Agricultural Value Chains (Avc) Project Bangladesh: Value Chain Selection Report, End Market and Value Chain Analysis
Agricultural Value Chains (Avc) Project Bangladesh: Value Chain Selection Report, End Market and Value Chain Analysis
Agricultural Value Chains (Avc) Project Bangladesh: Value Chain Selection Report, End Market and Value Chain Analysis
This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International
Development. It was prepared by Development Alternatives, Inc. (DAI).
AGRICULTURAL VALUE
CHAINS (AVC) PROJECT
BANGLADESH
VALUE CHAIN SELECTION REPORT, END MARKET AND VALUE CHAIN
ANALYSIS
Contractor: DAI
Author: DAI
The authors’ views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United
States Agency for International Development or the United States Government.
CONTENTS
ACRONYMS .................................................................................................................................... 7
CHAPTER 1: ASSESSMENT DESIGN AND FINDINGS ............................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................. 2
FEED THE FUTURE INITIATIVE AND THE USAID AGRICULTURAL VALUE CHAINS
PROJECT .................................................................................................................................. 2
METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................................ 3
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS ............................................................................................................ 11
CHAPTER 2: PULSES .................................................................................................................. 19
INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 20
END MARKET ANALYSIS....................................................................................................... 23
MARKET SEGMENTS ............................................................................................................. 25
PRODUCTION AND POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................... 27
PRODUCTION IN THE FTF ZONE ......................................................................................... 31
LENTIL PRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 31
MUNGBEAN PRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 31
POST-HARVEST HANDLING AND PROCESSING OF PULSES IN THE FTF ZONE .......... 33
MARKET CHANNELS ............................................................................................................. 37
MARGIN ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................ 38
DYNAMIC TRENDS................................................................................................................. 39
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS IN PULSES ............................................................ 39
CHAPTER 3: POTATO ................................................................................................................. 41
INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 42
SCORING MATRIX.................................................................................................................. 43
PORTER’S FIVE FORCES ANALYSIS FOR POTATO .......................................................... 44
PRODUCTION AND POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................... 52
PRODUCTION COSTS AND PROFITABILITY....................................................................... 54
POST-HARVEST HANDLING ................................................................................................. 55
PROCESSING ......................................................................................................................... 55
POTATO CHANNEL MAP AND VALUE CHAIN ACTORS ..................................................... 56
MARKET CHANNELS ............................................................................................................. 59
MARGIN ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................ 60
DYNAMIC TRENDS................................................................................................................. 60
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS ................................................................................ 60
CHAPTER 4: SUMMER VEGETABLE BASKET ......................................................................... 62
INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 63
SCORING MATRIX.................................................................................................................. 64
PORTER’S FIVE FORCES ANALYSIS FOR SUMMER VEGETABLE BASKET ................... 65
END MARKET ANALYSIS....................................................................................................... 66
PRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 72
PRODUCTION PRACTICES ................................................................................................... 73
PRODUCTION SCHEDULE AND COSTS .............................................................................. 74
POST-HARVEST HANDLING ................................................................................................. 74
MARKET CHANNELS ............................................................................................................. 78
MARGIN ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................ 78
DYNAMIC TREND ................................................................................................................... 79
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS ................................................................................ 80
CHAPTER 5: MANGOES.............................................................................................................. 82
INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 83
SCORING MATRIX.................................................................................................................. 83
POST-HARVEST HANDLING ................................................................................................. 94
MARKET CHANNELS ............................................................................................................. 98
CHAPTER 6: TOMATOES .......................................................................................................... 101
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 102
PORTER’S FIVE FORCES ANALYSIS FOR TOMATO ....................................................... 105
END MARKET ANALYSIS..................................................................................................... 106
PRODUCTION AND POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................. 111
POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................................................... 114
DYNAMIC TREND ................................................................................................................. 119
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS .............................................................................. 121
CHAPTER 7: GROUNDNUTS .................................................................................................... 124
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 125
PORTER’S FIVE FORCES ANALYSIS FOR GROUNDNUTS ............................................. 128
END MARKET ANALYSIS..................................................................................................... 129
PRODUCTION AND POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................. 135
POST-HARVEST HANDLING ............................................................................................... 141
PROCESSING ....................................................................................................................... 141
MARKET CHANNELS ........................................................................................................... 145
MARGIN ANALYSIS .............................................................................................................. 145
OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS .............................................................................. 148
CHAPTER 8: NATURAL FIBERS .............................................................................................. 150
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 151
JUTE ...................................................................................................................................... 151
COIR ...................................................................................................................................... 176
CHAPTER 9: FLORICULTURE .................................................................................................. 179
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 180
END MARKET ANALYSIS..................................................................................................... 184
MARKET CHANNELS ........................................................................................................... 201
CROSS CUTTING ISSUES ................................................................................................... 203
ANNEX 1 ..................................................................................................................................... 208
ANNEX 2 ..................................................................................................................................... 214
ANNEX 3 ..................................................................................................................................... 217
ACRONYMS
AVC Agricultural Value Chain Project
ANSI American National Standard Institute
ASQC American Society of Quality Control
AQSC Academic Quality and Standard Committee
BARI Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute
BADC Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation
BBS Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
BDT Bangladesh Taka (Currency of Bangladesh)
BFS Bangladesh Flower Society
BJA Bangladesh Jute Association
BJDMEA Bangladesh Jute Diversified Product Manufacturer and Exporters Association
BJMA Bangladesh Jute Mills Association
BJMC Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation
BJSA Bangladesh Jute Spinner Association
BS Breeder Seed
CARC Canadian Agri-Food Research Council
CBC Carpet Backing Cloth
CCI&E Chief Controller of Import and Export
CFC Common Fund for Commodities
CNG Compressed Natural Gas
DAE Department of Agricultural Extension
DAP Di-ammonium Phosphate
ERC Export Registration Certificate
EPB Export Promotion Bureau
FAO Food and Agricultural Organization of United Nations
FCB Full Cost Basis
FGD Focus Group Discussion
FOB Free on Board
FJF Fine Jute Fabric
FTF Feed the Future
FY Fiscal Year
GoB Government of Bangladesh
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GFFKS Gothkhali Full Chasi and Full Babosayee Kallyan Samity
Ha Hectare
HHs Households
HIES Household Income and Expenditure Survey
HS Code Harmonized System Code
HYV High Yielding Variety
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IGD Institute of Grocery Distribution
IJSG International Jute Study Group
ISO International Organization for Standards
ICCO International Cocoa Organization
IRR Internal Rate of Return
ITC International Trade Centre
JDP Jute Diversified Products
JDPC Jute Diversification Promotion Centre
KII Key Informant Interview
LBC Linoleum Backing Cloth
MFIs Micro Finance Institutes
MFN Most Favored Nation
MIL STD Military Standard
MP Murate of Potash
MPC Marginal Propensity to Consume
NFC Natural Fiber Composite
NBFIs Non-Banking Financial
NGO Institutions Non-Government
NPV Organization Net Present Value
PP Polypropylene
R&D Research and Development
RGDP Real Gross Domestic Product
RH Relative Humidity
RMG Ready Made Garments
SCA Seed Certification Agency
SME Small and Medium Enterprise
SA Social Accountability
SAFTA South Asia Free Trade Area
SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
Tons Metric Ton
TSP Triple Super Phosphate
USD USA Dollar
USAID United States Agency for International Development
UV protected Ultraviolet protected
CHAPTER 1: ASSESSMENT
DESIGN AND FINDINGS
AVC will apply a market systems approach to a portfolio of food and non-food crops to facilitate growth
and upgrade the agricultural sector. The program will maximize value retained and accompanying income
for the rural poor who participate in the sector. The project also will increase key investments in value
chain innovation and build capacity of local organizations to ensure that value chain upgrading is private-
sector driven and sustainable, reflecting USAID’s emphasis on locally led and implemented development
efforts. By increasing availability of, access to, and use of diverse, nutritious foods in local, regional, and
national markets, AVC will contribute significantly to achieving improved food security in the Southern
Delta of Bangladesh.
A value chain analysis is used to understand the systemic factors and conditions under which a value chain
and its firms can achieve higher levels of performance. When a value chain is used as a means for
fostering growth and reducing poverty, the analysis focuses on identifying ways to (1) improve the
competitiveness of value chains with large numbers of small firms, and (2) expand the depth and breadth
of benefits generated. Analysis results offer industry stakeholders a vision for value chain competitiveness
and form the basis for a competitiveness strategy—a plan for eliminating constraints to end market
opportunities and advancing sustainable competitiveness. To gain a thorough understanding of the
agricultural sector of the Feed the Future targeted area within the Southern Delta, the AVC team began
with a contextual analysis and then undertook end market analyses of the value chains under
consideration. This study documents the results of the assessment.
LIMITATIONS
It is important to note that both the contextual analysis and the end market analyses revealed significant
structural and environmental limitations in the target zone that are beyond AVC’s manageable interest, but
that have implications for the project’s ability to realize its objectives and targets. In particular, the target
zone faces unique and significant climate-based threats (cyclones, saline intrusion), soils with organic
matter deficits, poor transport channels, limited or nonexistent cold chain services, unreliable electric
power delivery, and very few processors. These limitations weaken intermediate linkages in the value
chains and make scalability in the region particularly challenging.
Lentils Mungbeans
BBS DAE Data Discrepancy BBS DAE Data Discrepancy
Area Production Area Prod. Area Prod. Area Prod. Area Prod. Area Prod.
(Ha) (Tons) (Ha) (Tons) (Ha) (Tons) (Ha) (Tons) (Ha) (Tons) (Ha) (Tons)
57,568 58,734 87,319 108,738 152% 185% 21,367 14,033 123,534 123,662 578% 881%
SOURCE: AVC compiled data from the Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (BBS, 2005, 2008, 2011, 2012–
13) and from local offices of the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE) services.
In spite of the data challenges, the AVC End Market Assessment clearly reveals that the Southern Delta
has managed to play a major role in natural fiber, tomato, flower, mungbean, and groundnut production,
and a growing role in the other value chains that AVC has identified. Accordingly, the AVC team will
launch a series of coordinated interventions over the life of the project to achieve contractually targeted
intermediate results..
METHODOLOGY
The AVC staff followed a three-step process to select and recommend value chains for final inclusion in
the USAID/Bangladesh AVC project. This section provides an overview of these steps.
Food Crops: banana, beans, bell peppers, broccoli, cabbage, cauliflower, carrot, cucumber, date molasses,
eggplant, green papaya, ground nut, bitter gourd, leafy greens, lentils, mango, mungbean, onion, potato,
soybean, sugarcane, sweet potato, spices (chili, turmeric, ginger, coriander), sweet gourd, tomato, and
watermelon.
Non-Food Crops: bamboo, natural fibers (jute, kenaf, coir, banana, hogla, and other sea grass),
floriculture, leather goods, medicinal plants, natural dyes, and non-timber forestry products.
The team identified several crops on the master list as infeasible and eliminated them. The remaining
crops were ranked against the four equally weighted criteria and a fifth “Yes or No” indicator on the
basis of staff’s existing knowledge, desk research, and key informant interviews (Table 3). The initial
ranking identified the following crops and generated a shortlist for further research:
Food Crops: banana, chili, green leafy vegetables, ground nut, eggplant, lentils, mango, mungbean,
onion, potato, soybean, sweet gourd, sweet potato, tomato, and watermelon.
Food
Banana 13 12 12 18 55 Y
Eggplant 14 3 15 15 47 Y
Ground Nut 10 18 23 12 63 Y
Lentils 11 5 23 25 64 Y
Mango 24 25 15 7 71 Y
Mungbean 8 22 23 23 76 Y
Onion 20 2 20 22 64 Y
Potato 14 20 25 5 64 Y
Soybean 12 13 15 2 42 Y
Sweet Gourd 16 8 15 20 59 Y
Sweet Potato 7 10 15 10 42 Y
Spices (chili, turmeric, ginger, coriander) 14 19 20 15 68 Y
Tomato 10 17 23 10 60 Y
Watermelon 14 7 15 5 41 Y
Non-Food
Natural Fibers (jute, kenaf, coir, banana, hogla, and 10 15 25 20 70 Y
other sea grass)
Floriculture 14 20 15 20 69 Y
The team applied the criteria to the shortlisted value chains using existing secondary data and conducted
first-hand interviews with value chain actors. The main secondary sources were recent publications of the
BBS and the DAE, and value chain reports prepared by other organizations. The technical team held key
informant interviews (KII) with value chain stakeholders to develop an understanding of each sector and to
resolve data discrepancies.
The AVC staff interviewed more than 1,000 participants (with 35 percent female participation at the
village level) in eighteen districts, including Jessore, Bagerhat, Khulna, Barisal, Meherpur, Chuadanga,
Magura, Narail, Satkhira, Jhenaidah, Bhola, Barguna, Patuakhali, Faridpur, Shariatpur, Madaripur,
Gopalganj, and Rajbari. Interviewees included 500 farmers, eighteen DAE deputy directors at the district-
level, multiple service providers, input suppliers, processors and marketing companies, exporters, retailers,
and local agriculture-focused non-governmental organizations. For food value chains, the team conducted
key informant interviews with representatives from Square, Bombay Sweets, Pran, Golden Harvest, and
Advanced Chemical Industries (ACI). For non-food value chains, the team interviewed jute mill
representatives, processors, traders, manufacturers, and exporters. The interviewees included
representatives from Faridpur Jute Fibers, Ltd; Natun Bazar; Tarango; Creation; and San Trade, and the
Bangladesh Jute Research Institute and Jute Diversified
Product Promotion Center (JDPC). Cut flower stakeholders included individual farmers in
Jessore/Godkhali and Chakoria, wholesalers and retailers in Jessore and Dhaka, the Bangladesh Flower
Society, Hortex, the Godkhali Flower Farmer Welfare Association, and ADB’s Second Crop
Diversification Project.
To determine the suitability of the target area for specific crops being considered, the team conducted a
comparative analysis of crops in locations outside of the USAID Feed the Future target zone. The analysis
enabled staff to determine the competitiveness of the same crops sourced within and outside of the zone.
Specifically, AVC staff investigated mungbean, lentils, and medicinal plants in Natore; potato and banana
in Bogra; onion and tomato in Rajshahi; mango in Chapai Nawabgani; floriculture
The AVC team’s extensive field research informed the development of a scoring scale for the expanded
selection criteria (see Table 4). Research also led the team to cluster a few crops under common crop
groups. In particular, jute and coir were combined as a “Natural Fibers” chain, and mungbean and lentils
grouped into a “Pulses” chain. Likewise, several horticultural crops grown in the summer season—
namely, bitter gourd, cucumber, eggplant, pointed gourd, and pumpkin—were clustered as a “Summer
Basket” chain. Clustering these products ensured each chain had sufficient production volume and
number of stakeholders for scalability and impact potential.
Weight 10 10 10 5 5 10 10 5 10 10 5 10 Y/N
Ground Nut 9.0 3.0 9.5 3.0 3.5 8.0 6.0 4.0 8.0 9.0 4.5 9.0 Y 72.5 4
Tomato 9.0 5.0 9.5 3.5 4.5 9.5 6.0 3.0 8.5 8.0 3.5 9.0 Y 79 1
Pulses 10.0 3.0 8.0 4.5 3.0 10.0 5.0 5.0 5.5 9.5 5.0 8.5 Y 77 2
Mango 10.0 6.0 8.0 3.5 3.5 4.0 3.0 5.0 8.0 8.0 4.0 9.0 Y 76 3
Potato 10.0 4.0 8.0 3.0 3.5 7.0 7.0 5.0 8.0 5.5 3.5 9.0 Y 70.5 6
Summer 10.0 2.0 5.0 2.5 4.0 10.0 7.5 5.0 7.0 9.0 3.5 6.0 Y 67.5 8
Basket
Floriculture 8.0 10.0 6.0 3.0 3.0 10.0 8.5 2.0 9.0 NA 3.0 7.0 Y 69.5 7
Natural Fiber 10.0 7.0 9.0 4.5 3.5 5.5 7.5 5.0 8.0 NA 3.5 8.0 Y 71.5 5
Banana 10.0 0.0 7.0 1.5 2.5 6.5 4.0 3.0 5.0 6.0 3.0 7.0 Y 55.5 10
Watermelon 5.0 6.0 3.0 1.0 2.5 7.0 4.0 2.0 5.0 8.0 3.0 2.5 Y 49 12
Soybean 2.0 8.0 8.0 3.0 2.0 7.0 5.0 1.0 6.0 4.5 3.0 4.0 Y 53.5 11
Sweet Potato 3.0 4.0 4.0 1.0 3.5 7.0 2.0 2.0 4.0 9.0 3.0 2.0 Y 44.5 13
Spices 10.0 7.0 4.5 3.0 3.0 8.0 6.0 4.0 6.0 3.0 3.0 3.5 Y 61 9
(Coriander,
Chili,
Onion)
END MARKET ANALYSIS: METHODOLOGY 10
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Despite limitations to development, the value chains that AVC identified have the potential for significant
growth. In 2012–13, the eight value chains generated more than USD 1 billion in earnings, and almost all
of them have demonstrated significant annual growth rate (see Table 7), with the exception of the jute
value chain, as it actually contracted in 2012–13.
SOURCE: AVC compiled data from BBS (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Dhaka) production data for 2012–13 (unpublished).
* Summer basket crops include: bitter gourd, cucumber, eggplant, pointed gourd, and sweet gourd/pumpkin.
The End Market Analysis and the Value Chain Analysis for each of the eight top-ranked crops is
presented in Chapters 2 through 9 and summarized below. Chapter 1 concludes with an overview of
cross-cutting issues common across the value chains.
FLORICULTURE
Global production volume for cut flowers is estimated at $109 billion per annum and growing at 15 percent
annually. The Bangladesh market for cut flowers is relatively small, valued at $67 million, but it has
considerable growth potential as consumers’ purchasing power increases and their buying habits include
cut flowers. Soil and climate conditions are well suited to flower cultivation in Bangladesh. The Southern
Delta is the “hub” of the flower industry in Bangladesh, where approximately 90 percent of total flower
production occurs. Approximately 150,000 people are involved in Bangladesh’s floral value chain, and
women are greatly represented in the production and assembly nodes, as well as in the high-end retail
market. Constraints in the sector span the whole value chain, presenting multiple opportunities for AVC
intervention. Specifically, seedlings and mother stock plants are limited for gerbera and other varieties.
Access to cost-effective post-harvest technology is limited, and transportation and packaging is poor, all of
which result in losses of as much as 10 to 15 percent of product value. Finally, a lack of a permanent
market place leads to disorganization in the sector, which also contributes to losses. AVC will focus on
each of these constraints to increase productivity, generate new employment opportunities, and efficiently
link producers to new markets.
GROUNDNUTS
In Bangladesh, groundnut is a very popular confection sold by roadside hawkers and branded retailers
alike. In 2012–2013, Bangladesh produced nearly 50,000 tons of groundnuts. Of this, approximately 35
percent were produced in the FTF targeted districts, where production has significantly increased since
2011. Farmers in southern districts, especially Gopalganj and Faridpur, are showing greater interest in
groundnut farming for its better yield and profit. However, lack of access to premium quality seeds and
traditional methods of cultivation result in lower productivity. Approximately 50 percent of groundnuts are
processed into ready-made snacks like chanachur, or industrially processed confections. AVC will support
processors to strengthen vertical linkages with suppliers of suitable varieties, identify optimal transport
channels in the South, and improve access to modern shelling and drying facilities.
TOMATO
Since 2005, tomato production has increased in Bangladesh at an average rate of 11 percent per year,
making Bangladesh the third largest tomato producer in South Asia. Even with this growth, Bangladesh
continues to import tomatoes to meet summer demand. In addition to fresh consumption, 5 percent of the
industry is for processed food, and this is the fastest growing market segment with growth of about 30
percent per year. The FTF zone lags behind the rest of the country in tomato production. It accounted for
16.10 percent of the total tomato production in 2012–13, with an average growth rate of 1.75 percent—
well below the national growth rate of 10 percent. Moreover, yields are lower in the South than the rest of
the country. AVC staff will work with southern producers to expand production of summer tomatoes by
growing tomatoes on dikes. Dike-produced tomatoes are generally considered “safer” (at less risk of
adulteration because fewer pesticides are applied) and can fetch premium prices from health-conscious
consumers if well marketed. To capitalize on the health advantages, AVC also will develop a specific
marketing strategy for dike-produced tomatoes. Lastly, AVC will promote production and supply of
tomato paste using industrial varieties of tomatoes.
MANGO
Mango has a national market valued at about $1 billion in Bangladesh, and the share of the Southern Delta
is approximately 12 percent. Mango production is growing at approximately 4 percent per year, although
field interviews suggest southern growth is as high as 20 percent per year. Mango producers in the South
are able to grow early season varieties and sell them on the market at the time when the price is at its
highest, giving the region a comparative advantage. However, farmers in the FTF zone are not taking full
advantage of the early growing season, because they do not have adequate knowledge of modern mango
orchard management techniques. AVC will facilitate training in orchard management techniques, exposure
visits to Rajshahi, and linkages with extension and research entities in the North. AVC also will help
southern stakeholders establish a quality regime for mango production, including training in post-harvest
POTATO
The majority of farmers in Bangladesh produce table potato varieties, suitable for cooking rather than
processing. The domestic market for fresh potatoes, however, is saturated, with production outstripping
demand and resulting in declining prices. Long-term growth in the potato sector relies on emerging growth
in the processing sector and farmer ability to produce varieties suitable for processing. Production in the
South is focused on the table varieties. Climatic conditions in the South do not allow for production of the
early season potato varieties that would allow farmers to take advantage of higher prices. Therefore, for
potato farmers in the South increasing the supply of industrial variety potatoes to processors offers an
opportunity to reduce the impact of market glut and downward price pressure during the peak season. To
increase the supply of industrial potato varieties, AVC will facilitate contracts between processors and
farmers in the South and build farmer and aggregator awareness of proper post-harvest handling
techniques. AVC also will facilitate the establishment of quality control systems at processing facilities to
ensure they meet end market buyer requirements. The staff will support processors and suppliers in
developing business plans and also partner with the USAID cold storage project to support upgrades to
cold-storage systems.
SUMMER BASKET
Of the more than fifteen vegetables grown during the summer in Bangladesh, the AVC team has
designated five, which are the highest contributors to horticultural production, to receive project support:
bitter gourd, cucumber, eggplant, pointed gourd, and pumpkin. Together, the five vegetables are valued at
$227 million. Bangladeshis living at home and abroad are increasing the portion of vegetables in their
diets, which is increasing demand at an estimated 4.75 percent each year in the domestic market and 29
percent in exports. With the burgeoning middle class and urbanization trends, domestic demand is
projected to increase as much as 11 percent annually in the coming years. The FTF zone produces 42
percent of total production volume of summer basket crops. Approximately 245,000 southern farmers are
engaged in summer basket crop cultivation on land and dikes, covering an area of about 18,500 hectares.
To better meet growing international demand, AVC will encourage upgrading this chain by improving the
quality southern produce, linkages between producers and exporters, and linkages with producers in the
Southern Delta. Under this value chain and with summer tomatoes, AVC will develop a specific marketing
strategy for “safe” dike produce, as “safe” produce can fetch premium prices.
CROSS-CUTTING ISSUES
In this section, AVC presents a discussion of cross-cutting issues that are pertinent to all value chains. The
discussion applies to the six food products, which share common attributes. For the two non-food value
chains (i.e., cut flowers and natural fibers), which have unique attributes, cross-cutting sections in the
Natural Fibers chapter (Chapter 7) and Floriculture chapter (Chapter 9) are included as a supplement to the
cross-cutting overview.
Gender
Approximately 50 percent of Bangladeshis are women. Gender disparity is prevalent in virtually every link
of food and non-food value chains within the agriculture sector. Although women make up almost 68
percent of the labor in the agriculture sector, their contribution is rarely recognized.1 Rural Bangladeshi
women often lack access to means of production, market systems, information or extension services and
1
N. H. Karim, Agriculture Management Systems In Bangladesh in Gender Dimensions in Biodiversity Management and Food
Security: Policy and Programme Strategies for Asia (Rome: Food and Agricultural Organization), 1999 (available at
ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/005/ac795e/ac795e00.pdf).
AVC staff interviews with key informants in the target areas, from January to March of 2014, revealed
that women-owned farms in the Southern Delta villages do not total more than 10 percent. Although
much of the microfinance in rural Bangladesh was created to provide women access to finance, such
access was primarily to alleviate poverty. Only recently have some microfinance institutes (MFIs) begun
to initiate agricultural loans; here, too, a lack of information and awareness about such loans has meant
that only a tiny percentage of the instruments have been acquired by women.
Within the aggregation, wholesaling, and transportation sub-sectors, women are virtually absent as owners.
Sorting and grading are the limited roles open to women. In processing, aside from a handful of locally
made and sold home-made products, and small local food stands and restaurants, women are present on the
assembly lines, but almost never in marketing, laboratory testing, sales, or boardrooms. Furthermore, in
almost every instance in which women and men are employed to do the same job, women earn two-thirds
what men earn.
The cut flowers and natural fibers (non-food) value chains present exceptions. The cut flowers value chain,
which is less than twenty-five years old, is not subject to the cultural restrictions that are widely present in
food production (although women owners remain a minority). Women represent a majority of the
stakeholders in natural fibers microenterprises, such as traditional rope, floor mat and mattress
manufacture, and handicrafts. However, modern-cum-industrial jute and coir enterprises are owned and
operated by men, and women are found only on the assembly lines.
Nutrition
Food safety practices ensure that food will not harm to the consumer when prepared and eaten. Many
confuse food safety with the term food security, which is availability of, and accessibility to, a nutritious
and sustainable supply of food as required for healthy and active life. In Bangladesh, adulteration of
fresh fruit and vegetables and lack of knowledge about healthy food preparation often compromise food
safety.
Food security also presents a significant challenge. Malnutrition is a serious problem in Bangladesh.
About 54 percent of children under age five are severely or moderately malnourished, 36 percent are
underweight (low weight for age), and 10 percent are severely underweight. The proportion of
underweight children is highest at age 36 to 47 months (43 percent).2 The prevalence of night blindness
caused by a vitamin A deficiency is 1.7 percent. About 20 percent of preschool aged children and 25
percent of pregnant women are deficient in vitamin A. Vitamin supplements for young children and
varied diets can eliminate this deficiency.3 While 84 percent of households consume iodized salt, more
than half a million infants remain unprotected from iodine deficiency disorders, and iodine deficiency
disorders affect 68.9 percent of the population.4 The problem of malnutrition in children actually begins
even before they are born. Young girls who are undernourished marry early, are deprived of more
nourishment during pregnancy, produce babies with low birth weights, and are then unable to produce
adequate quantities of breast milk. Malnutrition persists during the first two years of a child’s life. For
the first six months, infants are given an inadequate supply of breast milk; for the next eighteen months
children suffer because of the quality and handling of weaning foods. Malnutrition is a great burden on
the health of the people, adversely affecting physical growth, mental capacity, learning ability, and
productivity.
2
National Institute of Population Research and Training, Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2011: Preliminary
Report (Dhaka, Bangladesh: NIPORT, 2012), 31 (available at http://www.dghs.gov.bd/licts_file/images/BDHS/BDHS_2011.pdf).
3
World Health Organization, Global prevalence of vitamin A deficiency in populations at risk 1995–2005: WHO Global Database
on Vitamin A Deficiency. (Geneva: World Health Organization, 2009) (available at
http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2009/9789241598019_eng.pdf).
4
UNICEF, Tracking Progress on Child and Maternal Nutrition: A Survival and Development Priority (New York: UNICEF, 2009).
Access to Finance
In the Southern Delta, formal sources of finance include banks, non-banking financial institutions, and
MFIs. Informal sources of finance are primarily value chain financing by traders and input suppliers and
loans from relatives. The Bangladesh Bank (BB), the country’s central bank, has made it mandatory for all
banks to have an agricultural loan portfolio equivalent to 2 percent of their total loan portfolio. Thus, both
public and private banks offer various one-year loan products for farmers, with repayment schedules
designed to match the specific sector’s cash flow pattern. The interest rate charged for a high value crop
loan is 4 percent to 6 percent, whereas for other crops it ranges from approximately 10 percent to 13
percent.
Non-banking financial institutions (NBFIs), such as United Leasing Company Limited (ULC) and
Industrial and Infrastructure Development Finance Company (IIDFC) Limited, are primarily focused in
SME Loans and Channel Financing. However, at the farmers’ level, loans from MFIs are most popular.
MFIs are conveniently located throughout the Southern Delta, and all but the most remote farmers can
access easily because they meet weekly in the MFIs. Unlike a bank, the loan processing time at MFIs is
short and does not require speed money, collateral, or a lengthy documentation process. Farmers find
MFIs attractive despite their products’ high rates of interest. Farmers are generally financed through
microcredit for small-scale self-employment-based activities, which have interest rates of 22 percent to
33 percent and have to be repaid in forty-four or forty-six weekly installments.
5
World Bank, “Bangladesh Poverty Assessment: A Decade of Progress in Reducing Poverty, 2000-2010” (World Bank, June 2013)
(available at http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/06/20/bangladesh-poverty-assessment-a-decadeof-progress-in-
reducing-poverty-2000-2010).
6
S. Islam, ed., “Bangladesh Soil,” Banglapedia, National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (Banglapedia, 2012) (available at
http://www.banglapedia.org/HT/B_0282.htm).
• trade credits from input suppliers. Farmers receive inputs necessary for crops to be harvested at 10 to 15
percent payment and payable after cash is generated from harvest;
• advance in cash or kind from mahajan, or merchants. Merchants provide finance to the local farmers
both in cash and/or in kind, repaid upon mutually agreed terms generally at a premium of 10 to15
percent, or higher for shorter loan terms;
• a trade advance from arathdars or commission agents. The commission agents provide a market place
for the farmers to sell their products and finance through a trade advance at an interest rate as high as 30
percent; and
• a futures contract of crops/grains. The arathdar, or middleman, provides informal futures contracts to
farmers (there is no formal commodity future market for grains/crops in Bangladesh). The local farmers
and middleman speculate a future price, and farmers commit to sell their products in advance.
ENABLING ENVIRONMENT
Status of Inputs
In recent years, despite significant challenges in agriculture in the Southern Delta related to scale and
aggregation, inputs like seed, fertilizer, and pesticides have become more accessible and higher quality.
Major seed companies are now marketing seeds in the region, and farmers are more aware of the
advantages of growing hybrid seeds. The government is taking an active role in making fertilizer more
available in the region, and development projects are educating farmers on balanced fertilizer usage.
However, uptake of new farming practices and use of quality inputs is still low, and traceability is an issue,
as very often farmers receive adulterated seeds in seed packets. Overall, there is a low level of
“downstream” capacity in food and non-food value chains, as farmers typically use rudimentary farming
methods and still have limited access to information on new farming technology or methods.
As recently as September 2014, The Daily Star reported on producers overusing inputs and adding
contaminants to fresh fruits and vegetables to preserve the appearance and shelf life of perishables.7
Negligence in production of value-added food products resulted in widely publicized international
condemnations of Bangladeshi food exports as well as domestic cases of effluent contamination of water
sources. In the case of natural fibers, contamination caused by jute retting continues to be a problem.
7
P. Roy and B. Habib, “Part 5, Fruit Ripening Chemicals: Illegal, Harmful,” in Speak Out for Safe Food, The Daily Star, September
13, 2014 (available at http://www.thedailystar.net/illegal-harmful-41445).
Improving existing extension services and strengthening linkages with various Government of
Bangladesh (GoB) departments such as the Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council (BARC),
Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI), Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture (BINA),
Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation (BADC), and Seed Certification Agency (SCA)
contribute to increased productivity of smallholder farmers. NGOs such as BRAC, Proshika, and
CARITAS also provide extension services that include advice and training and micro-credit for income
generation. A number of projects and donors are working with the DAE to improve and promote its
services among farmers.
For the past ten years, economic growth in Bangladesh has considerably outpaced population growth and
inflation, leading to a clear pattern of sustained growth in real per capita income (see figure, “Real GDP
Per Capita”).
Growth was particularly strong beginning in 2006, as witnessed by the three consecutive years with real
per capita growth rates in excess of 5 percent and with continued growth above the 4.7 percent level in
every year since (see table below). The steady growth resulted in a total increase in real GDP per capita of
86 percentage points between 2000 and 2013.
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
4.0 3.4 2.7 3.6 4.7 4.5 5.4 5.3 5.1 4.7 4.9 5.5 5.0 4.7
The strong growth in per capita real GDP has fueled a phenomenon that is widely recognized in the
Bangladeshi press as the “rise of the middle class.” Although it is difficult to document precisely the
extent of this phenomenon, the scope of this change can be inferred from several pieces of evidence.
One such piece of evidence is the impressive reduction in poverty rates, with severe poverty (defined
as households with expenditure budgets for food and non-food items that is below the minimum
required food consumption budget) decreasing between the dates of the last two national household
income surveys in 2005 and 2010. From 2005 to 2010, severe poverty dropped from 25.1 percent to
17.6 percent nationally and, more impressively, from 14.6 percent to 7.7 percent in urban areas—an
almost 50 percent drop. Moderate poverty (defined as households with expenditure budgets under
the minimum food and non-food requirements) also declined between 2005 and 2010, decreasing
from 40 percent to 31.5 percent nationally and from 28.4 percent to 21.1 percent in urban areas.
Compared with the earlier urban moderate poverty rate of 35.2 percent in 2000, moderate urban
poverty in 2010 had decreased by 40 percent. The decrease in poverty and a growth in population of
24.2 million people from 2000 to 2013 caused a virtual explosion in the number of consumers with
income to spend after meeting minimum consumption needs, particularly in urban areas
The market for lentils and mungbeans in Bangladesh is valued at $400 million. The largest market segment
by far (estimated at $382 million) is for fresh pulses used in dhal and other popular dishes. (In Bangladesh,
the lentil crop is commonly referred to as “pulses,” and once pulses are transformed into ready to cook
edible form, it is commonly called “dhal.”) For this segment, demand exceeds local supply, resulting in
high levels of imported lentils. Consumers prefer the taste and quality of local varieties, however, and are
willing to pay 5 to 10 percent premium for local pulses. This presents a large opportunity for import
substitution. A second, much smaller market segment is for processed pulses used in ready-to-eat snacks
such as chanachur. The chanachur segment, valued at $18 million, is growing rapidly according to
processors, retail shops, and confectionary store owners. Population growth and a burgeoning middle class
are driving demand for convenience food, as well as for “premium” quality pulses marketed to health
conscious consumers. Thus, a second market opportunity is to capitalize on the increased demand for
processed and premium pulses.
Production of lentils and mungbeans nationwide has increased in area and volume since 2007–08 at a rate
of 6 and 5 percent, respectively, according to the BBS, though the rate of growth is reported differently by
the DAE. Although the AVC team’s visits with district DAE offices and value chain stakeholders
throughout the FTF zone validated the higher-reported numbers of DAE, this report uses the more
conservative BBS data since it is Bangladesh’s official source of agricultural statistics.
Roughly two-thirds of Bangladesh’s pulses are cultivated in the FTF zone, involving 575,000 smallholder
farmers.8 Lentils and mungbeans require minimal investment and maintenance, making them well suited
for the relatively less fertile lands of Southern char areas. Northern farmers, with better access to irrigation,
inputs, and information, generally prefer to grow cereals and higher-value horticultural crops. Despite this,
northern producers are gaining ground in pulses, too, expanding area and volume faster than the South,
with more favorable yields. Southern producers must adopt modern practices and use better quality inputs
to maintain their dominance and to take advantage of the Government of Bangladesh (GOB) pledges to
increase lentil and mungbean cultivation area by 42 percent and 9.7 percent respectively by 2030.9
While wholesale markets for aggregation and trade of pulses are well established in the FTF zone, and
more than twenty-five commercial millers and twenty-five processors operate in the area, the South faces
major constraints in terms of value addition. Fragmented communication and transport channels leads to
low levels of cooperation among actors and deters upstream actors from establishing contract farming
systems in the region. Sorting facilities near mungbean production clusters are not available, which makes
channeling premium-quality product to higher-end buyers virtually impossible.
8
AVC staff estimated number of farmers using BBS data (data were collected from BBS; the latest 2012–13 collected data is
authenticated by BBS officials but yet to be published in Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh) for total hecatare
under lentil and mungbean cultivation in 2012–13 and assuming 7 farmers per hectare of land.
9
A. Quasem and F. Yasmin, Agricultural Research Priority: Vision 2030 and Beyond (Farmgate, Dhaka: Bangladesh Agricultural
Research Council, March 2010).
SCORING MATRIX
The AVC team has given pulses a score of 77 out of 100 in its overall ranking of value chains (Table 1).
Pulses are the primary sources of protein for the rural population in Bangladesh. Although fish, vegetables,
and meat curries are substitutes for pulses, it has its unique place in Bangladesh diet. Because farmers use
retained seeds, productivity is well below its potential. More than 70 percent of lentils consumed in
Bangladesh are imported. Therefore, the international market is the main determinant of price. In the case
of mungbeans, industrial buyers have some influence on price. Generally, the pulse market can be regarded
as perfect competition, with numerous buyers and sellers making transactions at prices set by market
dynamics. New entry at the farm level is not very attractive.
GLOBAL MARKET
While the AVC project will focus on two particular pulses, lentils and mungbeans, data for mungbeans
production and trade are often grouped with “other pulses” and not disaggregated. The discussion of the
global market in this report focuses exclusively on the lentil market for which data are readily available.
In 2013, global production of lentils reached 4.95 million tons, the largest volume in more than twenty
years. Since 1993, lentil production worldwide has increased at an average rate of 3.71 percent per year
with moderate volatility year to year. The major geographic regions producing lentils are South Asia,
North America, Asia, North Africa, and Australia. Table 2 highlights the largest producers since 2007.
Canada and India are consistently top producers.
Table 2: Leading Lentil Producing Countries in 2007 and Their Production Trends (in thousand
tons)
Global trade of lentils was valued at $1.7 billion in 2013, with 2.59 million tons exported. Canada alone
accounted for $1.1 billion of exports, more than two-thirds of total exports. Australia, Turkey and the
United States each contributed between $136 and $180 million, taking second through fourth place
among exporters. Historically, developing countries do not export large quantities despite the fact many
produce high quantities. Most often, developing countries consume what they grow and even supplement
with imports. Thus, top importers include India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka (see Table 3).
Table 3: Percent of Market for Leading Lentil Exporters and Importers Worldwide in 2013
Percent share in Percent share in 2013
Exporter Importer total import
2013 total export
Canada 65.68 % India 25.84 %
Australia 10.39 % Turkey 7.64 %
Turkey 9.64 % Bangladesh 7.58 %
USA 7.84 % Sri Lanka 5.41 %
SOURCE: AVC calculated market percentages based on International Trade Centre’s Trade Map data (available at
http://www.trademap.org/Country_SelProduct_TS.aspx).
Figure 2: Overview of Global Lentil Production, Export, and Bangladesh Imports Since 2010
5.0
4.0
0.0
2010 2011 2012 2013
SOURCE: AVC Team compiled the data using the UN Comtrade Database (available at comtrade.un.org/data)
NATIONAL MARKET
Pulses are a popular and inexpensive source of protein that are enjoyed daily across socio-economic strata
in Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s market for lentils and mungbeans is currently valued at about $402 million,
of which approximately $374 million is from lentils and $28 million from mungbeans. Imports contribute
$240 million of the lentil market, as local production satisfies only a small fraction of demand. The value
of imports may, in fact, be underreported given the prevalence of informal trade channels from India and
Myanmar through which additional lentils likely flow. Table 4 presents a snapshot of the national market
in 2013.
Trend data for pulses show consistent growth, although external shocks have skewed production and
import figures dramatically at given points in the last decade. For example, in 2006–07, the fungal
pathogen Stemphylium destroyed 88 percent of Bangladesh’s lentil crop. Since 2007, production has
seen a modest 6 percent and 5 percent growth for lentils and mungbeans, respectively. Imports, though,
have been quite volatile in the past six years. In 2007–08, imports virtually came to a standstill because
importers had limited ability to operate during an eighteen-month period when the country was under the
rule of a care-taker government. Rebound-type imports for the following two years resulted in an over-
supply, which importers stored and released into the market gradually, offsetting additional imports in
2010–11. Despite these outliers, the overall picture for the past six years indicates gradual increases in
production and imports (see Figure 3).
200,000
100,000
Lentils Produced
in Bangladesh
50,000
Mungbean
‐ Produced
SOURCE: AVC staff created chart using production data from unpublished BBS (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics) source from
2012–13 and import data from the National Board of Revenue.
MARKET SEGMENTS
Lentils and pulses have two primary market segments in Bangladesh: fresh and processed.
FRESH SEGMENT
Fresh pulses are typically used in dhal (a soup-like food consumed with cereals such as rice and roti), in
khichuri (an Indian food mixing several pulses with rice), and in Muri ghonto (a dish cooked with rice,
dhal, and fish). Table 5 shows that the largest segment by far is the fresh pulses market segment (96.7
percent of lentils and 52 percent of mungbeans are sold fresh). Local retailers sell fresh pulses in open
markets or grocery shops. Although fresh pulses have been sorted, milled, and polished before being sold,
they often have high contents of broken pieces or foreign substances, or both, because of loose and
unsanitary handling practices.
In the past five years, the fresh market segment has witnessed some degree of stratification. Standard
quality pulses still constitute 98 percent of the fresh segment (lentil and mungbean, combined), but in
five short years, a “premium” product has grabbed nearly 2 percent of the total market share and
continues to expand. The high-quality premium product, targeting mainly high-end and health
conscious urban customers, is often cleaner than pulses available in the open market. The premium
pulses are frequently sold in pre-weighed, attractive packets containing product information, weight,
price, product origin, manufacturing date and sometimes recipes for cooking (Figure 4). A few large
PROCESSED SEGMENT
While the processed segment is relatively small compared with the fresh segment, it is growing rapidly
with population increases and with increased consumption of convenience foods. Medium sized processors
package chanachur in 2 BDT (.02 USD) bags for school children to purchase. Additionally, as disposable
income rises, more Bengalis are purchasing branded convenience foods including snack items. Rapid
economic growth has exceeded population growth and inflation rates, driving prolonged increases in
household real income that is fueling increased demand for convenience foods and “premium” food
marketed to health conscious consumers willing to pay more for higher quality. Using the raw data shown
in Table 6, which shows how monthly spending on lentils and mungbeans increases with average
household income, the team calculates a marginal propensity to consume (MPC) of 1.98 percent for lentils
and 0.08 percent for mungbeans. For every taka of extra income, 0.0198 taka and .0008 taka are spent on
lentils and mungbeans, respectively. In reality, as income increases, consumers often select more
expensive proteins (i.e., meat); thus the projection of an increased lentil demand is offset to an extent by
more expensive substitutes.
Note: AVC team generated table with data from the Household Income & Expenditure Survey (BBS, 2010–11). GDP and GDP
growth data were taken from factfish (www.factfish.com/statisticcountry/bangladesh/gross+domestic+product+per+capita).
Population data were taken from World Bank (http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL).
Note: AVC Geographic Information Systems specialists generated maps based on data collected form secondary sources, including
interviews with twenty district DAE offices and BARC website (http://www.barcapps.gov.bd/maps/).
10
S. G. Hussain, M. K. A. Chowdhury, and M. A. H. Chowdhury, Land Suitability Assessment and Crop Zoning of Bangladesh
(Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council, 2009); Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council, “Suitability Map of Lentil: Zonal
Map of Lentil” (available at http://www.barcapps.gov.bd/cropzoning/homes/bdMap/7).
Southern 18,552 16,579 16,851 14,619 17,009 15,964 15,775 11,904 23,682 16,428 21,367 14,033 2.9 % -3.3 %
Bangladesh
Note: AVC staff created table with data collected from the Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh, BBS 2008, 2011 and from Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics
wing of the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, unpublished.
Note: AVC staff created table with data collected from the Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh, BBS 2008, 2011 and from Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics wing of the
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, unpublished.
In 2012–13, the FTF district Jessore was the major producer of lentils and the Barisal FTF district was
the major producer of mungbeans. The AVC study team estimated that 584,908 farmers across the FTF
zone produce these pulses, assuming three farmers per 100 decimals under cultivation. Small- and
medium holders are most commonly involved in pulse cultivation, with smallholders working less than
0.14 hectares and mediumholders between 0.14 and 0.41 hectares. Smallholder farmers are not
particularly commercially oriented, but they tend to cultivate for household consumption and sell excess
on an ad hoc basis. Production practices do not vary significantly based on farm size. Farmers obtain
seeds from the prior year’s harvest or from other farmers, and while there are superior seeds and varieties
available, farmers and input suppliers have low knowledge of these. Though inputs are generally
available locally, pulses are popular in large part because they require low inputs and little maintenance.
The technology used by pulse farmers is rudimentary by international standards.
LENTIL PRODUCTION
Most farmers still use retained seeds of “local” varieties for lentil cultivation. A small percentage of
farmers are aware of high yielding varieties of lentils seeds supplied by Bangladesh Agriculture
Development Corporation (BADC). In recent years there has been slow but increasing adoption of series
of varieties released by Bangladesh Agriculture Research Institute (BARI) (BARI masur 3,4,5,6 and 7).
Lentil seeds are mostly broadcast sown, at seed rates of 35 to 45 kilograms per hectare. Single tillage is
provided before sowing the seeds, followed by a laddering. Farmers in the South use a negligible amount
of fertilizer and pesticide throughout the production cycle. Hand-weeding reduces loss of yield. The crop
normally grows under rain-fed conditions, but if necessary a single irrigation is applied.
There are two ways to harvest lentils: (1) the plants are pulled out when almost all the pods turn brown;
or (2) farmers cut the crop at ground level with a sickle and then dry the cuttings on the field or on a
threshing floor. Often, cattle or power threshers are used to trample on the plants to thresh the pods, or
they may husk small quantities of pulses manually using indigenous tools called Jhata (manually
operated rotating stones that crush and split the grain). Farmers clean the grains by winnowing, or
tossing, the produce in the air with forks on a windy day. The grains are then dried in the sun, cooled, and
packaged in polyethylene or jute bags. Finally, grains are stored in a dry place above ground before
selling.
MUNGBEAN PRODUCTION
Farmers predominantly grow a local variety of mungbean, called sonamung. BARImung-2, BARImung-
3, BARImung-4, BARImung-5, BARImung-6 and BINAmung-5 are high-yielding varieties of
11
A. Quasem and F. Yasmin, Agricultural Research Priority: Vision 2030 and Beyond (Farmgate, Dhaka: Bangladesh Agricultural
Research Council, March 2010).
For one hectare of land, 22 to 25 kilograms of seeds are required. Before sowing seeds, farmers prepare
the land by plowing it three to four times, pulverizing it, and making the land free from big clods and
weeds. Mungbean seeds are usually broadcast sown. Most of the farmers do not use any fertilizer or
irrigation for mungbean production. Weeding depends on the condition of the field. If required, farmers
weed once twenty to twenty-five days after the crop emerges. Pesticides are used to protect the crop from
diseases.
Harvesting of mungbeans is done in two to three cycles. In the first cycle, farmers harvest 60 to 80
kilograms of pods, which substantially increase in the following crop cycles. Following the harvest,
farmers and family members clean and sun-dry their harvest to make the mungbeans ready to take to
market. Farmers keep a portion of the pods, which are stored above ground at home, to use as seeds in
the next cropping cycle.
Crop Varieties Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
Lentil
Jute
Fallow
Transplanted Aman
Mungbean
Lentil
Crop Varieties Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
Mungbean
Maize
Fallow
Transplanted
Aman
Lentil
Mustard
Mungbean
Source: AVC staff developed the table based on information collected from interviews with deputy directors at DAE offices in
twenty districts and focus group discussions with farmers.
The AVC team interviewed farmers and held focus group discussions (FGDs) to learn the most common
cropping patterns (see Table 9). Farmers responded that nearly 150,000 hectares of land in the South, part
of which is suitable for pulses cultivation, remain fallow after harvesting of Rabi crops. With pulses’ short
duration, a three-crop sequence is possible, which is advantageous because their ability to fix nitrogen in
soil increases fertility for successive non-legume crops. The three-crop sequence also contributes to
dietary diversity and an increase in household income.12
12
M. G. Neogi, “Mungbean Cultivation in Southern Districts,” Daily Sun, January 14, 2013 (available at
http://www.dailysun.com/old_version/details_yes_14-01-2013_Mungbean-cultivation-in-southern-districts_379_2_17_1_0.html).
Dhal mills are established mainly in nine districts of Bangladesh, four of which are in the FTF zone.
Most of the southern millers—especially the twenty to thirty in Takerhat in the Gopalganj District— do
not use modern milling practices. Dhal processed in Takerhat mills is broken, misshaped, discolored, and
dull. As a result, the Takerhat dhal market is losing competitiveness to other dhal milling hubs around
the country.
Although processed food from pulses is a small market segment, it is growing rapidly. According to
interviews in the summer of 2014 representatives of Bombay Sweets, Square Consumers, and PRAN,
their combined yearly demand has increased steadily in recent years, reaching 2,400 tons of lentils and
5,700 tons of mungbeans in 2013. In addition, small SMEs involved in processing require comparable
quantities of pulses. More businesses are entering the market each year, not only for these processed
products, but also to package premium fresh dhal for higher-end consumers.
Table 10: Lentils and Mungbeans - Industrial Applications by Bangladeshi Food Processors
Yearly Requirement
Company (approx. in tons) Main Use
Lentils Mungbeans
Bombay Sweets 1,200 1,200 Chanachur
Square Consumers 1,200 1,500 Chanachur, Fried dhal
PRAN 0 3,000 Chanachur, Fried dhal
Other SME Companies* 2,400 5,100 Chanachur, Fried dhal
SOURCE: Data compiled from interviews conducted in summer 2014 by AVC field staff with company representatives. * Rani
Chanachur and Sohel Chanachur, Jessore; Amrita Chanachur, Barisal; three small home-based Chanachur processors, Dhaka and
Gopalganj.
SEASONALITY
Although March to May is the peak season for pulses, prices do not fluctuate throughout the year in large
part because import substitution ensures availability of supply year round. When stored in dry form pulses
have a long shelf life, and supply can be regulated by storing surplus at harvest time and releasing it into
the market throughout the year. Figures 13 and 14 show the average wholesale price of lentils and mung
beans in Bangladesh from 2000 to 2011 as having a steadily increasing upward trend. The price spike in
lentils in 2008–09 was a residual effect from low imports in 2007–08. All stored pulses had been released
into the market; prices skyrocketed until imports again filled the demand supply gap.
SOURCE: AVC created chart using website of Department of Agricultural Marketing, Government of People’s Republic of
Bangladesh, Ministry of Agriculture (available at) and Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh:
BBS, 2005, 2008, 2011), 291–95, 307–11, 295–99 (respectively).
Figure 14: Growth of Average Wholesale Market Price of Lentil, 2000–01 to 2010–11
90.00 78.48
80.00 67.85
70.00 59.00
60.00
47.47
43.53
50.00 38.46
40.00 27.99 27.87 29.37
25.54 26.69
30.00
20.00
10.00
0.00
2000‐012001 ‐022002 ‐032003 ‐042004 ‐052005 ‐062006 ‐072007 ‐082008 ‐092009 ‐102010 ‐11
SOURCE: AVC created chart using website of Department of Agricultural Marketing, Government of People’s Republic of
Bangladesh, Ministry of Agriculture (available at) and Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh:
BBS, 2005, 2008, 2011), 291–95, 307–11, 295–99 (respectively).
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews during January–August
2014.
Input suppliers
Input suppliers provide seeds and agro-chemical products, such as fertilizer and pesticide, to farmers. The
percentage of retained seed usage for pulses is high in Bangladesh. Farmers who do not use retained seeds
purchase seeds from the seed sellers, who also sell other inputs. Input sellers sell products mostly for cash
but occasionally on credit and provide some embedded services to producers, such as extension advice.
Competition and cooperation does exist among the agro-input sellers; occasionally, input sellers help one
another with inventories and short-term loans.
Farmers
Small and medium-holder farmers alike collect necessary inputs for production and are directly involved
in production in field, along with family members and hired laborers. They reap the harvest, manage post-
harvest, and sell the pulses to local faria (small traders). For larger quantities, farmers may carry the
Contract farmers work directly for a company supplier or agent. An upstream actor (processor or end
market actor) provides required inputs and technical support, through a company supplier, directly to
farmers for a specified amount of produce. In return, farmers are contractually obliged to sell their full
harvest to the company at a price mutually agreed to before the crop is cultivated.
Traders
Faria are small traders who purchase pulses from the farmers and do the first level of bulking. Faria
usually sell to arathdar or directly to dhal mills. Arathdar are the main “middlemen” in the trade of pulses.
They procure from farmers, faria, and traders and supply forward actors. They receive a commission from
both backward and forward actors. A primary level of grading, drying, and packaging takes place at large
trader levels, often by hired laborers. Traders supply to the mills and to the company suppliers.
Traders and arathdar cooperate extensively to procure pulses, market pulses, share transport costs, and
fulfill large orders (in terms of quantities and deadlines).
Importers
Approximately 20 large and 150 medium importers supply significant quantities of lentils to Bangladesh,
sourced largely from India and Canada. Imported whole grains are milled at captive mills, owned by the
importers themselves (about thirty exist), or, more often, at independent mills. Milled imports are sold
directly to wholesale markets.
Dhal Millers
Millers are local processors crush the lentils or mungbeans to produce refined grains, which are then called
Masoor dhal or Mug dhal respectively. In 2014, approximately 300 mills of varying sizes operated
throughout Bangladesh. Of these, roughly 100 mills were exclusively engaged in lentils processing, and
the remaining processed all types of pulses, including lentils. Most mills are located in the same vicinity as
the production hubs. Producers and traders from districts without dhal mills incur additional transport and
storage costs to reach millers, which erodes their margins or diminishes their competitiveness.
Millers can operate in one of two ways. Millers can crush pulses into dhal and sell to wholesalers, chain
shops, branded owners, or processing companies. Alternatively, some millers take orders first and mill
only upon receipt of orders. Millers generally cooperate by sharing orders and procuring raw materials
jointly to reduce costs.
Wholesalers
There are large wholesale markets dedicated to pulses trading. In the North, the main wholesale market is
Baneshwar in the Rajshahi district. In the FTF zone, two wholesale markets dominate the pulses trade. The
first market, Kaliganj, in the Jhenaidah district, moves approximately 23,000 tons of lentils and 17,000
tons of mungbeans per year. More than twenty small markets in five adjacent districts provide supplies to
the Kaliganj market. Millers and industrial processors are the main customers. Forty large traders and
twenty medium and small traders sell to dhal mills located in Rajshahi, Faridpur, Bagerhat, Khulna,
Mirkadim, Takerhat, Natore, Savar, Rangpur, Chapainawabganj, and Pabna.
The second wholesale market in the FTF zone, Takerhatin in the Gopalganj district, is conveniently
located in the vicinity of twenty-seven active dhal mills that process about 5,000 tons of lentils and 600
tons of mungbeans annually. Dhal millers in this area supply 75 percent of the total output to nationwide
markets and 25 percent dhal to the local and regional markets within the FTF zone.
There is a high level of rivalry and low level of cooperation among the processors in their individual
drive to capture a bigger market share. However, processors are commonly members of the same
associations and jointly advocate for business enabling environment improvements to advance the
industry.
Brand Owners
Several large companies and organizations with recognizable brands have opportunistically entered the
pulses market by procuring premium-quality dhal and packaging and branding it for wide distribution.
BRAC, for example, attractively packages premium-quality lentils and mungbeans under its name, which
already has widespread recognition and high customer loyalty. Brand owners sell their products in two
ways. If their products are already in demand, they require retail stores to purchase the products directly.
However, if the products are new and without a loyal consumer base, the brand owners may publicize the
product nationwide to build demand and provide it to retailers with an agreement that retailers will only
pay for what is purchased by consumers and the remaining supply can be returned to the brand owner. In
this way, the brand owner reduces the retailers’ risk and incentivizes retailers to carry the product.
Distributors
Distributors do not purchase the products, but instead are paid on commission or at a set price by brand
owners and processing companies to move products to retail outlets. Brand owners and processing
companies frequently have relationships with different distributors in each district, as distributors often
focus on a specific geographic area to penetrate rural retail outlets. Distributors may carry products from
multiple processors or have a specific contractual relationship to distribute goods from just one brand
owner.
Retailers
There are three types of retailers. The first sells in open markets that are prevalent in rural and urban
areas. These markets, known as “wet markets,” sell mostly commodities, such as flour, dhal, and spices.
The second retail outlet is grocery and chain shops found primarily in urban centers (e.g., Unimart,
Meena Bazaar, Lavendar), which carry standard and premium dhal, both loose and packaged. The third
and final type of retailer is small retailers that sell confectionary items and packaged food. These retailers
are found in rural and urban areas, and many are part of the informal market.
MARKET CHANNELS
The pulses market can be divided into three major channels. The first is by far the dominant channel,
with 95 percent of the product flow. The second and third channel, although relatively new and less
developed, are fast-growing segments that present real growth opportunities.
MARGIN ANALYSIS
Figure 16 shows how value is shared or distributed among the pulses value chain actors. Farmers of both
lentils and mungbeans are the most profitable value chain actors, with traders, millers, wholesalers, and
even retailers profiting only marginally.
80
8
5
70 5
6
60
50
34
40 84
30
20
26
10
0
Revenue Retailer wholesaler Miller Traders Farmer Input
SOURCE: AVC team did margin analysis using secondary information from interviews with each of the market actors, January to
June 2014.
Total revenue from selling the final output of one kilogram of lentils (after post-harvest loss adjustment)
is 84 BDT (1.05 USD). The farmer whose margin is 34 BDT is by far the highest earning among the
value chain actors. The retailer is a distant second with gross margin of 8 BDT. The other actors, namely
the trader, the miller, and the wholesaler barely make a minimum gross margin (5 and 6 BDT) each.
40 32
76
30
20
10 23
0
Revenue Retailer Miller Traders Farmer Input
SOURCE: AVC team did margin analysis using secondary information from interviews with each of the market actors, January to
June 2014.
Total revenue from selling the final quantity (after post-harvest loss) of one kilogram of mungbeans is
BDT 76 (Figure 17). The farmer makes the highest gross margin of BDT 32, and the traders make the
lowest margin. The miller and retailer also make attractive gross margins from sales.
DYNAMIC TRENDS
• Dynamic trend #1: Growing demand for pulses coupled with government priority on increasing pulse
production and strong consumer preference for local varieties is incentivizing farmers to expand
production. Increasing demand for pulses and their high profitability at the farmer level of has triggered
increased production for mungbean and lentils since 2007. However, locally grown lentils still meet only
30 percent of demand, as 70 percent are imported. Local varieties, however, fetch higher prices because of
strong consumers preference. While lentil production is growing by volume and area throughout the
country, the North is experiencing faster growth and with more favorable trends in yields.
• Dynamic trend # 2: Consumer demand for premium-quality loose and packaged pulses is increasing
market segmentation and growth opportunities for processors, brand owners, and chain shops. Dynamic
trend #2 is driving market channel 2, which is the fastest growing channel. Continued growth will drive
value chain upgrades and encourage the adoption of new technology and innovation.
Opportunity #1: Improve production in the FTF zone by capitalizing on the overall high demand for
pulses in the national market and on the opportunity for import substitution. Although northern producers
recently have expanded production of pulses and improved yields at a faster pace than southern producers,
farmers in the South can protect and increase their share of the national market by updating their
production practices and using higher quality seeds for high-yielding varieties. The increased output per
hectare from the same amount of land under cultivation also will enhance the farmer’s income levels.
Specific barriers to seizing this opportunity include the following:
marketing of high-quality seeds for pulses, and donors and NGOs are not currently focused on
production enhancements in pulses.
Opportunity #2: Capitalize on growing demand for processed and premium pulses by forging
sustainable linkages between processors, traders, and southern producers and upgrading the value
chain. Processors, chain stores, and brand owners are rapidly diversifying into new segments and require
consistent supply of premium quality product. To address this market opportunity, southern value chain
actors need a well-coordinated marketing and distribution channel, as well as improved technology and
management practices to increase the competitiveness of pulses produced in the FTF zone.
For southern pulse farmers, specific barriers to seizing this opportunity include the following:
• Difficult transport system leads to limited access to national markets. At present, a lack of economies of
scale and difficult transportation in the South are disincentives for national and regional buyers to source
pulses from the South. Northern producers are being engaged in contract farming more readily, and the
South is losing competitiveness.
• Poor milling machineries lead to significant losses and quality degradation of kernels. Entrepreneurs in
the South use outdated milling practices and primitive machinery for husking pulses, which results in
broken, misshaped, discolored, and less shiny kernels unsuitable for premium markets.
The majority of farmers in Bangladesh produce table potato varieties, suitable for cooking instead of
processing. The national market for fresh potatoes is saturated, with production outstripping demand and
resulting in declining prices. Long-term growth in the potato sector relies on emerging growth in the
processing sector and the farmer’s ability to produce varieties suitable for processing. All of the
production in the South is focused on table potato varieties. The climate in the South is not suitable for
production of early potato varieties that would allow farmers to take advantage of high prices early in the
season. Therefore, to reduce the impact of market glut and the downward price pressure during the peak
season, southern potato farmers have an opportunity to increase the supply of industrial variety potatoes
to processors.
The rationale, along with the ranking matrix, for selecting the potato value chain for AVC project
support, and the industry analysis based on the Porters’ Five Forces model, are described below.
Potato
Criteria Data source Weight Score Explanation
Filter 1: Competitiveness Potential (40%)
Scale BBS 10 10 Potato farming more than USD 2 billion industry, with
South contributing 5 percent approximately.
Annual Market BBS 10 4 Potato sector is growing at the rate of 8 percent in
Growth Bangladesh. However the growth rate in Southern Delta
is less than 2 percent in Bangladesh.
Scope of Value Key 10 8 Potato has significant industrial use worldwide. It can
Addition Informant be used as a raw material for potato chips, potato
Interview wedges, and potato flakes. The market for industrial
potatoes in Bangladesh is growing rapidly.
Export/ Trade Map 5 3 Scope for exporting potato and potato products is
Import Substitution increasing. In 2011 Bangladesh exported about USD 34
Potential million potato and potato products.
Agro Ecological Field recon 5 3.5 More than one fourth of the FTF zone is suitable for
Suitability and Key potato farming. In Bangladesh, approximately 440,000
Informant hectares are cultivated with potatoes.
Interview
Filter 2: Impact Potential (35%)
Income Potential Team 10 7 Return on investment is about 50 percent.
assessment
Women and Youth Reports and 10 7 Sowing, harvest, post-harvest handling, sorting,
Inclusion databases grading, product processing, and industry packaging.
Outreach (# of Reports and 5 5 More than 20,000 hectares of land coverage. Southern
households databases Delta is the home to approximately 72,000 potato
impacted) farmers.
Job Creation Team 10 8 For each hectare of table potato more than 210 labor
assessment days required for harvesting, post-harvest handling, and
processing. Long value chain and has significant scope
of job creation in each step of the chain.
Potential for Private Team 10 9 Handful of farms can set industry trends.
Sector Leverage assessment
Filter 5: Feasibility Filter
Can results be (Y/N) Y Potato is a short duration crop with cultivation period
achieved with the less than four months.
available resources
and within
timeframe?
Total 73.5
(100)
Below, the team utilized Porter’s Five Forces Analysis to examine one of its key value chairs:
potatoes.
Potato is regarded as a staple crop in Bangladesh. Bangladesh produces approximately 8.5 million
tons of potatoes annually. More than 90 percent of these are table potatoes. Demand for potato in
Bangladesh ranges between seven to eight million tons. The price of potatoes largely depends on the
quantity of production. In a good year, seasonal glut reduces price to an incredibly low level.
Similarly under production can drive the price to high. Gradually the industrial use of potatoes is
increasing. However, the processors do not have access to the right varieties of potatoes. Instead of
industrial varieties, processors are often forced to use table potatoes as raw materials.
400
350
300 Rest of World
250
China
200
150 South Asia
100
50 Bangladesh
Source: AVC team developed graph with data gathered at FAOSTAT, the database for the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations (available at http://faostat.fao.org/).
The overwhelming majority of potatoes are consumed in their country of origin, with only 3 percent
of the total volume of fresh potatoes reaching international markets. The total export value of fresh
potatoes was $3.61 billion in 2013. Other potato products are also exported, including potato seed
($918 million), potato flakes ($479 million), and potato flour or meal ($107 million). The largest
potato importers, accounting for more than 50 percent of all fresh potato imports, are in Western
Europe, with extensive reexports across Europe.
Table 2 shows trade in potato products in from 2008-2013 as reported by countries worldwide using
the Harmonized System (HS) code, an internationally standardized system of names and numbers to
classify traded products. As shown, world trade in fresh potatoes has been expanding the most
aggressively, at nearly 50 percent from 2008 to 2013; other potato products have variable growth
rates. The average unit price for potatoes on the world market increases with additional processing
into potato flour and flakes.
As a region, South Asian fresh potato exports account for less than 4 percent of global exports.
Pakistan is the largest exporter, exporting $130.3 million in 2013, while India exported $33.6 million.
The majority of South Asian potatoes exports are fresh table potatoes and are exported to the Middle
East and to South Asia. The region is a net importer of potato seed, and trade in potato flakes and
flour takes place largely within South Asia.
13
SAARC – South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, which includes Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India,
Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.
NATIONAL MARKET
Market Overview
The national market for potatoes is valued at approximately USD 2.3 billion (fresh potatoes and
processed potato products). As shown in Table 3, national consumption includes 8.5 million tons of
fresh potatoes and 22,530 tons of processed potato products (based on total production, exports, and
imports). The potato processing industry uses only 55,604 tons (0.64 percent) of the total 8.6 million
tons produced. The per unit price of processed potato products, however, is significantly higher than
that of fresh potatoes.
Table 3: National Market of Fresh Potatoes and Processed Potato Products (2012–13)
Unit price Total
Unit of potato National
National
Import Export Consumption price and value Market
Potatoes Production
(Tons) (Tons) (Tons) (USD added Value
(Tons)
per ton) (USD per (USD
ton)14 million)
1 Fresh Potatoes 19,335 33,737 8,560,115 250 n/a 2,140
8,630,120
2 Processed 3,250 3,900 22,530 164
Potato 23,180
Products
Potato Chips 17,280 650 0 17,930 9,375 8,719 159
Frozen French 1,600 0 3,000 2,375 2,209 6.7
Fries 1,400
Potato Flakes 3,200 500 2,800 900 1,250 1,163 1.0
Potato Starch 1,300 500 1,100 700 1,200 1,116 0.8
Source: AVC team compiled the information with production data from BBS. Data for 2012–13 was collected from BBS
Head Office (Director of Agriculture Wing). Export and import data was collected from National Board of Revenue
(NBR) and Trade Map (http://www.trademap.org/stDataSources.aspx).
Fresh potatoes account for approximately 92.85 percent of the overall market value for potatoes
(Figure 3). Processed potato products account for a little more than 7 percent, with potato chips
accounting for most of it (6.78 percent). Over the last five years national demand for processed potato
products, such as potato chips, frozen French fries, flakes, starch, has been increasing because of
increased incomes and a gradual increase in consumption of ready-made foods.
14
The market value is estimated by the AVC team based on the share of potato inputs and corresponding value added in
the production of processed potato products, not including the value of other ingredients. The unit price of processed
potato products includes the cost of potato inputs and other costs, such as land, labor, and capital, and does not include the
cost of other ingredients. As estimated by processors, for one ton of final product, 7 percent of non-potato ingredients are
required.
Source: AVC team developed the graph with production data from BBS. Data for 2012–13 was collected from BBS Head
Office (Director of Agriculture Wing). Export and import data was collected from National Board of Revenue (NBR) and
Trade Map (http://www.trademap.org/stDataSources.aspx).
In 2013 Bangladesh imported 19,335 tons of fresh potatoes and 3,250 tons of processed potato
products (French fries, potato chips, and limited quantity of potato flakes and starch. Imports of
both fresh and processed potato remain small compared with the overall production. Bangladesh
imposes an import duty of about 66 percent on imported processed potato items, which also
triggers the growth of national processed potato products.
Source: AVC team developed the graph with production data from BBS. Data for 2012–13 was collected from BBS Head
Office (Director of Agriculture Wing). Export and import data was collected from National Board of Revenue (NBR) and
Trade Map (http://www.trademap.org/stDataSources.aspx).
FRESH POTATOES
The fresh potato market segment value is USD 2.1 billion, with consumption volume of 8.5 million
tons. Potato production has increased significantly in recent years. From 2008 to 2013 it reached 8.6
million tons per year, compared with an average of about 4.5 million tons per year from 2003 to 2007.
From 2005 to 2013, fresh potato production and consumption increased at an average rate of
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000
Average income per capita
Source: Bangladesh - Household Income and Expenditure Survey: Key Findings and Results 2010 (Washington, DC:
World Bank, 2011).
The net impact of the increase in income, based on the annual growth rate in real GDP of 4.7
percent per year, is shown in Table 4. In 2013, the total increase in real GDP was USD 6,175
million. Given that consumers are likely to spend BDT 0.0137 on fresh potatoes for every taka of
extra income, having 6,175 million increase in real GDP translates into an additional BDT 84.3
million spent on fresh potatoes alone. Thus, the annual effect of income increase on fresh potato
demand in 2013 was 84.30, which represents 4 percent growth in potato demand.
Annual income effect on fresh potato demand = 4 percent (based on 2013 market size)
Source: Household Income & Expenditure Survey (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2011).
15
Household Income & Expenditure Survey (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2011).
Potato chips and French fries account for most of the national market for processed potatoes. Several
large processors interviewed have reported 15 to 20 percent annual growth in revenues over the last
five years. There are twenty potato chip and potato cracker producers (potato crackers are locally
produced potato chips that use potato starch and floor as ingredients instead of fresh potatoes ) active
on the market. Alooz, Sun Chips, Party Chips, Rani Chips, and Keln chips are local potato chip
brands, which were established in the last five years. Established in 2006 as an export oriented
business, Golden Harvest controls 85 percent of the market for French fries production and is now
solely focused on the national market. “Our domestic sales are increasing at a rate of 20 percent per
year, and export market is not attractive for us at this moment. Our current production is not enough
to meet our domestic demand,” said Mr. Samad Chowdhury, Chief Operating Officer of Golden
Harvest. In 2011 Golden Harvest conducted a public survey of urban dwellers (French fries have yet
to penetrate the rural market) and found that 90 percent of the people between the ages of 15 and 45
consume French fries on a regular basis.
Potato flakes and starch hold a small share of the national market. Both are exported, although in
small volumes. In 2013, Bangladesh exported 3,900 tons of potato flakes and starch, valued at USD
4.8 million. Two local companies—Patwary Potato Flakes, Ltd., and Bikrampur Potato Flakes
Industries, Ltd.— produce potato flakes, although mainly for export. National food producers, such as
Bombay Sweets and PRAN, are increasing their national sourcing of potato flakes for production of
biscuits and potato crackers. At the time of this report, the AVC team was in discussions with an
international buyer interested in sourcing potato flakes from Bangladesh if local processors are able to
supply flakes made out of quality processing grade potatoes. The company’s projected procurement
need for 2014–15 is 2,000 tons of potato flakes (with an equivalent industrial potato requirement of
12,000 tons) and could reach 10,000 tons of flakes per year by 2017–18. Potato starch is used by food
and non-food industries in Bangladesh for production of crackers, biscuits, ice cream, baked goods,
and pharmaceuticals. These industries import potato starch from March to December and procure
16
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh 2012 (Dhaka: Statistics and Informatics
Division, Ministry of Planning, 2013).
Processors usually procure potatoes at harvest, some through contract farming arrangements to ensure
consistent supply. Processors are seeking industrial varieties of potatoes, which produce higher yields
and have a higher dry matter content. High dry matter content (more than 20 percent) is required for
efficient processing and a higher quality product. Larger tubers (100 gram) are sought by French fry
producers. Because only 5 percent of farmers grow industrial varieties, processors are unable to fill
their demand for industrial potatoes. Many processors source table potatoes, which results in up to 25
percent loss in production and a lower quality product. In 2012–13, 55,604 tons of industrial variety
potatoes were required to produce 23,180 tons of processed potato products was 23,180 tons (Table
5). If the national demand for processed potato products grows at 10 percent per year, as projected by
industry stakeholders, the annual requirement for industrial variety potatoes could reach 89,559 tons
by 2018.
17
Note that quantities produced are predominantly of table potatoes, but industrial potatoes are required for processed
products. When table potatoes are used instead of industrial varieties for chips, fries, flakes, and starch, more than seven
times the volume of potatoes is required since table potatoes have higher water content than industrial varieties.
Introducing industrial varieties, such as Asterix, or Courage, would lower the ratio to 5 kilos of fresh potatoes per 1 kilo
of processed potato.
Note: AVC created chart using website of Department of Agricultural Marketing, Government of the People’s Republic
of Bangladesh, Ministry of Agriculture (available at
http://www.dam.gov.bd/damweb/jsp/yearlyMarketPriceComparision.jsp).
Table 6: Comparative Analysis of Potato Production in FTF Zone and All of Bangladesh (2012–
13)
Variables FTF Zone Bangladesh
Note: AVC team developed the table with data collected during the market assessment period, January–June 2014.
In the South, potatoes are produced in Bhola, several districts in the Jessore region, and Satkhira
districts. Potato farms in these areas yield approximately 22 tons of potatoes per hectare, which is
higher than the national average of 19.36 tons (Table 7). Some producers in the South have
introduced advanced farming practices and have been able to yield as much as 30 tons per hectare.
Table 7: Major Potato Producing Hubs and Yield in the FTF Zone (2012–13)
Districts Area (Hectare) Tons/Hectare Production (Tons)
Bhola 2,864 22.86 65,479
Jessore 2,717 22.25 60,463
Satkhira 3,344 16.16 54,051
Meherpur 1,703 24.09 41,013
Chuadanga 1,465 23.08 33,810
Jhenaidah 1,221 21.79 26,598
Shariatpur 1,005 22.64 22,752
Note: AVC team developed the table with data collected from Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Director of Agriculture
(unpublished source).
Potato is a winter crop, sown from October to December, usually in late November. Harvesting
takes place eighty to ninety days after sowing depending on the varieties. Although potatoes
Potato farmers in the South use one of the following cropping patterns:
Aman + Potato + Pumpkin
Potato + Jute + Aman
Potato + Boro + Aman
Transplanted Aus + Radish + Potato + Pumpkin
Potato varieties
Potato
Jute
Radish
Boro
Aman
Transplanted Aus
Pumpkin
Note: Data compiled by AVC team from interviews with farmers and twenty DAE district offices in the FTF region.
About 95 percent of farmers grow table potato varieties. It is estimated that about 4 percent of farmers
engage in contract farming for processors, and about 1 percent grow industrial varieties
commercially. In the South only table potatoes are produced. Industrial varieties were released for
general production in Bangladesh only in 2008. Demand for industrial seed varieties from farmers is
low, mainly because of a lack of awareness of market opportunities in this segment. However, these
varieties are slowly gaining popularity in select potato growing areas throughout the country, as
demand from the processing industry grows. Availability of certified seeds is limited, and demand
from farmers is low. Only 5 to 10 percent of farmers are using certified seed. Seventy percent of
farmers use retained seed, both self-retained and purchased from input suppliers. Old potato varieties
are often affected by fungus, which results in about 20 percent production loss. Using quality seeds
could double current yields.
Table 9: Cost and Return (per hectare) for Table Potato Farmer in Kadirdi, Faridpur (2012–13)
Item Table Potatoes
Kg Person no.
days
Tillage (rent, # of times) 12.5 893 11,163
Fertilizer
TSP (kg) 17.5 27 472.5
MoP (kg) 17.5 15 262.5
Urea (kg) 455 16 7,280
Zinc (kg) 10 160 1,600
Boron (kg) 10 400 4,000
Sulfur (kg) 27.5 160 4,400
Gypsum 90 6 540
Seed purchase 500 37.5 18,750
Labor- sowing (person-days) 72.5 300 21,750
Irrigation (rent, # of times) 12.5 300 3,750
Labor-bed raising 52.5 300 15,750
Spray Medicine 10 3,571 35,710
Hum pulling – labor 17.5 300 5,250
Potato Harvesting – labor 72.5 300 21,750
Land rental or opportunity cost 0 0 0
Total costs 152,428
Outputs
Produce (kg) 28572.5 8 228,580
By-products (kg) 0 0 0
Total income 228,580
Note: Data compiled from in-depth interviews with farmers and input sellers by AVC team, January to June 2014.
The benefit-cost ratio for table potatoes is 1.50:1 (Table 9), meaning that investing BDT 1 in table
potato production can generate BDT 1.50 in income. As a comparison, Table 10 shows projected
production cost and return for cultivation of industrial potato varieties. Industrial variety
18
In Kadirdi, Faridpur, land lease value is BDT 60,000–75,000 per hectare. Opportunity cost of land is not considered for
this analysis.
Table 10: Cost and Return for Industrial Variety Potatoes (per hectare) (2014)
Item Industrial Variety Potatoes
Unit Rate (BDT/unit) Cost (BDT)
Kg
Note: Data compiled from in-depth interviews with farmers and input sellers by AVC team, January to June 2014.
POST-HARVEST HANDLING
The main steps in post-harvest handling of potatoes include harvesting by farmers and sorting and
grading, usually performed by traders. Approximately 30 percent of the harvest goes into cold
storage and is marketed throughout the year. Cold storage is particularly important when high
production of table potatoes results in a surplus of potatoes on the market during the harvesting
months. Total national cold storage capacity for potatoes is about four million tons.19 However,
out of 327 cold storages, 287 are currently active with a storage capacity of 2.7 million tons. In the
FTF zone, there are 25 cold storages with capacity of 125,000 tons. Cold storage facilities are
available in Jessore, Khulna, Satkhira, Bhola, Jinaidah, and Meherpur. A lack of storage capacity
can lead to high levels of waste when a bumper harvest occurs.
PROCESSING
Potatoes are used in production of a variety of food and non-food products. The potato processing
industry is capital intensive. Potato chip and French fry producers are experiencing 10 to 15
percent annual growth, while processors of potato flakes and starch are operating under capacity.
Constraints faced by the potato processing industry are described further in this report.
19
Action for Enterprises (AFE), Potato Program Completion Report (Arlington, VA: AFE, 2012), 7.
Farmers
Three types of farmers are involved in potato production. Table potato farmers constitute about 95
percent of all potato farmers. They own their land and cultivate potatoes for sale in the market and for
household consumption. Contract farmers (about 4 percent) work directly for processing companies,
company supply agents, or seed producers. Contracting companies provide necessary inputs and
technical support to farmers on the condition that farmers will supply their full production to the
sponsoring company. Commercial farmers (only about 1 percent) cultivate industrial variety potatoes
only and sell their production to processing company supply agents at a premium price. Potato
farmers are usually medium sized (less than 0.5 ha) and large (0.5–0.20 ha). Contract and commercial
potato farmers are split equally between medium and large-sized farmers; while the majority of table
potato farmers (about 80 percent) are medium sized.
All types of farmers receive necessary inputs, such as fertilizer, seeds, and pesticide, either from input
sellers or from processor’s supply agents, and cultivate potato either on their own land, shared
cropping land, or on leased land. Apart from using commercial inputs, farmers sometimes use their
own organic fertilizer, and self-retailed seeds. Farmers usually keep a small portion of potatoes for
their own consumption and sell the rest to faria (small traders), traders or directly on the local market.
All contract farmers in the same geographic area receive necessary inputs and training jointly from
the sponsor company. Other farmers often share transportation costs through purchasing bulk seed or
jointly selling their production.
Traders
There are several types of traders active in the potato value chain.
Large Traders
Large traders purchase potatoes in bulk from faria, farmers, and local arathdar. They mainly
supply to the national and regional markets around the country. Traders sometimes sell to national
and regional wholesalers directly or through arathdar. They also sell to the stockists and to the
Stockist
Stockists procure potatoes in bulk from farmers, faria and large traders at a low price. They rent
space inside a cold storage and store their produce until the supply falls and prices go up. Once the
price increases, stockist releases the potatoes and sells them at a higher price usually through
arathdars. All their transactions are in cash.
Cold Storage
Cold store owners provide storage facilities to stockists, traders, or farmers by renting space to
preserve potatoes in bulk for a given period of time. In some cases, a cold storage owner can
become a stockist by purchasing potatoes from farmers in bulk and then selling them. Cold storage
owners provide both cash and credit payment options. They are members of an association to
mitigate policy-related constraints and monitor market prices. About 30 percent of total potato
production is stored in cold storages ensuring a year round supply.20
Wholesalers
Wholesalers operate on the regional and national level and often occupy fixed space in urban
wholesale markets. They supply directly to processors and to local bazaar vendors who sell fresh
potatoes.
Processors
Potato processors are specialized by product and include producers of potato chips, frenchfries,
potato flakes, and potato starch. Large processing companies cultivate potatoes for their use
through contract farming based on their annual production requirements. They also procure
potatoes from other farmers and through company supply agents. Smaller processors procure
potatoes from supply agents, traders, and directly from wholesale markets. Companies usually
purchase from suppliers on a one-month credit. Companies procuring potatoes from contract
farmers disburse payment on a weekly basis.
Processors usually have their own distributors through which they sell their products to retailers.
Sometimes processors sell their products to distributors based on distributor’s orders. Transactions
are done on a cash basis.
Company Suppliers/Agents
Supply agents supply potatoes to processors based on the procurement requirements, and purchase
potatoes from farmers, faria, or traders.
Distributors: Distributors are active in the processed potato market segment and supply final
products to retailers or sell directly to consumers. Distributors can work for one or more
processors.
20
“Wearing multiple hats” is a reality in the potato value chain. Potato flake processors are also cold chain facility owners
and traders. Potato flake processors operate at 15 percent of capacity or less, which can be explained in part by limited
demand, and by price fluctuations. As prices for fresh potatoes rise, processors, who are also cold storage owners, will
become traders and release their potatoes for sale on the fresh market because they can earn more than they would if they
processed their stocks.
Exporters (fresh potato): Exporters of fresh potatoes are small businesses that sell small
quantities directly to export markets, usually based on personal connections. Exporters purchase
from farmers, faria, and traders, and also perform grading, sorting and packaging. Exporters make
cash purchases and receive payment after delivering their orders through letter of credit.
Importers (fresh potatoes and processed potato products): Processed potato product imports
are negligible. Some processors import processed potato items, such as potato starch, to use in the
production of final products. Small quantities of fresh potatoes are imported by traders and
wholesalers and are sold through urban trading markets, but this channel is weak and very small
compared with overall production volume.
MARKET CHANNELS
CHANNEL 1: PROCESSED POTATO PRODUCTS (NATIONAL AND EXPORT)
The processed potato channel is the second largest in terms of total volume and value, but has the
highest projected growth rate and the highest per unit value. Potato processors procure potatoes
from different sources and sell finished products through distributors. Consumers purchase potato
products in grocery stores, large chain shops, fast food restaurants, and hotels. Producers of potato
flakes and starch sell directly to other food processors in the national market, as well as directly to
buyers in export markets. Exports constitute a small share of the processed potato production and
are combined into this channel on the value chain map, as the national value chain is the same.
Figure 7: Waterfall Analysis of Gross Margins for Fresh Potato (in BDT)
25
20 3
15 2
10 20 7
5 6.5 Gross margin
0 1.5
Source: AVC team developed waterfall chart using responses from interviews with market actors during market assessment
from January to June 2014.
Out of total revenue of BDT 20 for a kilogram of fresh potatoes, a stockist makes the highest gross
margin (BDT 7), followed by the farmer with gross margin of BDT 6.5. Farmers sell potatoes at
BDT 8 per kilogram at a cost of about BDT 1.5. Retailers and wholesalers make BDT 3 and BDT
2 gross margins per kilogram, respectively. While the stockists make the highest gross margins,
they also incur significant storage expenses, make the highest investment, and take on the risk of
waste.
DYNAMIC TRENDS
The AVC study team identified two key dynamic trends in the market for potatoes: (1) An
increased national market for processed potato products is driving the growth of the potato
processing industry, and (2) the national market for fresh potatoes is becoming saturated, with
production outstripping demand.
Dynamic Trend #1: Increased national market for processed potato products is driving the growth
of the potato processing industry. With increased GDP and incomes, national demand for
processed potato products has been growing over the past ten years. This includes consumer
demand for processed potato products, as well as demand from the domestic food processing
industry for potato ingredients. While current exports of potato flakes and starch are small, export
opportunities for potato flakes in international market may increase. At the time of this report, the
AVC team was in discussions with a large international buyer that has expressed interest in
sourcing potato flakes from processors in Bangladesh.
Dynamic Trend #2: National market for fresh potatoes is getting saturated, with production
outstripping demand. A surplus of potatoes on the market has caused prices to decline consistently.
With 95 percent of potato production focused on table potato varieties, farmers are frequent
victims of market glut and price fluctuations. Production has been growing at more than 7 percent
per year since 2005, while demand for fresh potatoes is projected to grow at only 4 percent per
year.
21
HACCP, or Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points, is a management system in which food safety is addressed
through the analysis and control of biological, chemical, and physical hazards from raw material production, procurement,
and handling to manufacturing, distribution, and consumption of the finished product. ISO 9001:2008 (International
Organization for Standardization) sets the requirements of a quality management system.
CHAPTER 4: SUMMER
VEGETABLE BASKET
The national market for bitter gourd, cucumber, eggplant, pointed gourd, and pumpkin (from here
forward referred to as “summer basket crops”) is valued at $227 million. Each year Bangladeshis
living at home and abroad are increasing the portion of vegetables in their diets, which is driving
demand at an estimated 4.75 percent in the national market and 29 percent in exports. With the
burgeoning middle class and urbanization trends, national demand is projected to increase as much
as 11 percent annually in the coming years.
The FTF zone produces 42 percent of the total production volume of summer basket crops.
Approximately 245,000 southern farmers are engaged in summer basket crop cultivation on land
and dikes, covering an area of about 18,500 hectares. Cultivation requires approximately 15,000
full-time equivalent workers. Because the summer basket crops value chain focuses on fresh
produce to market, there is limited or no value addition involving freezing, drying, preserving, or
processing vegetables.
The summer basket value chain has three primary market channels, each of which is relatively
simple with just three to four nodes between farm and fork. The national market has two channels:
vegetables sold in the FTF zone (22 percent of total volume) and vegetables sold to mass markets
in urban centers and districts outside of the FTF zone (70 percent of total volume). The third and
final channel is the export market, which currently constitutes 8 percent of the total production
volume.
Despite the simplicity of the chain, many constraints impede the consistent flow of high quality
vegetables to market. As with many AVC-selected value chains, primary constraints include
limited understanding of modern cultivation and post-harvest techniques, lack of access to quality
inputs, and finance, and few or no cold storage facilities in the FTF zone. Unique to the summer
basket value chain are constraints related to limited air cargo space for perishable vegetables
exports, and no quality control system governing the chain to ensure consistent supply of quality
vegetables.
Below, the AVC team considered how the five factors—supplier power, buyer power, competitive
rivalry, threat of substitution, and threat of new entry—are at play for the summer vegetable basket
value chain.
Over the last decade, the consumption and production of summer vegetables has increased, driven
in part by population growth. The area of land devoted to vegetable farming is increasing, as is
adoption of new farming technologies. The involvement of trader syndicates in the value chain
increases the price after farm gate, as traders and their syndicates largely control supply and prices.
Collusion of the syndicates allows the traders to make super normal profits.
Production of summer basket crops worldwide increased 2.9 percent annually from 2009 to 2012,
from 126 million tons to 138 million tons.22 While only 2 percent of total production volume is
traded across borders, exports for summer basket crops have increased at an average of 27 percent
annually. Spain, Netherlands, and Mexico were the top exporters in 2012. China, while only the
fourth largest exporter of summer basket vegetables, is a leader in production and export of other
vegetables, helping position Asia as a world leader in vegetable production. Bangladesh’s portion
of the global trade market is less than 1 percent.
NATIONAL MARKET
More than 20 percent of the total population is employed in the agriculture sector. The vegetable
sector contributed approximately USD 1.72 billion to Bangladesh’s gross domestic product in FY
2010–11, with production reaching 3.1 million tons and covering an area of 451,800 hectares.23
The consumption behavior of Bangladeshis has changed over the last ten years. Each year
consumers are including more vegetables in their diets, which is driving growth in the sector at
approximately 6 percent in volume per year. Table 3 presents nationwide trends since 2007–08 in
area and volume for the AVC’s five selected summer crops. All crops increased production volume
more than 5 percent annually, with the exception of eggplant, which only gained popularity in the
past two years. The volume per hectare (yield) has risen across the board, a sign that farmers are
using better quality seeds and inputs.
22
Detailed calculation was done by AVC team from FAOSTAT website (available at
http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/default.aspx#ancor).
23
AVC team made calculations based on data from 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka,
Bangladesh: BBS, 2011).
Source: Chart developed by AVC staff based on data compiled from UN COMTRADE Database (available at
http://comtrade.un.org/data).
The Horticulture Export Development Foundation, hereinafter the Hortex Foundation, is a local NGO
that supports promotion and marketing of exportable agricultural products and seventy-six
Bangladesh exporters are registered reports that 40,416 tons of vegetables were exported in 2012,
with the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates being the top markets. Hortex
was not able to disaggregate by AVC’s summer basket crops, but a representative estimated that
cucumber, eggplant, bitter gourd, pointed gourd, and pumpkin comprised the largest portion of the
roughly twenty-five crops included in this export figure. As such, the AVC team assumed that
summer basket crops comprised 80 percent of exported vegetables, or 32,500 tons.
Source: AVC staff compiled data for table from the Marketing Wing of the Hortex Foundation, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Source: AVC staff compiled data for table from the Marketing Wing of the Hortex Foundation, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
24
Data provided by an internal, unpublished report by the Marketing Wing of the Hortex Foundation, Dhaka, Bangladesh
25
Household Income & Expenditure Survey (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS) (available at
http://www.bbs.gov.bd/PageReportLists.aspx?PARENTKEY=66).
Source: Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2008, 2011), 312–13, 300–01
(respectively).
Price data for exported vegetable crops were not readily available. However, when the AVC team
conducted interviews with marketing personnel at the Hortex Foundation, the director of marketing
reported an average export value of $2,259/ton in 2010–11. By converting this export value into taka
and kilograms, the average export price is BDT 180/kg, seven times greater than the local market
price. The calculation is imprecise because it is based on an export value for all vegetables, not just
the five AVC summer basket crops. Nonetheless, it serves to demonstrate the high prices that
exported crops fetch.
It is noteworthy that in the national market, prices fluctuate throughout the year based on seasonality
(see Figure 3). Once harvested crops reach the market in mass, prices fall, sometimes by as much as
half. Smoothing out the season fluctuations in supply (by better storage and cold chain) would help
prevent gluts from April to June and ensure higher prices year round. Pumpkin is easy to preserve so
farmers release it to market throughout the year and thus it is the only summer basket vegetable with
a relatively stable price point throughout the year.
Bitter Gourd: Fifty percent of bitter gourds grown in the Jessore region are transported by truck to
Dhaka markets, a small portion is exported directly from Jessore to the Middle East for the Bengali
dispora residing there, and the remainder is sold in Jessore regional markets. In Khulna, 45 percent is
transported to Dhaka, 25 percent is supplied to the Barisal regional market and 20 percent to the
Faridpur regional market, and 10 percent is sold at the haats in Khulna. Haats are weekly or bi-weekly
large markets bazars in rural Bangladesh.
Cucumber: Cucumbers grown in Jessore are primarily sold in Dhaka (80 percent), and the remainder
is consumed locally. In Khulna, 45 percent of the dike-grown cucumbers are sold in Dhaka markets,
another 45 percent in the Barisal and Faridpur regional markets, and the remaining 10 percent is sold
at the local haats or bazaars in Khulna.
Eggplant: Sixty percent of eggplants grown in Jessore are sold in the Dhaka market. Approximately,
20 percent is sold at the Satkhira and Khulna regional markets, and the remaining 20 percent is sold in
the local market. Eggplant is not grown in Khulna.
Pointed Gourd: About 60 percent of pointed gourds from Jessore are transported to Dhaka, leaving 40
percent for local trading. Pointed gourds are not grown in Faridpur or Barisal, and only minimally in
Khulna.
Pumpkin: Sixty percent of the pumpkins from the Jessore region are sold at the regional market, 40
percent in Barisal, and 20 percent in Khulna. The local market absorbs 20 percent, and the remaining
20 percent is supplied to the Dhaka market.
website of the Department of Agricultural Marketing, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, Ministry of Agriculture (available at
web/).
END MARKET ANALYSIS: SUMMER BASKET 76
PRODUCTION
Production of the selected summer vegetables in the FTF zone constitutes approximately 44 percent of the total
national production. In 2012–13, national production of the summer basket crops was approximately 406,000
tons, whereas the production in the FTF zone was approximately 180,000 tons (see Table 7).
In the FTF zone, approximately 242,844 farmers are engaged in cultivating the selected summer vegetables on
about 18,500 hectares of land. The average land size cultivated by each farmer differs by vegetables, ranging
usually between 0.04 to 0.10 hectares (i.e., 10 to 25 decimals). Approximately 74 percent of total farmers in
the FTF zone are located in the Khulna division, with the remainder in the Barisal and Dhaka divisions. Figure
4 illustrates which crops are grown in each of the twenty FTF districts.
The AVC team collected data first-hand to estimate the number of person days of labor required to cultivate
and harvest summer basket crops in the FTF zone (see Table 8). Each year, nearly 4 million person days of
labor are required, or approximately 15,000 full-time equivalent jobs (260 person days = 1 full-time
equivalent job).
Note: Map developed by AVC’s Geographic Information Systems specialist based on secondary data collected from field and from
DAE offices from January to June 2014.
PRODUCTION PRACTICES
In the Southern Delta, the summer vegetables are grown both on land and on dikes, which are the
embankments of fish ponds. Dike farming, common for bitter gourd, cucumber, and pointed gourd, is
environmentally friendly because chemical fertilizer and pesticides are not applied as frequently as in land
farming. Farmers are not keen to apply chemical fertilizers that could pollute the adjacent pond water and
jeopardize the fish that are vital to their livelihoods. Instead, these farmers use pheromone traps and other bio-
pesticides for pest control. For fertilizer, farmers typically enrich dikes with nutrient-rich soil from the bottom
of ponds when ponds are dry, a cost-efficient approach to improving the lands’ fertility without harming the
water bodies. They also use micro nutrients, such as boron and zinc, to enhance the quality and quantity of the
Dike-farmed vegetables, if marketed effectively, have the potential to fill a specific market niche. Because
they are less susceptible to over-application of pesticides and fertilizers, they are safer for consumption and
thus will appeal to health-conscious consumers. These crops can fetch higher-thanaverage prices in urban
markets if properly sorted, transported, and marketed.
Dike and land farmers use hybrid seeds for higher yields when cultivating cucumbers and openpollinated
varieties when growing eggplant. Open-pollinated seeds are retained over seasons and degrade in quality.
Land farmers also do not consistently use proper fertilizer (chemical and compost), or irrigate their lands in a
timely way after planting. Input sellers, branded input manufacturers, neighboring farmers, and extension
workers from the DAE are the primary sources of information about cultivation practices. However,
information is slow to reach farmers, and farmers are slow to adopt improved practices. Timing is a chief issue
undercutting productivity, as farmers are not sowing and harvesting at the ideal times, which reduces the
quality and shelf life of their crops.
POST-HARVEST HANDLING
AVC staff held interviews in the FTF region from January to June 2014. According to traders and other value
chain stakeholders interviewed, post-harvest losses spoil roughly 10 percent of summer basket crops. Driving
factors include harvesting at improper times (pre- or post-maturity) and storing crops in improper containers.
Farmers do not always know how to determine the proper harvest time, and the result is a crop with a reduced
shelf life. Farmers clean and sort vegetables immediately and frequently sell to middlemen (farias or
arathdars) on the day of harvest. More than one day may be required for farias and arathdars to reach the
market. Produce is often transported in bamboo baskets or in sacks, which can introduce moisture to crops that
is harmful, especially to cucumbers and bitter gourd. When dike farmers pick crops, they may rest bamboo
baskets in the ponds, which results in high moisture content. Traders spray water on the produce for freshness,
At the assembly point, another level of sorting and grading is done. The best quality produce is sent to the
export and national markets. The remainder is sold at the local and regional markets. Summer vegetables are
transported to national destinations in sacks instead of specialty packaging. Traders use special packaging for
exports, following the buyers’ requirements.
Input suppliers
Farmers source seeds and agro-chemical products, including fertilizers, pesticides, insecticides, micronutrients,
and growth hormones, from input suppliers. Most input sellers sell all possible agro inputs, although there are a
few retailers exclusively selling seeds. Lal Teer, BRAC, ACI, and Syngenta Bangladesh have established their
own brand shops for selling inputs. Most input sellers sell products on cash and credit terms. Many provide
embedded services to producers, organizing training and workshops to disseminate information about their
products. Sometimes farmers collectively purchase inputs from companies and share among themselves,
particularly for high-cost inputs and machines.
Farmers
Farmers buy inputs from input retailers and exchange seedlings with other farmers. They plow, plant, weed,
and harvest crops, and do initial grading and sorting of their produce. Family members assist farmers in almost
all phases, as do casual workers. Farmers transport commodities from farm gate to nearby assembly points.
Large farmers often sell their produce directly from the field. Farmers most often sell their commodities to
traders on the spot market on a cash basis, but on occasion they sell vegetables directly to local markets in the
FTF zone. Farmers often combine their harvest with those of others and share transportation costs.
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews during January-August 2014.
n the FTF zone, there are approximately 50,000 dike farmers, equivalent to roughly 16 percent of the total
number of vegetable farmers. Approximately 20,000 of these are clustered in the Rupsha area of Bagerhat
district. Of the land farmers, there are approximately 121,000 tenant farmers. Table 10 presents the number of
farmers producing summer crops by crop and region, as well as the ratio of those who own land to those who
are land tenants.
Note: AVC team compiled data from interviews with deputy directors of DAE in twenty districts in the FTF region and interviews with
farmers, traders, vegetable exporters, and the Hortex Foundation from January to June of 2014.
Collection Point Traders: Typically, farmers come to local collection points to sell produce to small traders,
known as faria. On occasion, farias buy vegetables directly from the farm gate. Farias sort, grade, and pack
their aggregated vegetables and market those at the haat, or bazaars.
Commission agents, known as local arathdar, own or rent space in local markets, and take a commission—
usually about 5 to 10 percent of sales revenue—for facilitating sales. They also provide end market
information to the producers and assist farmers with financing.
Suppliers for retail chain stores and exporters procure products either from collection markets or from the
farmgate. Retailers and exporters often provide plastic bins to minimize losses during transport.
Because they cannot procure directly from farmers, long-distance traders depend on local small traders, faria
and arathdar, for a supply of vegetables to sell to urban retailers through commission agents. All traders
employ laborers for grading, sorting, loading, unloading, and then transporting to targeted destinations.
Traders sell on the spot at market and negotiate prices and terms, including selling on credit and through
mobile banking. Traders often share transportation costs.
Regional Arathdars. At national wholesale markets (e.g., Karwan, Sham Bazar, and Jatrabari Bazars in
Dhaka and Gazipur outside Dhaka) and district wholesale markets, sales are facilitated by commission
agents, also known as regional arathdar. They lease physical space in wholesale markets where they broker
deals by connecting long-distance traders with buyers. Urban buyers are typically SME retailers, super
stores, or ambulant street vendors. District buyers can be retailers or, more often, wholesalers in districts.
Wholesalers. Wholesalers purchase bulk produce from regional arathdar in district wholesale markets.
They sell their product on cash terms to sub-district retailers.
Retailers. There are four types of retailers in the formal market: (1) retailers in the Feed the Future zone that
sell in open markets catering to local market consumers; (2) ambulant street vendors who often sell door-to-
door in urban areas; (3) SME retailers in urban areas that sell in very small shops and in open markets; and
Exporters. There are approximately 200 vegetable exporters in Bangladesh, of which 76 exporters were
registered with the Hortex Foundation26 in June 2014.
MARKET CHANNELS
There are three major channels in the vegetable value chain map.
MARGIN ANALYSIS
The waterfall analysis in Figure 6 shows how value is shared and distributed among the value chain actors
and considers post-harvest losses incurred at different points of the value chain. The team included just one
waterfall for cucumber, as all summer basket crops have similar gross margins for each value chain actor.
Farmers and retailers have the highest gross margin for all five summer crops. Taking cucumber as the
example, the gross margin for famers is BDT 15 per kilogram. Retailers are a close second with a gross
margin of BDT 12 per kilogram. Arathdar make an attractive commission of 10 percent of the traders’
revenue.
26
Data were collected from The Horticulture Export Development Foundation, the Hortex Foundation, which provides
marketing data via its web site (available at http://www.hortex.org/index.htm). 27 Id.
40
Waterfall analysis for cucumber
35
30
12
25
20 2
34 3
15 Gross margin
10 15
5
0 2
RevenueRetailerArathdarTradersFarmer Input
Note: The AVC team developed the waterfall chart from interviews with market actors during market assessment, January–June 2014.
Table 11 presents a summary of the AVC team’s market analysis of summer vegetables. All basket crops are
profitable for the farmer, with eggplant and pumpkin as the most profitable (with a 160.6 percent and 113.5
percent profit margin, respectively).
DYNAMIC TREND
The study team identified one dynamic trend, namely that farmers lack access to information about improved
production and post-harvest practices, which limits their ability to take advantage of increasing consumer
Opportunity #1: Capitalize on high export growth by improving production and transport of high quality
produce to countries with significant presence of ethnic Bangladeshi communities. The 29 percent growth in
the export channel signals increased demand by ethnic Bangladeshi communities living abroad. This market
opportunity can be exploited with increased productivity, better quality control, vertical linkages among the
actors, and other logistical support.
The following are specific constraints to realizing the full potential of this opportunity:
• Insufficient information and training to improve cultivation and post-harvesting practices. Dike and land
farmers lack access to information about modern production practices and proper use of inputs. Moreover,
roughly 10 percent of harvest is lost because of poor postharvest handling
• Lack of quality control system along the chain results in inability to consistently meet demand for premium
quality vegetables. Because of a limited understanding of the market potential of premium quality
vegetables, there is no quality control system is in place—formal or informal—to standardize production and
handling. The widespread adoption of quality standards will require cooperation both vertically and
horizontally and lead firms to drive change, which may include, but is not limited to, helping exporters
obtain phytosanitary certification (e.g., Codex Alimentarius Commission, ISO/HACCP).27
• Inadequate air cargo space for perishable vegetables has become a bottleneck for increasing export volume.
Exporters work mostly with local airlines that have limited or no space for vegetable cargoes, which limits
the volume of vegetables that Bangladesh can export.
• Limited access to credit for escalating the existing production to a commercial scale. Vegetable farmers
usually take high-interest rates and weekly repayments loans from traditional micro credit NGOs.
Nongovernmental organizations such as the Rural
Reconstruction Foundation (RRF) and Jagoroni Chokro Foundation (JCF) offer crop specific agricultural
loans with cash flow based repayment schedules. However, many of the farmers are not aware of the
availability of these specialty loan products. Bangladesh Bank has identified eggplant, bitter gourds, pointed
gourd, and pumpkin as high value crops and offers agricultural loans at less than 13 percent rate. However,
farmers rarely can secure these loans because of the lengthy and complex processing of loan applications and
the requirement of collateral and speed money.
27
Phytosanitary certification is used to attest that consignments meet phytosanitary import requirements and is undertaken by an NPPO
(National Plant Protection Organization). A phytosanitary certificate for export or for re-export can be issued only by a public officer
who is technically qualified and duly authorized by an NPPO (ISPM 12). The Codex Alimentarius is a collection of internationally
recognized standards, codes of practice, guidelines, and other recommendations relating to foods, food production, and food safety.
ISO (International Organization for Standardization) is an international standardsetting body composed of representatives from various
national standards organizations. HACCP is a management system in which food safety is addressed through the analysis and control
of biological, chemical, and physical hazards from raw material production, procurement, and handling to manufacturing, distribution,
and consumption.
• Use of low potency vegetable seeds results in poor yield per hectare. When farmers use openpollinated
varieties of seeds, they often used seeds retained over multiple seasons, which degrades the quality. Better
education is needed along with access to high-quality seeds at affordable prices.
• Farmers lack access to off-season varieties and varieties with longer shelf life. Over planting of the leading
varieties can result in vegetable gluts in the peak season, which depresses prices and farmers’ profit margins.
If farmers receive information about and access to early varieties, they can regulate the seasonal fluctuations
in supply and fetch better prices year round.
• Irresponsible and inefficient post-harvest practices lead to substantial loss beyond farm gate. This
duplicates the constraint under Opportunity #1 above.
• Lack of adequate preservation facilities for vegetables forces farmer to sell crops shortly after the harvest,
depriving them of a good price. The shortage of storage contributes both to market gluts and to high post-
harvest losses.
Opportunity #3: Capitalize on increased health awareness among the vegetable consumers and a
growing demand for safe vegetables. Dike farmers are unaware that their produce has higher potential
value because of organic-like production. Similarly, consumers are unaware of greater food safety of
summer basket crops produced on dikes. Developing a common production and sales strategy, alongside
contractual linkages to major urban super markets and a public awareness campaign, could significantly
improve dike farmers’ incomes.
• Inadequate knowledge of farmers regarding fertilizer and pesticide dosage. While dike farmers often use
forms of pesticides and fertilizers that are not harmful to fish in adjacent water bodies, they are not
knowledgeable about Good Agricultural Practice (GAP) and similar standards. Dike farmers need additional
information about optimal fertilizer and pesticide dosages for productivity and quality.
• Absence of trusted marketing channel for marketing safe vegetables at premium price. As there is no formal
marketing channel to designate “safe” vegetables in the market, value chain actors are not able to fetch
premium prices from health-conscious consumers willing to pay a premium for higher-quality produce.
• Marketing companies of agricultural commodities do not have experience and know-how for branding fruits
and vegetables. Same as above.
• Limited access to credit for escalating the existing production to a commercial scale. Vegetable farmers
usually secure high-interest loans with weekly repayment schedules from traditional micro credit NGOs.
There are NGOs, such as the Rural Reconstruction Foundation (RRF) and Jagoroni Chokro Foundation
(JCF), which offer crop-specific, cash flow agricultural loans. Many farmers are not aware of the availability
of these specialty loan products. Bangladesh Bank has identified eggplant, bitter gourds, pointed gourd, and
pumpkin as high value crops and offers agricultural loans at less than 13 percent rate. However, farmers
rarely can secure these loans because of the lengthy and complex processing of loan applications and the
requirement of collateral and speed money.
The rationale, along with the ranking matrix, for selecting the mango value chain for AVC project support,
and the industry analysis based on the Porters’ Five Forces model, are described below.
SCORING MATRIX
In its overall ranking of value chains, the AVC team has given mango a score of 76 out of 100, as shown in
Table 1.
Table 1: AVC Ranking of Mango
Mango
Criteria Data source Weightage Score Explanation
Filter 1: Competitiveness Potential (40%)
Scale BBS 10 10 About one billion dollar industry; the share of the
Southern Delta is approximately 12 percent
Annual Market BBS, AVC 10 10 Mango industry is growing at approximately 4
Growth market percent per year. AVC field interviews indicate a 20
assessment percent growth of mango industry in Southern
Bangladesh.
Scope of Value Key 10 8 Significant scope for value addition; in post-harvest
Addition Informant and in processing. The trend of using mango
Interview processing (few mango items) is increasing.
Export/ Trade map 5 3.5 Bangladesh imports approximately 30 thousand
Import and others MTs of mangoes annually; usually from India,
substitution Pakistan and Thailand .
potential
Agro Ecological Field recon 5 3.5 The numbers of mango orchards are growing in
suitability and KII Southern Delta. Farmers in Southern Delta believe
that the soil and climate in the zone are quite
suitable for growing mangoes.
Filter 2: Impact Potential (35%)
28
AVC collected statistics from Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, agricultural wing, 2012 (unpublished).
Below, the AVC team considered how the five factors—supplier power, buyer power, competitive rivalry,
threat of substitution, and threat of new entry—are at play for Bangladesh’s mango value chain.
Mango is approximately a USD 1 billion industry in Bangladesh. It’s regarded as the king of the fruits. It
replaces many snack items in mango season. In FY 2012–13, consumption was approximately 1 million tons
per year and growing with the growth in GDP and population. Ninety percent of mangoes are consumed in
Bangladesh as a fresh commodity. Households, restaurants, and hotels consume various kinds of mango
juices and drinks. Mango is also being used as a raw material for food processing industries. Bangladesh
imports about 5 percent mangoes, mostly from India and also from Pakistan and Thailand. Mango farming is
very profitable. More than 40,000 farmers from the FTF zone are involved in the industry.
Note: AVC team developed figure with data from FAOSTAT (available at http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/default.aspx#ancor).
followed by the Americas and Africa with about 13 and 10 percent production, respectively. On the Asian
continent, India is the largest producer (15 million tons), followed by China (more than 4.5 million tons),
Thailand (2.6 million tons), and Pakistan (1.9 million tons).
As shown in Table 2, South Asian countries together produce 18.42 million tons of mangoes, which accounts
for more than 43 percent of world production. Mango production in Bangladesh has experienced steady
growth over the past decade. However, the yields are lower than other producers in the region.
Mango is a fruit that is mainly consumed locally, and only 4 percent of world mango production is traded. In
2013, the total value of global mango exports was USD 1.3 billion. The world’s major mango importers in
2013 were the United States (436,085 tons) and Europe (225,000 tons). India, the largest mango exporter,
increased its export volumes almost tenfold between 2000 and 2013. Pakistan, the Philippines, and Thailand
NATIONAL MARKET
Market Overview
The national market for mangoes is valued at approximately USD 950 million, including fresh mangoes and
processed mango products. In 2013, Bangladesh produced 956,867 tons of mangoes.
Note: AVC team created chart from different sources of data, including NBR, BBS, and AVC market assessment
done from January to June 2014.
Note: AVC team created chart from different sources of data, including NBR,
BBS, and AVC market assessment done from January to June 2014.
Source: BBS, Household Income & Expenditure Survey (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS)
(available at http://www.bbs.gov.bd/PageReportLists.aspx?PARENTKEY=66).
Consumption of other fruits and sweets goes down during the mango season. Consumers prefer premium
varieties of mangos grown in the North of the country because of their superior taste. However, consumers
are willing to pay premium prices for mangos that arrive on the market early in the season. Recently,
consumers have become increasingly aware of the health and safety concerns related to the use of
preservatives by mango farmers and traders to reduce perishability during transport and trading. Consumers
are willing to pay premium price as high as BDT 150 per kg for mangos that are safe. However, at the
moment there is no mechanism for ensuring quality and safety of mangos through appropriate branding or
Based on the 2010 Household Income and Expenditure Survey (BIHS), the AVC team calculated the impact
of increasing incomes on fresh mango expenditure. Using the data from the survey, the team calculated a
marginal propensity to consume fresh mangoes at 2.9 percent, which means that for every taka of extra
income, 0.029 taka are spent on fresh mangoes. Figure 5 shows per capita expenditure per month on fresh
mangoes increases with increased incomes.
The net impact of this increase in income, based on the current growth rate in real GDP of 4.7 percent per
year, is shown in Table 4. In 2013, the total annual increase in real GDP was USD 6,175 million. It indicates
that fresh mango consumption has increased by approximately USD 180 million. The annual effect of
income increase on fresh mango demand in 2013 was therefore 19.5 percent.
Note: AVC developed figure using data from Department of Agricultural Marketing (DAM), Ministry of Agriculture, Government of
People’s Republic of Bangladesh (available at www. dam.gov.bd/).
According to BBS data presented in Table 5, total production of mangos in the South was 118,644 tons in
2012–13 and has had a negative growth rate since 2008. However, AVC field assessment suggests that many
new mango orchards have been established in last five years in the South, almost doubling the number of
existing orchards. According to focus group discussions and field interviews, farmers are investing in mango
cultivation to take advantage of the South’s ability to produce early season mangoes, and mango production
in the South is growing at about 20 percent per year.
Note: AVC staff compiled table with data from Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, agricultural wing (unpublished data).
The Southern Delta constitutes 15 percent of the total mango cultivated area in Bangladesh and 12 percent of
the production volume. In 2011–12, average mango yield per hectare in Bangladesh was 7.72 tons, and 6.38
tons in the Southern Delta. Overall mango productivity in Bangladesh is lower than that of other producers in
the region, with Pakistan, for example, producing yields of 10 to 11 tons per hectare. Lower yields are
mainly a result of poor orchard management practices. Farmers in the Southern Delta are using traditional
practices and rarely use improved practices, such as modified basin method29 or hole irrigation system.30
Commercial mango cultivation is relatively new in the Southern Delta. Mango producing areas in the South
include Rajbari, Patuakhali, a few districts in Jessore region, and Satkhira.
29
When the trees are in full bearing stage, generally two irrigations are needed in modified basin method—one at full bloom and
another at pea stage of fruit. This is helpful in reducing fruit drop and improving fruit size. In modified basin method a dike should be
constructed around each tree to prevent water run-off during irrigation.
30
Irrigation may be applied using hole system also. In this system, four 20 cm deep and 15 cm wide holes are dug 1.5 to 2 m away from
the trunk and holes are filled first to capacity with water. After filling the last few holes, water poured earlier will be dried and the holes
should be filled again.
Some advanced farmers also practice inter-cropping in their mango orchards to increase their profits while
the orchard is not producing. Cultivation of pulses, mustard, vegetables or medicinal plants in mango
orchards increases overall income for the growers. In the first three years, when mango trees are small and
there is less possibility of shade, farmers grow winter crops including winter vegetables and pulses. They
also produce rice when it needs less irrigation in the orchard during these periods. Between three to five
years, farmers produce crops that are less susceptible to shade such as, okra, arum, red-amaranth, chili,
ginger, and turmeric. When mango trees become big, farmers produce cattle grass mainly for household use
or sometimes for sale.
Two types of mango cultivation are used in Bangladesh: (1) Elite mango varieties propagated through
grafting and other vegetative means known locally as “Kalam Aam,” and (2) varieties grown by planting
saplings, or small trees, known locally as “Guti Aam.” Grafting produces high yields and is commonly used
for commercial fresh mango production. The second type of cultivation produces lower yields and is mainly
used for producing processing varieties of mangoes. Farmers purchase saplings either from the nurseries or
from the traders. The number of days needed for fruit to mature depends on the variety and the climatic
conditions. However, in general, fruits mature 90 to 130 days from the fruit-set stage. Some of the common
varieties of mango grown in Bangladesh are listed in Table 7.
Note: AVC team developed this chart from key informant interviews during their market assessment from January to June 2014.
Fifty percent of mangoes produced in the South are premium varieties (such as Langra and
Himsagor), 10 percent are processing varieties (not produced commercially), and 40 percent are Amrapali
variety. Although Amrapali is a late season variety and not premium quality, it is becoming increasingly
popular with producers in the South, where it can be harvested in early season because of climatic conditions
there. Producers in the South can receive a high price, before the mangoes produced in the North enter the
market.
During the first two years this farmer did not get any return from the orchard, while he invested BDT 58,000
for seedlings and other costs, such as land preparation, tillage, fertilizer, irrigation, and fencing. In the third
year, the farmer cultivated other crops in the orchard, such as rice and mungbeans, and netted BDT 8,000
from selling these crops. The total outflow in ten years is around BDT 0.4 million while total inflow from the
orchard is around BDT one million. The net flow of this orchard is BDT 578,220 constituting an internal rate
of return (IRR) of 42 percent. It means that the annual rate of return for the investment is 42 percent. The net
present value (NPV) of the ten-year mango orchard is BDT 115,736.82, considering the 18 percent
discounted rate and excluding its terminal value.
The forecasted cash flows project that the mango farmers will break even in the sixth year.
Note: Data compiled by AVC staff during field assessment survey, January to June 2014.
* IRR (internal rate of return).
* *NPV (net present value) of an investment based on discounted rate and a series of future payments (negative values) and income
(positive values).
Outputs
Fruits 18,000 35 630,000
By-products (kg) 0
Total income 630,000
Note: AVC team compiled data during field assessment survey from January to June, 2014.
POST-HARVEST HANDLING
The major steps in post-harvest handling for mangoes include harvesting, washing and cleaning performed
by farmers, and sorting, grading and packing usually performed by both farmers and traders. Farmers in the
South frequently harvest their produce before maturity. Most do not use recommended doses of ripening
agents, such as carbide. Farmers also rarely follow improved washing and cleaning techniques for using hot
and cold water treatment after harvest. Only a few farmers are using appropriate packaging, such as crates
for long-distance transportation, and many use bags instead. Only about 50 percent of farmers, mostly in the
North, are estimated to sort and grade their produce. Bangladesh has no cold storage facilities for mangoes.
Processing
The mango processing industry in Bangladesh includes four key products: mango juice, mango bar, pickle,
and chatney. Ice cream producers also use mango flavor for producing mango ice cream. There are ten to
twelve mango processing firms in Bangadesh, most with low production capacity. Processing companies do
not have specialized preservation facilities. The key mango processing companies and their production
capacity (as of FY 2012–13) are shown in Table 10.
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews during January-August 2014.
Input suppliers: There are two types of input suppliers active in the mango value chain. One type includes
suppliers of fertilizer, medicines, pesticides, hormones, and equipment, such as irrigation tools, spray
machines, and spare parts. These companies procure inputs from private sector suppliers and government
institutions at a wholesale price and sell them to farmers at the village or community level for a retail price.
Farmers: Different types of farmers engage in mango cultivation. It is estimated that only about 20 percent
of farmers are engaged in the production cycle from planting orchard trees to nurturing trees to selling
mangoes. About 50 percent of farmers lease land for mango cultivation for a fee. Mango farmers who own
land usually rent land to other mango growers for a period of three to four years. Farmers either sell mangoes
after harvest or they sell fruit-bearing trees to other farmers. Many entrepreneurs are engaged in purchasing
and selling mango orchards at different stages of production.
Sale of orchards under cultivation by farmers at either flowering or fruit-bearing stage is common. Farmers
who purchase an orchard at flowering stage engage in further cultivation of the orchard until it comes to
fruition and may further resell the trees once again after fruition. The final buyer of the trees then takes care
of the orchard, harvests the trees, and finally sells fresh mangoes to buyers. Farmers sell mangoes to different
value chain actors including beparis (small traders), large traders, arathdars (commission agents), and
sometimes to processing company suppliers. Farmers also sell mangoes directly to the consumer.
Traders: There are several types of traders active in the mango value chain.
• Beparis/Small traders: Small traders purchase mangoes from farmers and supply to large scale traders,
processing company suppliers, and local arathdars. They mainly trade at the local level, and all the
transactions take place in cash. Usually several small traders purchase mangos in a group and share their
transportation costs from farm-gate to market. It is estimated that about 5 percent of the mango trade goes
through small traders.
• Large traders: Large traders procure mangos from farmers and small traders and sell directly at national
and regional markets, as well as to arathdars, or commission agents, and processing company suppliers.
Large farmers handle an estimated 45 percent of the mango trade. Traders usually grade and sort the produce
by quality and variety and sell each separately. All transactions take place in cash, although sometimes
traders may offer credit for a period of up to one week.
• Arathdars, or Commission Agents: Arathdars act as middlemen in the chain where they provide space to
farmers and farias to sell their produce to large traders and wholesalers. They also facilitate linkages between
sellers and national and regional traders in return for percentage commission from both parties, which is
received in cash at the time of the transaction. Arathdars sometimes purchase produce from farmers. Local
arathdars are based in the production hub area, while national and regional arathdars operate in urban areas.
All arathdars maintain the same commission rate and sometimes act as a guarantor in credit transactions.
Wholesalers: Wholesalers operate on the regional and national level and often occupy fixed space in urban
wholesale markets. They procure mangoes in bulk from local arathdars and large traders and sell directly to
retailers. All transactions take place in cash.
Company suppliers: Supply agents supply fresh mangoes to processors based on the procurement
requirements, and purchase mangoes from farmers and small and large traders. Transactions take place in
cash. Company suppliers also perform grading and sorting of fresh mangos according to the processor’s
requirements.
Processors: There are two types of processing companies operating in the mango value chain:
• Processing companies without captive facilities: These companies produce only pulp and brine and then
supply it to companies that make finished mango products. Some companies concentrate on producing only
pulp or only brine, while some produce both. Companies usually procure fresh mango from their suppliers
and sometimes procure directly from farmers. They include Vagan Agro, Chapai Agro Ltd, and Abdul
Momen. Processing companies without captive facilities produce about 15 percent of processed mango
products.
Distributors: Distributors are active in the processed mango products market segment and supply products to
retailers or sell directly to consumers. One distributor can work for more than one processing company.
Retailers: Retailers are the last link in the value chain. Retailers of fresh mangoes include fresh fruit vendors
and chain shops. Regional and national retailers purchase fresh mangos from wholesalers and arathdars.
Local retailers usually procure mangos directly from farmers and small traders to sell at the local level.
Retailers purchase mangos for cash. They often purchase products jointly with other retailers to share
transportation costs. Retailers of processed mango products include urban grocery stores and large chain
stores. They usually buy products from the distributors at a wholesale price and sell at the retail price.
Importers: Importers in the mango value chain include food and beverage importers that import juice and
supply it to retail stores. Some large chain stores import directly and sell products to end consumers at a
retail price.
MARKET CHANNELS
The two key market channels in the mango value chain focus on the national market:
Figure 8: Waterfall Analysis for Fresh Mango (in BDT), January to June 2014
80
70
60 14
50
19
40
Gross margin
68
30
20 33
10
0 2
Revenue Retailer Traders Farmer Input
Note: AVC compiled data from market assessment conducted from January to June, 2014.
DYNAMIC TRENDS
The study team identified two key dynamic trends in the domestic market for mangoes:
Dynamic Trend #1: Market for fresh mangoes has been growing continuously and consumer demand for
mangoes continues to be strong. According to focus group discussions and field interviews, mango
production in the South is growing at about 20 percent per year. Farmers in the South have been increasing
their investments in mango orchards and almost doubled the number of orchards in the last five years.
Farmers are keen to take advantage of South’s ability to produce early season mangoes.
Dynamic Trend #2: Consumers in Bangladesh have become increasingly aware of and concerned about
food safety issues in mango production. Indiscriminate use of hazardous chemicals, growth hormones, and
ripening agents by farmers in mango production has an adverse impact on consumer health. Many consumers
avoid buying mangoes from the open market unless they are sure that the produce comes from a safe source.
• Farmers do not have adequate knowledge of modern mango orchard management techniques. Farmers lack
awareness of the most effective methods of nurturing mango trees, harvesting techniques, and timing, all
crucial for producing the best quality product. As a result, farmers fail to obtain optimum output from mango
trees.
• Improper use of pesticides and fertilizers results in poor production. Farmers do not know the proper dosage
of fertilizer required for their land, which depends on the soil type, structure, and nutrient content. Farmers
usually apply as much fertilizer are they can afford, which increases production costs and destroys the
balance of soil nutrients leading to less fertile soil in the long run. Poor farming practices can be
environmentally damaging, and excess dosage of pesticides and fertilizer can have negative health effects.
Input sellers also are not knowledgeable about the appropriate use of fertilizers.
• Mango farmers do not use recommended doses of ripening agents and are not familiar with appropriate uses
of carbides (ripening agent). Farmers in the south often harvest their produce before maturity, as most of
them produce early varieties. Only a few farmers use crates for packing and long-distance transportation.
Opportunity #2: Opportunity to enhance use of orchard land through intercropping. Since mango is a long
duration crop, intercropping in a mango orchard can increase farmer incomes and ensure better use of land.
Mango farmers in the northern districts of Bangladesh practice intercropping winter season crops and
vegetables in mango orchards.
• Mango growers in the South are not familiar with intercropping techniques. Relevant extension services for
mango growing are too weak and ineffective to inform farmers of the benefits of intercropping and other
modern cultivation practices. As a result, underuse of orchard land remains prevalent in the South.
Opportunity #3: Opportunity exists for serving high-end consumer markets with proper branding and
marketing of mangoes as safe products. A common practice in the production of mangoes, and all fruits
generally, is the indiscriminate use of hazardous chemicals, growth hormones, and ripening agents, which
has an adverse impact on consumers’ health. In recent years, many consumers have avoided buying fruits,
especially mangoes, from markets unless they are sure that the produce comes from a safe source. Increased
awareness of consumers and concerns over food safety has created an opportunity for marketing and
branding of southern mangoes as safe products. if producers receive training on post-harvest handling and
are able to ensure safe production and post-harvest management practices.
• Farmers lack the knowledge of proper dosages of pesticides and safe growth regulators. As a result,
indiscriminate usage of pesticides and growth hormones result in harmful residual effects on human health.
• Farmers and traders of mangoes often use high levels of formalin to increase the shelf life of ripe mangoes.
Such irresponsible methods of post-harvest handling and overuse of preservatives and ripening agents pose a
threat to human health.
The market for fresh tomatoes is highly seasonal, with the bulk of tomatoes produced during the winter
season. There is a small summer season in which locally produced summer tomatoes come onstream and vie
with imports from India. Prices for tomatoes follow a clear seasonal trend: prices are generally low in the
peak production period in the winter and higher during the rest of the year. There is significant potential to
increase value by spreading out production beyond the peak months when prices are lowest. The high growth
of processed tomatoes is opening up a new source of demand that, while starting from a low base, can also
have the potential to relieve market pressure on tomatoes during peak periods.
The share of processed tomatoes is only 5 percent of the industry; however, it is the fastest growing market
segment, with growth of about 30 percent per year. Processed tomato products include mainly tomato paste
and tomato sauces and ketchup. Tomato paste is largely an intermediate product used in the manufacturing of
tomato sauces and ketchup; there is little direct consumer market for tomato paste in Bangladesh. Tomato
paste processors procure fresh tomatoes and sell tomato pastes to sauce manufacturing companies. Street
vendors use tomatoes as additive items and in local prepared food items such as chanachur, chatpati, and
muri. Tomatoes are frequently used as ingredients in other foods, such as salad and curry dishes.
Changing consumer habits are driving the strong growth in the market for fresh and processed tomatoes in
Bangladesh. Tomatoes are increasingly being used as a complementary food product, and the increased
consumption of prepared meals means that tomato sauces are being used more and more. Consumer
behavioral trends, strong economic growth (6.5 GDP growth is greater than 6 percent), and rapid
urbanization and economic development, overlaid with a 1.2 percent growth in population in 2012, combine
to drive the rapid growth in the market.31
31
World Bank Open Data (available at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG).
SCORING MATRIX
In its overall evaluation of the tomato value chain, the AVC team assigned tomatoes a value of 79 out of 100
points (see Table 1).
The AVC team considered below how Porter’s five factors—supplier power, buyer power, competitive
rivalry, threat of substitution, and threat of new entry—are at play for the tomato value chain.
Tomato is a popular cash crop. Approximately 96 percent of tomatoes are consumed fresh in salad or in
curries. The remaining 4 percent are industrial tomatoes, processed as tomato ketchup and sauce. Because of
their distinct taste and texture, tomatoes have no close substitutes. Changing food habits are driving growth
in the tomato market and affecting the tomato processing industry. For nonindustrial tomatoes, seasonality
and quantity production are the main determinants of market price. However, for processing (industrial)
tomatoes, the input suppliers, the producers, the processors, and the consumers all have a moderate degree of
bargaining power. A stronger value chain will benefit actors at all nodes of the chain, especially processors.
The global export market is also growing at 3 percent rate per year. Mexico and the Netherlandsre the leading
fresh tomato exporters, while China alone has about 35 percent share of the export market for tomato paste and
24 percent of total processed tomato items (Table 3). The surge in Chinese exports is attributed to increased
compliance with the United States pesticides residual level.
Global import (fresh tomatoes) quantities are 11 million tons. The figure is growing at more than 3 percent
rate per year. The United States is the leading importer with about a 14 percent share of imports. All Asian
countries together import approximately 15 percent of world production. In addition to the United States and
Russia, top importers are from European countries. South Asia has only 2 percent share of the global import
market; however, this is increasing at 38 percent rate annually, albeit from a low base (Table 4).
32
“Iringa Tomato Value Chain Analysis for Local (National) Market and Value Chain Development Investment Plan,” FreshPlaza
Global Fresh Produce and Banana News, September 10, 2009, p. 22.
Bangladesh exports negligible quantities of tomatoes and processed tomato products, mainly to ethnic markets
in the Middle East. The total export value is approximately USD 230,000. The tomato processing industry is
relatively new and has just started to export processed tomato items. With few real mainstream export market
growth prospects besides occasional sales to Bangladeshi communities abroad, exports of tomatoes and tomato
products have not been retained as a major focus of this study.
NATIONAL MARKET
Table 5: Quantity, Market Value, and Percentage Share by Uses of Tomato Products (FY 2012–13)
Robust production and import growth in Bangladesh is driving increases in fresh tomato consumption. The
annual consumption growth rate of fresh tomatoes is approximately 13 percent.
These long-term trends of increasing fresh tomato consumption are coming in a context of gradually rising
prices. From 2006–07 to 2011–12, the price of fresh tomatoes increased at an average rate of 10 percent per
year. The overall growth in market demand seems to be quite strong, with volume rising despite the rising
prices.
To take advantage of the growing market opportunities, some private entrepreneurs are establishing tomato
paste plants. PRAN, the leading sauce producer in Bangladesh, used to rely on imported tomato paste from
China. PRAN has set up a captive tomato paste processing unit to support its sauce production operations.
Vegan and Chapai Agro have established paste plants in Kushtia (Vera Mara) and Chapainababganj
(Gomostapur). Satata Agro Product has started building a new plant in Narayanganj. The developments in
the processed tomato industry are indicative of a very rapid growth in the demand for processed tomato
products.
CHANGES IN CONSUMPTION
Bangladesh has achieved strong economic development in the last decade. Gross domestic product per capita
reached USD 829 in 2013, whereas it was only USD 598 in 2009. The total change in real GDP over this
time period is more than USD 6 billion (see Table 6). The rapid economic growth, which is driving
prolonged increases in household real income that is fueling increased fresh tomato consumption, has
exceeded population growth consistently over the last decade. This “income effect” on demand for fresh
Source: Household Income & Expenditure Survey (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS) (available at
http://www.bbs.gov.bd/PageReportLists.aspx?PARENTKEY=66).
The data in Table 6 reflect changing consumption patterns led by the strong emergence of a middleclass
population and changes in dietary habits over the last two decades. New dietary habits include increasing
demand for fresh salad tomatoes as well as processed tomato products, as households consume more food
prepared away from the home, and households’ preference for time-saving tomato sauces. The emergence of
small, individually packaged tomato sauces and their use in cafés, restaurants, and fast-food shops is a major
phenomenon.
Note: AVC created chart with data provided by Department of Agricultural Marketing, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.
33
Even year data can reflect best price movement from year to year.
In 2012–13, the FTF zone accounted for 16.10 percent of the total tomato production, with the average growth
rate of 1.75 percent per year—well under the national growth rate. The total harvested area in the FTF zone
was approximately 5,000 hectares. In 2012–13, the total market value of fresh tomatoes produced in the FTF
districts was about USD 17.67 million, assuming a price of BDT 35 per kilogram for fresh tomatoes.
While the average yield per hectare in Bangladesh is 9.53 tons, the farmers in the FTF districts produce only
8.18 tons per hectare of land. Among the farmers in the twenty FTF districts, the farmers of Sariatpur and
Jessore are the most advanced in tomato cultivation. The average yields per unit of land in these two districts
are higher than the average national yield.
For the FTF zone, the AVC team calculated the number of tomato farmers at about 37,000, using BBS data
that reports 4,940 hectares are under tomato cultivation and an assumption of 7.5 farmers per 1 hectare.
Tomato is a labor-intensive crop; approximately, 285 person days are required for producing tomatoes per
hectares of land. On the full cost basis (FCB means 100 percent hired labor), about 1,425,000 person days are
34
AVC team compiled data from FAOSTAT (available at http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/default.aspx#ancor).
Winter Tomatoes. Winter tomato production supplies the vast majority of fresh tomatoes in Bangladesh.
The tomatoes are generally open field tomatoes grown with some form of shallow irrigation drawing on
nearby surface water sources. Planting material from international seed companies is generally available
from local agricultural supply stores.
Summer Tomatoes. Summer tomatoes are grown under protective plastic greenhouses to protect plants
from the heavy rainfall of the summer monsoon season. They also require irrigation. Summer tomato
cultivation requires specific summer varieties, several of which have been developed by BARI. So far, BARI
has developed and released three hybrid tomato varieties—BARI hybrid tomato-
3, 4 and 8— that can be grown during summer and rainy seasons. The Department of Agriculture Extension
(DAE) launched the “Second Countrywide Crop Diversification Project” in 52 Upazillas in 2011. Under this
project, an initiative was undertaken to introduce summer tomato cultivation in many Upazillas as a high
value crop. There are an estimated 450 summer tomato farmers in the FTF zone.
Dike Tomatoes. In the past fifteen years farmers in several areas of the southern FTF zone (Jessore and
Bagerhat) have begun to produce tomatoes on the dikes between fishponds. One of the advantages of dike-
grown tomatoes is that farmers can use natural fertilizer from their fishponds, thereby reducing or
eliminating the use of chemical fertilizers. Dike tomatoes are early season tomatoes, coming to market
during the shoulder season in the fall before prices reach the peak season low point. Dike tomatoes require
some sort of greenhouse protection, as do summer tomatoes.
The cropping calendar for the main types of tomatoes is shown in Table 9. Producers can expand production
beyond the winter peak periods either by cultivating dike tomatoes in the early season (the red band in Table
Table 10 presents the profitability estimates for summer and winter tomatoes calculated using responses from
AVC interviews with summer tomato35 and winter tomato36 farmers.
Operational cost
35
Summer tomato farmers: Md. Jalal Uddin; father: Late Mojid Molla; village: Dadpur; union: Darazhat, Upazila, Bagharpara; district:
Jessore.
36
Winter tomato farmers: Goutam Kumar; father: Shamal Kumar; village: Kalarhat; union: Kashimnagar, Upazila, Monirampur; district:
Jessore.
Although summer tomatoes have a much higher level of net profit per unit of land, they have a somewhat
lower benefit-cost ratio (1.78:1) (see Table 10). The benefit-cost ratio reflects the higher level of investment
required for summer tomatoes, with more than BDT 220,000 in capital investment for greenhouse construction
and land lease per 100 decimals, as compared with only BDT 20,000 for land lease in the case of winter
tomatoes.
POST-HARVEST HANDLING
The mains steps in post-harvest handling of tomatoes are described below.
Harvesting: How the produce is used and the distance to the market determine the ideal harvesting time.
Tomatoes for processing are harvested when they are fully mature. Fruits to be transported long distance are
harvested at a less mature stage, while the crop for local markets is picked at a more mature stage. Tomatoes
for the fresh market are harvested by hand early in the morning. Harvesting is typically done with hired labor.
Grading: Farmers and traders will conduct sorting and grading of tomatoes at farm gate and at the collection
market. While there are no standard or official grading norms, traders and farmers divide the product mainly
by size and color. Retailers also may grade tomatoes before sale. Wholesaler and collection markets will
offer different prices for tomatoes based on grade and between graded and ungraded lots.
Storage: The main objective in storage after harvest is to control the rate of ripening to extend the marketing
period. At present, there are no cold storage facilities to help control ripening. There is no specialized storage
system for paste processors. Paste processors purchase products during seasonal glut and process
immediately. They use no cold storage and basically produce only while there is sufficient fresh supply.
Transport: Tomatoes are highly perishable; hence, quick methods of transportation are necessary. Tomatoes
are transported by road primarily using tractors and trucks. Farmers sometimes use boats to transport their
products to local markets. They also use waterways for transporting to distant markets. Often farmers hire a
trawler and launch as a group and share the cost. Village produce is transported to the nearby towns and city
markets by locally made multi-haulers (i.e., hand-held machine tractors attached to wheeled platforms) or
rickshaw van
PROCESSING
Tomato sauce and ketchup are the main processing items in Bangladesh. Paste processors produce tomato
paste, which is then used as the main ingredient of tomato sauce. Sauce producers use water and other
flavoring ingredients with tomato paste. Producers use the recommended amounts of tomato paste to make
sauce (28 percent) and ketchup (17 to 20 percent). In Bangladesh, the conversion ratio for fresh tomato to
tomato paste is 3.5:1. Some Chinese and Turkish varieties have a much better conversion ratio of 2:1,
producing more tomato paste per kilogram.
PRAN, the largest tomato sauce producing company in Bangladesh, needs about 3,600 tons of tomatoes to
produce 1,000 tons of tomato paste. Vegan Agro Limited, a leading paste processing company, requires about
600 tons of tomato paste in each season (duration nine to eleven weeks). Vegan Only operates its business for
three to four months and sits idle for the remaining months of the year. PRAN shuffles its production set-up
from one product to another with the changing seasons. Another major sauce producer, Satata Agro Products,
shifts its operation from tomato sauce production to mango bars and other types of pickles after the end of the
peak tomato season. Thus, the tomato processing industry only produces processed tomato products for a few
months each year. The processors purchase fresh tomatoes during the winter peak season when prices are the
lowest.
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews from January to August 2014.
Input suppliers
Input suppliers source seeds and agro-chemical products, such as fertilizers, pesticides, insecticides,
micronutrients, and hormones. Generally, each input seller sells all possible inputs. However, Syngenta
Bangladesh has established its own brand shops for selling pesticides. There are also few seed retailers who
sell only seeds, of which vegetable seeds are the most important. Input sellers sell products on credit and for
cash. They also provide some embedded services to producers, mainly extension advice. Agrochemical firms
Production
Farmers plow, plant, weed, harvest, grade, and sort the product. Family members assist farmers in almost all
phases. They also employ laborers mainly as casual workers. They hire transports to transfer the products
from farm-gate to nearer markets. Large farmers also sell their produce directly from their fields.
There are three types of tomato growers: winter tomato producers, dike farmers, and summer tomato
producers. Few winter tomato farmers produce early and late tomato varieties. Dike and summer tomato
farmers are more advanced in their farming practices, as the farming techniques that require higher levels of
investment in greenhouses are difficult for the smaller, less sophisticated farmers.
Farmers mostly sell their products to traders known as faria in local collection markets. For smaller batches,
farmers will transport tomatoes themselves to the collection markets, bypassing local faria. However, when
they have large production volumes, they will almost always contract with a faria who will take care of the
transport from the farm to the collection market. Generally, farmers sell on a cash basis. Farmers will buy
and sell tomato seedlings among themselves, as well as occasionally bulking their production and sharing
transport costs to the collection market.
There are a few large food marketing companies that use their superior marketing channels and procure sauce
from non-branded sauce producers. Amrita is one of these, as it procures its sauce from Satata Food
Products. Amrita as a regional company has better market access in the Barisal and Khulna regions. It sells
and distributes tomato products to various retailers.
Distributors
All sauce producers sell their products to independent distributors. Negotiation between distributors and
processing companies depends mainly on investment capacity and product quality. Distributors maintain spot
market relations between wholesalers and retailers.
Importers
Imported fresh tomatoes enter the wholesale market directly through commission agents. Imported tomatoes
are high value products, typically not used in processing channels, which go to local bazaar, grocery, and
chain shops. Traders practice cash and credit as mode of transaction. Prices depend on product availability,
product quality, season, and demand. Few sauce processors use imported paste and produced final finished
products. There are few consumer product traders who import sauce and sell the product through distributors.
They usually specialize in a wide range of imported food products.
Retailers
The final finished product reaches to consumer through retailers. Grocery, bazaar and chain-shops are major
selling points in retailing markets. The fresh and processed both items are sold on spot markets. Fresh tomato
retailers jointly procure and share transport costs.
MARKET CHANNELS
There are two major channels in tomato value chain map: fresh and processed tomato.
Note: AVC staff prepared the graph with data from BBS and
from an AVC market survey conducted from January to June
2014.
Fresh tomatoes are produced nationally or imported. Imported tomatoes first enter wholesale markets
through commission agents. National markets, such as Karan Bazaar, Arabia, and Sham Bazar, are major
wholesaling markets for imported tomatoes. Winter, early and late winter, or summer tomatoes are first
collected by small or long distance traders who transport them to urban wholesale markets and then on to
local bazaars or groceries.
As a cash crop, fresh tomato production has been increasing in the last five years. The absorptive capacity of
this channel is strong.
Paste processors procure raw tomatoes from wholesaling markets mostly by employing supply agents.
Sauce producers procure tomato paste either from local companies or through importing channels.
The final finished products reach the retailing market after involving all support agents and actors. The key
actors in this channel are the processor supply agents, who are market movers.
DYNAMIC TREND
The tomato value chain is experiencing rapid growth and showing signs of important new product innovation
with a trend for the creation of new processing companies and products. Overall, the tomato market is
growing at a very rapid rate with no signs of a downturn. The fresh tomato market is growing at more than
13 percent a year with farmers expanding areas and developing new types of off-peak season production.
High profitability, especially for non-peak season tomatoes, continues to fuel interest on the part of
producers. In addition, the national tomato processing industry is growing at an even higher rate of
MARGIN ANALYSIS
The waterfall analysis in Figure 8 depicts how value is shared and distributed among the value chain actors.
It considers post-harvest losses incurred at different points of the value chain.37 Out of total revenue of BDT
26.5, the retailers’ share is the highest (BDT 8.33). The next larges margins are for traders and farmers.
Farmers sell at BDT 10 per kilogram, with a cost of inputs of about BDT 3, and a value addition of BDT 7.
37
Prices on the vertical axis are adjusted downward for losses by taking sales revenue at each level and dividing it by total volume of
fresh tomatoes purchased at each level, before losses.
Opportunity #1: Extremely rapid growth in consumer demand for processed tomato products, coupled with
new investments in tomato paste processing units, has created a rapidly growing market channel (Channel
2) that has the potential to relieve downward pressure on prices of fresh tomatoes during the peak winter
season. The low capacity use of tomato paste processors calculated on a yearly basis indicates that longer
purchasing periods, combined with some type of cold storage preservation strategy, could lead to large
increases in the total flow of fresh tomatoes into the processing segment of the value chain. Processors have
underused capacity and report that they are unable to meet the rising demand. There is potential to increase
production of the key intermediate paste products in Bangladesh if more processing tomatoes can be
produced and their availability prolonged over a longer time period. Specific constraints to this opportunity
include:
• The lack of industrial varieties of tomatoes that offer improved technical yield ratios of fresh to processed
product. Bangladeshi tomatoes have a very low technical transformation rate when used in paste processing.
The common ratio for normal Bangladeshi tomatoes that are not specifically processing tomatoes is 3.5:1.
The ratio stands in stark contrast to rates of 2:1 for some Turkish and Chinese varieties. The only variety of
processing tomato used in Bangladesh is the shafal variety, which is not a favorite with farmers because of
its vulnerability to disease. The lack of specific industrial use tomatoes with higher transformation rates
limits the price that paste processors are willing to pay for fresh tomatoes. This is a key factor that serves to
limit overall supply and shorten the seasonal buying window, as processors enter the market only during the
• Farmers are not organized to interact with industrial buyers. Small, miniature, and disorganized farms lead
to diseconomies of scale and fail to attract large-scale processors and buyers. The proliferation of supply
agents creates an extra intermediary between the farmers and the tomato paste processors who are the main
industrial buyers. The FTF zone in general is not an attractive option for industrial buyers because of a lack
of effective and efficient farmer- and trader-based organizations that can sell tomatoes in large quantities.
• Absence of coordinated buying strategy linking farmers to processors on a longer-term basis that would
prolong buying periods. Paste processors have few vertical linkages to farmers and tend to rely only on their
supply agents who are pure spot market operators. They have not yet made more than a timid attempt to
promote the cultivation of processing tomatoes with higher technical rates of transformation.
Communications between processors and farmers are minimal to non-existent, which is not surprising given
the recent nature of most paste plant investments.
• Lack of business and financial planning capacity on the part of paste processors, with particular reference to
supply costing. Generally, tomato paste processors do not have a supply strategy for acquiring raw materials.
Few processors have any financial planning expertise that would allow them to identify trade-offs: buying at
higher prices during a longer time span would raise the cost of raw materials, but also provide processors
with more positive net margin to apply against their fixed cost overhead.
Opportunity #2: The large excess demand for tomatoes in summer creates a very significant opportunity for
tomato farmers to expand summer season tomatoes and reap large profits from serving the fresh market and
reducing high-priced seasonal imports. In addition to the market opportunity in Channel 2, the main market
for fresh tomatoes in Channel 1 presents some clear opportunities for farmers who can produce outside of the
three-month peal winter season (roughly January to March). The potential for realizing very high returns to
tomato cultivation outside of the peak period is already fuelling interest from farmers, but could be
significantly accelerated with some effort spent address several key constraints. These constraints are listed
below.
• Summer tomato farming requires special varieties and production techniques that are not familiar to winter
tomato farmers. The production of summer and off-season tomatoes requires production techniques that are
significantly different from those used by most farmers to produce winter tomatoes. Specialized varieties of
tomatoes need to be used, in addition to a different mix of inputs (including growth hormones) with the
construction of greenhouses. Unless farmers are exposed to these techniques and receive training in their
application, it will be quite difficult for them to enter into off-season tomato production. Unfortunately
extension support to diffuse knowledge of summer tomato production practices is not available from public
extension services. Problems such as early or late harvesting are likely to arise with farmers unaccustomed to
producing summer tomatoes, as they will be less familiar with the normal progression of fruit maturation.
• High capital costs for summer tomato production means that the pool of potential adopters may be limited
without access to credit. Off-season tomato production requires higher levels of investment in greenhouses
and inputs than winter tomatoes or other vegetable crops. With BDT 335,000 (roughly USD 4,200) in first
season summer tomato start-up costs required for 100 decimals of land, as opposed to BDT 83,000 (USD
1,000), many farmers will require financing in order to launch summer tomato production.
Opportunity #3: Improved product quality in winter tomatoes, as well as promotion of early and late winter
tomato cultivation, can create new value by reducing prices during peak supply period. In addition, the use
of dike farming techniques for tomatoes, which are not widely used in the FTF zone, have the potential to
yield a high-quality product, with low chemical input use, that has wider harvest windows than normal open-
field winter tomatoes. The presence of many suitable lowland areas in the FTF zone where dike farming is
viable in combination with fish ponds, combined with a small existing core of experienced dike farmers,
creates conditions in which dike farming can be expanded significantly. Besides expanding the supply of
early season tomatoes after the summer period, tomatoes produced through dike farming have the potential to
be marketed as a high-quality differentiated product based on the lower levels of chemical inputs they
require. This could form the core of a new product of differentiated “natural” tomatoes. Specific constraints
include the following:
• Dike farming is a fairly sophisticated technology that requires high levels of training for farmer to master it.
Dike farming requires simultaneous exploitation of fish ponds and a whole production protocol that differs
greatly from winter tomatoes. Like summer tomatoes, it requires some investment in greenhouse. Given the
small number of farmers practicing dike farming, the reservoir of existing trained farmers who could serve as
trainers and demonstration farms for new farmers in not extensive.
• No marketing platform exists to create value through promoting dike farming to consumers as a more
healthy productive technology compared with open field tomatoes. Any campaign to market dike tomatoes
as a differentiated product would need some sort of common marketing mechanism to coordinate sales,
organize promotion and product branding, and enforce standards. Currently no such entity of mechanism
exists. Possible candidates include farmer associations and traders.
• Poor post-harvest handling and packaging during transport leads to high levels of losses that reduce returns
to actors at all levels of the value chain. This constraint is essentially the same as for summer tomatoes
discussed above.
Groundnuts are an increasingly attractive cash crop for smallholder farmers in Bangladesh because of low
capital investment and high profitability. Approximately 35 percent of the total groundnut production is
located in USAID’s Feed the Future target zone, which spans the Southern Delta. In the South, char areas are
particularly suitable for groundnut cultivation, and groundnut production has been increasing there at the rate
of 8.42 percent per year since 2006–07. Groundnut production is labor intensive at the farm, post-harvest,
and processing levels: 142,000 farmers are currently involved in groundnut cultivation in Bangladesh, with
an estimated 37,000 of them located in the South. The FTF target zone includes the leading groundnut
producing regions, such as Faridpur, which accounts for nearly 25 percent of the national groundnut
production.
Groundnut farmers in the South face multiple production and marketing constraints, such as poor production
practices, inferior varieties, low yields, weak market linkages, and lack of scale and aggregation. As a result,
most processors source groundnuts from the North, and producers in the South have yet to take advantage of
selling to this growing market channel. There are opportunities, however, for producers in the South to meet
the requirements of this market segment, as well as to improve their overall production practices and yields.
The rationale for selecting the groundnuts value chain for AVC project support, the ranking matrix, and the
Porter’s Five Forces analysis are in the following section.
Groundnuts are a prominent industrial crop without any commercially viable substitutes. The sector is
growing, and the farmers are benefiting from increasing demand (and to some extent price) over the last few
years. Both suppliers and buyers share limited bargaining power, while supply and demand play the ultimate
role of determining price. Few large processors dominate the groundnut product market. They offer
differentiated products and develop their own brand image to reduce price-based competition. The growing
demand and the emergence of improved farming technology offer opportunity for all the players in the
groundnut value chain.
Of the world’s groundnut production 48 percent is consumed fresh (e.g., salted, roasted), and 52 percent is
used in the production of oil and other food products, such as groundnut flour, butter, snacks, sweets, backed
goods, and food seasonings. Many food producers prefer groundnuts to other exotic nuts, such as cashew
nuts and walnuts, because they are more widely available and cost less. Groundnuts also have a variety of
industrial uses (e.g., paint, furniture polish, cosmetic products, and textile materials).
Developing countries in Asia, Africa, and South America together account for more than 97 percent of the
world’s total groundnut production area and 95 percent of production, mostly by smallholder farmers.
China, India, Nigeria, the United States, and Myanmar are the world’s leading groundnut producers.
Historically, China has dominated global production of groundnuts. In 2012, China had a 40 percent share
of world production, with 4.7 million hectares under cultivation and 16.8 million tons produced. India, the
second largest groundnut producer in the world, produced 5.7 million tons in 2012. China’s groundnut
production has been growing by about 5 percent per year since 1980. This is primarily because high-
yielding and stress-resistant groundnut varieties were introduced, and improved cultivation practices, such
as deep tillage, balanced fertilizer, close planting, chemical control, and polythene mulching, adopted. From
2006–07 to 2012–13, Myanmar and India also increased their production by 5.0 and 2.9 percent,
respectively.40 Bangladesh captures only a meager 0.13 percent of the world’s total groundnut production
and 0.2 percent of production by Asian countries.42 Bangladesh’s exports and imports of groundnuts are
negligible, at 10 and 103 tons in
2013, respectively, with most national production consumed in the national market.43
NATIONAL MARKET
38
2012: World Markets and Trade (USDA, Foreign Agricultural Service) (available at
http://apps.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/circulars/oilseeds.pdf).
39
ICRISAT, International Crop Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (available at http://www.icrisat.org/cropgroundnut.htm).
40
AVC staff calculated growth using FAOSTAT data (available at
http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/DesktopDefault.aspx?PageID=567#ancor). 42 AVC
staff calculated growth using FAOSTAT data (available at
http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/DesktopDefault.aspx?PageID=567#ancor). 43 Global
Trade Atlas (available at https://www.gtis.com/gta).
In 2012–13, Bangladesh produced nearly 50,000 tons of groundnuts. Of this amount, approximately 35
percent were produced in the FTF targeted districts. Since Bangladesh exports and imports of groundnuts
are negligible, all national production is consumed locally. The AVC research team faced significant data
limitations in estimating the size of the national market for groundnuts. National consumption data for
groundnuts are not available, and there is significant discrepancy in production data available from BBS
and DAE.41 The team relied on available secondary data from BBS, end market interviews with processors
and other market actors, and visits to DAE offices in each of the FTF districts in the South to collect
relevant production data. Based on BBS data, from 2006–07 to 2012–13, groundnut production in
Bangladesh experienced a relatively flat growth rate of 1.36 percent per year. However, groundnut
cultivation has been increasing in the Southern Delta at a rate of 8.42 percent per year during the same
period. Farmers, especially in Gopalgonj and Faridpur, are showing increased interest in raising groundnuts
because of growing prices, low investment requirements, and high profitability.42
With the steady annual GDP growth of above 4.7 percent since 2004 and corresponding increases in
household discretionary income, consumer demand for groundnuts has been increasing, particularly for
readymade snacks. This trend is also evidenced by the continuous increase in groundnut price— the retail
price at harvest time increased by approximately 24 percent between the 2006–07 and 2012– 13 seasons,
based on BBS data.
• Industrial use in the production of biscuits and ice cream, as well as other confections, such as groundnut
brittle and trail mix, account for 10 percent of the market. This segment is valued at USD 9.3 million.
• Groundnut oil production accounts for the remaining 5 percent of groundnut use, with an estimated value of
about USD 3.1 million.
41
According to team interviews with DAE offices in the South, the total production for the South in 2012–13 was 40,000 tons,
compared with 17,467 tons reported by BBS, which may indicate that the BBS national production data are too low.
42
The Financial Express, May 19, 2013 (available at
http://www.thefinancialexpressbd.com/old/index.php?ref=MjBfMDVfMTlfMTM=)
Raw groudnuts are usually sold in open markets (Figure 3) and are in high demand by consumers, as well as
restaurants, for use in cooking (e.g., to prepare different curries and sweet dishes, payesh and firni, consumed
during festivals). With the rise of incomes, demand for raw groundnuts has also increased. Large retail stores
such as Agora, Meena Bazar, Nandan, and Unimart have set up special sections selling nuts, where
groundnuts are showcased together with other exotic varieties of nuts. These retail stores now offer pre-
packaged raw groundnuts, as well as groundnuts sold in bulk.
While the demand for raw and roasted groundnuts has been growing, this market segment is getting saturated
and is projected to grow at a rate of 5 percent per year, lower than that of Channel #3 (see Market Channels
The demand for groundnut based readymade snacks increased significantly from 2009 to 2014 and has been
driving the growth of the industrial processing sector, which emerged in just the past several years,
according to key informant interviews. Interviews with processors indicate that domestic demand for
chanachur and other readymade snacks is growing at a rate of 20 to 25 percent per year. This is largely
attributed to an increase in disposable incomes and consumers choosing to purchase snacks they used to
make at home. Consumption of readymade snacks globally is known to increase as income increases and at
a relatively early stage of income growth because of the low per unit cost of snacks. Demand for snacks has
been particularly strong among rural consumers. With increased competition in the processing industry,
snack manufacturers are expanding their portfolio of brand name snacks and have introduced new products,
such as Badam Bhaja, Muri Bhaja, Chira Bhaja, and Jhuri Bhaja.
Three large processors—Bombay, Square, and PRAN— dominate 69 percent of the domestic snack and
confectionary market. About thirty medium processors, such as Partex and Lalmai, hold a 20 percent share of
the market, with the rest of the market held by more than 1,000 small, often homebased, producers.
Some processors have been targeting low-income groups and school children with chanachur minipackets
that cost only 2 taka. Such a market strategy helps them earn substantial revenue by serving the low-earning
segments of the society who typically cannot afford pricier family-pack chanachurs offered by large
processors.
Increased competition among processors led to increased demand for better quality groundnuts. AVC staff
interviewed representatives of the confectionary industry from January to June of 2014. Using the data
collected, the AVC team calculated that in 2014, nearly 11,500 tons of groundnuts (8,000 tons of kernels,
based on a 70 percent groundnut to kernel conversion rate) were required by the chanachur industry per
Demand from processors is expected to drive most of the growth and upgrading in the groundnuts value
chain over the coming years. For producers, this segment represents the most secure market because of its
stable and large volume procurement requirements. Producers in the South, however, have not yet been able
to benefit from growth in this market segment, as they have only a 10 percent share of production.
Groundnut oil
The use of groundnuts for oil extraction accounts for only 5 percent of the groundnut production. Groundnut
oil is not very popular; consumers in Bangladesh prefer the taste of soybean, mustard, and sunflower oil.
Very few oil millers are engaged in production of groundnut oil on a regular basis. Occasionally, they seek
groundnuts when the production of other oilseeds is lower than expected and add groundnut oil to mustard
or linseed oil to meet the market demand. Oil millers buy low quality groundnut kernels that are rejected by
other buyers. Groundnut millers usually need to shell 25 tons of whole groundnuts to yield one truckload
(about 18 tons) of kernels. After shelling, there are significant amounts of rotten and deformed kernels that
cannot be used for any other purposes. They are called khich by traders and are sold to oil millers at BDT
20–30 per kilogram. Unfortunately, the Government of Bangladesh has classified groundnuts as an oilseed
crop, despite the low share of groundnut production used for extracting oil. As a result, research led by the
Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council (BARC) and the Bangladeshi Agricultural Research Institute
(BARI) is focused on developing better varieties of groundnuts for use in oil production, whereas the food
industry is demanding groundnut varieties with low oil content, a crucial feature to ensure consistency in
processing, taste, and improved shelf life of processed snack items.
Note: 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2011).
Production of groundnuts takes place from November through June or July, depending on the weather and
flooding conditions. The produce reaches the market in June or July when the price is lowest. Sowing takes
place from November to February, and harvesting starts in late April and goes through the end of May.
Post-harvest handing takes place on the farm through June and includes sun drying for about twenty to
twenty-two days. Interviews with farmers in the South from January to June of 2014 indicate that the farm
gate price at harvest was BDT 40 per kg in 2014.
The price of groundnuts has been steadily increasing over the past five years. According to BBS data, the
harvest time retail market price increased by approximately 24 percent between 2006–07 and 2012–13 (see
Figure 6).43
43
Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2005, 2008, 2011), 296–97, 312–13, 311–12
(respectively).
Note: Harvest time retail market price data collected from Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh:
BBS, 2005, 2008, 2011), 311–12, 296–97, 312–13 (respectively).
DEMAND PROJECTIONS
AVC staff conducted in depth interviews with farmers from January to June of 2014. Based on interviews,
the AVC team estimated that the total demand for groundnuts in 2017–18 could reach 100,000 tons if each
current market segment grows as projected and the GDP continues to grow.
Processors estimate that the 2013 demand for 39,000 tons of chanachur per year will increase to about
119,000 tons within next five years period (based on year-on-year growth rate of 25 percent).44
Consequently, the demand for groundnuts for the chanachur industry will also increase to 75,000 tons per
year from its current demand of 24,500 tons. If the growth of other segments continues as projected, the
demand for groundnuts will reach 29,206 tons in the next five years. At the 2012–13 rate of growth in
production, the gap would be substantial, with total production estimated at 53,000 tons in 2018.
44
Interview with Bombay Sweets, Debiganj, Panchagarh, January to June, 2014.
45
AVC staff calculated estimates with data from 2011 Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS,
2011).
Note: AVC staff generated graph with data from agricultural statistics provided by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics for 2008, 2011,
2012–13.
Note: AVC staff generated graph with data from agricultural statistics provided by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics for 2008, 2011,
2012–13.
46
Based on BBS data for 2012–13.
Table 2: Groundnut Cultivation Area, Production and Yields in Bangladesh Overall and in Southern
Bangladesh
2006–07 2012–13
Area Production Yield Area Production Yield Annual
(Ha) (tons) (tons/Ha) (Ha) (tons) (tons/Ha) Production
Growth
Bangladesh 33,666 45,910 1.36 28,557 49,791 1.74 1.36%
Southern 8,939 10,755 1.20 7,153 17,467 2.35 8.42%
Bangladesh
Note: Table compiled by AVC staff with data from Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2008,
2011, 2012–13 [unpublished]).
Table 3 shows production of groundnuts in the Southern Delta from 2006–07 to 2012–13. Five districts
within the Faridpur region (Faridpur, Madaripur, Rajbari, Gopalgonj, Shariatpur) have historically been the
leaders in groundnut production in volume and cultivation area, accounting for nearly 25 percent of the
national production. In addition, the districts of Bhola in the Barisal region, Jhenaidah and Narail in the
Jessore region, and Patuakhali in the Patuakhali region are high performing areas. Annual fluctuations in
production and production area are common because of flooding and farmer migration. According to AVC
field interviews conducted from January to June of 2014, farmers, especially in Gopalgonj and Faridpur
districts in the Faridpur region, are increasing their investment in groundnuts.
The map in Figure 9 highlights the groundnut producing areas inside the FTF zone.
Note: AVC created map with data from interviews with DAE and BARC officials and primary interviews with farmers, traders, and local
NGOs from January to June 2014.
Farmers in the South commonly use the following cropping pattern to cultivate groundnuts (Table 4) and
grow groundnuts and rice while the land is fallow between March and June.
Crop Varieties Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
Groundnut
Transplanted Aman
Fallow
BBS reported average yield per hectare in the South as 2.35 tons in 2012–13, while the data collected by the
AVC team directly from DAE offices in the South indicate yields of 1.42 tons per hectare for the same year.
The AVC team’s focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with farmers across groundnut producing
areas in the South support the DAE yield data.
Production costs for groundnut cultivation mainly include human labor and seeds. Table 5 shows profitability
of groundnut cultivation for farmers.
Table 5: Cost of Groundnut Cultivation by Farmers in the FTF Zone (per hectare)
Type of Input Unit Rate Cost in Taka
(taka/unit)
Input
a. Tillage 10 person days 600 6000
b. Purchase Seed 125 kg 90 11,250
c. Labor – Harvest 27.5 person days 250 6,875
d. Labor – Post Harvest 1,800 kg 2.25 4,050
e. Carrying Cost (by boat) 1 time 1250 1250
f. Land Rental or Opportunity Cost 0
A. Total cost (A=a+b+c+d+e+f) 29,425
Output
g. Groundnut 1,800 kg 40 taka/kg 72,000
h. By-product 0 0 0
B. Total income (B= g+h) 72,000
C. Net return (C=B-A) 42,575
D. Benefit Cost Ratio 2.45:1
Note: AVC staff created table based on data from interviews with farmers from January to June 2014.
• Drying is performed by farmers and is usually done on the ground as sun drying.
• Cleaning and sorting is usually done by large traders who aggregate produce purchased directly from
farmers or from local small traders (farias).
• Shelling and grading is done by millers for a fee or before selling shelled groundnuts to downstream actors
in the value chain.
PROCESSING
Groundnuts sold in the fresh groundnuts market segment undergo basic processing, which includes roasting
of unshelled groundnuts done by hawkers using sand. Shelled groundnuts also are sold with or without skin,
and oftentimes women are engaged in peeling the skin off the groundnuts before selling. Industrial
processing in the groundnuts value chain includes production of readymade snacks and is performed by a
number of large, medium, and small processors.
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews from January to August 2014.
Producers
Farmers are directly involved in production—they grow, harvest, and dry groundnuts, and then sell their
produce, usually at the farm-gate, to various traders (local farias, local arathdars, and large traders). The
AVC team estimates that about 50 percent of farmer production is sold to large traders, 20 percent to local
farias, and 30 percent to local arathdars. Most groundnut farmers in Bangladesh and in the South are small
(less than 0.2 hectares) and medium-sized (0.2–0.4 hectares). No large farmers are engaged in groundnut
cultivation. The majority of the 37,000 groundnut farmers estimated in the South are small.
Farmers usually share farming knowledge, exchange seeds and also often bulk their harvest and share
transport costs from farm-gate to local markets.
Traders
There are several types of traders active in the groundnut value chain:
• Farias, small local traders, purchase groundnuts from farmers and sell in bulk to local arathdars, stockists,
and large traders at the regional level.
• Arathdars are large traders who operate on a commission basis. They procure groundnuts directly from
farmers, faria, and large traders and supply produce to downstream actors in the value chain. Arathdars
receive commission from both upstream and downstream actors and add no value to the product. Arathdars
operate at both the local and the regional and national level.
• Large traders usually operate at a regional level. They trade in large volumes and buy groundnuts from
farmers directly or from faria. They perform cleaning, grading, drying, and sacking, and then sell to regional
arathdar, national level wholesalers, and millers.
• Stockists are a type of trader that has large storage capacity. They keep supply for two to three months and
sell at the time when price increases.
Level of cooperation among traders and arathdar is quite high. They conduct joint procurement and
marketing, and often share transport costs.
Millers
Millers are entrepreneurs who own crushing facilities. They shell and grade groundnuts and sell to
processors either directly or through supply agents, and to arathdar and large traders. While some millers
shell groundnuts for a fee based on orders from large traders, arathdar, and processing companies, other
millers buy groundnuts from traders, store them, and sell after shelling against orders from buyers.
A groundnut shelling mill is equipped with very simple machinery. It costs a miller about USD 3,000 to set
up a new mill. The ability to invest a large sum of money to procure groundnuts during harvest and the
availability of space for shelling and storing are two critical requirements for a miller to operate profitably.
Processors
As of September 2014, there were 3 large processing companies (PRAN, Bombay Sweets, and Square), 30
medium-sized processors, and about 1,000 small processors engaged in production of chanachur and other
groundnut based snacks. Their suppliers or agents purchase shelled groundnuts from mills, large traders, and
arathdar on behalf of processors. These agents are usually independent businesses and supply a number of
processors, while a few may work for one processor exclusively. Some processors procure unshelled
groundnuts and shell them at mills for a fee.
There are a number of small and medium chanachur processors inside the FTF districts. In the Faridpur
region, Takerhat in the Gopalganj district has been the abode of many small home-based chanachur
producers. In the Barisal region, a reputed medium-sized company, Amrita, produces 1,200 tons of
chanachur per year and requires about 240 tons of groundnnut kernels for production. There are about
twenty-five small and medium chanachur factories inside the Jessore region that supply local markets,
among them are Sohel Food and S.B. Food products Ltd.
There is a high level of rivalry and low level of cooperation among processors as they try to capture a larger
market share. Processors are usually members of associations and cooperate with each other in advocacy.
Wholesalers
Wholesalers are large national level traders that occupy fixed space in urban wholesale markets, such as
stalls, or open ground space. Wholesalers supply directly to retailers.
Retailers
Retailers are the last link of the market channel. They get their supply from wholesalers or from distributors
of packaged foods. Different types of retailers that sell groundnuts include large chain shops, such as Agora
and Meena Bazar; urban and semi-urban grocery stores; small village level shops; open retail markets;
hawkers; and tea stalls.
MARGIN ANALYSIS
The waterfall chart in Figure 10 describes how value is distributed among the groundnut value chain actors
and considers losses incurred at different points along the value chain. Farmers get the same price for
groundnuts, regardless of which channel they sell into. However, Channel 2 offers a more secure market
because of large volume procurements at harvest.
104
160
6 5 5
Gross margin
35
5
Note: AVC staff developed the gross margin waterfall analysis based on data collected through interviews with each of
the market players from January to June 2014.
16
10
3
69
35
5 Gross margin
Note: AVC staff developed the gross margin waterfall analysis based on data collected through interviews with each of
the market players from January to June 2014.
Bhairab is the oldest hub for groundnut trading in Bangladesh because of its connectivity with other districts
by roads and rivers, and supplies groundnuts to other markets in Dhaka, Jessore, Khulna, Barisal, and Sylhet.
In September 2014, there were about fifteen traders and six crushing mills operating in Bhairab. However,
over the past decade, the Bhairab market has been losing its share of trade to the Debiganj market.
Debiganj has evolved to be the largest hub of groundnut trading in Bangladesh. Previously, all crushing mills
and subsequent trading activities were centered in the Bhairab and Nagarbari areas. Over time, several of the
leading traders from Bhairab shifted to Debiganj and established shelling mills there because of improved
road connectivity between the North and other districts after the establishment of the Jamuna Bridge; suitable
soil for groundnut cultivation; and availability of cheap labor in Nilphamari and Panchagarh districts. There
are seven large shelling mills in Debiganj, Shantirhat and Lakhirhat areas in the Panchagarh district. They
supply shelled groundnuts directly to the factories or to other large markets in Dhaka, Khulna, and
Chittagong. In addition, there are more than fifty smaller mills. These mills shell small volumes of
groundnuts upon receipt of confirmed orders from local buyers from adjacent districts such as Bogra,
Dinajpur, and Rangpur. In interviews in Debiganj and Bhairab from January to June of 2014, traders and
processors reported that as trade in Debiganj is increasing, the volume of groundnut production in nearby
Upazillas has also increased dramatically. As a result, Debiganj gained popularity among traders and
processors, replacing other markets. The geographic area of groundnut trading is still expanding beyond the
boundaries of Panchagarh to other neighboring districts; in late 2013, five new crushing mills started
operations in the Lalmonirhat district.
• Dynamic Trend #1: As disposable incomes are increasing, consumer demand is increasing for groundnuts,
especially for groundnut-based readymade snacks. The demand has been driving the national and regional
processors to expand their product portfolio of groundnut-based snack items, such as chanachur and other
snacks. Processors anticipate a 20 to 25 percent growth in the local market for these products over the next
few years.
• Dynamic Trend #2: Strong market demand and high per hectare profitability are encouraging farmers to
expand groundnuts production. Groundnuts offer a relatively high return per hectare, and cultivation is
especially attractive for resource poor farmers. Smallholder farmers can cultivate groundnuts in less fertile
fallow lands in the char areas and earn extra incomes.
Opportunity #1: Capitalize on rapid growth of demand for groundnuts from the processing industry.
Industrial demand for groundnuts is projected to almost double within five years.
• Processors limited access to suitable varieties of groundnuts increases susceptibility of Aflatoxin attack and
reduces the shelf life of processed snack products. A high oil content in local groundnut varieties results in
shorter shelf life and infestation of Aflatoxin within seventy-two hours of shelling. Processors prefer
industrial varieties of groundnuts, which have more filled chambers and low oil contents. Farmers do not
cultivate industrial varieties.
• Poor shelling machines lead to significant losses at during processing. Millers use primitive machinery to
shell groundnuts, which makes the shelling process inefficient, laborious, and time consuming. Most millers
in Bhairab and Debiganj use sprinkle water to wet groundnuts before shelling, which increases the
probability of Aflatoxin contamination. In some shelling facilities, as much as 80 percent of the product is
ultimately lost because of Aflatoxin growth and spoilage introduced by rudimentary handling and processing.
Some processors (e.g., Bombay Sweets) do not use water in the pre-crushing stage to reduce the
susceptibility to fungal growth. However, the rate of broken kernels in this process is higher. Use of efficient,
modern machineries by mills can significantly improve the shelling process and productivity.
• Limited drying facilities result in improper drying and shorten the shelf life of groundnuts. Groundnut curing
refers to the process by which the moisture content of groundnut is reduced to a safe level for the
preservation of groundnut quality. Groundnut harvesting should be carried out in bright sunshine so that the
pods and vines can be dried thoroughly. Farmers usually lack knowledge of the importance of drying the
harvest and do not properly dry their products in part because they fear that the weight lost in the drying
process will reduce the value of product. They also do not have access, especially in the southern districts, to
Opportunity #2: Capitalize on creating sustainable market linkages exclusively between the processors and
the groundnut traders and producers to enable groundnut sourcing from the FTF zone, which is largely
absent. Groundnuts produced in the FTF zone largely fail to attract institutional buyers or processors, who
depend on procurements from the northern districts of Bangladesh. Lack of economies of scale and
transportation difficulties prevents them from procuring groundnuts from the South. Improving current
marketing and distribution channels will create better market access for producers in the South.
• Difficult transport leads to limited access for southern groundnut producers to national markets. Growth of
processed food manufacturers, such as PRAN, SQUARE, and Bombay Sweets, has increased the demand of
groundnuts in end markets. However, groundnuts produced in the southern districts have very weak and
irregular access to the high value markets, mainly because of the poor transportation network. Geographic
isolation of chars limits linkages with agents who supply processing companies.
• Disorganized and micro plot farming lead to diseconomies of scale. Farmers and traders in the southern
districts fail to attract the premium buyers because of fragmented production and lack of aggregation.
Industrial buyers prefer to procure large volumes of groundnuts from fewer sales points to keep their
transaction costs low. There are very few collection centers for groundnuts in the South.
Opportunity #3: Capitalize on the scopes for enhancing yield and quality of groundnuts produced in the
FTF region. Promoting high-yielding varieties of groundnuts and disseminating knowledge on good crop
management practices will help increase yield per hectare, improve quality, and increase demand for the
southern produce in national markets.
• Knowledge of good groundnut production practices among producers is weak; traditional farming practices
lead to poor yields. Most of the groundnut farmers do not use any fertilizer and tend to follow rudimentary
methods of cultivation.
• Weak extension system impedes the flow of knowledge along the value chain. The agricultural extension
department often overlooks groundnuts as a minor crop, while the private sector seed companies have not yet
included groundnuts in their business portfolio. In addition, no donor or NGO-led interventions have
supported the groundnuts value chain. As a result, farmers have almost no access to improved cultivation
knowledge and other extension services.
• Use of retained seeds results in poor production per hectare. The supply of quality seed is limited, and
farmers use degenerated local varieties of seeds, often preserved from previous years.
JUTE
Jute has entered many diverse sectors of the industry, where natural fibers are gradually becoming better
substitutes for synthetics. Jute is second only to cotton in world’s production of textile fibers. Bangladesh
and India together grow more than 98 percent of the world’s jute. A growing awareness of environmental
issues in recent years is bringing new market opportunities to this sector.
Because of its favorable climate and soil conditions, Bangladesh once was known as the “land of golden
fiber,” For centuries, jute has been an integral part of the culture of Bengal, throughout the southwest of
Bangladesh, and some portions of West Bengal (India). The first jute mills were established in the 1800s and
exported heavily by colonists. By the 1950s, one of the primary sources of foreign exchange earnings for the
United Pakistan was the export of jute products grown in East Bengal, modern-day Bangladesh. As the use
of polythene and other synthetic materials grew, the jute industry in general experienced a decline. During
the 1980s, farmers in Bangladesh burned their jute crops when an adequate price could not be obtained.
Many jute exporters stepped back from jute to focus on other commodities. Jute-related organizations and
government bodies were forced to close, change, or downsize. The long declining demand forced the largest
jute mill in the world—Adamjee Jute Mills, located in Bangladesh—to close down, and Bangladesh’s second
largest mill—Latif Bawany—to be nationalized by the government. However, national demand for jute
prevented the sector from completely collapsing, and by 2004, the jute market began to recover and prices of
raw jute increase slightly.
The Government of Bangladesh is trying to rejuvenate the jute sector through various activities and
policies—Introduction of High Yielding Variety (HYV), mainstreaming the use of good agricultural
practices, encouraging cultivation of good quality fiber, and promotion of jute diversified products (JDPs)
are the major areas of intervention of the Government of Bangladesh. A huge demand for various diversified
jute products, including shopping bags, shoes, composite materials, geo-textiles, home textiles, handicrafts,
gift items, pulp, and paper is fueling growth in local and foreign markets.
The future prospects for this eco-friendly natural fiber are expected to increase, especially as governments
enact regulations and environmentally friendly policies, such as the banning of synthetic packaging
materials.
The jute value chain differs from the other major AVC value chains in that it has a very significant export
orientation and extensive value-added processing. Thus, constraints related to end-market information,
market penetration, and manufactured product quality play a larger role. Major problems include the
unfamiliarity of manufacturers with market requirements for the many newly emerging jute products, a lack
of collaborative institutions and networks among the many smaller exporters, a lack of high-quality raw jute,
and the absence of specialized loans for jute farmers.
SCORING MATRIX
The AVC team ranked the jute value chain as part of its collective value chain scoring exercise and gave jute
a total score of 71.5. Table 1 provides the rankings of jute on the different selection criteria.
Jute is a versatile fiber with diversified and specialized uses. While Bangladesh supplies more than 40
percent of raw jute traded globally, the market for jute and jute products has experienced slow growth.
However, because jute is a natural and fully biodegradable fiber, the jute industry is growing more rapidly in
response to global environmental concerns and is increasingly preferred to synthetic substitutes. There is
significant opportunity to enhance the efficiency at each node of the jute value chain (especially in
production, post-harvest, and processing) and make it competitive with the other natural fibers. Jute value
chain actors need to synthesize end market information and use the findings to design jute products that
would enhance customer satisfaction.
Figure 2: World Jute Production and Area Coverage Trend, 2002–11 (in tons)
Note: AVC team developed this graph with the data from FAOSTAT (available at http://faostat3.fao.org/home/).
Worldwide, more than 120 countries import one or more types of raw or manufactured jute products. Of
these, forty to fifty countries import on a regular basis. The major importing countries are members of
the European Union (Germany, Netherlands, France, Italy, Turkey, Sweden, and Switzerland), United
States, Africa, Australia, Canada, India, Pakistan, Nepal China, Egypt, Indonesia, Spain, Korea, United
Arab Emirates, Iran, and Iraq.
Globally, the trade of manufactured jute products, valued at USD 1.67 billion in 2012–13, dwarfs the
trade of raw jute valued at USD 200 million. Figure 3 shows the world exports trend for manufactured
and raw jute since 2007–08. Despite the decline in export volume in FY 2012–13, the longer-term trend
is positive for both.
Note: AVC developed graph with data from Bangladesh Jute Mills Association (BJMA).
Table 2: CFC 2006 Analysis and Projections of Global Consumption of Jute Goods
Actual in 2006
Item Projections for 2016 (tons/annum)
(tons/annum)
Sacking 1,400,000 1,400,000
CBC secondary backing 25,000 60,000
Yarn-jute relevant 322,000 450,000
Hessian 483,000 473,000
Carpets-jute relevant 10,000 30,000
Decorations and household 500 20,000
furnishings
Other textiles 10 30,000
Geo-textiles 10,000 20,000
Felt 2,000 6,000
Tarpaulin 38,000 40,000
Canvas 50,000 48,000
Webbing 600 2,000
Twine 100,000 120,000
Shopping bags -- 60,000
Plastic reinforcement -- 60,000
Market garden products 3,000 10,000
Total metric tons 2,444,110 2,829,000
The “green” concept that is emerging in the international markets is the main factor driving the emergence
of new jute products. The increase in environmental awareness and eco-friendly and organic products is
increasing consumer demand for green products in the international market. Jute bags, geo-textile, pulp
The International Jute Study Group (IJSG)47 has appraised the potential demand of jute products in the
global market. A summary of potential export prospects drawing from the IJSG’s work follows.
Food Grade Jute Bags: Food grade jute bags are used in packaging cocoa and coffee beans. According
to the International Cocoa Organization (ICCO), in 2013 the demand for food grade jute bags for cocoa
was increasing. In 2013, the coffee industry produced more than 100 million tons of beans, most of
which are packed in 60 kg bags, which equals a demand of 1.6 billion bags. With Bangladesh and India
currently supplying just 12 million bags per year, the opportunity for growth is almost unlimited.
Jute Shopping Bags: According to the IJSG, the world demand for shopping bags is approximately 500
billion pieces. In FY 2012–13 India exported more than 70 million jute shopping bags, whereas
Bangladesh exported a mere 1 million jute shopping bags. The opportunity for growth is almost
unlimited.48
Jute Geo-Textiles: Jute geo-textiles offer ideal solutions for erosion control, separation, and filtration
and drainage required in civil engineering and agriculture. Geo-textiles are abundantly available, easily
installed, biodegradable, and retain more moisture and cost less than synthetic geotextiles. In FY 2012–
13, India exported 10,000 tons of geo jute, and Bangladesh exported 7,500 tons. The prospect for geo-
jute is enormous, especially in Japan, the United States, Australia, and European countries.
Jute Pulp and Paper: The world demand for paper and paper board has grown rapidly over the years
and reached a record level of 359 million tons in 2004 from 300 million tons in 1999.49 Demand is
estimated to grow by 2.1 percent annually in the long term, reaching an estimated 490 million tons by the
year 2020. Jute-based paper products could potentially replace wood- and bamboo-based paper products
in the near future, because jute costs less, grows faster, and requires fewer chemicals and less energy in
processing.
Home Decoration and Household Products: The AVC team’s market research and interviews with
entrepreneurs show that in the United States alone, there is a huge demand for natural fiber home
decoration items that is worth an estimated USD 270 billion (Interview with Mr. Rashedul Karim
Munna, Managing Director, Creation (Private) Limited, April 20, 2014). Home decoration items include
kitchen textile, house wears, furniture, home textile, apparel, outdoor living, wall hangers, curtains, table
cloths, runners, place mats, cushion covers, laundry baskets, fruit baskets, storage products, door mats,
and various kinds of floor covering. In 2013, Bangladesh exported a mere USD 4 million50 of home
47
IJSG, World Jute & Kenaf Statistics: At a Glance 2012 (Dhaka: International Jute Study Group, 2012) (available at
http://jute.org/IJSG%20Publications/Jute%20&%20kenaf%20Stat%20at%20a%20glance_ijsg.pdf)
48
Arafat Ara, “The Untapped Export Potential of Jute Goods,” The Financial Express 30 December 2013 (available at
http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/2013/12/30/11341).
49
http://jute.org/IJSG%20Publications/Jute%20&%20kenaf%20Stat%20at%20a%20glance_ijsg.pdf, page no. 19).
50
Data from interviews with Shahidul Islam Helal, the president of BJDMEA.
Evaluating trends in jute exports from Bangladesh is not an easy task. Data on jute products in
international data bases is inconsistent. The COMTRADE data base has the best supply of data but with
many gaps after 2011, rendering trend analysis next to impossible after that date. The AVC study team
was able to find data on Bangladeshi jute exports for a selection of HS codes that covered raw jute and
most of the main manufactured jute products. The codes are shown in Table 3 in two main categories:
traditional jute products that have been in existence for a long time and the newer manufactured products
that are known as “Jute Diversified Products,” or JDP.51
51
Sometimes JDP is used to mean only “handicrafts.” The AVC team is not adopting this meaning since the list of JDP items in
Table 2 includes many that are produced using industrial processes. This usage is broadly consistent with the usage of the
International Jute Study Group.
Note: Table created by the AVC team with data compiled from UN COMTRADE in June 2014
Using the classification system in Table 3 and raw jute export data, the AVC team charted the evolution
of Bangladeshi jute exports from 2007 to 2011 (see Table 4). Table 4 shows the healthy and steady
growth of raw jute and traditional jute exports, which consist mostly of spun yarn and twine. For
nontraditional JDP, there was basically stagnant growth with a sharp drop in 2008 and 2009, followed by
rapid recovery, which may have been linked to the financial crisis in the Western economies at this
time.52 Data show a total value of jute exports for 2012–13 at USD 1.03 billion, an increase of 10 percent
over 2011 levels.
Table 4: Value of Raw and Processed Jute Exports from Bangladesh, 2007–11 (in USD)
Annual
Growth
Rate of
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Bangladesh
Exporters,
2007–11
Yarns, Fibers
$260,902,936 $313,559,182 $322,492,630 $539,723,386 $595,552,460 22.90%
& Food Sacks
Raw Jute $145,702,274 $159,275,368 $166,692,604 $222,184,169 $284,504,844 18.20%
Nontraditional
$ 42,899,497 $39,468,897 $28,884,494 $51,709,052 $48,621,840 3.20%
JDP
Total $449,504,707 $512,303,447 $518,069,728 $813,616,607 $928,679,144 19.90%
Note: AVC compiled data for table with data from UN COMTRADE Database (available at http://comtrade.un.org/db).
52
The figures for nontraditional JDP drawn from mirror data in the UN COMTRADE database in Table 4 are significantly lower
than the expert estimate of 70 million in 2013 given by the Secretary General of the BJDMEA. This may be because of growth
in exports between 2011 and 2013, as well as differences in the definition of what are JDP and what are traditional jute products,
since there is no official definition.
$100
$‐
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Note: AVC drew figures for nontraditional JDP from mirror data in the UN COMTRADE Database.
Raw jute from Bangladesh is exported almost exclusively to the region, with the main buyers being
India, Pakistan, and China. Yarns, fibers, and food sacks are exported mainly to Turkey, India, Belgium,
and most recently Iran. Nontraditional JDP are exported to India and a widely diverse group of developed
economies, including Japan, Germany, Australia, the United States, and China. These countries use jute
products in automobiles, super market sacks, household products, and packaging for food and non-food
items. There is also significant demand for diversified products and advanced materials like geotextiles
and composites. (See Table 4 for a list of select exported jute products from Bangladesh in FY 2012–13.)
The remaining 46 percent of national jute consumption (54,000 tons) is for household purposes. As their
awareness about global warming increases, many middle-class consumers in Bangladesh with rising
incomes have become interested in consuming biodegradable and natural fiber made products, especially
jute. All this is leading to gradual, rather than spectacular growth in the use jute products.
Figure 5: Five-Year National Market Consumption Scenario of Jute Products, 2008–9 to 2012–
13
100,000
50,000
‐
2008‐09 2009‐10 2010‐11 2011‐12 2012‐13
National Consumption
The slow growth in local consumption could change dramatically if the packaging law against plastic
sacks were effectively enforced. Such a law would increase local demand for raw jute by 370,000 tons—
almost tripling total consumption. The law would require the manufacturing of an additional 550 to 600
million jute sacks for packing food items—for a total value of USD 500 million. Organizations such as
the Department of Planners and Consultants, Ministry of Jute, Banglacraft, and the milling association
Bangladesh Jute Diversified Product Manufacturer and Exporters Association (BJDMEA) are now trying
to increase the national consumption of jute and jute products by organizing various trade fairs and
workshops.
Source: Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: BBS, 2003–2010 and 2011–2013), 88– 91.
The Southern Delta is particularly well suited for jute cultivation and accounts for 49 percent of total
national production. Moreover, yields are more favorable in the Southern Delta than elsewhere in the
country, as the southern districts that comprise the FTF zone produced 2.06 tons per hectare compared
with the rest of the country’s 1.96 tons per hectare in 2013.
As shown on the map in Figure 6, the center of jute production and trade in the Southern Delta is
Faridpur. Faridpur has the following natural advantages in jute cultivation:
Water availability: The Faridpur region contains many rivulets and water bodies, required for jute
cultivation and good quality retting. A shortage of water in Jessore, Magura, Jhenaidah, Chuadanga, and
Meherpur is causing problems with retting.
Favorable soil conditions: Soil of the Faridpur region is well suited for jute cultivation and produces a
higher quality jute fiber compared with other regions of Bangladesh.
The presence of many important traditional jute markets: Because of the long jute production history of
the Faridpur region, the local jute markets are well established. Renowned, large jute hat, or bazaars, in
this area include Char Muguria, Zazira, Shibchar, Satoir, Kazirhat, and Kanaipur. Large-scale national
jute traders, private jute mills, agents, and representatives of raw jute exporters all establish connections
to Faridpur markets.
Despite favorable conditions for jute production in the South, since 2008–09 growth rates in both
production and planted areas in the Southern Delta have lagged behind the rest of Bangladesh (see Table
6). The slower growth rate is likely because production levels are already quite high in the Southern
Delta and there is limited room for expansion (see map in Figure 6).
Note: AVC team compiled data from the BBS and a field survey conducted by AVC staff.
Farmers in the Southern Delta told the AVC study team that about 70 percent of jute fields are planted
with the JRO (Jute Research Organization) 524 variety (jute variety introduced by the JRO), which is
imported from India because of its comparatively short life cycle and higher yield. The variety also fit
into the triple cropping pattern in Bangladesh.
While the peak season for raw jute trading is July to October, quality affects pricing more than
seasonality. There are two varieties of jute: white jute and golden, or “Tossa,” jute. Prices for Tossa are
slightly higher than prices for white jute, but both varieties exhibit wide price spreads between high and
low qualities. The top grade jute is classified as “Special” jute and comes in five quality grades (A to E).
Special A grade white jute is sold to mills or for export at a price of 12,800 BTD per bale (182 kg),
while Special A grade Tossa jute sells for 13,100 BTD per bale. Special E grades for white and Tossa,
respectively, are 9,200 and 9,500 BTD per bale. Lower classifications of both varieties of jute that do
not meet requirements for “Special” jute are
bought at the mill level for between 8,300 and Table 7: Harvest Calendar
6,300 BTD per bale.
Months Jute Production Cycle
The main determinants of quality are fiber length,
good pure color (golden or white), silky texture, March–May Seed sowing and cultivation
softness, fiber strength, and absence of any
July–August Harvest and retting
remnants of cuttings (the hard woody portion of
the jute plant). The main factors that influence July–October Peak season for trading
quality include good production practices (timely
plantation, good quality seed with pure varietal characteristics, proper fertilization, good weed
management and thinning, and pest control) and post-harvest handling (retting with sufficient clean
water, and use of ribbon retting53 where water is scarce, along with proper washing and drying).
53
Ribbon retting is a technology not widely used in Bangladesh, but with the potential to address the water scarcity problems.
However, both manual and power ribbon retting limit the how the jute can be used, which disincentivizes farmers from using
this technique. The Bangladesh Jute Research Institute and Bangladesh Agriculture Research Department are examining ways
to improve the technology for broader uptake.
Note: AVC team developed this map with data collected from Department of Agriculture Extension (DAE) and Bangladesh Jute
Research Institute (BJRI).
Jute is a moderatly profitable crop. The costs and revenues for a one hectare jute farm are given in Table
8, which shows a profit of about 30,000 BTD per hectare and a benefit-cost ratio of 1.35:1. Jute, with its
six-month production cycle, compares unfavorably with higher value vegetables, such as tomatoes that
have a benefit-cost ratio of 2.86:1 and a slightly shorter production season (five months). The potential to
increase profitability is linked to the farmer’s ability to produce higher quality jute that would correspond
to the higher grades of special jute.
The traditional methods of sun drying the fiber over fences or on the street are the most common.
However, farmers lack knowledge of the potential risks of storing fibers with slight levels of moisture.
Too often preventable post-harvest losses occur because the fiber is not completely dry, which reduces
quality or spoils fiber, or both.
1. Jute yarn spinning: In this process, raw jute is treated and spun into long spools of yarn, thread, or twine
for use mainly in industries that need high-quality natural fiber thread. The biggest of these are carpet
manufacturers in Turkey, Iran, China, and India.
2. Jute milling: Jute milling produces woven type jute products and the whole range of different JDP items
as a function of different milling and treatment processes.
The quality of the raw jute fiber has a significant impact on the quality of the manufactured products
made by the mills. Certain products require high-quality raw jute, including the following:
Lower quality jute is used mainly for the following types of products:
Note: AVC team developed this map after conducting field visits and key informant interviews with jute value chain actors from
January–August 2014.
Farmer 4,000,000
Dealers 8,000
Traders/Intermediaries 200,000
Retailer 500
Processor 10
Exporter 30
Total 4,405,289
Note: AVC team compiled data from interviews with BJMA and BJA.
Input supplier: Approximately 200 seed importers and 8,000 dealers and retailers are engaged in
supplying jute seeds to the farmers in Bangladesh. More than 85 percent of the jute seeds are sold by the
seed importers and dealers and retailers, and the rest are supplied by the Bangladesh Agriculture
Development Corporation (BADC). The dealers and retailers usually procure seeds from importers. A
few dealers and retailers directly import seeds from India. Other than these permanent seed dealers and
retailers, hawkers and mobile seed vendors also sell jute seeds to farmers. The quality of the seeds sold
by these mobile vendors is often very low. The same dealers and retailers also supply fertilizers and
pesticides to farmers. Input sellers share market information and buy or sell inventories from and to one
another.
54
Jute growers: About 4 million growers are involved in jute cultivation; about 1,800,000 of these
farmers are located in the Sothern Delta. Approximately 90 percent of farmers sell jute to traders in
nearby village markets, and the remaining 10 percent sell from their households. Farmers usually share
market information, seeds, transport costs, and water for retting the fibers
Faria (Traders) and Intermediaries: Nearly 200,000 faria, or traders, and intermediaries, are involved
in the jute value chain. Usually three levels of traders are involved in the chain: (1) small traders, who
operate at the village level and procure raw jute directly from the farmers, sell to the (2) medium traders,
who usually operate at the sub-district level, and (3) millers’ agents, who usually operate at the district
and regional level. The large traders’ trade volume is more than 800 tons per year, and small and medium
traders’ trade volume is 300 to 400 tons per year. Traders have storage facilities to stock large volumes
of raw jute for several months. They supply raw jute to government and private mills and to raw jute
exporters. Small and medium traders share market information and transport cost and help each other
with short-term finances. The large traders usually buy from small and medium traders and supply the
fibers to jute mills.
54
Sohel Parvez, “Jute Packaging Law Gathers Momentum,” The Daily Star 17 August 2014 (available at
http://thedailystar.net/jute-packaging-law-gathers-momentum-37406).
BJMA Affiliate Mills: The Bangladesh Jute Mills Association (BJMA) is representing 97 jute mills in
Bangladesh. All the mills under this association are privately owned. The main products of BJMA are
hessian, sacking, carpet backing cloth, twine, and jute geotextile. Some members are also involved in
producing JDP products. The mills also produce hessian and sacking materials. These mills also spin
yarns that are then processed into fabrics, cut and sewn according to the required sizes and shapes. Such
products, as well as yarn or twine and different types of fabrics, are supplied to the downstream JDP
Manufacturers. Janata Jute Mill and Sonali Ansh Jute Mill are the pioneer sin providing fabrics to the
JDP producers. High debt asset ratios are characteristic of these BJMA Affiliate Mills.
BJMC Mills: The Bangladesh Jute Mills Corporation (BJMC) is a state owned corporation managed by a
board of directors headed by a chairman. The organization operates twenty-seven jute mills. Among
these mills, nine are located in the FTF zone. BJMC has two offices for supervising and coordinating the
activities of regional mills. BJMC buys raw jute for the mills through 182 purchasing centers located in
the jute growing areas of the country. As the largest manufacturer in the jute sector, BJMC produces
mainly sacking bags, hessian, CBC, different types of yarn, FJF, geo-jute, blanket and jute canvas. Like
the other mills, BJMC mill owners report that it is challenging to access finance for updating machines
and investing in new technology.
Raw Jute Exporters: There are about 150 active raw jute exporters as of 2012–13. Exporters purchase
raw jute from the jute growers and bring it to regional terminal markets, where there are hydraulic
presses installed for making bales. Jute exporters play a major role in regulating the jute market in both
national and international arenas by trading and exporting raw jute. During the last decade, the raw jute
sector grew considerably. The raw jute exporters procure jute according to buyers’ specifications. Raw
jute is sorted and bailed. Before shipping, jute bales are inspected by third-party quality assurance
authorities. All jute exporters must register with the exporters’ association, the Bangladesh Jute
Association (BJA). There are more than 500 members of the BJA, but only 150 are active.
Artisanal JDP Manufacturers: There are clusters of small JDP manufacturers at the rural level who
specialize mainly in handicraft type products. These enterprises can be SMEs, farmers’ clubs, or local
NGOs. Products produced at this level include items like sikka (garden basket hangers), shoulder bags,
household items, toys, and a few more traditional products. These companies thrive on the skills of the
artisans. The products are sold both in the national and in the international markets, sharing and
upholding the unique century old traditions of Bangladesh. The products used to be sold in the
international markets only through participation in events like export fairs or trade fairs. Some companies
are trying to be commercially competitive. They have trained the artisans to develop or diversify their
artistic skills. According to the JDPC, there are about 400 JDP producers in Bangladesh engaging 40,000
artisans; 85 percent are women (34,000) involved in production. Although the JDP producers have an
association (BJDMEA), it is not active. Occasionally, members share market information, jointly fill
large supply orders, and help each other with new technology.
Yarn Processors: The yarn processors actually add value to raw jute and yarn or fiber by several
processes including dyeing, lamination, and printing. There are ten processors in the country, and they
are supplying fabrics to the JDP producers. The BJSA and BJMA Affiliate Mills have facilities to supply
special jute fabric for JDP producers, but their charges are higher than these specialized small processors.
Typically the jute mills are not interested in expanding into wet-processes, like dyeing, lamination, and
printing facilities because of the higher overhead costs.
Institutional Buyers: A number of public bodies and companies are major buyers of processed jute
products: Ministry of Food, the BADC, private seed companies, the Post Office, fertilizer companies,
and various sugar mills.
Retailers: About 500 retailers are involved in selling jute products in the national market. Most of the
retailers are small and medium sized and enjoy some amount of popularity with the customer. Aarong
(BRAC-outlet in BD), Kay-craft, Shetuli, Karuponya, Annomela, Narimela, Anjans, and some other
prominent shops have attractive jute product displays in their handicraft section. The retailers usually
maintain good relationships and share market information with one another.
Exporters: According to the Jute Diversified Promotion Center (JDPC), there are about thirty to thirty-
five exporters directly engaged in JDP export. The exporters collect processed jute products from various
jute mills in Bangladesh and export those through multiple channels. The exporters act as commission
agents. They collect products from jute mills and JDP producers and sell in the international markets.
These exporters established a vital market linkage between the international buyers and the local
producers.
MARKET CHANNELS
The main channels in the jute value chain are as follows:
Figure 8: Gross Margins of the Value Chain Actors in Jute Value Chain
Note: AVC team built analysis on the basis of collected secondary information (interviews with each of the market actors). *An
estimated 30 percent of the time, the product passes sequentially from the artisan JDP manufacturer to the SME JDP manufacturer
for further improvement and value addition. Seventy percent of the time the product passes through just one or the other, and
continues on to JDP retailers. In this case, the estimated gross margin of the manufacturer is BDT 1559.
CROSS-CUTTING ISSUES
GENDER INTEGRATION
The jute value chain provides income generation opportunities for vulnerable women. Such opportunities
impact women’s income, improve their living conditions, and reduce poverty. Upgrading of the jute
value chain will lead to increased employment opportunities for women. Women farmers take part in all
the different stages of jute production through drying. Women laborers work in jute mills and in the
processing units, and make diversified jute-based products. According to interviews in January of 2014
with Mokhelsur Rahmna, the executive director of the JDPC, approximately 34,000 women are involved
in the JDP sector in the rural areas. Table 10 shows rural women’s participation in the jute value chain in
2014.
Jute also has a positive effect on the environment. Because jute is a deep-rooted plant it collects
necessary nutrients and water from deeper soil. Thus, it maintains the soil fertility for a long time. Jute
leaves help to increase the soil biomass when they decompose, which increases soil fertility.
At the industrial level, there are inherent compliance issues, which increase the risk of environmental
harm and workplace accidents. Safety guidelines are not strictly followed or enforced in mills and
processing plants. Workers wear loose clothes while operating heavy machinery, do not wear protective
eyewear or masks, and do not consistently following basic safety guidelines.Some of the industries
visited also appeared to be lax in enforcing child labor codes.
ACCESS TO FINANCE
Commercial banks offer agricultural loans to jute producers both for cultivation and for purchase of farm
machinery. However, the farmers are reluctant to approach the banks for financing because of the
complex system of loan processing, the time required to secure a loan, and the fear of unethical lending
practices. Farmers generally prefer to take loans from local micro finance institutions.
Public and private banks provide short- and long-term loans to the jute mill owners to purchase jute as
raw material of diversified and traditional products. Older jute mills report being overloaded with bank
liabilities. Mill owners explained that while they are generating revenue, the profit earned is not
sufficient to pay large outstanding debts on existing loans. Moreover, progressive owners who desire to
modernize their factories to improve efficiency are hesitant because of financing; they do not intend to
overburden themselves with new bank loans. Owners of old jute mills are working through associations
like BJMC, BJSA, and BJMA to collectively advocate for government intervention in the form of a
waiver of bank interest due on outstanding loans, and the rescheduling of these loans.
The government’s establishment of the Bangladesh Jute Research Institute (BJRI) in 1951 further
evidences their commitment to the jute sector. The objective of BJRI is to carry out research to improve
the productivity of jute crops and enhance the quality of the fiber. BJRI is the sole provider of Breeder
Seed (BS) for jute in Bangladesh. This agency provides jute BS to BADC for multiplying the seed with
contract growers. Every year the BADC produces 1,000 to 1,200 tons of jute certified seed for marketing
throughout the country. In addition to providing BS for the production of jute seed, BJRI focuses on
agricultural and technological research on jute, economic analysis and market research with respect to
jute, and jute textile product development. BJRI developed fourteen jute varieties (Olitorius-6 and
Capsularies-8), among them, the “O 72” and “O 9897” varieties are the most popular in the Faridpur
region. BJRI developed ribbon retting methods for areas of Bangladesh where water is scarce.
• Lack of access to quality jute seeds, modern cultivation techniques, and modern retting technology lead
to low quality jute fibers. Bangladesh’s production of high-quality jute fiber is insufficient in large part
because of the quality of its planting material. According to representatives of the Bangladesh Sees
Association, since 2000, seed companies import jute seeds from India, but farmers do not always get
seeds in time for planting because of inefficient import policies. Seeds received are not consistently high
quality. Low-quality seeds reduce the quality and quantity of jute production. Furthermore, Bangladeshi
jute farmers follow traditional retting processes, which reduced the quality of jute fibers.
• Farmers’ and entrepreneurs’ limited access to appropriate loan products lead to loss in production and
profitability. There is a lack of access to finance in the sector. There are no custom-made loan products
for jute farming that could support improved jute farming methods. However, loans are available for
purchasing processing machinery. The jute processing units are capital intensive, and generally most
factories have high debt-equity ratios. The JDP producers also do not have any special loan facilities.
Opportunity # 2: Demand for diversified jute products, both nationally and internationally, is
increasing. Global demand for processed jute products is expected to increase in the next five years.
However, with heavy competition from India and China, product diversification will be key to gaining
market share, as will improving the quality of Bangladeshi products overall. India is benefitting from jute
product diversification. With quality mills and professionals and designers to produce diversified
products, India is investing in new mills and research and development in line with global demand, trend,
and culture.
• Entrepreneurs’ inadequate knowledge of end market requirements for jute diversified products (JDP)
lead to low market penetration by Bangladeshi exporters of JDP. While Bangladeshi designers have
demonstrated that they can make attractive products that appeal to European and American consumers,
they are not familiar with evolving tastes in the different markets for high-end handicrafts and
decorations. Most Bengali entrepreneurs do not have knowledge of international end market
requirements and quality specifications. SME JDP manufacturers and artisanal JDP manufacturers
primarily employ an unskilled workforce and use traditional manufacturing methods. Workers lack the
skill to consistently achieve quality and designs standards and hence lose the interest of buyers. As a
result, Bangladesh products do not always fetch the best prices.
• Collaboration and cooperation among the entrepreneurs is inadequate. Exporters and entrepreneurs
often undercut one another when dealing with international buyers, resulting in reduced profitability and
participation in competitive markets. Most entrepreneurs avoid business rules, norms, and ethics. The
Jute Diversified Product Manufacturer and Exporters Association (BJDMEA), an association of JDP
entrepreneurs and exporters established in 2013, is not functioning well, and members are not realizing
benefits from membership.
• JDP producers’ lack of access to good quality raw materials leads to increased costs of doing business.
In India and China, entrepreneurs have established a single center providing multiple services for jute
In Bangladesh, the coir industry is valued at USD 9.82 million and employs more than 25,500 workers,
the majority of which are women. Forty-two percent of coconut is grown in the FTF zone where women
have passed down the art of making rope and coir-related products for generations. The most demanded
products nationally include traditional mattresses made of course fiber (91 percent of national market),
door mats (4 percent), rope (2 percent), and diversified products ranging from felt to upholstery for
rickshaw seats to rubberized mattresses sold to wealthy consumers (about 3 percent).
Only two companies are exporting coir products, both in negligible quantities. They operate
undercapacity and turn away international buyers because of supply constraints. Both export
nontraditional products, the most promising market segment for export growth.
Although trend data for production volume of coir since 2002 reveals Bangladesh’s market is in decline,
the AVC team considers the increasing global demand for natural fibers (and coir specifically) sufficient
to make targeted investments in revitalizing Bangladesh’s coir industry.
Additionally, promoting coir will indirectly benefit other AVC value chains because coir is
Note: AVC team developed chart with data from FAOSTAT (http://faostat.fao.org/site/567/default.aspx#ancor).
an ideal medium for growing seedlings. Improving the quality of seedling is a universal need across
AVC value chains. Further, coir pith (a byproduct of coir processing) is a substitute for peat moss, and
can become an inexpensive source of fertilizer or compost for flower and most horticulture crops in the
FTF zone. A final justification for supporting coir is related to its workforce. More than half of the
workforce producing coir-diversified products is female, thus supporting the coir industry will advance
AVC’s gender equity objectives.
Three of the five interventions proposed for coir build on jute interventions, thereby multiplying the
scope of potential returns for the natural fibers value chain. This is a cost-efficient approach to work in
coir since it requires little additional investment from AVC.
• Inadequate access to information on modern coir-based end products. Entrepreneurs are primarily
engaged in making traditional products for domestic consumption and lack knowledge of the diversified
products in demand internationally. As a result, they are unable to produce and provide more modern
products for export.
• Lack of skilled workforce for diversified coir products results in low quality products and low
profitability. Most of the coir workforce is producing traditional products, including door mats, hand-
made rope, and mattresses using techniques from past generations. The workers lack knowledge of
modern production techniques and the skills required to produce international standard products. In some
cases, processing units have closed their doors because of the lack of skilled workers.
• Traders, manufacturers, and exporters do not have access to appropriate loan products for coir industry.
There is no suitable loan product available for the coir industry. Most processors are not in a bankable
state.
• Lack of access to modern production technology, equipment, and machines leads to low productivity.
Not only are the required machines to produce coir diversified products not readily available, often
processors lack knowledge of which machines are best suited to meet their needs. Processors who have
started exploring the world market report difficulty sourcing appropriate machinery and technology to
produce competitive, diversified high-quality products.
• Inefficient raw materials procurement and management system leads to shortage of raw materials
resulting in idle capacity in the production plants. Raw materials are grown in Bangladesh, but are not
readily available when processors need them, leading to difficulty filling orders and, ultimately, factory
closures. Although mobile vendors (selling coconuts for drinks and meat) may be aware that husks have
high value potential, there is no system for aggregation and collection, so husks are often wasted or used
as cooking fuel. Furthermore, collecting husks is less efficient than collecting fibers (saving transport
costs), and will require organization among downstream actors to ret husks before processors collect
them. While it would be easier to source fiber from oil producing facilities than mobile vendors, there are
no oil producing facilities in the vicinity of the FTF zones’ coir processing cluster. Thus, the processors
incur great expense collecting supply from great distances.
Approximately, 67 percent of the total flower production occurs in USAID’s Feed the Future target areas,
which spans the Southern Delta. However, other areas such as Gazipur, Savar, Manikgonj, Narayangonj,
Chokoria have also shown prospective for growing flowers, foliage and ornamental plants commercially.
Main constraints in the flower value chain include the difficulty of obtaining high-quality planting
material, virtually all of which is imported from India, and the simple fact that Bangladeshi farmers are
unfamiliar with good agricultural practices in flower cultivation. The highly concentrated pattern of flower
cultivation also makes it difficult to expand knowledge of flower production practices beyond the main
existing production nodes. There is also a substantial lack of improved post-harvest infrastructure,
including cold storage, which makes it hard for local flower producers to match import quality—which is
important in the higher priced luxury segment of the market.
In its overall ranking of value chains, the AVC team has given flowers a score of 69.5 out of 90, as shown
below in Table 1.
Floriculture
Criteria Data Weightage Score Explanation
source
Flowers are a unique commodity with virtually no substitute. The demand for flowers is growing both
nationally and internationally. While the suppliers have moderate bargaining power mainly because of a
limited supply of quality planting materials, the buyers are largely price takers as the majority of flower
consumers are not price sensitive. A large cluster dominates the industry, but the rapid growth in demand
opens up opportunities for more players to enter the market at every link of the value chain. New players
will make the flower market more competitive.
The global floriculture market has been steadily expanding for the past fifteen years, driven by growing
demand in rapidly developing parts of the world. Worldwide floriculture consumption is estimated at USD
109 billion in 201255 and is growing at an estimated 15 percent per year. Global floriculture sales are
expected to reach USD 166 billion in 2015. The floriculture sector comprises a number of different product
categories classified by HS codes. The main ones are 0601, 0602, 0603, and 0604, which account, in order,
for bulbs, live plants, cut flowers, and foliage. Floriculture producers typically produce or use (as inputs)
products from all four HS code categories. Figure 1 shows the growth in global floriculture trade. After a
brief decline in the crisis year of 2008, the world trade in floriculture rebounded and has been steady at just
under USD 20 million between 2011 and 2013.56 The main drivers of this growth have been expansion in
the trade of cut flower and live plants.
Chart Title
25,000,000
20,000,000
Foliage
10,000,000
Cut Flowers
5,000,000 Bulbs
-
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
Note: AVC created chart with data collected from Trade Map (available at
http://www.trademap.org/AdvancedProductSearch.aspx).
Much of the increase in cut flower exports is coming from developing countries. Besides the traditional
growers, which includes the Netherlands, US, Japan, Italy and Colombia, recent times have witnessed the
emergence of new producers from developing countries. Major dynamic new exporters emerging in the
last decade include: Ecuador, Zimbabwe, Kenya, China, Korea, Malawi, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru,
Palestine, Zambia, and South Africa.
The Asian region in particular has been marked by the growth of dynamic new flower exporting hubs over
the past ten years in China and Malaysia, which have joined more established flower export hubs in
Thailand and India. Floriculture exporters in these countries have made investments in new production
technology and cold storage that allow them to serve international markets that demand high-quality
product.
55
“Pakistan to Capture $180b World Horticulture Market,” The Nation, August 28, 2013 (available at http://nation.com.pk/business/28-Aug-
2013/pakistan-to-capture-180b-world-horticulture-market).
56
Data in Figure 1 are gleaned from global customs data and probably underrepresent the true value of world exports. Sector specialists cite
a figure of USD 25 million in 2012 (Floriculture Today, available at http://www.floriculturetoday.in/).
National Market
Long term trends in flower demand
It is estimated that national flower market value is around USD 80 million per year (BDT 6,400 million).
The major types of cut flowers in descending order of production quantities are: marigolds, roses,
tuberoses, gladiolus, and gerbera in addition to other types of flowers. Foliage production is around 10
percent of cut flower production values, or around USD 8 million. The size of the ornamental plant market
is around USD 1.5 million. Thus the total value of floriculture sales is around USD 90 million—with cut
flowers by far the dominant crop. Much of the flower market is concentrated in Dhaka, which is estimated
about 45 percent of the total national market. The retail price of flower in Dhaka is also higher than that of
other districts.
Although time series statistics on national production and consumption are not available, the study team
was able to assemble estimates of production for the five years from 2009/10 through 2013/14 from the
Bangladesh Flower Society (BFS). As shown in Table 2 below, there has been a steady and strong
increase in both production and areas planted with cut flowers. With a total growth of more than 26
percent a year in production values, it is clear that many more flowers are arriving in the national
marketplace and that it is undergoing a phase of major structural change.
Annual
2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 growth
(%)
Area(HA) 1,774 2,040 2,326 2,651 3,054 14.55
Production in MT 23,720 34,658 37,938 42,726 49,877 20.42
Quantity sold in MT 18,050 21,800 26,100 31,400 37,668 20.19
(Retail)
Value in USD 31,506,749 39,955,097 50,227,955 63,448,877 79,920,124 26.20
Note: AVC team compiled data from interviews with market actors at all levels in Bangladesh and the Bangladesh Flower
Society.
One key facet of the changes in the market is the rising importance of non-traditional varieties of flowers.
Ten years ago, virtually the only types of flowers grown in Bangladesh were tube roses and marigolds.
Since then, new varieties such as gladiolus, roses and most recently gerbera have been introduced into the
mix and are gaining in popularity. Current production and market share of top six cut flower varieties are
shown in table 3 below.
Gladiolus with 31 percent market share has emerged as the top commercial variety in Bangladesh. Roses
are the close second with 24 percent market share followed by the tuberoses. The latter two varieties are
still the most popular varieties among the middleclass Bangladeshis.
Flower sector has been growing very rapidly. Over last five year time horizon particularly strong growth
has occurred for roses and gerbera, albeit the latter starting from a very small base. Much of the growth in
roses is for the Merinda variety which is slightly larger than the older Lincoln variety and fetches a higher
price. The growth in other flowers is difficult to interpret, since this category includes both the traditional
cut beli (Bangla name) flower and other varieties that are the popular as imports, but which are only
produced on an experimental basis. By far the largest volume component of this increase is no doubt from
cut beli, but it is not possible to provide a precise breakdown. Nevertheless, it does no doubt comprise
small volumes of orchids, lilies, carnations and chrysanthemums. Table 4 below tells us the growth story.
Variety wise
Flower 2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-2014 average growth
in 5 years
Source: above table has been generated by AVC technical team interviewing BFS members using
calculation and extrapolation
Despite the growth in new varieties, marigolds with more than eight percent market share and over 19
percent annual growth still maintains an important place in the flower sector of Bangladesh. Prized by the
Hindu population (8.2 percent of total population) for use in ceremonial offerings, there is a steady year-
long demand with peaks at major holidays and the lunar calendar Hindu Puja holiday. But the impressive
growth in marigold production also indicates their growing consumption among the Muslim majority
population.
The popularity of new varieties is confirmed by interviews with retailers and wholesale traders—who note
that consumers in richer Dhaka neighborhoods such as New Town, Gulshan and Banani are particularly
fond of flowers that they or family members may have seen abroad. This trend is part of a much larger
demographic transformation in Bangladeshi consumption patterns that is reflective of the rising middle
class. For the past 10 years, economic growth in Bangladesh has considerably outpaced population growth
and inflation, leading to a clear pattern of sustained growth in real per capita income. This is shown below
in Figure 2.
600
500
400
In USD
300
200
100
Table 5: Annual Rates of Growth of Real GDP Per Capita, 2000 - 2013
2000
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2006 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
7
4.0 3.4 2.7 3.6 4.7 4.5 5.4 5.3% 5.1 4.7 4.9 5.5 5.0 4.9 4.7
% % % % % % % % % % % % % %
This strong growth in per capita real GDP has fueled a phenomenon that is widely recognized in the
Bangladeshi press as the “rise of the middle class.” Although it is hard to document precisely the extent of
this phenomenon, the scope of this change can be inferred from several pieces of evidence. One of these
is the impressive reduction in poverty rates with decreases in severe poverty (defined as households with
expenditure budgets for food and non-food items that is below the minimum required food consumption
budget) between the dates of the last two national household income surveys in 2010 and 2005. Between
these dates, severe poverty dropped from 25.1 percent to 17.6 percent nationally and, more impressively
from 14.6 percent to 7.7 percent in urban areas—an almost 50percent drop. Moderate poverty (defined as
households with expenditure budgets under both the minimum food and non-food requirements) also
declined between 2010 and 2005, with decreases from 40.0 percent to 31.5 percent nationally and from
28.4 percent to 21.1 percent in urban areas. Compared to the earlier urban moderate poverty rate from the
prior income survey of 35.2 percent in 2000, moderate urban poverty in 2010 had decreased by 40 percent.
Coupled with population growth of 24.2 million people between 2000 and 2013, these poverty reduction
rates represent a virtual explosion in the number of consumers with income to spend after meeting
minimum consumption needs, particularly in urban areas.
Without detailed consumer spending surveys touching the flower sector it is difficult to measure the
precise impact of this large scale demographic shift. However the existence of the phenomenon is clear.
Data from Table 4 show that over 15 million more urban consumers with money to spend after meeting
basic food and non-food needs in 2013 relative to 2000. This represents a 4.4 percent annual growth rate
in the population category most likely to be the one purchasing cut flowers.
2000 2013
Source: World Bank, Bangladesh - Household Income and Expenditure Survey: Key Findings and Results 2010. (Washington, DC:
World Bank); Yearbook of Agricultural Statistics of Bangladesh (Dhaka, Bangladesh: 2012–13, unpublished).
Japan $129
USA $108
EU $95
Bangladesh $0.47
SOURCE: AVC staff collected data on international consumption from the Asian and Pacific Seed Association website
(available at www. apsaseed.org/).
However, even with the recent growth in the Bangladeshi flower market by world standards, Bangladesh
consumers are still at the extreme low end of the spectrum in terms of flower consumption. Table 6
shows that not only are consumption rates per capita lower than in high-income countries such as the US,
Europe and Japan, but that even compared to countries outside of the high-income bracket, Bangladeshi
consumption is quite low.
Thus there are grounds for believing that even among current consumers and without further population
and income growth (which will also certainly continue to occur), there is still room for growth in the
demand for flowers. A wealth of anecdotal evidence confirms the picture of a rapidly expanding market in
terms of both demand and supply.
Mr. Delwar Hossain, a flower grower and trader in Gazipur, said that women garment workers buy
rose sticks at BDT 65.00 (USD 0.80) on the Valentine’s Day as the demand was extremely high on
that day.
Mr. Roni Ahmed, a flower trader of Jessore, opined that only 10 percent buyer ask for price on the
Valentine’s Day and try to buy high priced flowers for their beloved ones with smiling face. It is a
different smiling face which we cannot see on any other day.
Key informants confirm a great change in the flower buying behavior of Bangladeshi people in the last
decade. Increased purchasing power has been accompanied by an evolving aesthetic sense, ample supply,
affordable price and promotions. Nowadays, people from upper and middle classes want to buy flowers for
various occasions, for example Valentine’s Day, New Year, Bangla New Year, celebration of autumn
(Falgun) and other National days of the country. Flowers are also an important fashion accessory for
women’s clothing. The consumers of lower income group also buy flowers in various capacities, just in
smaller units like single stems and bouquets. For example, the female garment workers in Dhaka spend a
sizeable amount of money to buy roses as gift item during the Valentine’s Day. So, even among more
modest segments of the population there is a good prospect of domestic flower demand.57 (4 million
garment workers in Bangladesh).
57
There are an estimated 4 million garment workers.
Outside of Dhaka, District-level consumers have very little idea about exotic flowers or of new varieties.
However, there is a positive trend of flower sales at district level in recent years particularly during national
and social events. District consumers purchase mainly rose, marigold, gladiolus, cut beli and tube roses.
Very few consumers ask for gerbera or imported varieties of flowers. Retailers interviewed estimate that
demand for flowers in the Districts is growing every year by 10-20 percent fueled mainly by the growth in
demand beyond the traditional Hindu (Puja) market. Demand for wedding ceremonies in the Districts is a
new phenomenon with modest families paying an average of USD 60 to 70 per wedding and rich ones over
USD 200. District people now cannot think of an important social event without flowers. District
consumption is now estimated to 55 percent of total national consumption—surpassing that of Dhaka.
Flower Consumption
14
12
10
In Million USD
Note: The AVC Bangladesh from non-food team collected data from interviews with market actors at all levels in Bangladesh,
members of the Bangladesh Flower Society (BFS), a flower association made up of farmers, traders, exporters, and importers.
Without monthly price statistics, it is hard to be very clear about price movements which do not just rise
and fall automatically with demand because the production season is heavily skewed to the main winter
months. However, generally prices tend to be higher in winter than in summer as shown in Figure 4 which
gives the “normal” price movement in the market based on the high price obtained during the February
peak as an index value of 100 and percentage changes based on the National Flower Association
President’s perception of average market price movement.
Note: AVC non-food team collected data from interviews with market actors at all levels in Bangladesh, members of the
Bangladesh Flower Society (BFS), a flower association made up of farmers, traders, exporters, and importers.
A picture of seasonal price differentials for various flowers emerges from Table 6 below, which was drawn
from interviews with five wholesalers who were each asked to estimate the average season prices for the
winter and summer periods from the most recent seasons. As can be expected winter prices are generally
higher with the exception of gladiolus, which is an extremely fragile flower both at the production and
post-harvest levels and is quite scarce in summer. Thus for the main types of flowers in the market, the
higher prices in the high season both in the Figure 4 and in Table 7 seem to indicate that despite increased
Table 8: Average Winter and Summer Flower Prices, Agargaon Market, Dhaka
Summer Prices
Winter Prices(BDT)
(BTD)
Flower Price Unit High Quality Average High Quality Average Annual
Quality Quality average
price
Gerbera stem 21 15.5 14 10.4 18
Roses stem 5.5 3.2 3 1 6
Gladiolus stem 10 7 13 8 16
Tube roses stem 3.5 2.2 2.4 2 8
Marigolds bundle(1000) 215 150 210 135 0.3
Note: AVC team collected data from interviews with wholesalers in market in August 2014 at the local market actors and Dhaka
wholesale market.
Recently, import have been from around USD 400,000 to USD 600,000 per year in FOB (Free on Board)
value---which with standard commercial mark-up rates still means they would be around two percent of
total market value. Despite these comparatively small values, imports are an important element of the local
market supply and demand equation. This is because imports play a key role in revealing demand
preferences of high-end consumers which then spread to other consumers. This clearly was the case as
shown with the newest variety of the long stemmed rose (“China rose” is the market name) which began to
be imported into Bangladesh in the 2000s by retailer/importers serving clients in the richest neighborhoods
of Dhaka, but which now can be found all over town and even in the Districts and have been produced
locally on an experimental basis. This is also the case more recently with gerbera, which was virtually
unknown five years ago, but which was first imported by the same Dhaka retailers/importers and has
become popular with women for its use as a fashion accessory and is now present in markets all over
Bangladesh.58 Distribution channels reaching all levels of Bangladeshi consumers have now been
established, thus they are not a pure luxury item. Imports are also highly seasonal, as they occur mainly in
the summer months when local production is scarcer and of lower quality. In the winter months imports
largely cease, except for certain types of cut flowers with a strong demand that either cannot be or are not
58
Gerbera no doubt consists of much of the volume of the “other flowers” in Figure 5.
As shown in Figure 5, imports rose rapidly after 2006---coinciding with the period in which Bangladesh
began to experience real GDP per capita growth of over 05 percent per year. The decline in import values
after 2011 is somewhat misleading, since it is driven mainly by a decline in chrysanthemum imports,
following a decision by the Government of Bangladesh to place additional quarantine controls on
chrysanthemums in response to fears that they could be used as a front for the import of opium poppy
flowers for drug use.59 Without this development, there would be no overall decline in flower imports
since 2011.
700
600
100
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Note: The AVC team collected data from flower importers (Pushpa Neer, A.B Flowers, Three Star) from January to
June of 2014.
There is very strong demand growth for cut flowers as a whole fueled by recent economic and
demographic transformations. This trend is being driven by the emergence of a middle class with
new spending priorities and consumption patterns. This is a phenomenon is strongest in Dhaka
but has also emerged in urban areas in the Districts which is fueling increasing trade flows from
production areas to all of Bangladesh.
Consumer preferences for new varieties is clear and will be a continuing trend. Although the
varietal preferences in market demand are highly influenced by short term trends, the recent
growth in new import varieties such as gerbera, chrysanthemums, carnations and lilies show that
there is an advantage to producer able to meet this emerging demand.
Little realistic possibility for short-term export of cut flowers. Bangladesh has rudimentary
floriculture production infrastructure with no national capacity to produce and maintain planting
material, and no cold storage facilities at any point in the value chain. Furthermore it is
surrounded by a number of highly competitive regional floriculture production clusters. All these
reasons combine to limited short term export opportunities. In contrast, import substitution for the
relatively low values of imported flowers is certainly possible.
59
The rationale is that chrysanthemums resemble opium poppies.
The heart of the flower growing zone is located in the Southern FTF zone that supplies approximately 67
percent of national production. This is shown in the attached map in Figure 6 on the following page. The
Southern Delta possesses many advantages for the commercial production of flowers. These are detailed in
Table 7 below.
Note: The AVC team developed map with data collected from flower market actors from January to June of 2014.
Savar, Manikgonj,
Competitive issues Southern Delta Narayangonj, Gazipur,
Cokoria and other area
Environment/ The climate condition, especially Still not suitable for all
geographic location temperature, RH, PH, soil topography categories of flowers
is suitable for flowers cultivation.
Proximity of Indian boarder is an
advantage for access to inputs.
Skill farmers and Farmer are skilled to cultivate most of The farmers are not skilled to
labor the varieties of flowers which are cultivate all types of flowers
produced in Bangladesh
Input supply Planting materials available such as, Input supply system is
propagation materials, seeds, growing
seedlings, fertilizers, pesticides
Packaging/size/trans Private transportation system is Not yet developed
portation supportive to reach the end consumers.
Packaging has not yet reached to
standard level, but packaging materials
are available in the area
Seasonal variation Farmers are advanced in knowledge Have seasonal limitations
and adaptation and are capable of producing all
types of flowers round the year
Traders and Very strong association for flower Not yet established
association growers and traders with 200 members
who can advocate on any issue for the
betterment of the industry
Note: The AVC team collected data directly from different market actors, such as farmers, traders, importers, retailers, and
dealers.
The farmers of the Southern region mainly produce rose, tuberose, gladiolus, gerbera and marigold in
200 villages under 15 Upazila of 7 districts. More than 9,600 farmers of these areas are now engaged
in commercial flower cultivation, foliage and ornamental plants. These farmers are now maintaining
their livelihoods by selling their products. The study team also observed that 5 percent (450) of
flower farmers are female. Women are also the main actors in post-harvest activities. According to
the Jessore flower association (Gothkhali Fulchashi and Fulbabosayee Kallyan Samity-GFFKS), 20
percent of cut flower producers are large farmers (with over 0.4 hectares), 30 percent are medium
farmers (with land holdings from 0.2 ha to 0.4 ha), and 50 percent are small farmers with land
holdings of under 0.2 hectares. On other hand, the land holding size of the flower farmers of
Gazipur, Savar, Manikgonj and Naryangonj are relatively small compared to the flower farmers in
the Southern Delta.
The technology used by flower farmers in Bangladesh is very rudimentary by international standards.
Historically, flowers (mainly marigolds) were introduced into small farmer cropping systems as a
replacement for certain vegetables because of their superior profitability. Thus techniques applied by
farmers were essentially carried over from vegetables, with the use of raised beds and furrow
irrigation when it is required (mainly in winter). Farmers obtained planting material across the
border in India and shared or sold cuttings among themselves. Other inputs are widely available
locally. The use of plastic greenhouses with shade and rain protection is common only among the
more advanced farmers who grow roses and gerbera. All other flowers are grown in open fields. The
Gladiolus Limited access to genetic material for Organization and planning for procurement new
new colors types of planting material
Early harvest of immature flowers Training, financing and marketing arrangements to
High levels of post-harvest deterioration discourage immature harvesting
Improved post-harvest infrastructure with trials of
new cooling/packaging systems
Note: The AVC team collected data from primary sources, such as farmers, traders, importers, retailers, and dealers.
Flower harvesting is done by hand with 50 percent of the labor coming from women. Cut flowers are
usually transported by farmers after on-farm grading, using shoulder loads, rickshaws, and motorized
tricycles to local collection points where they are sold to traders. Traders then usually offer prices based on
quality and purchase the whole loads after which they may sort and grade again at the collection point.
Traders then pack flowers in material which varies according to the flower. Gerbera is either transported in
bamboo boxes or corrugated fiber board cartons, replacing the prior practice of using old newspapers.
Other flowers are bundled and transport most often in sacks. Marigolds, which generate heat when tightly
packed, are packed with small plastic bags of ice to keep them cool. Shipments are sent via public
transport buses or, in the high-season, sometimes by rented truck at night so that they arrive in urban
markets in the morning and avoid prolonged exposure to daylight heat.
The profitability and financing needs of flower farmers vary significantly according to the type of flowers
they grow. The profitability analysis conducted by the study team and presented in Annex 3 reveals that
there are three main categories of flowers:
Highly profitable flower with high capital costs. Currently the only such flower is gerbera which yields
almost 3.7 million BDT per hectare in one year. However this high profitability comes with a significant
capital cost with required investment of 8.6 million BDT and a total first year cash outlay of 11.85 million
BDT (including first year operating costs). With a payback period of 1.2 years and an amortization period
Note: AVC team developed map after numerous field visits and key informant interviews during January-August 2014.
Input Suppliers
Input suppliers include both local retailers of the main inputs required by floriculture producers: fertilizers,
pesticides, irrigation equipment and plastic sheeting and shade netting for the basic greenhouses providing
shade and rain protection for gerbera and roses. These retailers are present throughout the major production
areas. They also provide extension advice to producers on the use of agro-chemicals. The other key type of
input supplier is the commercial floriculture firms operating in India. Most of these are located in the Pune
floriculture cluster. These are commercial nurseries that provide seedlings and bulbs on advance orders in
large quantities to Bangladeshi farmers. They are critical sources of planting material without which the
entire flower industry in Bangladesh could not function. Producers typically will group together to place
large orders. An association of flower producers and traders in Jessore provides this function to its
members. Oftentimes larger farmers who purchase large numbers of seedlings from India will cultivate
them and sell cuttings or seedlings ready for transplantation to neighboring small farmers.
Producers
Flower producers in Bangladesh are rarely specialists. Virtually all producers cultivate a mix of rice,
pulses, jute and vegetable crops in addition to flowers. Open field flower beds will often be inserted in a
multi-year rotation with pulses in order to help manage soil fertility. Usually flowers represent the biggest
component of farm revenue, often 30 to 50 percent. Also, farmers usually cultivate more than one type of
flower, with a general exception for marigold; many farmers only produce marigolds.
The value chain map divides producers between small/medium and large farmers with the cut-off point
between the two being 0.4 hectare. The differences in production technologies employed by each category
are not very pronounced or corrleated strictly with farm size. However, large farmers tend to be those who
possess the greater technical ability and financing needed to adopt the more advanced production
techniques required for gerbera or rose cultiavtion. In addition large farmers produce volumes such that it
is often in their interest to sell directly to the urban wholesale markets, by passing the faria traders in the
local collection markets. This stratetgy entails, however, significant costs as they must package, ship and
arrange sales through their own connections in the wholesale market. In contrast, small/medium farmers
almost always sell to traders in the local collection markets.
Flower producers make decisions on how much land to plant in flowers and which flowers to plant on an
annual basis, except for gerbera and roses—that are perrenials with production periods lasting five years.
Usually these decisions are done on the basis of the prior season’s results. Thus a good year for marigolds
will likely be followed with an increase in marigold plantings. Many farmers may also choose to remove
annual flower crops from production in the summer months, allocating land to vegetable crops during the
low season.
Traders
The local collection traders or “farias” are the most important actors in the flower marketing chain. They
purchase directly from farmers, almost always on a cash basis or at most with one or two days delay. They
regroup output from different farmers in the local collection markets, sort it and pack it before arranging
transport on a daily basis to one or more of the urban wholesale markets in Bangladesh. Farias pay a
volume-based fee as well as a small entry fee in order to access the regional collection markets. They
maintain connections with the wholesalers, also called “commission agents” in various markets and
expedite shipments via public transport or occasionally rented trucks to specific wholesalers based on
educated guesses on what prices the wholesaler will obtain in the market the next day. They incur packing,
transport and labor costs in the collection markets as well as assuming the risk of product losses in transit.
They are remunerated from wholesale market sales after the wholesalers take out their fixed commission—
usually 10 percent of the wholesale market price to retailers. Sales revenues from wholesale transactions
are usually transmitted through b-Kash accounts or regular bank accounts to faria on a daily basis. Farias
Wholesalers or commission
Wholesalers or commission agents occupy fixed space which may be stalls or simply open ground space in
the urban wholesale markets in exchange. They are responsible for the product from arrival in the public
transport terminal to the wholesale market, where they arrange sales to retailers on a daily basis.
Wholesalers will hold informal auctions with retailers in the market arrivals to fix prices each day. They
also fulfill advance purchase orders from retailers who place orders for weddings or for special flower
demand. They are based in the main Dhaka flower markets and the various District flower wholesale
markets. They have virtually no fixed costs or infrastructure as they seek to liquidate their entire stock on a
daily basis. Wholesalers tend to have a definite regional identity and tendency to deal mainly with flowers
from ‘their’ region. In many cases they have installed themselves in urban markets as specific agents of
groups of farmers in the production zones—hence the commonly used term “commission agent.”
Other types of retailers include shops or stalls near the wholesale sections of the flower markets and
ambulant flower sellers. Retailers with fixed location prepare bouquets and flower arrangements in
addition to providing wedding flower arrangements. They are active in urban areas in the District as well as
in Dhaka. Ambulant flower vendors circulate selling small quantities of flowers, often single stems. Sales
between these actors and wholesalers are on a cash basis or at most with one or two days of delays in
payments for particularly large orders.
The GFFKS and the BFS have been pushing for a long time to lobby the public authorities for a permanent
market in Dhaka. They have recently obtained temporary use of the parcel of land, on which the Agargaon
market is located, which marks the first flower market established at an off-street location in Dhaka. Yet
even this is very rudimentary in its set up, lacking any sort of shelter or hard surfaced ground covering—
much less cold storage and lighting.
MARKET CHANNELS
The value chain map for floriculture contains three specific market channels:
Channel 1: Local market in production zone. Product in this channel is sold directly in the zone of
production as faria in the collection markets supply generally second quality product directly to local
sellers in District retail markets. Farmers may also occasionally sell to retailers. In general this chain offers
farmers and faria, an alternative to the national market which is most interesting for second quality product
in high season or for first quality product when volumes are low and it is not worth their while to send
flowers to the urban wholesale markets. Also since they are selling further up in the value chain, prices in
this channel are often quite competitive with the prices in the national wholesale markets. However the
absorptive capacity of this channel is weak.
Channel 2: Mass urban market. Although it is by far the largest channel in the floriculture value chain,
the mass urban market channel is relatively simple. With only three levels between the farm and the
consumer and a large number of actors at all levels there are little opportunities for actors to exert market
power, nor are there significant asymmetries that come when small number of actors in the chain have
privileged access to finance or an exclusive ability to store product—which is non-existent all throughout
the chain. The key actors in the chain, as discussed above are the collector faria traders who are the market
movers.
Channel 3: Luxury market. This is a small volume market in which the main players are the four
retailer/importers who supply mainly imported flowers to high-end consumers. However, as with the
other channels, there is little opportunity for players in this channel to profit from their privileged position
since, of the four retailer/importers, none has an estimated share of total imports above 35 percent.
Thus overall, all of the channels of the value chain map have a healthy degree of competition which should
be a positive factor in encouraging actors to be willing to innovate and adopt new practices, as the rapidity
with which new flower varieties are introduced would seem to confirm.
MARGIN ANALYSIS
To calculate the gross margins for each actor in the value chain, our team focused on the expenditures and
revenues required to move 100 stems of Gladiolus from Jessore to the Dhaka market. For this example,
farmers’ purchased input costs are approximately BDT 302 for 100 stems of gladiolus. Postharvest loss at
the farm gate is eight percent and the farmer sells 92 stem to the Gothkali traders at the rate of BDT 4.5 and
earns a revenue of BDT 414; yielding a gross margin of BTD 112. At the trader’s level, there are additional
costs including transportation and packaging, and at the same time they are incurring wastage equivalent to
7 stems. At eight BDT per stem, the traders are selling 85 stems to wholesalers for BDT 680. At
1400
1200
1000 428
800 140
600 1248
266
400 112
Gross margin
200 302
0
Note: Waterfall analysis was done by AVC staff based on interviews with each of the market actors done from January to June
2014.
GENDER INTEGRATION
Overall, women are involved more closely in floriculture than in most other agriculture sectors. Women are
greatly represented in the production, assembly stage of the sector, as well as in the high end retail market.
Their absence is quite noticeable in trading and mass retail segments of the market. The table shows
women’s involvement in the steps of the floriculture value chain.
During flower cultivation, women are involved in seedling transplanting, weeding, irrigation and flower
plucking. At the collection level where flowers are packed and marigolds stringed into bundles, almost 100
percent of workers are female. At the retailing level, most shops are managed by men with women
supporting by preparing floral bouquets, flower ornaments and circlets. Some destitute girls are also
involved in selling flower to customers along city roads.
Women ownership of land is quite rare. They have only very limited control over productive resources.
Though they are involved in farming activities, quite often they are not the shareholders. However,
sometimes they play an active role in decision making processes.
Wage disparity is present between men and women. Women usually receive 40 percent less wages
compared to their male counterparts. Farmers/employers reasoned that male laboreers are more efficient.
Women usually take part in election process and exercise their voting rights in their associations.
In Jessore, there is a women’s flower association named ‘Panishara mohila phul utpadon o biponon
shomobay shomiti limited.’ Founded in June 2011, this association currently has more than 200 members.
Their main focus is to build members’ capacity to implement improved methods of packaging, grading,
and sorting and providing business development services to help small farmers reach financial
independence/have a sustainable business model.
ENVIRONMENTAL COMPLIANCE
The flower industry of Bangladesh is still in a very informal level. Without the presence of an export
business, the GOB has no incentive to enforce effective regulation on the use of pesticides or any sort of
export code or standards. Site visits to large markets in Jessore and Dhaka found that
medicines/insecticides like Vertimax, Ridomil Gold MZ, Dithane M-45 and other major groups have been
used while growing Gladiolus, Rose and Gerbera. Sometimes hormones are used in nurseries, but no
ACCESS TO FINANCE
The farmers frequently access trade credit facilities to purchase of fertilizer and seed. For fertilizer they can
purchase at 50 percent credit which they generally have to pay after the harvest time (i.e., 4 months)
whereas in case of seed only 30 percent of the total purchase is offered at credit, which is also paid after
harvest. In case of farmers selling cut flowers up the value chain, they generally take cash payments for all
our most of their sales with any remaining amounts being remitted within 3 days. The mobile cash system
is extensively used for payments.
Floriculture farmers usually take-out loans from traditional micro credit NGOs with high interest rates and
weekly payments. There are NGOs like RRF and Jagoroni Chokro Foundation that offer crop specific
agricultural loans with cash flow based re-payment schedules. However, many floriculture farmers are not
aware of the availability of these specialty loan products. Besides this, a limited number of farmers have
access to value chain financing for inputs (fertilizer, pesticides) procurement; albeit they have to pay 5-10
percent higher prices. While statutory banks offer agricultural loans, farmers rarely can avail themselves of
those because of lengthy and complex processing of loan applications and the requirement of collateral and
speed money. This is an issue for the flowers requiring more capital investment, such as gerbera and roses.
60
AVC team compiled data from UN COMTRADE Database (available at http://comtrade.un.org/db).
61
Customs data provided by 2013–14 report of Export Promotion Bureau, Bangladesh
(http://www.epb.gov.bd/).
DYNAMIC TRENDS
The study team identified two essential dynamic trends as follows:
• Dynamic Trend #1: Strong market demand and high per hectare profitability are encouraging farmers to
expand flower production. It is clear that flowers offer returns per hectare that are superior to most
vegetable crops. This has spawned a massive increase in production over the past five years. In absolute
value terms, most of this increase is coming in the two traditional flower crops—marigolds and tuberoses.
This is because both crops have low initial cash outlays and can be replaced in one year or even a six
month period. Other flowers are expanding too, but from a much lower base. This expansion comes hand-
in-hand with increasing horizontal cooperation and organization of flower farmers in the BFS and GFFKS
to address common problems such as market infrastructure, access to planting material and market
promotion. The dynamism of flower farmers with a core of highly motivated organized individuals is a
highly significant development in the value chain.
• Dynamic Trend #2: Consumer demand is increasing especially strong for non-traditional flowers and
flowers that meet import standards. This is driving expanded imports and sparking the interest of the more
advanced flower farmers in adopting new technology and new flower varieties such as gerbera, China
roses, chrysanthemums, carnations and lilies.
Opportunity #1: Capitalize on increasing demand for cut flowers in the market generally, by expanding
the production base, with particular attention to the newer varieties whose production feasibility has
already been demonstrated in Bangladesh (gerbera, merinda variety roses and China roses). As shown in
the discussion of farmer profitability, gerbera and roses are very profitable. There is little danger of market
saturation for gerbera or for China or merinda roses. The former rose type has only been cultivated on an
experimental basis and the latter has not yet spread to the main production area in the Southern FTF zone.
Considerable potential exists to leverage expertise from experienced farmers in the Jessore District to
spread knowledge of correct flower production practices to farmers in other areas of the FTF zone. Such a
program would offer a mix of flower types, including gladiolus, tuberoses and marigolds with special focus
on the two rose varieties (China and merinda) and gerbera. A mix of flowers is necessary to limit market
risk from excessive concentration.
o Knowledge of good cut flower production practices among producers is weak and limited to several
specific geographic clusters. Outside of the core production areas in the Jessore District, flower cultivation
is little practiced and farmers lack basic knowledge of planting protocols and input requirements for
growing flowers. No effective extension service providers exist for flowers. Although some agro-chemical
retailers do offer advice on input use, these are concentrated in the clusters with strong existing farmer
production bases.
o Capital requirements for several important varieties of flowers, particularly gerbera and roses, that
require the purchase of perineal planting material or shade protection is higher than for most food
crops, limiting the pool of potential adopters. As shown in the production section above, roses and
especially gerbera require significant outlays of cash for farmers seeking to enter production. This limits
their attractiveness for farmers unable to come up with the required cash. Loan amounts at this level are
beyond the usual micro-finance range. Some farmers have obtained bank financing on a multi-year basis,
but the supply of such loans is much more limited than shorter-term micro-finance loans—which are
appropriate for annual flower financing needs. In the absence of financing plan then, access to the ‘elite
level’ of flower production will be hard to achieve for poorer farmers.
o Planting material is not available in Bangladesh, leaving producers dependent on Indian nursery
suppliers and subject to considerable transaction costs. Seedlings and flower seeds are mostly sourced
from Indian nurseries. The BARI produced flower varieties have not had much success penetrating the
domestic market. In itself this is not debilitating problem, as Indian nurseries have a continuing interest in
exporting to Bangladesh. However, since imports of seedlings and planting material from India are subject
to a 5 percent tariff, there is some incentive for farmers to go through unofficial channels—thereby
avoiding the tariff. This seems to be the main way in which planting material reaches farmers, as
evidenced by the absence of any formal commercial vendors of Indian planting material in Bangladesh.62
This tends to limit access to planting material for new farmers to the relatively few who are able to make
informal connections with others who will bring back material from India for them or who will sell or give
away cuttings. Because of this, farmers in the Southern Delta farmers commonly use retained seed for
propagation of gladiolus and tuberose and are unable to plant newer less common types of flowers. It also
62
Given the wide extent of informal cross-border imports, it is very unlikely that any retailer who sells product subject to the
import tariff would be competitive.
o Access to certain key inputs is extremely difficult. Common inputs such as poly-vinyl sheets for building
UV-protected greenhouses, mulching, drip irrigation, and flower-specific compound fertilizers are
generally unavailable. The absence of these inputs prevents their widespread use by producers which
limits overall productivity.
o Dhaka lacks a permanent flower market, with current wholesale locations offering substandard
facilities, leading to high losses and shortened product shelf life. The poor condition of the wholesale
markets in Dhaka is an evident problem. Although rudimentary infrastructure exits all along the value
chain, the lack of any sort of shelter or surfaced areas for wholesalers adds to market loss rates and leads to
distressed sales. Even simple closed stalls with some permanent storage facilities would be an
improvement over the street-side sidewalks and open ground lots now in use.
Opportunity #2: Capitalize on the rapidly growing demand for new varieties that are being
imported but not yet widely produced in Bangladesh, particularly for the high quality market niche.
The high quality “luxury” market has clearly demonstrated that a market exists for flowers that are
not traditionally produced in Bangladesh. Although the size is limited to 2 to 3 percent of the total
flower market, there are real possibilities for Bangladeshi producers to supply this market and to
grow it substantially if they prove able to supply quality at a lower cost than imports for such flowers
as lilies, carnations, chrysanthemums and eventually other types of internationally available flowers.
o The viability of international production technologies that adhere more closely to world standards has
not been proven in Bangladesh. Producing highest quality flowers will require the introduction of new
production techniques that have not yet been used commercially in Bangladesh. Common elements of
international flower production technology such as: multi span ventilated greenhouses with temperature
controls, misting sprayers, drip irrigation coupled with nutrient packs (fertigation) have never been tried.
To produce at true international standards, Bangladeshi producer will need to increasingly adopt such
techniques, if they prove to be feasible and commercially viable. Whether this can be done or not has not
been demonstrated.
o Varieties that are newly imported but not produced locally, such has chrysanthemum, carnations and
lilies, have only been trial tested on a limited basis. Similarly, trial production of these flowers has been
done on a small scale with some success. But it remains to be seen that this can be replicated on a
significant scale. Producing these flowers would not require necessarily the adoption of all the
technologies listed above if the objective is to produce for the mass Bangladeshi market for which there is
a demonstrated demand. But even with the use of current simple improved technology, such as furrow
irrigation with the use of non-ventilated plastic-covered greenhouses, trials would be needed to
demonstrate commercial feasibility at this level of the market.
o The lack of any sort of cold chain at every point in the value chain makes it hard for Bangladeshi
producers to approach import quality levels. Cold chain integrity is a cornerstone of the flower value
chain in most countries. It is totally lacking in Bangladesh. As a result, shelf lives for local flowers are
generally 2 to 3 days under those of imported flowers—which is a key advantage for retailers. If
Bangladeshi producers are to approach international standards, appropriately-sized investments in cold
chain capacity will be required.
Total number of focus group discussions conducted: 18 covered in 17 FTF districts except Barisal,
Jhalokathi and Pirojpur district. Two focus group discussions conducted in Jessore district.
Total number of focus group discussion participants in 17 districts: 226
Total number of male participants in the focus group discussions: 130 (57.52%)
Total number of female participants in the focus group discussions: 96 (42.48%)
208
AVC END MARKET ANALYSIS: FLORICULTURE
Ahmed, E. “Cold Storage Facility in Bangladesh.” Paper presented at the Workshop on Potato
Processing, Bangladesh, July 2012.
Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). Household Income & Expenditure Survey. Dhaka,
Bangladesh: BBS (available at http://www.bbs.gov.bd/PageReportLists.aspx?PARENTKEY=66).
FAOSTAT Statistical Data for Crop Production. Rome, Italy: Statistics Division, Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (available at http://faostat3.fao.org/home/E).
Hossain, Md S. “The 2013–14 Budget and Its Challenges,” The Financial Express, 19 May
2013 (available at
http://www.thefinancialexpressbd.com/old/index.php?ref=MjBfMDVfMTlfMTNfMV85Ml8xNjk4MD
U=).
ICRISAT, International Crop Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics, Bulletin 2012
Islam, S., ed. “Bangladesh Soil,” Banglapedia, National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh. Dhaka,
Bangladesh: Banglapedia, 2012 (available at http://www.banglapedia.org/HT/B_0282.htm).
Karim, N. H. “Agriculture Management Systems in Bangladesh.” In Gender Dimensions in
Biodiversity Management and Food Security: Policy and Programme Strategies for Asia, 25.
Rome, Italy: Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, 1999 (available at
ftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/005/ac795e/ac795e00.pdf).
The Nation. “Pakistan to Capture $180b World Horticulture Market,” The Nation, August 28, 2013
(available at http://nation.com.pk/business/28-Aug-2013/pakistan-to-capture-180bworld-
horticulture-market).
Neogi, M. G. “Mungbean Cultivation in Southern Districts,” Daily Sun, January 14, 2013
(available at http://www.daily-sun.com/details_yes_14-01-2013_Mungbean-cultivation-
insouthern-districts_379_1_17_1_0.html).
Quasem, A., and Yasmin, F. Agricultural Research Priority: Vision 2030 and Beyond. Farmgate.
Dhaka: Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council, 2010.
USDA. Oilseeds: World Markets and Trade. Washington, DC: USDA, Foreign Agricultural
Service, 2012 (available at http://apps.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/circulars/oilseeds.pdf).
World Bank. “Bangladesh Poverty Assessment: A Decade of Progress in Reducing Poverty,
2000-2010.” Washington, DC: World Bank, June 2013 (available at
http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/06/20/bangladesh-poverty-assessment-
adecade-of-progress-in-reducing-poverty-2000-2010).