity of changing the date.137 But she
accepts the reading of H. Liiders favouring the vear 280 instead of 230.
Secondly she prefers the commencement of the Kaniska era from c. 120
and the date thus assigned by her to this image comes to c. A.D. 400 (280
+120=400).138 In that case the figure becomes a full-fledged Gupta
piece with which we do not find ourselves in agreement on the stylistic
grounds detailed above. The possibility of the prevalence of the Saka
era at Mathura till as late as A.D. 400 is very remote when the inscription
of Chandra Gupta II suggest the rule of Gupta dynasty in the very region.
The study warns us to be cautious in dating a piece even though the year
is recorded. One has to make sure of the era first before fixing or suggest¬
ing any period or a date. The best course under the circumstances is to take
refuge to stylistic study. Thus the epigraphic and stylistic approaches are
complementary to each other for assigning the period and framing the
chronology.
(iv) A newly found statue from the site of Govindnagar (Mathura Museum
No. 76.23; fig. 135) is a remarkable specimen of this group. The Buddha
standing in abhaya pose with curly hair elongated earlobes, traces of
ornamental halo with spearheads, a twisted wreath, beaded bands and
scalloped border is significant for more than one reason. The drapery is
foldless in contrast to the other Buddha figures of this period from
Mathura. This type of robe has been a typical characteristic of the
contemporary school of art which flourished at Sarnath. The stone is
also not the red sand variety generally used in the Mathura studio.
The fixing of the date or period of this figure poses a problem.
Despite the possession of several Gupta characteristics the image reflects
some earlier trends and we may pinpointafew of them :
(i) The figure is dwarfish and straight as against the slim body rendered in
the Gupta images.
137. Williams, J., ‘A Mathura Gupta Buddha Reconsidered”, Lai it Kata, No. 17, pp. 28-32
138. Ibidp. 32.
(ii) The palms of the hands show a cakra mark, a typical Kusana feature.
(iii) The forehead bears a projecting urna which becomes rare in the Gupta
period.
(iv) The object between the feet (already discussed in detail) is still retained
although made insignificant. This was very bold and conspicuous in the
Kusana period right from the time of Kaniska but it is absent in the
Gupta period.
(v) The small acolytes or devotees as noticed near the feet of the deity have
not yet made their appearance.
(vij The expression of the face is not yet serene and contemplating, as the
eyes are slightly bulging.
In the light of these early characteristics we are inclined to place it
in the post-Kusana or early Gupta era and to be more precise in the
Kusana-Gupta phase. It has many similarities w;ith the statue No. B. 10
of the Lucknow' Museum (tig. 134) discussed above. Another statue w ith
foldless garment (fig. 147) unearthed from the site of Govindnagar is in
the possession of the Archaeological Sur\ey of India but this belongs to
the classical Gupta period and will be discussed in group 12. The dis¬
covery of these two rare sculptures may indicate that the Sarnath idiom
of foldless drapery has its root in the Mathura school in the 4th century
A.D. The fashion, however, did not become popular, at Mathura as the
people of the region had become accustomed to seeing the deity wearing
the sanghdtj with refined folds. Some scholars139 have observed that the
Sarnath style was inspired from Mathura which had a fairly early
tradition of sculptural art.
(vii) The seated Buddha image from Bodhgava now in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta, (fig. 136) is another important representative of this group.
Curiously enough it retains ekdnsikasanghati with transparent effect which
became rare from the mid-Huviska period. The other archaic character¬
istic is the position of the left fist (now broken) placed on the left knee,
the right (arm now missing) must have been in ahhaya pose in this context.
Despite these very typical Kusana features the three lines round the neck
(trivalaya), elongation of earlobes, curly hair, enlarged eyes, serene
expression and overall impro\ement in formation of body are clearly
Gupta characteristics. Thus the image represents a rare confluence of
Kusana and Gupta art styles when the old and new formulae were
successfully blended by the sculptor.
The following observation of S.K. Sarasvati is a good assessment of
this important sculpture, 4 . . . . The Bodhgava image... represents a happy
139. Coomaraswamy, A.K., HU A , p. 74.

Saraswati, S.K., A Survey of Indian Sculpture, p. 135.
and successful combination of the stolid dignity of the Kusana idiom with
the restrained grace and inner spiritualism of the Gupta.ui0
The inscription on the image informs that it was consecrated in the
year 64 of some Maharaja Trikamala whose identity is obscure and it is
difficult to associate this with the known eras. J.C. Harle suggests the
possibility of the use of the Gupta era and dates it accordingly to A.D. 384
(320-r64).lu But while Saraswati accepts it as an undoubted product
of the Mathura atelier, Harle assigns it to some eastern Madhyadesa
style.142 We are not in agreement with Harle on this point as there is no
much background of the existence of an Eastern Madhyadesa School of
art. Besides, the inscriptions on some Buddha images found at SravastI and
KusTnagar clearly mention that these were manufactured by the Mathura
sculptors. Of course, we can think of some manufactory at Sarnath in the
Mauryan period under the patronage of Asoka but it seems to have
completely disappeared, possibly with the death of the Emperor and the
Sarnath School of sculpture revived under the expansive inspiration of
Mathura. Under these circumstances the Bodhgava image under reference
should be accepted as an import from Mathura as correctly observed by
Saraswati.
(viii) The colossal headless statue in the Lucknow Museum (No. 0.71; fig. 137)
is another specimen of the Kusano-Gupta phase. The schematic and refined
treatment of the ubhayansikasanghdti, traces of an elaborate halo, and
the kneeling devotees on the pedestal are the Gupta features. But the
folds running one over the other indicating the possibility of a box pleat
at the left elbow (now broken), the figure of Bodhisattva Maitreya
standing between the feet with a flask and wearing a fluted crown, the
style of his scarf and the bunch of lotus decoration behind—all speak of
Kusana characteristics.
(ix) A head of the Buddha in buff sand stone (Lucknow Museum No.B.28,
fig. 138) retains the Gandhara feature of wavy hair-combed back. The
broken halo, elongated ears and facial expression suggest the Gupta
idiom.
(x) A new Buddha figure belonging to this group is now in the Allahabad
Museum (No. 936, discussed by R.R. Tripathi in B.M.A. No.8, pp.75-76).
Hailing from the locality Bihar, in Kunda Tahsil of Pratapgarh
District, U.P. the bust of the Buddha combines both Kusana and the
Gupta characteristics.
140. Ibid.
141. Harle, J.C., Gupta Sculpture, op. cit.y p. 16.
142. Saraswati, S.K., op. citp. 133.
12. Gupta Acme
The art produced by the dedicated efforts of the Mathura artist in shaping
the Buddha figures during the preceding five centuries reached their zenith in the
Gupta period, 4th-6th century A.D. The firm grip over administration and
dynamism of the Gupta rulers introduced prolonged peace, prosperity and stability
in the country and also provided a commensurate atmosphere for the growth of
artistic activities. The high moral principles and ideals as conceived and established
by the Gupta rulers made a deep and noble impact on society and the artists and
artisans also endeavoured to translate them into their creations.113 Thus in the words
of Saraswati ‘The Gupta period witnessed a heightening of the aesthetic conscious¬
ness leading to the fulfilment and culmination of the earlier trends and tendencies.
The classical concept in Indian sculpture reached its supreme expression in what
is described as the golden age of the Gupta/114
The classical Gupta art of Mathura is known for the following characteristics
in the Buddhist context :
(i) Emphasis on expression,
(ii) Figures made slim and elegant,
(iii) Handsome and youthful body,
(iv) A constant effort to achieve a harmonious combination of the physical
form and the spirit through bringing out the inner feelings on the face is
evident. This was the highest goal of art which was successfully achieved
by the artist. Consequently a divine glow is seen on the Buddha head
which has found its further diffusion in carving out the halo.
(v) An elaborate aureole round the head suggesting the radiation of knowledge.
(vi) The burden of the heavy drapery is subsituted by lightness and rippling
folds producing a graceful appearance. The diaphanous treatment is
further suggestive of ease and comfort against the thick garment of the
Kusana period.
(vii) The animal and vegetal world finds no importance and even the human
beings have a minor role in the composition.
(viii) It is the figure of the Buddha which surpassingly dominates all others.
143. J.C. Harle remarks, ‘The famous seated Buddha from Bodhgaya.has been widely assumed
to be an import from Mathura. A Gupta era datum, i.e. 320-f- 64=A.D. 384, is plausible
enough. It seems u tlikely, however, that it is from Mathura. The curious juxtaposition of
the body which is both iconographically and stylistically closely related to the finest
Mathura Buddhas of the Kusana period with a head having the brooding contemplative face
which was only achieved in the Gupta period points to an origin in the eastern Madhyadesa,
where the influence of the Kusana style remained strong until the fifth century, as seen in the
Mankuwar Buddha...”
Gupta Sculpture, op. citp. 16.
144. Saraswati, S.K., op. cit., p. 124.
(ix) Almost all alien trends were either discarded or retained in a subtle and
transformed fashion (as folds of the garment) to enhance the grace of the
dominant figure.
(x) The eyes are now shaped horizontally and made large, lotus budshaped,
half open, infusing inward vision and meditation.
(xi) The beautiful marking of lines on the neck makes it kambugma (conch like
neck).
(xii) The aim of the installation is often recorded as anuttarajhanavapti
(attainment of Supreme Knowledge) in the inscriptions as against the
‘sarxasttxdndmhitasukhdrtham mentioned in the Kusana inscriptions. This
suggests a march from mortality to divinity.
(xiii) The figure is more straight and static but relaxed. Even in the case of the
standing ligures of the Buddha the position of one leg gives a feeling of
movement which is suggestive of Gupta period society aspiring for higher
aims through constant efforts and noble deeds, the slightly bent knee is
indicative of motion.
Some important examples of the Gupta idiom are illustrated below :
(i) The standing Buddha image of the Mathura Museum (No. A. 5; fig. 139)
is one of the most remarkable products of Mathura art. It reflects all
noble characteristics of the blooming phase of Mathura style. The
diaphanous drapery looks like a thin muslin and produces a murmuring
effect. The hair is arranged in fine curls, ears are latge and elongated and
the eyes are shaped like half open lotus buds. Ihe socel is richly decorated
with several ornamental bands beginning with the full blown lotus at the
centre, successively encircled by a wreath issuing from crocodile heads, row
of rosettes, an extremely beautiful band showing stylised geese or
peacocks intervened by full blown lotuses, a twisted wreath with a beaded
line and lastly the scalloped edge. Above all, the expression suggests a
combination of serenity and divine bliss, a stage after the extinction of all
wordlv wishes in the fire of penance and knowledge. The two line inscrip¬
tion on the pedestal records that the purpose of the installation of this
image was the attainment of Supreme Knowledge.147 The occurence of the
word yasadinna is an important factor and it seems to refer the name of
the sculptor as we shall discuss at the appropriate place.
(ii) A similar image is in the custody of the National Museum, New Delhi
(exhibited in the Rastrapati Bhavan (fig. 141). The nose of this figure is
345. The inscription is read as :

J. g-q- ;rm frrsfr ( f) jtst
2. rrr fr5ft”-?rr?r#Tr^r =? m ^ (c^r) jfh:
This is the pious gift of the Buddhist monk Yasadinna. Whatsoever merit (there is) in this
(gift), let it be for the attainment of the supreme knowledge of (his) parents, teachers and
preceptors and all sentient beings. (Vogers : Mathura Museum Catalogue, 1910, p. 50).
intact and there is some variation in carving the halo which begins from
the knob of a full blown lotus, floral bands, undulating rich scroll, twisted
wreath, beaded line and lastly the scalloped border. The main difference
between the two classic sculptures is in replacement of the stylised geese
motif of the Buddha by the scroll.116 There is also no inscription on the
pedestal.
(iii) Another image of almost the same quality exists in the Indian Museum,
Calcutta (fig,141). The halo is missing in this case.147
(iv) The fourth sculpture in this category, of superb workmanship, is a recent
addition from Govindnagar which enriches the Mathura Museum (No.
76.25; fig. 142). It has the same grace and elegance as seen in the preceding
images. The right hand which was found separately and joined with the
image adds further attraction. The three line inscription on the pedestal
(fig. 143) is of considerable significance.118 It records the year 115 which
reckoned in the Gupta era, corresponds to A.D. 434-35 falling in the reign
of Kumaragupta Mahendraditva when the art was at its pinnacle and the
sculpture is a true representative of this glorious age. Another point is
that last two letters read as : Uhatitd Dinncna, undoubtedly mention the
name of the sculptor as Dinna. On the basis of this new find we can
safely suggest that the mention of yasadinna on the earlier described
Mathura Museum Buddha image pedestal (A.5; fig. 139) spreads the glory
of the sculptor.
(v) The same name figures in two inscriptions of the Buddha images
installed at Kasia.149 It may be pointed out here that the gigantic Buddha
image of the Buddha in the mahaparinirvana is also a magnificent
example of the Gupta art of Mathura. Its expression is very suggestive
and leaves a deep and chastening impact on the onlooker. The head
is very large and one has to look from different angles to appreciate
the rhythmic effect of calm and solace as reflected by the face. The
inscription (now7 covered) on the pedestal records ‘Pratima ceyam
146. Harle, J.C., op. cit.. fig. 48.

147. Snellgrove, D.L., The Image of the Buddha, 1978, fig. 57.
148 The Inscription as read by us is as follows :
1. ... f*ra ( t ) *f I00(+)10(+)5 m fe 10(+)2 wwt ...
*PFTcT; *5T ^ TpfT *5:
3. ^ Tforr
Success "in the vear 115, in the month of Srovana on the twelfth day, on the day (specined)
above an image of Lord DasabaJabahna Sakvamuni was installed by Friar Sanghavarman
after naying due respect to parents. Whatever merit (there is) here fi.e. m this act), let it be
for the removal of the sufferings of and for the attainment of Supreme Knowledge by all
sentient beings.
(MMA , op. cit., p. 84).
149. ASR., 1906-7. pp. 49-50.
ghatitd Dinnena Mathurena’ i.e. this image was carved by Dinna

who belonged to Mathura. This is a very important document to
assess the greatness of the art of Mathura and the master craftsman Dinna.
The other fragmentary piece just records 6Krtirdinnasya’ i.e. made by
Dinna.150
(vi) The new site of Govindnagar has revealed yet another Buddha image the
detached head of which has been fixed on the body, (Mathura Museum
No. 76.27; fig. 144). But this does not seem to have been handled by
Dinna as the quality is not that superior. The intact right hand is seen in
the protection pose and the male and female devotees are seen below. The
hair is curly as usual and the traces behind the head indicate that the nimbus
was decorated with multiple bands. This may be a specimen of early
Gupta age.
(vii) We have a torso of the Buddha image from the site of Govindnagar
(Mathura Museum No. 76.28; fig. 145) which is important for the excellent
treatment of drapery with rippling folds.
(viii) From the same site comes a Buddha head (Mathura Museum No. 76.246;
fig. 146) imbibing all basic qualities of the Gupta age viz., curly hair,
lotus bud-shaped half closed eyes with drooping eyelids and a serene
expression. A circular beauty point between the nose and the upper lip
is conspicuous here. Much of this beautiful head is unfortunately
damaged.
(ix) A very important torso (fig. 147) recovered from Govindnagar is now
with the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. The remarkable
point is the fabrication of foldless and transparent drapery. We have
already discussed, while describing the earlier Buddha image from the
same site (Mathura Museum No. 76.26; fig. 135) under the Kusano-Gupta
phase, that the discovery of these statues establish a relation between the
well established Mathura School and the budding Sarnath School in the
early Gupta period. Harle is justified in his observation that 4 . . . .
The Buddhas of Mathura take precedence, in point of time over the
Sarnath Buddha.’151 His remark wras in a different context and written
when these two new Buddhas had not seen the light of the day.
(x) The Buddha torso from Govindnagar (Mathura Museum No. 76.30; fig.
148) betrays inferior workmanship of the Gupta idiom indicating that
sculptors of inferior skill were also engaged apparently when the work
was brisk and the good hands were preoccupied.
(xi) The terracotta head of the Buddha from Govindnagar, (Mathura Museum
No. 76.240; fig. 149) is a rare specimen. It suggests the installation of
150. A SR,, 1906-7, p. 49.

151. Harle, J.C , op. eit,y p. 18.
the Buddha figures in clay either by the practice of those of modest

means or in an urgency of performing the ritual when stone statues were
not readily available. It is also likely that the young sculptors first
practised in clay and when their hands were set on this malleable medium,
they switched over or were promoted to stone. We have already explain¬
ed that there was a well established tradition of terracotta art at Mathura
and it preceded stone carving by several centuries. It suffered a reverse
during the Kusana period as a sequel to the growing popularity of stone
but was revived in the Gupta age. The depiction of a Buddhist theme in
the revived terracotta art was, however, very rare and considered from
this aspect the small head under review is of much significance.
(xii) The small Buddha torso in the Lucknow Museum (No. B. 6; lig. 150)
deserves special mention here. Firstly, it has an oval shape prabhii or
halo carved with a running leaf pattern around the entire body. Secondly,
the position of the suspended right arm below the waist suggests that it
was in varadamudrd (boon bestowing pose), which marked a new feature
in Mathura art. We have already discussed and stated that the other
postures \iz., abhava, bhumisparsa and dhyiina, vydkhydna or upadesa
(preaching) pose was conceived in the Dipankara image (fig. 133) but to
us it appears to be abhaya posture. It is not possible to suggest anything
conclusively as only traces of two upraised hands are visible now. This
mudra has, however, been shown by the turning of the Wheel of Law as
already discussed in regard to fig. 118. Thus the xaradamudra in the
present torso is remarkable and rare.
(xiii) An interesting inscribed pedestal was unearthed at the site of Govindnagar,

consisting of the feet of the deity and a kneeling worshipper to his left
(Mathura Museum No. 76.34; fig. 151). The four line inscription is of
very great significance as it records the name of the monastery as
Viradatta Vihdra,152 which once stood at the present site of Govindnagar.
Secondly, it refers to two years 121 and 15. Previously we read only 121
and, on the basis of the Gupta characteristics, it was held as assignable
to A.D. 440. But subsequently K.K. Thaplyal of the Lucknow University
opined that it should be reckoned in the Saka era and the date of the
sculpture be fixed as A.D. 199. To us it appears to be an early Gupta piece
as we had conjectured from the tiny figure of a kneeling devotee, though
not much is left to assess its artistic qualities. The other interesting point
is that this doubly dated record most probably refers to an established era
i.e., the Gupta or some other and also the regnal year 15, but the name
152. Sharma, R.C., MM A., op. citp. 84.

of the king is not mentioned and we have to explore different possibilities

in this regard.153
(xiv) There is yet another inscribed pedestal of the Buddha image acquired
by the present author from the site of Govindnagar (Mathura Museum
No. 76.35; fig. 152) representing the feet of the deity and the complete
figures of the kneeling devotees who can easily be recognised as the good
representatives of the art of the affluent Gupta period. They seem to be
well off, in good shape, gifted with fine features and graceful looks.
Their hair is tastefully arranged in locks and the lady to the left of the
deity wears heavy ear-rings, armlets and wristlets. Both of them are in
the prayer offering and meditating pose. The pedestal bears a sharply
chiselled four line inscription in chaste Sanskrit rendered in a mixture of
prose and poetry. No name of a king or date is mentioned.154 Interest¬
ingly enough, the Buddha has been mentioned here as Jina.
(xv) One statue of standing Buddha after being removed from the site of
Govindnagar was smuggled out of the country and it is now housed in the
153. The inscription is read as :

1. 77c7^ 5T% rrp frsrm TTcT 100 (+) 20 ( + ) 1 *7717737^ 7 (')
2. 777 jrnfsfrtf 7rt (' ) forcr 777 (i) ( f) 777 affair
3. fefrk 7777: srrenj^ 7 («t) 7pnrr srfir^rfoT 7I777
4. 72f77 777 7777^ 7I7r fq-Tt (77) 7c7T7f 7
In the year one hundred and twenty one—121 of current era in the fifteenth (regnal) year (of
ruling king) in the month of Margasirsa, on the first day. On this day specified above, an
image of Sakyamuni, the Fully Enlightened One, was installed in the Vhadatta, monastery,
by Jiva, daughter of Rudrasimha. Whatever merit be here (i.e. in this pious act) may that
be for the parents and for all sentient beings." The identification of Jiva and her father
Rudrasimha poses a problem. (BMA, No. 29-30, 1982).
154. The inscription read jointly by K.K. Thaplyal and the author is as :
1. (77:) 7717 7f7 (7) 7 777^7 5177:7717 77 (77) 7717717 7(7 (o) 7T7777
00
2. 3^77*7 7fFT7T 7f77 77 7ff77 f3PF77»T =57177 7777T f77fw (f7) fftiTTfa-
3. 7757 7^5 71777 77 77 5* 57T I ffc f7f7777 777T 7I7T ftRTTT 77f?77
4. 7=71 5177:7 777fc7777 77 777*7: *P>7=7 TTTfjTTT 7>TT 7 (7) 717
'Salutations to the three Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) praised by the great and learned men,
bestowers of the fruits of merit which bring deliverance equal to hundred (?), tranquil and
worthy of obeisance. Thus resolved in mind that (only) that should be given which is noble
(and only) that should be done which promoted the adoration of the preceptor, Mihiranaga
for the sake of his parents, installed this image, which is equal of hundred (images in merit),
of the lord Jina (i.e. Buddha) who is incomparable, in the courtyard of the sttipa. May its
fruit of merit, whatever there be, in entirety be for all the sentient beings, be they indifferent,
or always hostile or dear and doers of good.’
Jt was G.V. Mitterwallner who suggested the reading of Mihiranaga.
Chr onology of Buddhist Icons of Mathura School 227
Metropolitan Museum, New York. We have no other source of infor¬

mation but a news item,155 which states that the image is one of the out¬
standing examples of Mathura art in the Gupta period. Several other
antiquities must have met with the same fate and the Mathura Museum
remained deprived of possessing them. Except the feet and the right arm
the Buddha under reference is in good shape. The socle is also partly
extant over the right shoulder.
(xvi) A fragmentary pedestal acquired in 1964 for the Mathura Museum (No.
64. 12), is an important exhibit for several reasons. Firstly, it hails from
the Jail (Jamalpur) or Collectorate mound which was an important
Buddhist settlement in the Kusajrta and Gupta periods. Secondly, it is the
only dated inscription of Kumarag upta's reign (125 + 3l9=A.D. 444)
from Mathura. Moreover, the name of the city is also mentioned in the
document.156 The kneeling devotees appear on this pedestal also hence
the appearance of such figures may be considered as an accepted norm of
the full-fledged art convention of the Gupta period in Mathura.157
(xvii) The recently acquired pedestal of a Buddha image (Mathura Museum No.
82. 240; fig. 169) is of greater significance for the fact that this is the only
epigraphic record mentioning the name of Budhagupta and dated in
the year 161 corresponding to A.D. 480. It is a good evidence to study the
development of Brahml script on the basis of a dated object otherwise
nothing remains in it to attract the attention of a student of art and icono¬
graphy.158
(xviii) The Buddha head from Chamunda mound (Mathura Museum No. 49.3510;
fig. 153) is one of the rarest specimens to represent the blooming phase of
Indian art flourishing in the Gupta period at Mathura. Aesthetically it is a
superb piece with fine curly hair, elongated earlobes, lotus-shaped half open
eyes under heavy eyelids imparting a feeling of serenity and contemplation.
155. “Deccan Herald”, March 29, 1980, the paper clipping of which was sent to me by Dr. S.P.
Tewari, Dy. Superintending Epigraphist, A.S.I., Mysore.
156. V.N. Srivastava read and translated it as follows :
1. .m fwrx ( f) w src t (r) *r (•) ^ ] 00 20 5 (ft)
ft 9 (r) forcr (s®r?) m (■)
2. .jtr ?? ft ftinTJTRT«i' (t) m?rr faftt ?ft
3. .n
1. In the victorious year 125 of (the reign of the Gupta Emperor) Sri Kumaragupta, in the month
of Asvayuja (September-October) on the 9th day, on that date specified as above (resident) of
Mathura.
2.who is known as. Mara Das Danâ. Whatever religious merit there is (in the gift
let it be for the welfare of mother, father and all sentient beings. (BMA. No. 1, March 1968,
Harle J.C., op. citp. 18.
157. Harle, J.C., op, ci/., p. 18.
158. MMA, op.cit.,p.%l.
228 Budddhist Art of Mathura
Many more Gupta period Buddha figures from Mathura can be cited but we
have concentrated only on the very important icons or fresh discoveries.
It has already been explained at the end of the second chapter that towards the
close of the Gupta period Mathura became the target of repeated attacks of the
barbarious Hunas and the devastation caused by them resulted in the callous
extinction of the splendid school of art which flourished at Mathura during the
last five centuries. Buddhism also disappeared from the scene. When after a couple
of centuries the city regained consciousness, old conventions were altogether for¬
gotten and the Buddha lost his eariy majestic position. He was accommodated in
the Brahmanical pantheon and was occasionally shown as one of the incarnations
of Visnu in a few sculptural depictions housed in the Mathura Museum such as
No. 68.3.159
The Buddhist Pantheon
It will be well within the s:opeof our work if a quick survey is made of the
position of the Buddhist pantheon before closing this chapter. As explained at the
end of the preceding chapter, the Mathura School of art is responsible not only for
159. Tne five line inscription is read and translated byK.K, Thaplyal and A.K. Srivastava as
follows :
1. ( f) (jt) jfr (?) q (?tr?) ■■(?) Ores (?) i
(■sr) ^ yr TT?f qq sf-7
2. JFTTzrra' q: (srfinrf sfi) ^ qr-req qqfq «r5*q i
qqfcT JT# il
3. srqr*rf% rrff pr 5^ xr^rnr sfaer qq i
qqqq iT^r qcj qijq? cffesr fqqq II
4. srfqqr q*riq‘ qrf;f%q 1
qfpqr fqq?q qqfwmqr
■O
Jreqq
<1
qqq 11
5. q^qqqqq ff q^rsqq 1
qrcrrfqqrsqr^q qcqqrsq (r) qfq ^qrqt (?rm) 11
1. Success.salutatious to one who preached the doctrine of destroying births {nirvana) who
u powerful by virtue of possessing the ten powers.
2. He who on earth install an image ol the Buddha, ‘the Lord of the world* he becomes happy
in the next birth and (is born with) a pleasing personality.
3-4. Today (when) king Buddhagupta of the famous dynasty as administering the whole earth, in
the year one hundred and sixty one, in the month of Bhadrapada on the sixteenth day, a set of
four images of Jina (literally the conqueror i.e. the Buddha) is installed with devotion by
Sankhika (of) Rastm family ?), son of Gangabala for the sake of religious (merit).
5. Whatever merit be there in this act, may that be for the complete nirvana of his (i.e. donor’s
parents and all sentient beings on the earth. (.Journal of the Epigraphical Society, No. 8).
the origin and development of the Buddha image but it had also evolved the
Buddhist pantheon and prepared a good background for its further growth. When
Vogel published the Catalogue of the Mathura Museum in 1910 only on the basis
of the scanty material ihat then available for scrutiny he expressed his
opinion as follows : The xMathura sculptures, however, point to the fact that
during the Kusana period this Bodhisattva cult was not yet developed.160
Background
oubsequently V.S. Agrawala studied this issue afresh and on the basis of new
matenai he was able to trace a good background of the Buddhist pantheon.161
Since then the Mathura Museum has been enriched by some new important
finds161 which confirm the representation of the Buddhist pantheon at Mathura to
a considerable extent, though the complex forms as revealed by the Sddhanamdld
and other later Buddhist texts arose out of a Medieval concept. The vyuha tradition
as explained by Agrawala in a chart,163 had developed in the Kusana and Gupta
periods. The Brahmanical pantheon made the beginning of the cosmic repre¬
sentation of the deity on the traditions of the Pancar at ra . gam as. This is supported
by the installation of the statues of ire five Vtsni heroes in the pre-Kusana period
and the iyCilia images of Vdûdcva (MM No. 14. 393*95) and SasthI (MM No. 43.
3099). This tradition must have inspired the Buddhism also to portray the Buddha
into multi-forms.
160. Vogel, J. Pb., Mat'iura Museum Catalogue, op. cit , p. 38.

161. AgravVill, V.S , ‘ Oiiyanl Buddhas and Bodhisattvas”, Studies in Indian Art, 1965,
pp 137-54 earlier published in the JUPHS, Vol. Xf, part II, December 1938, pp. 1-13.
162. Sharma, R.C., %Lalit Kola, No. 19. p. 26.
163. The chart as furnished by V.S Agrawala is a useful document for the study ot the Buddhist
pantheon hence it is being reproduced here :
A. Dh\dni Bodhisa- Manus I Mudra Vdhanas Skandha Position Varga Sign

Buddha ttava Buddha in the (Group)
St lip a
1. Vairo- Samnta- Kraku- Dharma Dragons Riipa Centre Kavarga Discus

cana bhadra chanda cakra
2. Aksob- Vajrapani Kanaka- Bhumi- Ele- Vijhdna East Cavarga Vajra
iiva mum sparsa phants.
3. Ratnasa- Ratna- Kasyapa Varada Lions Vedena South Tavarga Jewel
mbhava Pani
4. Amita- Padma- Gautama Samadhi Peacocks Sanjha West Tavarga Lotus
bha pani.
Avaloka-
tesvara
5. Amogha- Vibvapani Maitreya Abhaya Garudas Sans- North Pavarga Vib'va-
siddhi pani kara vajra
Double
Thun¬
derbolt
(Stueies in Indian Art, 1965, p. 139)

B. In the Bharhut inscription we are informed about the seven Buddhas with ditterent trees
for their representation i.e.
1. fcprstf (qrafr), 2. (arm), 3. M (smr), 4, (firfta),
5. ('jfsqt), 6. (^nnsr), 7.
Among the Dhycini Buddhas we have Amitabha, Ratnasambhava and

Amoghasindhi represented in Mathura art. Similarly among the Bodhisattvas we
have Vajrapani, Padmapani and Siddhartha. The concept of Mdnusl Buddhas has
been conveyed by the presence of Kasyapa, Gautama and Maitreya. As already
stated, all the five mudras, viz. dharmacakraparvartana, bhumisparia, varada, samddhi
(dhyana) and abhava make their appearance in Mathura. The position of vahanas
(mounts) is obscure, although we notice garuda as the vehicle of a Boddhisattva
and lions supporting the seat of almost all seated Buddhas/Bodhisattvas. The other
cognizances did not come into portrayal.
Origin
When actually this concept originated at Mathura is difficult to explain. But

to us its inception is seen at the initial stage of the origin of the Buddha image in the
pre-Christian centuries The canonical victory of Mahayana over HInayana paved the
way not only for the emergence of the Buddha in art but also his attendants or
companions. Thus we have a remote concept of the Buddhist pantheon which has
not found place in the above mentioned chart. Even in the time of aniconic wor¬
ship the manifestation of the Buddha in his previous births as conceived in the
pre-Christian centuries and revealed through jdtaka narrations and their exhibition
in the early sculptural art of Bharhut, SanchT and Mathura prepared a background
for the evolution the Buddhist pantheon before the representation of the Master in
the anthropomorphic form in art. Consequently in some of the early representations
we notice the Buddha as well his companions in the form of attendants, guards,
devotees, visitors or admirers. We know that the Buddha belonged to the ruling
race and the depiction of his retinue was a natural phenomenon which emerged
with the Buddha figure and later developed into complex forms.
Our statement is further corroborated by the travel accounts of the Chinese
pilgrims, Fahien and Hiuen-tsang. The former saw six stupas commemorating
the sacred memory of Sariputra, Mudgalaputra, and Ananda. The other
saw three stupas aimed at paying respect to the three important holy books
i.e., Abhidharma, Sutra and Vinaya pitakas.m This concept further developed
and by the time of Hiuen-tsang we are informed of the stupas cherishing
the memory of Sariputra, Mudagalaputra, Purvamaitrayanlputra, Upali, Ananda,
Rahula,ManjusrI and other Bodhisattvas. At this stage the stupas seem to fulfill
different aims as for examples the followers of Abhidharma visited the Sariputra
stupa, believers in dhyana went to the Maudgaldyana stupa etc.183 Thus the Buddhist
pantheon was at the developing stage at Mathura.
An early Buddhist text Sakhdvativyuha or Amitdyus sutra which was translated
into Chinese in the later half of the second century A.D. refers to the tradition
of Amitabha one of the Dhydnt Buddhas,166 This indirectly suggests that the original
164. Grouse, F.S., Mathura Memoir, 1883, p. 103.

165. Details may be seen in Chapter 3.
166. Agrawala, V.S., op. cit,t p. 140.
Sukhdvati text was written at an early date. This textual reference has fortunately
been corroborated by a new epigraphic evidence of the early Kusana period which
we shall shortly discuss in the following pages.167 The issue was analysed in detail by
J.C. Huntington in his paper presented in an International Seminar on Mathura
held in New Delhi in January 1980. He rightly opines that the stone sculpture
should not be considered to prove the beginning of the representation of art as this
media of expression was preceded by wood carving which was much easier to handle.
But the point at issue is that to date we have not come across any evidence earlier
than that of Mathura to prove the existence of the Buddhist pantheon in any media
of art. This point will be taken up subsequently but our intention at the moment is
to stress that the Buddhist pantheon at Mathura had evolved with the Buddha image
and it gradually developed further with the passage of time. When Mathura ceased
to be the centre of artistic activities in the post-Gupta period under the adverse
circumstances, as explained above, the process discontinued and Buddhism and the
Buddhist pantheon migrated from Mathura to elsewhere.
With this brief account of background of the Buddhist pantheon we now discuss
a few sculptural evidences revealed from the Mathura region.
Dhyuni Buddha
(i) Amitahha : It has already been pointed out that with the accession of
Huviska the Buddhist art of Mathura took a distinct turn in the beginning
of the second century A.D. and the most important contribution of his
period is the portraval of the personality of the Master in different forms.
The earliest representation of Amitdbha Buddha was thrown up by the
recent diggings at the site of Govindnagar, (Mathura Museum No. 77.30;
fig. 1 54). It represents the pedestal of the image with only the feet extant. To
the right of the intended figure is seen the lower part of an attendant and a
lotus to the left. Between the feet is seen the lower part of the 'turban
motif’ indicating the hair. There is an installation tenon below the image
and it suggests that the statue was inserted into the cavity of the basement
stone.
The real significance of the piece lies in its four line inscription which
informs that the image of Amitabha Buddha was set up in \ear 26, i.e.
A.D. 104 in the reign of Huviska. B.N. Mukherjee read the figure as 26
while our reading was 28. Thus it becomes the earliest known inscription
of Huviska from Mathura recording the first >ear of his reign. The creed
of Anuttarajndndvdpti which became very popular in the Gupta period finds
its appearance in A.D. 140. The most important point is that it establishes
the prevalence of the Dhydni Buddha tradition just in the beginning of the
second century A.D. This is the earliest and positive dated archaeological
evidence in this regard.
167. Sharma, R.C., op. cit., (Reference No. 161).

Huntington’s remark on this point needs mention here. He writes,

‘The findspot at Go\indnagar and the date of the first >ear of Huviska
provide an important new perspecth e on the cult of Amitabha which by
this very epigraph is attested to in India. Those who wish to see the cult
as a non-Indian development or a movement that never was very popular
in India are going to have to face upto the implications of this image.'16^
The above observation proves that this inscribed pedestal of Amitabha
Buddha is one of the most significant discoveries bearing a lasting impact
on the reconstruction of the history of Kusana period, history of Buddhist
religion, development of its pantheon and the noble contribution of
Mathura in this regard.11"9
Another point to which we would like to draw attention is the
depiction of a lotus in the background of the left foot of the deity. As
will be re\ealed from the chart (our reference No. 162) that the lotus is
the cognizance of Amitabha. We do not know whether the carving of
lotus is accidental or deliberate and purposeful. If it conveys some
meaning the significance of this antiquity is further enhanced.
Huntington also refers to the new interpretation of the Mohammad
Nari Gandhara sculpture of the Lahore Museum as Amitayus Sukhavatl
and observes that India was the base of the Sukhavatl tradition.
(ii) Amitabha/Padmapani : The Bodhisaltva in the Mathura Museum (No.
2336; fig. 155) wears an elaborate crown showing the seated meditating
Buddha with the large background of a lotus halo.170 The pedestal is a
big lotus seat hence the Buddha should be identified as Amitabha and the
head should belong to Padmapani Avalokitesvara. The head is decorated
with a row of garudas and a prominent urnd mark. According to the
pantheon chart the garuda is the mount of Maitreya and in that case the
dhyani figure should be that of Amoghasiddhi whose pose is abhaya which
is not the case here. It appears that the Bodhisattva crest with garuda
has only a decorative purpose. Stylistically, it should belong to late
second century A.D.
(iii) There is an interesting crown type fragment in the Lucknow Museum
(No. B. 23; fig. 156) representing the meditating Buddha on a high lotus
168. Huntington, J.C., “Mathura e\idence as to the Early Teaching of Mahayana” paper read at
an International Seminar on Mathura in January 1980.
169. The inscription as read by us is as follows:
1. |f%e=p«T jf 20 (6) ^ fe 20=6
2. ^ (l) q-f^r HTffT^T
3. fs JTmrfqiq uprewt qfwqjq srfaqr srftcsTfq' (err)
4. (q#) qg: h? (^f) 5tt4 (qrm)
‘On the 26th day of the second month of rainy season in the year 20 (6) (i.e. A.D. 104) on
this occasion the image of Amitabha Buddha was installed by Nagarak$ita son of Buddhabala
grandson of the merchant Satvaka and grandson (doughter’s son) of the trader Balaklrti (?)
for the worship of all Buddhas. Whatsoever merit is in this charity let it be for listening to
the Supreme Knowledge of the Buddha.’
Lain Kata, No. 19, p, 26.
170. Studies in, Indian Art, op. cit., p. 143.
seat. That he is shown inside a cave with Indra on elephant Airavata to

his right and his companion Pancasikha to his left is significant. The
Dhydnl Buddha here should be Amitabha on a lotus seat and the erown
should be of Padmapdni Avalokitesrara.
(iv) Ratnasambhava/Ratnapani ? : V.S. Agrawala refers171 to a Bodhisattva

head with a Dhyani Buddha on the crown, the whereabouts of which are
not known. He could examine only the photograph of the sculpture which
showed a divine Buddha seated in a crown in the padmasana on a lotus
seat. Wearing elegant garment covering both shoulders, the Buddha
holding the hem of the garment in the left hand and the right hand in
xarada is noteworthy as it appears only in the Gupta age. We have
already discussed this feature while describing another Gupta period
Buddha torso (B. 6 of the Lucknow Museum; fig. 150). Agrawala opines
that from the position of the right hand and the rampant lion the Dhyani
Buddha may be identified as Ratnasambhava as the lion serves as the
vehicle of this Buddha. In this case the head must belong to Bodhisattva
Ratnapani whose Dhyani Buddha is Ratnasambhava and the mortal
Budhha is Kasyapa. The period assigned to this piece is Gupta.
(v) The Mathura Museum houses a Gupta period head of Bodhisattva
No. 1944 with a seated Buddha in the crown with two lions. The features are
almost the same as in regard to the preceding piece but the right arm is
broken and the attitude of xarada is not clear. This should also be
identified as the head of Ratnapani with Ratnasambhava as the Dhyani
Buddha472
(vi) AmoghasiddhilVisvapani : There is a fragmentary head of Bodhisattva in
the Mathura Museum No. 2367 which depicts the figure of the Dhyani
Buddha seated in padmasana in abhaya pose. One acolyte is seen on
either side and Agrawala was inclined to identify them as Indra and
Brahma. The lotus seat is missing. On the ground of the abhaya pose
the Dhydnl Buddha has been identified as Amoghasiddhi and in such a
case the head should belong to Visvapani according to the chart. This
piece resembles the relic casket of Kaniska from Peshawar.173
2. Manusi Buddha
The Manusi or Mortal Buddhas have been represented by Kasyapa and
Maitreya.
Kasyapa
The Mathura Museum possesses the lower half of the standing Buddha statue
(No. 37.2739; fig. 157) supporting the scarf with his left hand and an elegantly
171. Studies in Indian Art, op. cit., p. 144.

172. Agrawala's Mathura Museum Catalogue, 1948, p. 82.
173. Ibid., pp. 82-83.
234 Buddhist Art of Mathura.
fastened waistband suspends between the legs. The figure is broken at the feet
but joined up. The two line Kusana Brahml epigraph is of vital importance as it
is only through this record that the deity is recognised. It is read by V.S. Agravvala
as :174
1. (Ru) vakasa danam Devaputro Magho Budhasa Kasapasa,
2. Padra .... mahasthakena.
‘Gift of an image of the Buddha Kasyapa by Ruvaka, chief of the village, of

Devaputra Magho.’
The epigraph raises several knotty problems of identification of the persons
referred to in it but there is no controversy about the fact that the image represents
Kasyapa Buddha and at this stage we are mainly concerned with it.
3. Bodhisattvas
Some of the Bodhisattvas have already figured in the inscription of the Dhydnl
Buddhas. The main difference between the Buddha and Bodhisattva is that the
former has attained the Enlightenment and the latter is in the process of attainment.
In the early phase there was no iconographic distinction between the two and
it is only through the epigraph that we can differentiate the two representations.
However, from the period of Huviska the pantheon grew and necessity was felt to
mark some distinction. Consequently the Buddha was shown as an ascetic while a
Bodhisattva was represented in the princely form. Even in the royal form we come
across two varieties, i.e., Maitre>a and Siddhartha.
Mai trey a
In the Buddhist texts he has been held as the future Buddha. His main repre¬
sentative features are the flask in the left hand, generally the abhaya pose but, some¬
times the meditating pose as well, hair falling on shoulders, occasionally wearing
moustaches, a large crown generally decorated with the figure of garuda, sacred
thread (yajhopavita) etc.17j The important representations of Maitreya in the
Lucknow Museum are B.7, fig. 158, B. 208 fourth figure in fifth band fig. 115
B. 208, B. 82 etc.
The head of the Bodhisattva with a haloed garuda in the crown (Lucknow
Museum No.B.25; fig. 159), should also be identified with Maitreya. Several
garudas are seen on side and front below the main dominating figure who carries a
wreath type object which may also be interpreted as a serpent. In all, the number of
small figures is twelve below the central one. As the garuda has been associated
with light and sun,176 a question can be raised as to whether this aspect symbolises
174. Agrawala’s Mathura Museum Catalogue, op. citpp. 75-76.

175. Joshi, N.P. & Sharma, R.C., Gandhdra Sculpture Catalogue, op. cit., p. 12.
Chronology oj Buddhist Icons of Mathura School 235
the concept of twelve suns (dvddasadityas)? From the site of Govindnagar we have
recovered several Garuda figures and their presence in the Buddhist establishment
seems justified. Similarly the depiction of the sun in a Buddhist architectural piece
(Lucknow Museum No. B. 208, fig. 115), should also be considered on the same
line.
The Mathura Museum too houses some Maitreya figures e.g., A. 45 and A.
46 etc. The stele unearthed from the site of Govindnagar is a new addition, (MM
No. 76. 24, fig. 160).
Siddhdrtha
When the pantheon evolved, the stage of the Buddha before the Buddhahood
was conveyed through the depiction of prince Siddhartha generally in the dhydna
pose, youngish with tender look, wearing a fluted headgeer etc.177 But sometimes
Siddhartha and Maitreya are shown identically and the crown with garuda motif was
common. The main illustrations of Siddhartha in the Lucknow Museum are B.208
third niche in the fifth band, (fig. 115), an excellent head with delicate features and
elaborate crown No.B.26, (fig. 161) and a standing statue No.B.15, (fig. 162) which
belongs to the Gupta period. The Mathura Museum also has similar representations
as already illustrated in fig. 125.
Subordinate Figures
Apart from the main members of the Buddhist pantheon mentioned above,
subordinate figures belonging to divine, semi-divine and mortal categories, respecti¬
vely are also represented in the Buddhist art of Mathura. Mention may be made of
Indra or Sakra Vajrapani, Brahma, Kubera, Harlti, Pancasikha and Lokapalas.
Disciples, royal visitors and attendants also form part of the growing pantheon as
all of them in one way or another contribute to magnify the glory of the presiding
deity and play a vital role in the composition of the theme.
If i draj Vajrap an i
Indra or Sakra finds the earliest depiction in the Buddhist pantheon. The lintel
or torana crossbar in the Mathura Museum (No.M.3, figs. 73-76) which is one of
the earliest illustrations of the Buddha is carved with Indra and his divine com¬
panion Pancasikha Gandharva. Similarly on another early piece (Lucknow Museum
No.B 18; fig. 86), he is shown seated on the pedestal of the Buddha along with
Brahma.
Indra is also known for his epithet Vajrapani i.e. holding a thunderbolt in his
hand. This depiction which was common in the Gandhara region found place in
Mathura art as well. In such cases the deity is called as Bodhisattva Vajrapani who
serves as a guard to the Buddha. The National Museum, New Delhi, has a fine
177. Joshi & Sharma, op. cit.> p. 12.

sculpture, (fig. 93), in which he stands to the right of the Buddha and on the
opposite side is another attendant holding the lotus buds hence called Bodhisattva
Padmapani who became a favourite subject of depiction in art in the later period.
Sometimes, these attending deities were carved independently also. The Lucknow
Museum has one torso in which the weapon is conspicuously shown, (B.19; fig. 163).
as a twig with many branches.
As already explained the main disciples too form part of the pantheon and we
have a few depictions at Mathura. Among them Subhadra the last disciple, is easily
recognised by his tridanda or a fly whisk and water jar hanging from a stand. The
slab in the Mathura Museum (No.H.l) and a new addition from Govindnagar.
MM No.76.101; fig. 164) are good examples. Subhadra generally appears in the
scene of mahdparinirvdna and he was the last disciple, initiated just before the
death of the Buddha.
In the light of the above discussion it should be accepted beyond doubt that
the Buddhist pantheon had its origin along with the Buddha figure at Mathura and
it developed considerably during the Kusana period. We have just introduced
this important aspect of Buddhist art and iconography of the Mathura School of
sculpture, but actually it is itself an important subject which opens new horizons
for the future researchers. For realising the full implications of these developments
one should make a detailed survey and scrutiny of the old and new material not
only in Mathura and its vicinity but also in other regions which had the impact
on Mathura or which were inspired by the glorious art traditions of Mathura.
9
MATHURA AND OTHER SCHOOLS OF ART
A
It has been explained in Chapters VI and VII that contribution of Mathura
towards the development of Indian art has been of great magnitude and it is more
apparent in case of Buddhist art. The Buddha images carved at Mathura were
installed at different places in the Northern India.1 2 The ateliers of Mathura were
not manufacturing the Buddhist figures in isolation but had also developed
contacts with other contemporary art styles or workshops. This resulted in the
exchange of large number of art motifs between one school and another and here
we intend to present a brief survey of this artistic interaction to assess the
importance of the art of Mathura.
Mathura, and Gandhdra
It is a well established fact that Mathura had close political and cultural links
with the region of Gandhara and these were at the peak during the Kusana period.
Both the places had their respective art conventions and were at the pinnacle of
their fame during the Kusana regime. The Mathura School of art has been
discussed in detail in a separate chapter and we now put up the ancient charac^
teristics of the Gandhara School.
The nomenclature derives from the geographical situation as the region of

Gandhara art included the north-western territory of present day Pakistan and a
part of Afganistan. This land was a gateway to the Indian sub-continent in the
ancient period and served as a meeting place of different warrior races and cultural
currents viz., the Greeks, the Scythians, the Parthians and the Kusanas who were
all fired with an ambition to exercise sway over India.- They settled for a brief
1. Bodhgaya, Patna, Sarnath, Rajgir. Sahet, Mahet, Kasia, Sanchi, Ayodhya, Taxila, Palwal,
Bharatpur, Tandwa, Bajidpur, Tusaran Bihar, Paharpur, Musanagar, Etah, Osian, Amaravatj,
BhUa, Kosam, Agra, Lumbini, Tdaura Kot, Butkara 1, Ahicchattra, Shaikhan Dhen, Nand,
Noh, Lalitpur, Atranjikhera and Chandraketugarh etc. as listed by J.E. Van Lohuizen de
Leeuew in her paper “Gandhara and Mathura, their Cultural Relationship" published in
Aspects of Indian Culture, Leiden, 1972, p. 39.
2. Rowland, Benjamin, The Art and Architecture of India, 1967, p. 100.
span and left their impress. Soon they either advanced deeply into the Indian zone
or made a retreat. As a sequel to these political and cultural upheavals there
emerged a mixed school of plastic art, known variously as the Gandhara School
of Art, Greco-Buddhist School, Greco-Romano Buddhist School and Indo-
Hellenistic School.3 This School is known for its use of schist stone or stucco,
dominating Greek features in anatomy and expression, thick and heavy folds of
drapery, covering both shoulders, wavy hair etc. In actuality the Buddhist figures
which were handled by the foreign artists (fig. 165),4 were shown in a foreign garb.
We have discussed in the preceding chapter that the Buddhist art of Mathura
experienced the first Gandhara influence in the beginning of the reign of Huviska.
It grew thereafter with faster speed and by the time of Vasudeva Mathura appears
to be another offshoot of the Gandhara studio. The flood of the alien trends,
however, did not last long and towards the close of the reign of Vasudeva himself
it started receding and after a century or so the Gandhara traits were seen with
rarity.
This may also be made clear that it was not only Gandhara which left its
impact on Mathura but the latter also influenced the former. The important
Gandhara features noticed in Mathura art are : (a) drapery covering both shoulders,
(b) events of the life of the Buddha, (c) wavy hair, (d) variety of postures,
(e) Vajrapani, (f) Pancika and Harlti, (g) Scythian dress, (h) Surya clad in Northern
style, (i) moustaches, (j) kusdgrass cushion on a lion throne, (k) conical cap, (1)
garland bearing erotes, (m) Atiantes shaped as Yaksas, (n) sandaled feet of
Bodhisattva, (o) round pillars with Corinthian capital etc. Most of these features
have been dealt with while describing different groups of Buddhist figures in the
preceding chapter.
On the other hand several Mathura motifs have been incorporated in the art
of Gandhara viz., (a) Jdtaka narration, (b) curly hair, (c) lotus seat, (d) drapery
covering one shoulder only,0 (e) symbolic representation,5 6 (f) the ahhava pose.7
(g) monks wearing dhoti and shawl looking like the Brahmana ascetics,8 9 10 (h)
Bodhisattvas clad in the same fashion, particularly Maitreya (fig. 166), shaped as
a Brahmana ascetic wearing a sacred thread also,'1 (i) the lion throne, (j) railing
pattern, and (k) salabhanjikd10 etc.
Thus the relations of Gandhara and Mathura developed on the mutual

exchange of art motifs. The affinity between the two art styles in certain cases is so
3. Sharraa, R.C., Mathura Museum and Art 1976 p 4^

4. Ibid.
5. Lyons, Islay and Ingholt, Harald, Gandhara Art in Pakistan, 1957, figures 245 246-51
6. Ibid., p). V, 1-2.
7. Ibid., fig. 229.
8. Ibid., figures 144 and 146.
9. Ibid., figures 288-302.
10. Ibid., figures 359-63.
Mathura and Other Schools of Art 239
much that it becomes difficult to discern whether the object belongs to Mathura or
to Gandhara.11 The reliquary found at Peshawar closely resembles the Bodhisattva
crown which displays a dhyam Buddha flanked by two acolytes who can be
identified as Brahma and Indra (Mathura Museum No. 34.2367).The two
different kinds of stone used in the two areas are the only distinguishing factors
between the two schools.
The Gandhara school did not leave a permanent impact and its contribution
toward the development of Indian art is rather negligible. Marshall thought that,
‘Hellenistic art never took a real and lasting hold upon India’.1** Saraswati rightly
observed that Tn the fabric of Indian art as a whole the Gandhara school occupies
nothing more than that of a mere passing phase and has only a very slight
contribution, except in a certain manner and a few motifs which, again, were
quickly Indianised’.14 Comparing the quality of the two schools, Agrawala opined,
‘It should, however, be admitted that the Buddha figure (in Gandhara) is stiff,
insipid and lacking vital inspiration in comparison to the great Mathura figures.
We do not find in Gandhara anything of the vigour and introvert expression of
the Buddha and Bodhisatna figures of the Mathura school.'15
Mathura and AntardvatJ

The early Andhra-Satavahana art is predominantly Buddhist and the most
famous w'ork of the school is the stupa of Amaravatl. The artistic activities at the
place began as early as 1st century B.C. and continued for several centuries,16 but
the best sculptures are to be dated in the second half of the second century when
the region wras enjoying the prosperity of the golden age ushered by the glorious
Satavahana rulers.17 Unfortunately nothing is left on the site and the artistic
jewels of the monuments are now adorning the galleries of British Museum,
London; Government Museum, Madras and the Indian Museum, Calcutta. A few
stray pieces are seen in different art galleries and private collections.
The early phase of artistic activities ows its inspiration to Bharhut and Sanchi
laying emphasis on the aniconic representation of the Master. But the second phase,
when the Buddha assumes the anthropomorphic from and the pantheon grows,
seems to have been inspired by Mathura. It has already been pointed out at the
appropriate place that the Mathura school made the beginning in transforming the
symbols into the human form and this device was followed at other places. We
have also discussed in the 1st chapter that Mathura had road links to all important
11. Joshi, N.P. and Sharma R C., Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures in the State Museum,
Lucknow, 1969, pp. 27-37.
12. Sharma, R.C., Mathura Museum and Art, op. cit., p. 40.
13. Marshall, J.H., ASR., VIII, p. 644.
14. Saraswati, S.K., A Survey of Indian Sculptures, 1975, p. 81.
15. Agrawala, V.S., Indian Art, 1965, p.27 6.
16- Saraswati, op. cit-, p. 84.
17. Agrawala, V.S., op. citp. 292.
towns of the country. It is, therefore, quite understandable that the experiments
made at the great metropolis of Mathura were followed by other centres of art.
Coomaraswamy traced Gandhara influence at Amaravati through Mathura,
although in the round statues he sees more aflinity with the Anuradhapuram (Sri
Lanka) images.18 The delicate treatment of the female figures with charming curves
and contours, full busts, heavy hips and a slender waist and in words of Saraswati
the 'serpentine suppleness’19 seems to have been influenced from Mathura.
According to Coomarswamy the Amaravati art presents 'the most voluptuous and
the most dedicate flower of Indian sculpture'.20 But wherefrom does this alluring
female beauty in art originate ? It has been suggested in Chapter VI that the
Mathura sculptor saw the feminine charm from a different angle and exposed it to
be appreciated by the onlookers. This became a favourite subject in the contem¬
porary and later art productions. But as observed by Saraswati the overtures and
sensuousness of Mathura were arrested, restrained and refined in Amaravati.21
Van Lohuizen is more specific on the issue when she writes, *. in fact it is
most likely that Mathura was the source from which Amaravati borrowed its
presentation of the Master.22 According to her the snail-shell curls and uncovered
feet, two peculiarities of Mathura, were imitated in the sculptural art of
Andhradesa,
Similarly Agrawala opined that the Mathura Buddha/Bodhisattva served as

proto-type for the Amaravati Buddhist icons and the same holds good for women
wearing diaphanous drapery and a few other motifs.23
Mathura and Sdrndth
Sarnath entered the field early enough but stormed it as an important centre of
the classical art of the Gupta age. The Gupta style of Sarnath is known for light and
transparent foldless drapery in its outer form while the inw'ard discipline is reflected
by a serene expression suggesting a stage of perfect peace and repose (fig. 167). But
if we pose the question of the origin of these noble features, the answer that comes
forth is, Sarnath derived its idiom from Mathura only. As discussed in chapters VI
and VIII there was no school of art and Sarnath in the post-Maurya and pre-Gupta
epoch and the Mathura ateliers supplied Buddha and Bodhisattva images for ins¬
tallation in Sarnath, and elsewhere in North India, right from the beginning of the
reign of Kaniska as vouchsafed by the famous colossal statue of Bodhisattva
dedicated by monk Bala in the third regnal year of Kaniska (fig. 94).
18. Coomaraswamy, A.K., HlIA., 1927, p. 70-71.

19- Saraswati, S.K., op. cit.y p. 88.
20. Coomaraswamy, A.K., op. cit., p. 71.
21. Saraswati, S.K., op. cit.y p. 88.
22. Van Lohuizen de Leeuw, J.E.,‘‘The Date of Kaniska and some Recently Published Images”,
Papers on the Date of Kaniska, 1968, p. 133.
23. Agrawala, V.S., op. cit.t p. 292.
The Gupta period, however, introduces Sarnath as a blooming school

of plastic art producing some of the most magnificant and graceful Buddhist
images. But this was not a sudden outbreak of artistic activities as the castle
of this style stood on the deep foundations of the well established art tradi¬
tions of Mathura. The serenity and divine expression on face is a special
characteristic of Mathura art which was already reflected in the post-Kusana era
but became an ambitions aim of the Gupta period sculptor to master. The
Sarnath style follows the graceful technique and may be considered as a further
improvement of the Mathura trait.
The most remarkable and distinguishing feature of the Sarnath style is the
foldless wet drapery. But the tw'o Buddha statues recently discovered from the site
of Govindnagar (figs. 135 and 147) discussed in the preceding chapter prove beyond
doubt that this idiom was also invented by the Mathura school. It has already
been established by us that the former image, bearing some Kusana traits must
be at least a century older than the most beautiful comparable specimens of
Sarnath.
Saraswati thought that the Bodhga>a Bodhisattva of Mathura school
(fig. 136) must have served as a model for the early Sarnath Buddhas/4 Kramrisch,
however, observes that The Sarnath version of the Mathura prototype is subtler
than the original/-3 Analysing the merits of the two schools of art Saraswati
remarked, Tn spite of such plastic refinement and an idea of spiritual absorption,
the image at Mathura remains statuesque in its own dignity, while that at Sarnath
with its slender and more sensitive treatment of the body and the face, carried
almost to a point of exaggeration, seems to soar above in the supreme enjoyment
of its own blissful experience. Contrastingly, the Mathura Buddha with its solid
massiveness still conveys more the feeling of ‘awesome dignity and power/-26
Thus the contribution of Mathura towards the development of Indian art and,
particularly, in the domain of the Buddhist art is of far-reaching consequences and
and it ga\e birth or inspired several other schools of art as well. Besides the above
mentioned schools of art, the stray finds also bear an unmistakable Mathura
impact. We have elaborated the point while discussing the three Buddha figures
from KausambI (figs. 127, 128 and 129). The same can be said about the
Lucknow Museum statue (No. 0.70; fig. 168) from Mankuwar, Allahabad.
Although consecrated in the year 129 (Gupta era—A.D. 448-49) the image is a
unique combination of the Kusana features of Mathura and the Sarnath characteris¬
tic of foldiess drapery.27 Nihar Ranjan Ray thought in the same terms when he
wrote, ‘The influence and tradition of Mathura are also found in distant localities,
e.g. the seated Buddha image dated A.D. 448-49 from Mankuwar, Allahabad
24. Saraswati, S.K., op. cit.. p. 135.

25. Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, p. 63.
26. Sarasw’ati, S.K., op. cit., p. 136.
27. Ibid , p. 140.
District.’28 This proves that the Buddha figure carved at Mathura during the
Kusana and the Gupta periods was treated as the ideal form and it served as
prototype at different places for several centuries.
Ray’s assessment, ‘The Mathura laboratory used to export its products to
§ravastT, Prayag, Sarnath and presumably to other places as well. The practice,
continued in the fourth century as well and we find Mathura artists and Mathura
inspiration working at Kasia, Bodhgaya and also at Sarnath’29, is prophetically
correct.
Findings
The notable findings of this book are summarised as follows :
JL This exposes numerous Buddhist sculptures for the first time.
2. The work is based on the archaeological discoveries and antiquarian wealth
acquired by the present author for the Mathura Museum.
3. It incorporates several new interpretations of old architectural terms.
4. It furnishes a comprehensive study of Mathura’s cultural and historical
background.
5. Association of Buddhism with Mathura has been dealt with in the light of
several original, archaeological and secondary sources.
6 Detailed information regarding the Buddhist establishments at Mathura has
been furnished in a specially prepared chart which will serve as a very useful
document for the future researchers.
7. Efforts have been made to identify a few old Buddhist settlements at Mathura.
8. An uptodate and detailed account of the archaeological campaigns in the
Mathura region has been given for the first time.
9. The site of Govindnagar is introduced as the new Buddhist establishment
which existed on the spot under the name of VlRADATTA VIHARA in the
Kusana and Gupta periods.
10. Mathura School of art has been discussed with new facts corroborated with
fresh material.
11. Several new names of sculptors working in the Mathura ateliers from the
Mauryan to the Gupta periods have been added.
12. Origin of the Buddha image has been discussed afresh in the light of new evi¬
dences and more convincing facts in favour of Mathura.
13. Efforts have been made to frame a chronology of the Buddhist images of
Mathura, beginning from late 1st century B.C. to the end of the 6th century
A.D. on the basis of new epigraphic and stylistic evidences.
28. Ray, NR., The Classical Age, Second Impression, 1962, p. 525.
29. Ibid., p. 523.
14. The confrontation of date and style has been dealt with from a new angle.
15. Our findings and observations should help in assigning proper period to the
Buddhist icons of Mathura art.
16. Many important dated sculptures have got to be reconsidered in the light of
our discussion.
17. The Buddhist pantheon had considerably developed at Mathura in the Kusana
period.
18. It has been convincingly established that the iconographic distinction between
the Buddha and Bodhisattva began from the time of Huviska.
19. It has also been shown that the Gandhara trends find their first appearance in
the Buddhist art at Mathura in the beginning of the reign of Huviska.
20. It has also been maintained that Mathura art has left its bearing on several
contemporary and subsequent art styles and the Sarnath School of sculptures
not only drew inspiration from Mathura but its novelty of foldless drapery is
also an invention of the Mathura studio.
21. The new epigraphs incorporated in the present work throw useful light on the
contemporary socio-religious conditions of Mathura. Discoveries made upto
1983 have been taken into consideration.
A large number of photographs, a detailed list of illustrations and a useful
bibliography on the subject have further enhanced the significance of the work. The
two maps locate the important archaeological sites in the city and District of
Mathura.
POST SCRIPT
During the course of publication of the present book, the author was engaged in
setting up the new galleries of the archaeological collection in the new wing of the
State Museum, Lucknow. He came across some interesting Buddhist sculptures
which somehow or other could not be discussed in the work, but as these are of
considerable importance it is felt necessary to record them as post-script.
Corner Pillar (S.M.L. No. /. 268)
This square red sand stone corner pillar depicts four compartments on two
adjacent sides and the remaining two sides bear the two verticle sockets on each
side to receive the crossbars of the railing. One side of the pillar in the upper com¬
partment shows the worship of the pillar surmounted by a lion. The pil'ar bears
the traces of railing decoration below and lotus abacus abo\e. It is being
circumambulated by a male and female wershipper. The lion top may be interpreted
as symbolic worship cf Sfikjasimha Gautama. Below this compartment is a broad
band representing the railing motif.
The lower compartment on this side depicts a music and dance scene on a
stage. The lady is dancing to right with graceful curvature of the body and
rhythemic mo\ement$ of feet and hands and her four accompanists (two men and
two women) are playing on the percussion instruments. The dance and music scenes
are separated with the help of a pole. The stage is made on a high platform which
is approached by three steps to left. The composition indicates that the spectators
could \iew only dancing figure and not the accompanists who probably performed
from the back drop. The slanting roof of the stage shows square tile covering.
The adjacent side of the pillar also illustrates two different scenes. The upper
compartment bears a male figure resting his hands on the shoulders of two ladies
who are seen flanking the man. Does it suggest the Hallisaka posture of dance, in
which a man dances with two women? is open to guess. The lower compartment
shows an amorous royal couple. The man is kissing the woman who has out¬
stretched her arms in opposite direction with a suggesting and inviting gesture
of her body.
The treatment of the body of figures, double knotted turban and the round
pilasters on both sides of the compartments suggest an early dating be., 2nd-lst
century B.C. The exact findspot of the antiquity is not known.
Po st Script 245
Rail Post with Life Scenes (S.M.L. No. B. 80)
On the obverse of this red sand stone railing pillar is seen a lady plucking the
flowers of the Asoka/Campa tree with her upraised right hand and putting them
into a petal shaped basket which rests on her left hand. She stands in quarter
profile with her back on view. Beside a thick bangle she wears a large number of
thin bangles between her hand and the elbow. The long suspending ear-rings
(jhumkas) and a crescent shaped girdle are her other ornaments. The hair arrange¬
ment is tasteful and attractive. It is combed back and terminates into a fiat knotted
loop. At the same time two strings of locks hang down on two sides.
The reverse of the rail post although much worn out is of greater interest. The
top compartment shows the traces of the worship of the stupa by two devotees. The
middle compartment represents the traces of a man on horseback and a few human
figures. The identification of this scene can be conjectured on the basis of the
lower compartment which is much clear and intact. Here we see a prince on the
horse back coming out of an arched gate. He is preceded by man wearing a long
tunic and carrying a bundle of sticks. To his left is seen a weak old man going with
the help of the stick.
The Museum records identify it of renunciation (nuhdhlvnPknimana) of

Siddlnlrtha. But it must be interpreted as the promenade of the prince when he
witnessed four realities of life. The present episode must stand for his realising the
miseries of the old age as indicated bv the emaciated old man walking w ith stick.
The central figure of course represents the royal groom Chandaka.
In the light of this identification, the middle compartment can also be explained.
The figure to left is the prince Siddhartha on the horseback and the big mutilated
figure w as that of Chandaka and the traces of the seated or reclining figure to right
should be a physically disabled man suffering from leprosy etc.
The antiquity hails from Jamalpur mound, Mathura where a large Buddhist
establishment once stood.
Rail Post with Lamp Bearer etc. (S.M.L. No. B.S4)
The front side of this red sand stone is carved with a lady earning burning
lamp. The long skirt or maxi in the modern terminology is decorated with horizontal
bands showing a \ariety of floral motifs. Her long ear rings with beaded
decoration and turban type headgear with hair falling on back and front are
remarkable. The balcony projecting through the support of girders above represents
a Buddhist shrine or Gandhakuti.
The reverse in the top compartment shows the turban of the Bodhisattva on a
couch of which two legs are seen on sides. The middle compartment illustrates a
lion on the pedestal and a lady carrying some pot on her left hand. Its identification
is a problem and its association with some Jataka cannot be ruled out. But it may
also be interpreted as the worship of the lion (Sakyasimha). The position of the
lion and his pedestal, shown to have been made of bricks, indicates that the image
of the lion was installed for the purpose of worship.
The lower compartment also poses a problem of identification. Here we
notice an ascetic wearing a tree skin lower garment (valkala) and the matted hair
with large top knot. Infront of him are two conical objects, which may be
identified as the fire altars. R.D. Banerjee in the Museum records explained them as
temples and if his conjecture is correct the evolution of temple and particularly of
the Sikhara has to be traced back from a hoary past. Such conical objects are to
be seen in a railpost from Govindnagar, M.M. No. 76.40 fig. 14.
Lady with a Pitcher (S.M.L. No. 86)

The red sand stone railing pillar on the obverse displays a lady carrying a big
pot over her head. She wears a torque, round ear rings, bangles and armlets. The
double skirt worn from the waist is divided into two tiers, the smaller garment
projects over the bigger garment. The balcony above shows a female bust on a
railing and inside the arched window.
The other side of the pillar in the top compartment shows the Buddha in
padmdsana in abhaya pose. The other two compartments are carved with amorous
couples. It also comes from Jamalpur mound, Mathura.
Buddha's Life Scenes (S.M.L. No. 46.13)
A red sand stone horizonal frieze hailing from Ramnagar, Bareilly but belonging
to post Kusana phase of the Mathura art illustrates four main events of the life of
the Buddha. In the first scene MayadevI, the mother of Siddhartha stands under the
Sala tree at Lumbini and she is assisted by her sister Mahaprajapati. To the right of
MayadevI, Indra receives the newly born baby. The second event narrates the
incident of his firm determination to achieve the Enlightenment at Bodhgaya. Seated
in padmdsana the would be Buddha rests his right hand on his right knee with the
firm impression of his thumb and downward action of fingers indicating his vow
not to move before attaining the Buddhahood. At the same time the evil forces of
Mara (cupid) intensify their actions to disturb the austerity. While Mara stands
with a bow and arrow’ to our right, his female counterpart Rati is seen on the other
side with a flag of crocodile. Other ladies are in act of dancing and amorous
expositions. The third scene represents the first sermon of the Buddha at Sarnath
to his first five disciples. The Buddha sitting on a lion throne bearing the figures
of two deer {suggesting the place of the first sermon Mfgadava and probably a
dharmacakrain the centre. With preaching (upadesa) attitude, the Buddha is
flanked by three disciples to his right and two to his left. The fourth scene
explains the demise of the Master (mahdparinirvdna) as he lies in the eternal peace
in profile on a big couch. The remorseful atmosphere is marked by the actions
of three devotees above. Shocked to learn the departure of the Buddha Vajrapani
Post Script 247
has thrown away his rajra and the last disciple Subhadra is seen in meditation with
his tridanda resting in the centre.
Rail Post with Coffin Box (M.M. No. J. 17)
This is a fragmentory red sand stone rail post with a lady standing under a
tree on obverse and the reverse containing three compartments of which the
uppermost displays the relic casket placed on a throne. Smt. Rani Srivastava a
research scholar is inclined to identify it as coffin box which should be a rare
feature in Mathura art. The middle compartment bears a nobleman who is assisted
by a dwarf carrying a garland for worship. The lower compartment shows a royal
person with a cluster of flowers in his right hand. The sculpture must belong to
early Kusana period. Exact findspot is not recorded but the object is from Mathura.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
ORIGINAL SOURCES
1. VEDAS : Rgveda, Yajurveda, Atharvaveda, Samaveda

2. UPANISADS : Chdndogya Upanisad, Kenopanisad, Vrhadaranyaka Upanisad
3. BRAHMAN A : Jaiminiya Upanisad Brdhmana, Taittarfya Brdhmana, Pancvimsa
Brdhmana, Saddvimsa Brdhmana
4. SCFTRA : Kdpamtra, Sutra, Astadhyayl of Pan ini, Mahdbhdsya

of Patahjali
5. EPICS : Rdmdyana, Mahdbharata

6. arthasAstra of kaujilya
7. SMRTl : Manusmrti
8. PURATÂS : Adipurana, Brahma-Vaivarta Purana, Har Ivansa Parana, Jaina
Harivansa Purana, Matsya Purana, Vardha Parana, F/s/iu Purana
9. BUDDHIST TEXTS : Attakathd (Jdtakas), Anguttaranikaya, Buddha Carita

Divydvaddna, Lalita Vistara, Mahdvatthu, Petavatthu, Sddhanamdla, Sukhdvati
10. JAINA TEXTS : Avasyakaciirni, Vasudevahindi, Vrhatkathakosa, Vrhatkalpa-
bhasya
11. CLASSCAL LITERATURE : Sutrdlankdra of Asvaghosa, Raghuvansa of

Kalidasa, Abhijhdna Sdkuntalam of Kalidasa
SECONDARY SOURCES
Agrawala, O P., "‘Conservation Problems of Mathura Sculptures",Vol. 29,

1973.
Agrawala, R C., "Goddess Sasthi in Mathura Sculptures", ZULU, No. 4, December
1169, p. 1.
Agrawala, V.S., “Brahmanical image in Mathura", JISOA., Vol. V., pp. 122-130.
—“New Bodhisattva and Bacchanalian Group from Mathura",
Vol. VI, pp. 68-72.
—“Vine Motif in Mathura Art", /£«/., Vol. IV, pp. 130-133.
250 Select Bibliograpy
—“Relief of Rs\a$rnga in the Mathura Museum”, Ibid., Vol. IV,

pp. 62-64.
—“Buddha and Bodhisattva Images in the Mathura Museum”, ibid., 1948,
pp. 42-98.
—“Catalogue of the Brahmamcal Images in Mathura Art”, JUPHS,
1949, pp. 102-210.
—“Pre-Kushana Art of Mathura”, ibid., Vol. VI, pt. II, p. 81.
—“Catalogue of Mathura Museum, Jaina Tlrthankaras and other Mis¬
cellaneous figures”, ibid., 1950, pp. 35-147.
— Catalogue of Architectural Pieces”, ibid., 1951.
—“Mathura Terracottas”, Ibid., Vol. JX, pt. II, pp. 6-38.
— “A Note on the New Mathura Head”, ibid., Vol. XII, pt. II, p. 107.
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INDEX
Abhidharma 57 Arhatahood 47
Abhidharma Sutra 230 Arthasastra 23, 89
Abhiniskramana Sutta 43 Aslamangalas 116
Adharmavadins 38 Asoka 21, 43. 71, 131, 176. 245
Adi pur ana 20 Asoka dohad 102
Afganistan 237 Asokan Pillar 50
Agra 128, 129 Asoka addna 40, 42
Agrawala 97, 164, 240 AstadhydyT 18
Agrawala, V.S. 11, 13, 61, 112, 143 Atharvaveda 117, 159
Amaravati 133 Attdkathd 20
Ahicchatra 97 Andhaka-vr§ni Clan 18
Ahicchatra image 189 Aurangzeb 76
Ajanta Cave 145 Aurangzeb’s Masjid 80
Akbar 85 auspicious motifs 113
Apdnaka Vihdra 55, 66 Avasyakaciirni 7, 20, 148
Allahabad Museum 155, 183, 210, 220 Ayagapatas 15, 117, 135, 162
Allahabad Pillar inscription 31 Azes 152, 153, 166
Amaravati 15, 239, 240
Ambarisha 89 Bachhanalian groups 134
Amitabha Buddha 94, 123 Bachhanlian scene 127
Amitabha Buddha image 28 Bachhofier 30
Amitayus Sukhavati 232 BachholTer’s 186
Amogha rakhi/dveddndm 79 Bajna 69
Amohassi 52 Bajpai, K,D. 12
Amohassi Vihdra 52, 59 Balarama 134, 135
Anahilavadapatna 148 baked bricks 83
Amohini tablet 26 Balabhadrakunâ 78
Ananda 45, 46, 230 Ballabh Saran 96
Ananda Stupa 58 Banerjee, R D. 9, 246
Ananda Tlla 76 bangles 246
Anderson 273 Bareilly 246
Anguttaranikdya 39, 40 Baroda 131
Anuradhapuram 145 Bars&na 69
Anyor 68, 69, 161, 178, 190, 192, 195 Beals’s translation 43
Anyor Buddha 198,199 Bedsa 145
Anyor Idiom 197 Benerji, R.D. 9
Anyor image inscription 178 Benjamin Rowland 11
Ara-inscription 29 Bernier 77, 80
Archaeological Survey of India 89, 100, 224 Besnagar 130,131
258 Index
Bhadramagha 210 Buddha-Bodhisattva 162

Bhasmata 19 Buddha-Bodhisattva images 49, 158
Bhdgavata complex 84 Buddhade\a 193
Bhagavata cult 32 Buddha images 115
Bhagavatism 44 Buddha Kastapa 234
Bhagwan Lai IndrajT 77 Buddhas 136
Bhakti movement 7, 149, 154 Buddha torso 233
Bharata war 147 Buddhila 67. 75
Bharat Kala Bhawan Varanasi 131 Buddhism 135, 146
Bharhut 101, 117, 135. 159, 161, 166, 170 Buddhist Art 15, 118
Bharhut style 163 Buddhist Art of Mathura 15, 36, 169
Bhatti 191 Buddhist epigraphs 8
Bhaja 145 Buddhist complex 100
Bhilsa 131 Buddhist Council of Kashmir 176
Bhulesware 77 Buddhist icon 144
B^maran 152, 166 Boddhistic iconic traits 16
Bimaran Casket 154 Buddhist icons 243
Bimbisara 143 Buddhist images 13
Bloomfield 146 Buddhist inscriptionum 9
Bodhgaya 246 Buddhist monastery 131
Bodhighara 163 Buddhist Pantheon 228, 229
Bodhisattva 65, 101, 164, 246 Buddhist Sculptures 244
Bodhisattva figure 107, 167 Buddhist Stupa 80
Bodhisattva image 11, 66, 82, 178, 181
Bodhisattva Maitreya 202, 203, 208, 220 Cait\c* 145
Badbisattva Ratnapani 233 Caitva window balcony 102
Bodhisattvas 136, 238 Cakravurtin 11, 125
Boi/fu tree 104, 189 Calcutta Museum 26, 133
Bodhi l rksa 118 Ca mar do i 86
Boilensen 146 Canipa tree 245
Boston Buddha 190 Camu nda 89
Boston Museum 190, 196, 198 Camundu Site 84
Brahma 19,198 Canda Pradyota 91
Brahmana 17, 126 Candragupta Maury a 20, 22
Brahmanical bronzes 86 Candragupta Vikramaditya 32, 33, 34
Brahmanical cults 148, 149 Candraketu Garh 128
Brahmanical deities 46, 85, 114 Carintluan Capital 238
Brahmanical Images 82 Carnehan amulets 83
Brahmanic literature 19 Carnelian beads 83
Bharmanical objects 120 Castana 81, 136
Brahmanical Pantheons 30 Cetiya 49, 55
Brahmanical spot 59 Cetiya Kutl 49, 55
Brahmanical temple 32 Ceylonese Chronicles 38
Brahmanical 85, 135 Chanda 199
Brahmi epigraph 182 Chandaka 107, 245
Brahmi inscription 24, 66, 69, 198 Chandogya Upant§ad 17
Brahmi letters 114, 217 Chandra Gupta II 218
Brahmi ‘Ma’ 103 Chaubara 65, 78
Bfhatkalpasutrabhdsyu 1 Chaubara mound 4, 62, 63, 77, 91
British Museum 9, 25, 77, 239 Chaurasi 65
Bronze figures 85 Christian era 11, 165, 210
Buddha 37, 65, 84, 101, 108, 116, 129, 143, 144, Chu-wen-Tai 45
145, 247 Classical Gupta Art of Mathura 221
Index
259
Classical Stage 176 Fleet, J.F. 9
Clay Seal 85 Foucher 10, 143
Cleisobora 22 friezes 108
Cleveland Museum of Art, U.S.A. 127 Fiihrer 27, 51, 53, 60. 79
Cains 119
Coffin box 247 Gai, G.S. 208, 210
Col. Stacy 3, 134 Gajaprsthakara 111
Coomaraswamy 10, 15, 75, 96, 97, 143, 148, Galtesvara Mahadeva 59
151, 152, 153, 154, 157,158, 161, 165, 197 Ganapatinaga 31
Copigns 104 Gandhara 189, 201
Copper Age Implements 21 Gandhara art 169, 193
Copper plate grants 45 Gandhara artist 187, 193
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 9 Gandhara Buddha 151
Corner-stones 110, 111 Gandhara impact 179, 185, 205
Crossbars 102 Gandhara influence 187, 199, 215
Cuddmahacetiya 107 Gandhara Origin 150, 152, 154, 171
Cunningham 4, 59, 60, 63, 64, 68, 76, 91, J33, Gandhara region 69, 96, 154, 166, 168 194 “»00
158, 169, 212 206, 235 ’ “ ’
Cut aka Viiiara 55, 65 Gandhara School 10, 27, 149, 150, 151, 166, 16?
237,239
Daksinapatha 5 Gandhara Sculptures 150
Datnpati plaque 138 Gandhara Studio 238
Datta rule 23, 24 Gandhara style 150, 399
Daya Ram Sahni 10 Gandhara traits 188, 200, 206, 208
Decorative motifs 116 Gandhara Trends 205, 243
Delhi Museum 162 GandhakutT 102, 108, 112
Demetrius 23 Gandharvas 68
Devananda 116 Ganesara 24
Devaputra 52 Ganeshra 69
Devaputra Magho 234 ganika prakostha 138
Dhanapati 147 Gardner 151
Dharma 37, 38 Garhi (fortress)
Dharmacakra 118 garuda 122, 124, 125, 234
Dharmacakra Pravarthana 162 Garuda motif 235
Dhaulipiau 194 Gaughat 67
Dhftarastra 147 Gautama 107
Dhulkot 89 General Cunningham 48, 61, 128
Dhyani Buddha 168, 230, 231, 233 Geogre Mason University 13
Dldarganj yak si 158 Ghatajdtaka 19
Dighatapas 170 ghat a motif 105
Dinna 223-4 Ghatild Dinnena 223
Divyavadana 41,42, 143 Gilgit manuscripts 5, 39, 40
Dixit, K N. 96 Girdhapur 66, 69
doorjamb 106, 107, 138 Gita 149, 159
Dovvson 8 Gokarnesvara 67
Kuthagamani 144 Goloubew 143
Gomitika 131, 132
Eastern Madhyadesa School of art 220 Gorkarneshwar 214
Ekasrahga 101 Govindnagar 13, 15, 63,71, 92, 94, 95, 97, 98,
99, 100, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 123, 129, 175,
Fa-hien 20, 32,33, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 179, 184, 192, 200, 206, 207, 218,225, 226,
Fahien’s memoirs 34 231.232, 235
floral motif 106 Govindnagar Buddha images 114
260 Index
Govind-nagar Mathura 33 Idgah of Aurangzeb 82

Govindnagar mound 183 Using 47
Greek art 150 Imperial Ku$ana Coinage 119
Greek Mythology 133 Indian art 158
Growse 8, 46, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 78, 79, 84, 134 Indian Art Museum, Berlin 88
Grlinwedel 133, 143, 196 Indian Museum 8, 26, 127, 130, 179, 189, 193,
G uha Vihara 55 199-212
<3 undo, 57 Indo-Hellenic 134
Gupta 84, 126 Indosassanian 119, 124
Gupta Acme 221 Indra 246
Gupta Age 17, 31, 224-5, 233 inter-woven scroll 108
Gupta Art 219, 223 islamic 84
Gupta Brahmi Script 85 Utaputra 7
Gupta Characters 225 Itakari mound 81, 136
Gupta dynasty 32, 59, 218 Iwaksaki Museum 10, 143
Gupta Empire 45
Gupta Era 32, 50, 63, 85, 120, 218-19 Jaina Ayagapattas 118
Gupta idiom 222, 224 Jaina Harivansapurana 20
Gupta images 218 Jaina inscriptions 9
Gupta numerals 212 Jaina literature 20
Gupta period 6, 12, 13, 17, 33, 48, 63, 71, 80, 90, Jaina Sculpture 33, 90
94, 112, 115. 128, 130, 132, 140, 212, 217, 221, Jaina Stupa 9
222, 226, 227, 228, 229, 233, 235, 241, 242 Jaina texts 19
Gupta period terracotta art 100 Jaina Tirtharikaras 82, 135
Gupta regime 137 Jainism 15, 135, 146
Gupta rule 34 Jaini Tila 60
Guha Vihara 9, 25. 165 Jamalpur 63, 65, 77, 246
Gwalior Museum 131 Janapada period 89
Janart, K.L. 10
Hallisaka posture 244 Janmabhumi Trust 83
hamlet Jogipura 86 Jat 84
Harili 99 Jataka 246
Harhansa 19 Jetavana 181
Harle’s J.C. 13 J.E. Van Lohuizen-dc-Leeuw 11,208
Hartel, H. 30, 81, 84, 91, 92, 99, 165, 182 jhumkas 245
Hastmapur Variety 82 Jina 117
Hathigumpha inscription 148 Jina image 79
Hathl Tala 89 Jivantasvami 148
Havell, E.B. 10 Jivikadatta Vihara 54
Hati Singh 84, 85 Joanna Williams 218
Halienistic art 239 Joshi, M.C. 60, 93, 97
Hellenistic trends 150 Joshi, N P. 12
Hlnayanis 38, 70 Joshi, R.B. 91
Hinayanists 38 Journal of the U.P. 11
Historical Society 11 Jungle deity 157
Hiuentsang 20, 41, 45-7, 60, 64, 68, 131, 176
Hunas 120 Kabul 153
Huntington 232 Kaâpha 150, 151, 152
Huviska 29, 52, 94, 102, 119, 128, 190, 192, 193, Kadapha type 152
195, 197, 198, 199, 205, 211, 213, 214, 234 Kadphises 150, 151, 152, 166
Huviska period 190 Kakatika Vihara 52, 67
Huviska Vihara 77 Kalakdcarya 44
Kalidasa 114
Index 261
Kalpasutra 20 Kramrisch 241

Kaman 69 Kraustikiya 66
Kambojika 67, 165 Krishan, Y. 12
Kamuia 67, 77 Krsna 117, 135
Kaniska 27, 29, 71, 80, 81, 85, 88, 90, 100, 111, Krsna Janmanbhumi Trust 91
128, 129, 150, 152, 154, 155-6, 158, 167, 171, Krsna Yajurveda 147
173, 176, 181, 192,207, 208, 211, 240 Ksatrapa 50, 87, 119, 164, 165, 167, 175
Kaniska I 28, 29 Ksatrapa period 175
Kaniska II 28, 29 Ksatrapa Soâsa 66, 67
Kanaka III 29 Ksairapa Vanashpara 111, 175
Kaniska era 86, 195, 210 Kubera 99, 121, 158
Kaniska period 166, 182, 186, 191, 202 Kujula 153-155, 166
Kaniska phase 164, 176, 193, 198, 200, 205 Kumaragupta 33, 34, 148, 223, 227
KankdliW, 61, 65, 69, 77, 79, 80, 89, 118 Kumarapala 148
Kanskhar 66 Kundalas 123
Kapilavastu 116 Kunda Suka Vihara 64
Karauli 128 Kunda Tahsil 220
Karle 145 Kumka 131-132
Karpardin type 107 Kusana 7, 63, 71, 84, 87, 94, 106, 108, 109, 112,
Kartikeya 86 1 13, 114, 115, 119, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 146,
Kashmir tradition 42 210,213,207 242
Kasi 18 Ku§ana Brahmi epigraph 68, 234
Kasia 139, 163 Kusana Coins 153
Kaslputra Bhagabhadra 151 Ku$apa dynasty 59, 138, 171, 208
Kasiya 128 Kusana Emperor 171
Kasyapa 147, 233 Kusana era 27, 65, 198, 209, 213
Katiya 54 Kusana idiom 220
Katra 50, 51, 65, 75-77, 80, 82-83, 156, 161, 178, Kusana inscription 222
189, 192 Kusana king 119, 210
Katra Keshavdev 51 Kusana levels 85
Katra Site 32, 82, 83, 156 Kusana people 138
Kajra Style 164 Kusana period 50, 51, 68, 87, 90, 99, 103, 105,
Katra image 195 107,111,114,129, 130, 137, 146, 156, 168,
Katra Style 179 173, 195, 204, 214, 216-9,225,227,229,231,
Kausambi 38, 155, 183, 210, 211 236
Kausambi mound 183 Kusan rule 27, 206
Kautilya 22, 147 Ku§ano-Gupta 33, 99, 100, 215-220
Kayastha 65, 191 Kusano-Gupta Idiom 218
Keith 146 Kusano-Gupta phase 215, 216, 219, 220
Kesava 148
Kesava Dev’s ancient temple 80 Ladyaska Vihara 56
Kesav Rai 76 Lahore Museum 232
Khanda Vihara 53, 66 Lakuhsa 81
Kharosthi epigraph 9, 155 Lalitavistara 41, 43
Kharosthi inscription 26, 28, 154. 165 Late Suriga 84
Kharavela 148 Lion Capital 25, 50, 77
Khuasica 57 Lion Capital records 50
Kirtimukha 104, 105, 126 lion thrones 110
Kidar Shahi Kusana 119 Lucknow 162, 226, 244
Klapavrksa 118 Lucknow Museum 9, 18, 33, 59, 115, 117, 127,
Kondane 145 149,172,179, 180, 198, 201, 212, 219, 220,
Konovv 154 233, 234, 235, 236
Korala Bimba Varnava 144 Luders 10, 26, 30, 64, 67
262 Jn<Jc.\
Luders list 61, 69 Manus! Buddha 230

Long worth Dames 151 Mangala Aalasa 105, 112
Lord Krsna 51 mango monastery 50
lotus 103, 105, 108, 109, 112, 113 Manjusri 4(>
Lotus moulding 106 Manjusri Stupa 58
laius parasol 114 Manus nun 19
lozenge shaped eyes 83 Mara 246
Luders, H. 10, 26, 30, 139 Margabandhu 97
Ludwing Bachhofer 10 Marg Publications 12
Macdonell 146 Marshall 15, 151, 239
Madhyadesa style 220 Mat 81
Madhyamika 148 MatagaJl 65
Madhavamsa 144 Mathura 119, 129-32, 134, 136-7, 166, 162, 189,
Madhuban Maholj 50 246-7
Madh lira Vanak 56 Mathura art 9, 14, 16, 133, 138, 222, 230. 235.
Magadhan Empire 22, 32 238, 243
Madhurd Vanak a 56 Mathura Artist 135, 146
Magasthanes 20, 44 Mathura Buddhas 152
Mahaban 68 Mathura inscriptions 10
Mahabharata 18, 101 Mathura laboratory 242
Mahabharatan age 21 Mathura Memoir 8
Mahdbhdsya 18, 145, 247 Mathura Museum 8, 9, 11-18, 18, 31, 46, 50, 59,
Mahdbhiniskramna 107, 144, 245 63, 65, 104, 115, 127, 129, 138, 149, 156, 162-
Mahdparimrvdna 145, 247 5, 172, 174-5, 178, 181, 183, 185-6, 190, 192,
Mahakralrapa Kharapallana 111, 175 194, 196, 199, 203-8, 214-15, 222, 223, 227-31
Maholi 185 233, 235, 236, 239
Mahaparimvana posture 139 Mathura Products 211
Mahakatyayana 42 Mathura reigon 231
Mahaksatrapa Rajula 50, 66 Mathura Studio of art 155
Maharaja pa ti 246 Mathura, style 186
Maharaja 52 Mathura terracottas 98
Maharaja Devaputra Kani§ka 210 Mathura trait 241
Maharaja Devaputra Vasudeva 205 Matrka 85, 121
Maharaja Trikamala 220 Matsya 19
Maharaja Vaisravana 158 Matsyapurana 6
Mahasanghika 38 Matsyayugma 113
Mahasanghikanam Parigraha 49, 56 Maudgalayana 46
Mahdsunghikas 65, 67, 70 Maues 151-2, 166
Mahavatthu 19 Maurya 84
Mahavidya 89 Mauryan 151, 155
Mahavjra 75, 117 148 Mauryana layers 96
Mahay an a Sect 67 Mauryan Art 130
Mahayanfs 70 Mauryan Brahmi Script 79
Mahisasumartiim 99 Mauryan period 17, 90, 97, 140, 166
Maholi 66-67
Mauryan-Sunga epoch 18, 131-132 , 156
Maholi Bodhisattva 186 Mauryan-£unga Yaksa image 139
Mahmud Ghaznavl 86 Maya Devi 51, 116, 257
Mainagarh 129 Mauryas 22
Maitreya 107, 202 Max Muller 146
Maitreya figures 235 Menander 23
Majhimanikdya 19, 149, 157 Metallic icons 86
Makara motif 105 Methora 22
In dex 263
Metropolitan Museum, New York 227 Nandydvarta 85

middle Suriga 84 Ndvayana Vdtaka 148
Mihira 57 Nasik 145
Mihira Vihara 69 Natabluita Vihara 54
Milindapanho 44 National Museum, Delhi 131, 188, 189, 190,
Mitsa dynasty 23-24, 87 213, 235
Mitras 24 needles 83
Mitras-Dattas 23 Neminatha 135
Mittal, P.D. 13, 38, 40 NiJdna Kathd 157
Mitterwallner, G.V. 63,217 Nidhipatra 133
Modoura 20 Nihar Ranjan Ray 241
Mohammad Nari Gandhara 232 Nilabhuti 39
monastery of Devaputra 199 Nisithacurni 148
Monk Buddha-Varmon 52 Noh 131
Monk Grahadasika 53 Northern Black Polished 82-83
Monk Nagadatta 57 Northern Black Polished Ware 83
Monk Sarighavarman 56 Nun Dhanavatl 56
Mora 149 Nun Ja\abhatta 53, 77
Mora Well inscription 25
mother goddess 83, 94 Ogee arches 161
motif 118, 244
mound of Govindnagar 119 Padma 19
mound of Sirkah 153 Padmapam Avalokitesvara 232, 233
mound of Sonkh 92 Padmasana 107, 246
Mrgadava 118 Painted Grey 84
Mudgala-Putra 45, 230 painted Grey Ware 21, 82, 89
Mudgaldyana Stupa 57 Pallkhera 65
Mudgarapani 121 Pali Tripitology 41
mud-ramparts 82 Pamir 45
Mukherjee, B.N. 12, 13, 23, 28, 30, 31 Pancasikha Gandharva 163
Mulkh Raj Anand 12 Pahcavimsa Brahmana 147
Munich Buddha 164 Pandit Bhagwiin lal Indraji 9
Musee Guimet, Paris 161 Panini 18
Museum, New Delhi 194 parascl 111
Museum of fine Arts, Boston 179 parigraha 49, 54
parkham 131, 155
Naga deity 86 Parsvanatha 135
Naga dynasty 87 parsva 78
Nagar, M M. 11 Parthian reign 153
Naga King 86 Pataliputra 140
Nagaraja Vasuki 87 Patahjah 18
Nagar i 68 Patahjalfs 147
Naga rulers 31 Patna Museum Agrawala 158
Naga temple 86 Pauranic literature 19
Nag: 66 Pawava 131
Naginis 99 period of disruption 31
Nagla Jhinga 131-2, 155 Peshawar 69
Nahak$atrapa Rajula 77 petavatthu 19
Naka 131, 132 Pha’apatra 133
Nalanda 48 pillars 104
Nanda dynasty 22 pipal 113
Nandi 119 Pitalkhara 145
Nandikarasa 87 Plaeschke H. 29
264 Index
plastic art 129 Ratnasambhava 233
post Gupta 84 Ravanavati Dagoba 144
post Gupta period 23, 207 Rawal 69
post-Ku§ana period 215 Ruyapascniya 20
post-Maurya 240 Registering Officer, Agra 139
post Suriga 84, 98 relic casket of Kaniska 233
pot belied headless yaksa 109 relic chamber 144
Pradyota 148 renunciation 245
Pravarika Vihdra 66 Rgxeda 17, 117, 146, 147
Pravcirtana 118 Rosenfield, J.M. 12, 30, 209, 213, 214
Prayag 242 Rosika Vihdra 57, 67
Pre-Christian era 154 round ear rings 246
Pre-Christian period 146 Royal turban 201
Pre-Gupta epoch 215, 240 Rsvasrhga 78
Pre-historic copper implements 90 Rupbas 128
Prc-Kamska Buddhist 173 Rurumunda 41
Pre-Kamska era 163, 175 Ruvaka 234
pre-Kani$ka transition 173 Ruwanwoeli 145
Pre Ku$ana 84
Pre-Ku§ana era 165 Sadobad 4, 21
Pre-Ku§ana period 12, 29 Sad vihdra 52
Pre-Kusana products 131 Sagari 68
Pre-Ku§ana terracotta 98 Sahm 181, 186
Pre-Mauryan age 137 Sailarupakara 180
Pre-Mauryan period 100 Saiva 81
Prince of Wale6 Museum 67 Saka 7, 210
Prof. G,V. Mitterballur 217 Sakas 119
Ptolemy 20, 44 Saka-Vihdra 53
P uny ajanas 159 Sakra 198
Parana Maitrayani Si Sakyasimha 246
Puri, B.N, 27, 28 Sakyasimha Gautama 244
purna kumbha 117 Sdlabhanjikd figure 87
Pasahathini 193 Salabhahjikas 181
Puspaduma 112 Sanmvdyangasutra 20
Pusti sect 214 Samudragupta 31
Pusyadatta 57 Samyakdrsti 118
pusyadutta Svaka Vihdra 57 Samyakjhdna 118
pusyamitra 22 Samyakvdc 118
Sanchi 101, 117, 151,166,168
Radha Krishna 81 Sanghamitra 52
Rahula 46 Sanghiydndm Parigraha 65
Rahul a Stupa 58 Sang ha Mukhya 18
Rajasika class 159 Sanghdrdma 50, 55, 66
Rajendra lal Mitra 134 Sankalia, H.D. 93
Rajvuia 25, 119 Sank ha 112
Rdksasa 159 Sankhanidhi 1 12
Rama 117, 147 Saptar§i 66, 77
Ramadatta 87 Saptarsi mound 9, 25
Ramnagar 246 Saptasamudrikupa 5
Ram Prasad Chanda 10 Saraswati, S.K 13, 14, 219, 220, 22t
Rangeswar temple 32 Sarai Azampur 69
Rati 246 Sariputra 46, 75, 230
Ratnapdtra 113 Sariputra Stupa 57
Index 2 65
Sarnath 145,170, 201, 240, 242, 246 Sonkh Exavcator 30

Sarnath Bodhisattva 186 Spouted Jar 85
Sarnath Buddha 224, 241 Square copper coins 83
Sarnath Museum 155, 184, 186 Sravasti 128, 139, 182, 203, 242
Sarnath School of sculpture 140 Sravasti excavations 139
Sarvastivaclin cult 37, 66-67 Sri Krsna Janmasthana 92
Sarvastivadin Vinaya pitaka 40 Srikunda Vihdra 52
Saryvsitiva-trana parigraha 55 Sri Lankan tradition 144
Sastakhadhatu 69 Srivastava, V.N. 12
Satapatha Brahmana 17 Srivatsa motif 118
Scythian fashion 189 Stacy 75
Scythians 140 Sten Konow 9
Scytho-Parthian ruler 23 State Museum 244
Scytho-parthians 25 State Museum, Lucknow 134, 139, 158, 174,
Senaka 68 184.193-5,214
Seth Govind Das 92 State Museum of Ethnology Munich 178
Shahji-ki-dheri 150, 166 Stella Kramriich 11
Shahjahan 85 SthanakavaSI 42
Shakradarra 70 Stha\ira\ada 38
Sharma, G.R. 23 Sthaviravada Sect 182
Sharma, R C. 20, 21, 27, 32, 68,77. 81, 99, 112. Stone 128
131, 137, 144, 159, 162, 172, 175, 187, 200, Stone inscription 25
205. 229. 231,234, 238-39 Stone Sculptures 21
Shershah Suri 85 Stray Architectural Fragments 126
Shevaki153 Stupa 49, 55, 145, 245
Siddhartha 101, 107, 86 Subhadra 247
Sikari 128 Suhga dynasty 44
Sikhara 112, 246 Suhga period 90, 98, 131, 151, 155
Silenus Sculpture 75 Suparna 96
Simhdsana 110 Suparsva 7S
Sir Alexander Cunningham 7, 51 Suparsvanatha 135
Sircar, D.C, 11 Surasena region 18
Siri Vihara 54, 67 SQrya 202
Sir John Marshall 131, 203 Suryamitra level 86
Sisupalgarh 131 Sutra 147
S?ta 147 Suvaranakara Vihdra 54
Sithighdti 79, 203 Ssaka 55
Siva 119 Svaka Vihdra 49, 59
Siva Bhagavatas 149 Svakaya 54
Siva Lakulisa 32 Svapnavasavadattam 134
Siva mitra 180 Svarnakara Vihdra 65
Sivaramamurti, C. 12 Svastika 85, 112, 118
Siva temple Rahgesvara 81 Swam! Mahaksatrapa 25
Skandagupta 34
Smith 151 Taittiriya Aranyaka 147
Smith, V.A. 9, 79, 133, 143 TaittirJya Samhitd 147
Snifti literature 147 Taladhvaja 106
Smt. Rani Srivastava 247 Tavernier 76, 77, 80
Snellgrove, D.L. 13 Taxila 128
Sodasa 25, 149 Temple of Chaurasf 92
Sodasamaha*dana 6 terracotta figurines 21, 39, 83, 87, 89, 137"
Sonkh 84, 88 terracotta ring wells 89
Sonkh excavations 89 Terracotta Sculpture 137
266 Index
Thapar, B K. 93 Vasudeva \ reign 204

Tnerj'.uJtns 70, 145, 146 Vasumitru 44
ThupJirama 145 Vasiska 29, NO, 193
Thomas 154 Vedic 17, 105, 146-7. 158
Thomas, F W. 9 Vedika stambhas 101
T5!a 80 Verna Kadpi^Cs 110
Tinharikara Rsabhanatha 6 \ enkatesvara 146
Tirthankaras 118, 159 Venkat, M Rama>>a, 82, 96
Tokri 136 Vesantata Jut aka 78
tar ana beam 163 Victor Goloubew 10
transitional phase 215 Yidhandaka 101
Tra vastrimsa 107 Vidisa 148
Tnratna 112, 114, 118, 177 Vikrama Sain vat 210
Vima Kadphises 2“\ 136
VJicya Vesa 81 Vimana\atthu 20
Uditacarya 81 1 in ay a 37-38
Ujjain coins 162, 166 Vinaya pttaks 230
Unhisa 104, 148 Viradatta 119
Upagupta 22, 43, 47, 60-61, 71, 76 Viradatta monastery 94
Upagupta Vihara 54 Viradatta \ ihura 56, 70, 93, 94, 100
Upali 46, 58 Vjra Singh Bundela 91
Up all Stupa 58 Vi$nu 19
Upamitesvara 81 Vi'snu Bkagavatas 149
Upavana 50 Visnu figures 84, 120
Urumunda mountain 40-41 VKvakarma 147
‘Urumunda’ Parvata 41 Yitabhayapattana 148
Uttaradhyavana Sutra 20 Vogel J. Ph 9, 11, 61, 80-82, 128, 134, 139, 158.
Utta-a Hdrusa 56, 68 178, 196. 199
Uttarhpatha 5 Vraja 3
Uttar Pradesh Historical Society 82 Vrhadaranyaka Upanisad 17
l ’rahatkalpahhds \ a 20
Va i jay ant Fmala 12 0 l yhatk athak o *a 29
Vaisnava 84 Virndaban 68
Vaisnava sect 204 Vrsni heroes 149
Vaisnava temple 81 Vodghri Jut aka 7S
Vaisnavism 214
Valvar ta 19 VVema Kadphises 81
Vajpeyi, K.D. 83 wheel 177
Vajra 247 Wheel of law 163, 179
Vajrapani 121, 247 White elephant 116
Vajra type object 106 Winged-pot oozing square Coins 112
Vallabha 214
Vallabh Saran 82 Yajhopavlta 126
Vamsa 17 \ak$a 13, 105, 108, 118, 121, 130,135, 145, 156,
Van Lohuizen de-Leeuvv 12, 15, 29, 161, 165, 161, 167, 174, 194
167, 174, 176-80 190, 195-199, 203-4, 209, 210, yaksa iconography 161
211,213,214,240 yaksa images 157, 173
Vardha 19 yaksa impact 177
Vasudeva 29, 85, 119, 128, 148, 204-205, 208-9, yaksas 135, 145, 161
213 yaksa Statues 132, 158, 173
Vasudevahimdl 20, 148 yaksa tradition 158
Vasudeva period 213 yasa-Vihara 53, 59, 61, 77
GROUPING OF ILLUSTRATIONS
MO Early Art Traditions at Mathura

11-65 Govindnagar Finds
66-68 Group 1 Symbols
69-78 Group 2 Pre-Kaniska Phase
79-97 Group 3 Kaniska Phase
98-104 Group 4 Emergence of Gandhara Traits
105-108 Group 5 Furtherance of Gandhara Impact
109-111 Group 6 Anyor Idiom
112-116 Group 7 Culmination of Gandhara Impact
117-119 Group 8 Late Kusana Treatment
120-125 Group 9 Retreat of Gandhara Impact
126-131 Group 10 Controversy of Style and Date
132-138 Group 11 Kusapo-Gupta Phase
139-153 Group 12 Gupta Period
154-164 Pantheon
165-168 Other Schools
DESCRIPTION OF ILLUSTRATIONS
EARLY ART TRADITIONS
1. Yaksa, c. 3rd century B.C., buff stone, from Parkham, Mathura,

M.M.No.C.l.
2. BalarSma, c. 2nd century B.C., red sand stone, from Junsuti,
Mathura, S.M.L.No.G.215.
3. Chronological table of H. HarteTs excavations, Sonkh, Mathura.
4. GandhSra Queen (Kambojika), c. 1st century A.D., schist stone,
from Saptarsi mound, Mathura City, M.M.No.F.42.
5. Amohini or Aryavatl Ayagapata, early 1st century A.D., red
sand stone, with buff patches, from Kankali mound, Mathura,
S.M.L.No.J.l.
6. Sodasa’s new inscription, early 1st century A.D., red sand
stone, from Mirjapur, M.M.No.79.29.
7. Vima Kadphises, c. 1st century A.D., spotted red sand stone,
from Mat, Mathura, M.M.No.12.213.
8. Kaniska, c. 1st century A.D., buff and red sand stone, from
Mat, Mathura, M.M.No.12.213.
9. N3ga lintel, c. A. D. 100, red sand stone, from Sonkh, Mathura,
M.M.No.SOIV-36.
10. Torana Salabhanjika (Bracket figure), c. A.D. 100, spotted red
sand stone, from Sonkh, Mathura, M.M.No.SOIV-27.
11. Terracotta Votive tank, c. 1st century B.C., red clay, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.239.
12. Terracotta monster, Gupta period, red clay, from Govindnagar,
Mathura, M.M. No. 410.
Description of Illustrations 269
13. Fragmentary pillar recording 12 or 13 year of Kaniska, A.D. 90-

91, red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.
76.36.
14. Raiipost showing cult of Usnlsa and episode of Rsyasringa,
c. 1st century B.C., spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
Mathura, M.M. No. 76.40.
15. Raiipost representing a lady on wicker seat, Kusana period,
spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No. 76.39.
16. Raiipost representing a nobleman with garland, Kusana period,
No. 76.38.
17. Raiipost representing a nobleman with garland standing under
an arched building, KusSfla period, red sand stone with buff
patches, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.37.
18. Fragmentary raiipost showing lower half of a lady (Asoka
dohada ?), Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govind¬
nagar, iMathura, M.M. No. 76.134.
19. Fragmentary raiipost representing lower part of a lady holding
scarf, Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
20. Cross bar showing full blown lotus with pointed petals and a
figure mark.
21. Reverse also shows a figure mark, Kusaria period, spotted red
sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.48.
22. Cross bar with full blown lotus and some figure mark, Kusana
period, spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura,
M.M. No. 76.57.
23. Cross bar with full blown lotus spoked wheel and knob with
two circles, Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govind¬
nagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.58.
24. Cross bar with lotus and hood shaped petals, Kusana period,
No. 76.75.
270 Description of Illustrations
25. Cross bar with full biown lotus and lotus buds on four sides etc.,
Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
26. Fragmentary Cross bar with lotus and acanthus leaf etc., Kusana
period, red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No. 76.211.
27. Coping with Usnisa and a devotee in cajtya window, Pre-Kusana

M.M. No. 75.136.
28. Fragmentary doorjamb with nich decoration, Kusana period,

No. 76.41.
29. Doorjamb with Bodhisattva etc., Kusana period, red sand stone,
from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.121.
30. Fragmentary doorjamb representing renunciation of Siddhartha,

31. Fragmentary pillar showing two twisted ropes, Kusana period,
red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.158.
32. Upper part of doorjamb carved with acanthus leaf, lions,
scroll, full vase, caitya window etc., Kusapa period, spotted red
sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.160.
33. Band with grape creeper and human head, Kusana, red sand
stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.147.
34. Band with grape creeper, Kusapa period, red sand stone, from
35. Lion throne composed in twelve pieces, Kusapa period, spotted

36. Lion head as part of a bracket, Kusana period, spotted red sand
37. Corner stone shaped as a lion, Kusapa period, buff and red sand
38. Half portion of a huge umbrella decorated with auspicious

motifs, Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govind-
39. Complete umbrella carved with several auspicious motifs,
40. Fragmentary parasol carved with lotus, pair of fish etc., Kusana
M.M. No. 76.177.
41. Fragment of a large parasol showing lotus petals, Kusana
M.M. No. 76.178.
42. Fragment of a parasol with Kusaria Brahmi letters reading
vjaga (de) vasa. Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from
43. Fragmentary halo with double scalloped border, wreath, lotus,
Late Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
44. Fragmentary halo with double scalloped design, beaded line and
lotus, Late Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.No.76.193.
45. Fragmentary halo showing beaded line, wreath, shooting
arrows; Late Kusana period, buff sand stone, from Govindnagar,
Mathura, M.M.No.76.194.
46. Fragmentary halo showing scalloped edge,beaded line, wreath,
and arrow beads, scroll, Post Kusana period, buff and red sand
stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.No.76.196.
47. Fragmentary halo showing scalloped border, beaded line,
wreath, scroll and lotus, Gupta period, red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.No.76.223.
48. Halo chip showing headless mermaid, Late Gupta period, red
sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.No.76.224.
49. Fragment from halo showing garland stylised leaf etc., Late
Gupta period, dull red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura,
M.M. No.76.226.
50. Fragmentary halo showing scallop, bead, wreath and scroll,

Gupta period, red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura,
M.M. No.76.227.
51. Bust of Yaksa carrying a bowl, Kusana period, red sand stone,
from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.77.31.
52. Headless and armless seated Kubera wearing a torque, Kusana
M.M. No.76.221.
53. Lower part of a lady seated on a couch in Lalitasana, wearing
heavy anklets. Late Kusapa period, red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.76.118.
54. Female face wearing a one sided headgear, Kusaria period,
spotted red sand stone,from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No.76.90.
55. Fragmentary railpost showing feet on crocodile, Kusana period,
red sand stone,from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.76.132.
56. Female torso with a garland, Kusana period, spotted red sand
stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.76.215.
57. Winged Garuda with snake, Kusana period, spotted red sand
stone,from Govindnagar, Mathura M.M. No.76.79.
58. Anthropomorphic form of Garuda, Kusana period, spotted red
sand stone, from Gavindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No.76.83.
59. Nobleman with garland and flower basket, Kusaria period,
spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M M
No.76.88
60. Fragment from a doorjamb showing headless figure of a drum

beater, Kusana period, red sand stone, from Govindnagar
Mathura, M.M.No.76.91.
61. Male head with moustache, Gupta period, red sand stone,
from Govindnagar,Mathura, M.M.No.76.114.
62. Defaced human head with locks of hair falling on both sides,
Gupta period, red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura
M.M.No.76.115.
63. Screen with a winged lion, c. 1st century B.C., buff sand stone,
from Govindnagar, M.M.No.78.3.
64. Water channel, Kusana period, red sand stone, from Govind¬
nagar, Mathura, M.M.No.76.204.
65. Pillar with Kirtimukha etc., Gupta period, red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura M.M.No.76.163.
GROUP 1. (SYMBOLS)
66. Architectural fragment representing bodhi tree, c. 1st century

B.C., spotted red sand stone, from Mahadevaghat well,
Mathura, M.M.No.18-1516.
67. Fragment showing Buddha’s descent through turban and
ladders, c. 1st century A.D., dull red sand stone, from Govind¬
nagar, Mathura, M.M.No.77.26.
68. Fragmentary lintel showing worship of stupa by celestials,
c. 1st century B.C., spotted red sand stone, from Vrindaban,
Mathura, M.M.No. 10.130.
GROUP 2. (iP RE-KANIS KA ICONS)
69. Headless Bodhisattva with Yaksa impact, c. 1st century B.C.„

red sand stone, from Kankali mound, Mathura, S.M.L.
No. B. 12b.
70. Stele representing the conversation between the Buddha and
Suddhodana c. 1st century B.C., red sand stone with buff patches,
from Kankali Mound, Mathura, M.M. No. J. 531.
71. Renunciation of Siddhartha? on railpost, c. 1st century B.C.,
red sand stone, from Kankali mound, Mathura, S.M.L.
No. J. 295.
72. Pillar showing offering of alms by the Lokapalas, c. 1st century
B.C., red sand stone, from Isapur, Mathura, M.M. No. H. 12.
73. Beam representing Buddha and symbols, c. 1st century B.C.„
76. Spotted red sand stone, Mathura city, M.M. No. M. 3.
77. Small fragment showing the bust of the Buddha in abhaya, c. 1st
century A.D., spotted red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
Mathura, M.M. No. 76. 104.
78. Left side of a Bodhisattva image recording Ksatrapa, pre-Kaniska
period, red sand stone from Galteshwar, Mathura, M.M.
No. A. 66.
GROUP 3. {KANISKA PHASE)
79. Ideal form of Buddha/Bodhisattva, c. 1st century A.D., spotted

red sand stone, from Katra mound, Mathura, M.M. No. A.I.
80. Headless Buddha image recording Uttara Harusa Vihara, c. 1st
century A.D., red sand stone, from Anyor, M.M. No. A.2.
81. Bust of the Buddha in the Munich Museum, c. 1st century A.D.,
red sand stone, from Mathura.
82. Headless statue of Buddha, c. 1st century A.D., red sand stone,
from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76.32.
83. Stele representing Bodhisattva in meditation, c. 1st century A.D.,
red sand stone, from Kankaii mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No.
J. 621.
84. Headless image of the Buddha worship of Dharmacakra on
pedestal, c. 1st century A.D., spotted red sand stone, from
Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 1.
85. Intact image of seated Buddha, c. 1st century A.D., red sand
stone, from Mathura, I.M.C. No. A. 25524.
86. Pedestal of Bodhisattva with indra and Brahma on pedestal,
c. 1st century A.D., red sand stone, from Mathura, S.M.L.
No. B. 18.
87. Pedestal of Bodhisattva recording its installation at Jetavana,
Sravasti, made by Sivamitra a sculptor of Mathura, c. 1st
century A.D., red sand stone, from Sravasti, S.M.L. No. 66.48.
88. Inscribed pedestal of Bodhisattva image installed by Senaka,
c. 1st century A.D., spotted red sand stone, from Vrindaban,
M.M. No. 74.26.
89. Pedestal of Buddha/Bodhisattva image installed in the 5th year

of Kaniska worship of dharmacakra below, A.D. 83 red sand
stone, M.M. No. 55.3533.
90. Lower body of the seated Bodhisattva installed by Pusika,
c. 1st century A.D., spotted red sand stone, from Loco shed,
Mathura Junction, M.M. No. 10.121.
91. Bodhisattva installed in the Year 23 (A.D. 101) last year of

Kaniska, worship of triratna below, red sand stone, from
Sonkh, Mathura, M.M. No. 20.1602.
92. Standing Buddha with large scalloped halo, c. 1st century A.D.,
93. Headless Bodhisattva installed in the year 2 of Kaniska (A.D.
80), red sand stone, from Kausambi, Allahabad Museum No. 69.
94. Colossal image of Bodhisattva installed by Friar Bala in the
year 3 of Kaniska (A.D 81), red sand stone, from Sarnath,
Sarnath Museum No. B. 1.
95. Colossal Bodhisattva image, c. 1st century A.D., spotted red
sand stone, from Maholi, Mathura, M.M. No. 39.2798.
96. Bodhisattva in princely form, c. 1st century A.D., spotted red
sand stone, Mathura city, M.M. No. 14. 485.
97. Headless Buddha image, c. 1st centuty A.D., red sand stone,
from Sarnath, Sarnath Museum No. B (a) 2.
GROUP 4. {EMERGENCE OF GANDHARA TRAITS)
98. Intact Buddha image flanked by Vajrapapi and Padmap3ni

installed in the year 32 (A.D. 110), spotted red sandstone,
from Ahicchattra, Bareilly, National Museum, New Delhi,
No. L. 55.75.
99. Headless image of Sakyamuni Buddha installed by YasS, wife of

Kayastha Bhattipriya, early second century A.D., spotted red
sand stone, from the premises of Triveni Engineering Works,
276 Description of 11 lust rations
100. Fragment showing renunciation of Siddhartha on horseback,

early second century A.D., spotted red sandstone, fromGovind-
101. Headless Bodhisattva of year 39 (A.D. 117.), red sand stone,
from Mathura, I.M.C. No. A. 25019.
102. Buddha head with shaven head and high top knot, early second
century A.D., red sand stone with buff patches, from Kankali
mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No. J. 226.
103. Headless standing Buddha, early second century A.D., spotted
red sand stone, from Dhauli Piau, Mathura, M.M. No. 80.1.
104. Bodhisattva Maitreya standing in abhaya with a flask, red sand
stone, early second century A.D., from Ahicchatra, Bareilly,
now in the National Museum, New Delhi.
GROUP 5. (FURTHERANCE OF GANDEAR A IMPACT)

105. Headless Buddha inscribed, c. second quarter of second century
A.D., Dull red sand stone, Jamalpur mound, Mathura, S.M.L.
No. B. 14.
106. Headless Buddha with Vajraparii, c. second quarter of second
century A.D., spotted red sand stone, Jamalpur mound, Mathura,
S.M.L. No. B. 14.
107. Buddha standing in abhaya with large halo, second quarter of
second century A.D., spotted red sand stone, M.M. No. A. 4.
108. Buddha wearing chequered robe, second quarter of second
century A.D., spotted red sand stone, from Maholi, Mathura,
M.M. No. 15.514.
GROUP 6. (ANYOR IDIOM)

109. Seated Buddha statue dated in the year 51 (A.D. 129), spotted
red sand stone, from Anyor, Mathura, M.M. No. A. 65.
110. Lower part of a standing Buddha/Bodhisattva image, installed
in the year 51 (c. A.D. 129), in the Huviska Vihara, spotted red
sand stone, from Jamalpur mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 3.
Description of Illustrations
277
111. Buddha head under a decorated arch, second quarter of the

second century A.D., red sand stone from Mathura, MM
No. I. 20.
GROUP 7. (CULMINATION OF GANDHARA IMPACT)

112. Headless Buddha image in meditation with shutter effect in
drapery, second century A.D., buff and red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76. 19.
113. Seated Buddha in abhaya with webbed hand, wearing a shutter
effect drapery, second century A.D., spotted red sand stone,
from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 76. 17.
114. Headless Buddha image in dhyana with shutter effect in drapery,
second century A.D., from Bhuteshwar, Mathura, S.M.L.
No. B. 5.
115. Architectural piece showing different bands including Buddhas
and Bodhisattvas, second century A.D., spotted red sand stone,
from Jamalpur mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 208.
116. Architectural fragment showing Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in
different forms, second century A. D., spotted red sand stone,
from Mahadevaghat well, Mathura, M.M. No. 14.403.
GROUP 8. {LATE KUSANA TREATMENT)

117. Buddha wearing fan shape shutter drapery, seated in abhaya on
Kusa grass cushion, late Kusana period, buff stone, from
Sr3vasti, S.M.L. No. 66.183.
118. Headless Buddha figure turning the Dharmacakra, late Kusapa
period, spotted red sand stone, from Mathura, M.M.
No. 61.5304.
119. Lower half of the standing Buddha image installed in the year
93 (A.D. 171) in the reign of Vasudeva by a Kayastha monk,
wearing peculiar garment, red sand stone with buff patches, from
GROUP 9. {RETREAT OF GANDHARA IMPACT)

120. Headless Buddha image seated in meditation with relaxed
shutter effect in drapery, late Kusana period, buff sand stone,
from Yamuna bank, Mathura, M.M. No. 42.2919.
278 Discript ion of Illustrations
121. Headless Buddha statuette showing rib type but relaxed garment,
late Kusana period, dull red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
122. Standing image of the Buddha imparting protection, webbed
hand, relaxed rib effect, curly hair, late Kusana period, red sand
stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, now in the custody of
Archaeological Survey of India.
123. Torso of Buddha image, rib effect of garment descending, right
hand in abhaya added subsequently, late Kusana period, spotted
124. Headless Buddha image in abhaya with relaxed garment and
webbed hand and turban type object, late Kusana period, buff
125. Siddhartha in meditation, spotted red sand stone from M.M.
No. 46.3231.
GROUP 10. (CONTROVERSY OF STYLE AND DATE)

126. Headless Buddha image of year 22 omitting the digit of 100,
installed in PravSrika Vihara, A.D. 200, buff sand stone, from
Madhuban Maholi, Mathura, M.M. No. 1557.
127. Right thigh of the Buddha image recording the year 83 of
Bhadramagha (A.D. 161), red sand stone, from Kausambi,
Allahabad Museum No. 89.
128. Defaced image of the Buddha recording the year 83 (A.D. 161)
of Bhadramagha from Kausambi, University Museum,
Allahabad.
129. Headless image of the Buddha of year 83 of Bhadramagha
(A.D. 161) from Kausambi, University Museum, Allahabad.
130. Standing Bodhisattva carved in early style in late Kusapa
period, red and buff sand stone, from Sravasti, I.M.C. No.
A.2502.
131. Buddha of the year 36 (A.D. 136-214) representing developed
stage, red sand stone with buff patches, from Sravasti, now in
the National Museum, New Delhi.
GROUP 11 (.KUSANO-GUPTA PHASE)

132. Headless Buddha image in dliyana pose, Kusana posture in
relaxed and developed form, slimness notable, 3rd-4th century
A.D., red sand stone, Bairagpura, Mathura city, M.M.
No. 13.361.
133. Headless image of Dipankara Buddha installed Dhanasriya,
3rd-4th century A.D., buff sand stone, Yamuna bed, Mathura,
S.M.L. No. B. 22.
134. Standing Buddha image installed by Jayabhatta in YasSvihara,
dated in the year 230 or 280 (A.D. 308 or 328). The year should
not be reckoned in the Gupta era as done so far, buff sand stone,
from KatrS site, Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 10.
135. Buddha, standing in abhaya, foldless drapery remarkable, c. 4th
century, buff stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No. 76.26.
136. Seated Buddha of year 64, Kusana solidity and features blended
with Gupta period grace and serenity, A.D. 383-84, red sand
stone, from Bodhgaya in the National Museum, New Delhi.
137. Headless colossal image of Buddha with figure of Maitreya
between the feet, c. 4th century A.D., red sand stone, from
Mathura city, S.M.L. No. 0.71.
138. Head of the Buddha, with wavy hair and lotus halo, c. 4th
century A.D., buff sand stone, from Kankali mound, Mathura,
S.M.L. No. B. 28.
GROUP 12. (GUPTA ACME)

139. One of the finest images of the Buddha, rich nimbus, thin
drapery with rippling folds, serene expression on face remarka¬
ble, c. 5th century A.D., red sand stone, from Jamalpur mound,
MathurS, M.M. No. A. 5.
140. Enlargement of the above.
141. Standing Buddha image with ornamental halo and serene
expression, c. 5th century A.D., red sand stone, from Mathura,
now in the President House, New Delhi.
142. Standing Buddha image representing same characteristics,

also recording the name of the sculptor Dinna, dated in the
year 115=A.D.434-35, red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
143. Epigraph of the above image M.M. No. 75.25.
144. Buddha standing in abhaya pose, Gupta period, c. 5th century
A.D., red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No. 76.27.
145. Torso of Buddha image with stylised drapery, Gupta period,
c. 5th century A.D., red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura,
M.M. No. 76.28.
146. Buddha head, Gupta period, red sand stone, from Govindnagar,
147. Buddha torso with foldless drapery, red sand stone, from
Govindnagar, Mathura, now in the custody of Archaeological
Survey of India.
148. Torso of Buddha statuette, rather inferior workmanship, Gupta
No. 76.30.
149. Buddha head in terracotta, Gupta period, from Govindnagar,

150. Torso of a small Buddha image, complete halo round the body
and indication of varadamudra remarkable, Gupta period, red
sand stone, from Mathura city, S.M.L. No. B. 6.
151. Pedestal of Buddha image recording the name of the monastery

Viradatta Vihara dated in the year 121 and 15 (A.D.
4407), red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M.
No. 76.34.
152. Pedestal of a Buddha image installed by Mihiranaga, Gupta
No. 76.35.
153. An excellent Buddha head of the Gupta period, from Chamunda
mound, Mathura, M.M. No. 49.3510.
PANTHEON
154. Inscribed pedestal of Amitabha Buddha, installed in year 26 of
Huviska (A.D. 104), red sand stone, from Govindnagar, Mathura,
M.M. No. 77.30.
155. Bodhisattva (Padmapani) head with Dhyanl Buddha Amitabha in

the crown, Kusana period, red sand stone, M.M. No. 2336.
156. Fragment showing Dhyani Buddha flanked by Indra and Panca-

sikha, Kusana period, spotted red sand stone, from Chaubara
mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 23.
157. Lower half of the Buddha image recording the figure as that of
Kasyapa Buddha, Kusana period, red sand stone, near Kansa-
khara, Mathura, M.M. No. 37.2739.
158. Bust of Maitreya in abhaya, Kusana period, spotted red sand

stone, from Kankall mound, Mathura, S.M.L. No. B. 7.
159. Head of Maitreya with garudas in crown, Kusapa period,

spotted red sand stone, from Kankall mound, Mathura, S.M.L.
No. B. 25.
160. Stele carved with seated figure of Maitreya, Kusapa period,
No. 76.24.
161. Bodhisattva (Siddhartha?) head, tender look remarkable, Kusana
period, spotted red sand stone, from Kankaii mound, Mathura,
S.M.L. No. B. 26.
162. Bodhisattva (Siddhartha), Gupta period, red sand stone, S.M.L.
No. B. 15.
163. Vajrapani, holding big thunderbolt, Kusana period, red sand
stone, S.M.L. No. B. 19.
164. Lower band of the Mahaparinirvapa scene, showing Subhadra in
meditation, Kusana period, buff sand stone, M.M. No. 76.101,
from Govindnagar, Mathura.
OTHER SCHOOLS
165. Buddha with big hollow on forehead probably for a jewel,
wavy hair combed back with a top knot, faint traces of moust¬
aches plain halo, thick drapery covering both shoulders, c. 2nd
century A.D., schist stone, S.M.L. No. 0.280.
166. Maitreya wearing a diadem and jewellery locks of hair fallingon
shoulder. The moustaches and anatomy represent him as a
grown up man, c. 3rd century A.D., schist stone, S.M.L.
No. 0.284.
167. Buddha seated in preaching pose, large halo carved with beauti¬
ful scroll, foldless diaphanous drapery, suppleness of body and
expression on face remarkable, c. 6th century A.D., buff stone,
from Sarnath, Sarnath Museum No. B. (b) 181.
168. Buddha seated in abhaya pose, combining Kusapa and Gupta
characteristics, dated in the year 129=A.D. 448-49, buff stone
from Mankuwar, Allahabad, S.M.L. No. 0.70.
169. Inscribed pedestal of some Buddha image installed in the year
161 (A.D. 480) in the reign of Buddhagupta. Recovered from
Bank Colony, near Govindnagar, Mathura, M.M. No. 82.240.
* t
J ■ )1
PLATES
EARLY ART TRADITIONS
Figs. 1 - 10
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KAMSKA
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. ^ jb- . 11 min c
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EARLY SUNGA
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Slack and peo wane MttU LEVEL -6008C
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GROUP 5
FURTHERANCE OF
GANDHARa IMPACT
Figs. 105-108
GROUP 7
CULMINATION OF GANDHARA IMPACT
114
GROUP 10
CONTROVERSY OF
STYLE AND DATE
Figs. 126 - 131
126
29
GROUP 12
ZENITH IN THE
GUPTA PERIOD
Figs. 139-153
139
OTHER SCHOOLS
Figs. 165-168
166
l Central Archaeological Library,
NEW DELHI.
_70907
709,5426B
Call No Sha
Sharma, R.C.
Author
Buddhist art of
Date of Return
010(1

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What are some of the key periods in the development of Buddhist art in Mathura discussed in the book?

What are some of the key periods in the development of Buddhist art in Mathura discussed in the book?

What are some of the major sites in Mathura where archaeological excavations have uncovered Buddhist artworks?

What are some of the major sites in Mathura where archaeological excavations have uncovered Buddhist artworks?

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

Cental Archaeological Library

AGAM KALA PRAKASHAN

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First published 1984

Published by : Dr. A£am Prasad. M. A. Ph. D., Diploma in Museology

“The monograph brings out in relief the importance of Mathura in history of

Life of a large number of people at Mathura was probably highly religious. In

Buddhist patrons, made significant contributions to the development of the Mathura

The expression “sarira of Lord Sakamuni (or of Gotama)”, appearing in

This interpretation suggests that the practice of preparing life-like representa¬

The epigraph in question seems to suggest a pre-Kaniska origin of the practice

figures of the Buddha, in a group of monuments at Butkara I (Pakistan), if

On completion of the work I feel delighted in expressing my heartfelt

An unqualified cooperation was extended by my colleagues both in Mathura

Al : Ancient India, New Delhi

JNSI : Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Bombay & Lucknow.

CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION DEALING WITH 1—16

(a) Geographical Importance of Mathura 3

CHAPTER 2: HISTORY OF MATHURA FROM THE EARLIEST TIME

Sources 17, Survey of main historical events 22

CHAPTER 3 : BUDDHISM IN MATHURA 36—71

Literary traditions 36, Accounts of foreign tra\ ellers 44,

CHAPTER 5 : RECENT DISCOVERIES FROM GOVINDNAGAR 92-126

CHAPTER 6 : THE MATHURA SCHOOL OF ART 127—140

CHAPTER 8 : CHRONOLOGY OF THE BUDDHIST ICONS OF

CHAPTER 9 : MATHURA AND OTHER SCHOOLS OF ART 237-243

Mathura and Gandhara 237, Mathura and Amaravatl 239,

POST SCRIPT 244-247

Chaptfr I : INTRODUCTION DEALING WITH

Chapter II : HISTORICAL BACKGROUND FROM THE EARLIEST TIME

Chapter III : BUDDHISM IN MATHURA

1. Cunningham. A., The Ancient Geography of India, Reprint 1963, p. 315.

while the Cis-Yamuna unit consists of the following notable spots-Mathura,

The District in north is bound by Gurgaon district of Haryana in west by

'Geographical significance of Mathura

6. Mathura District Gazetteer, 1968.

corroborates the merchantine trade. As prescribed in the chapter of Sodasamaha-

As the means of transport and communication were extremely slow in com¬

15. Moti Chandra, Sarthavaha, 1953, Introduction by V.S. Agrawala, p. 12.

B. WORK SO FAR DONE

As there was no local museum at the initial stage antiquities discovered at

in the beginning of the archaeological explorations.31 G. Buhler concentrated on

31. JRAS , N.S., V, 1871, pp. 182-93.

including the Buddnist sculptures. Besides, he puoiished some impoitant papers on

A. Foucher, a champion of Gandhara School of art ignored the contribution

H. Luders* contribution in the study of Mathura inscriptions has been laudable.

A.K. Coomaraswamy was another champion of Mathura School of art and he

J.E. Van Lohuizen-de-Leeuw's work is another commendable contribution in

Benjamin Rowland discussed some Buddhist sculptures from Mathura in his

67. The Art and Architecture of India, 1953, p. 93.

S.K. Saraswati’s work is a valuable document for the proper appreciation of

81. BMA, No. 11-12, June-Deccmber 1973, pp. 85-95.

C. IMPORTANCE OF THE SUBJECT

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