Hiren Mukerjee Parliament

HIREN MUKERJEE IN PARLIAMENT
A COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME
HIREN MUKERJEE IN PARLIAMENT
A COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME
LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT

NEW DELHI
2004
1-LARRDIS(WW-II)/(E & F) 2004
© LoK SABHA SECRETARIAT, 2004
Price : Rs. 800.00
Published under Rule 382 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of

Business in Lok Sabha (Eleventh Edition) and printed by Jainco Art India,
13/10, W.E.A., Karol Bagh, New Delhi-lIO 005.
FOREWORD
Shri Hirendra Nath Mukerjee, Professor of History and Political

Philosophy, Master of Arts, Doctor of Literature, Barri~ter from Bench of the
Honourable Society of Lincoln's Inn, London and the Member from the First
to the Fifth Lok Sabha, was one of such great intellectuals who has had the
Midas touch in different spheres of his activities---educational, political, social
or as a political thinker and activist. He excelled in all of them.
A leader of firm convictions, a champion of masses, a veteran Marxist, a

renowned educationist, a deep thinker and a promoter of the Left ideology,
who fought tirelessly for the establishment of a socialistic order particularly
in Bengal, Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was a rare political leader who never allowed
dogmatism to dominate over his liberal outlook. His Oxonian accent, cogent
arguments and deep commitment to Socialism, and to the values of the
Communist Party and leftist ideology and intellectual acumen made him one
of the most illustrious orators the Indian Parliament has ever seen. So great
was his ability to speak with eloquence that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who
himself was a brilliant orator, would instantly leave his office in South Block
to listen to him in Lok Sabha, as soon as he learnt Hiren Mukerjee was going
to speak. He believed in observing the strictest propriety while dealing with
parliamentary affairs and was very punctilious about parliamentary etiquette
and manners. Indeed, he was often deeply hurt when members intervened
in or disturbed overzealously the speech of another member. He believed in
discipline and respected his colleagues irrespective of their party affiliation.
Despite belonging to a quite well-to-do family, Prof. Mukerjee chose to

become a champion of the poor and the down-trodden. After his studies at
St. Catherine's College at Oxford and Lincoln's Inn, he did not choose an
easy life but decided to work throughout his life for the betterment of the
needy and deprived sections of the community. It was during his stay in
England that he first came in contact with Communist ideology. Thereafter,
till he left for India in 1936, he spent much of his time and energy in politically
organizing the students of Oxford and Cambridge. Later, even after the
division of the Party, he remained a bridge between the CPI and the CPI(M).
By virtue of possessing rare qualities of head and heart, he endeared himself
to his friends and opponents alike. Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was one of Pandit
Nehru's closest friends and yet one of the sharpest critics of his policies.
Upon Pandit Nehru's demise, he was appointed as the Founder Trustee of
(ii)
the Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund. His book, "The Gentle Colossus-A
Study o/Nehru" is considered one of the most authoritative writings on Pandit
Nehru's turbulent life.
In life, the man who called himself as an "unrepentant Communist" was

one of the true heroes of the Communist movement in India, while in death,
he is one of its most revered legends. Starting his political career as an humble
student activist and later emerging as a strong leader of the trade unions and
a stalwart for upliftment of the weaker sections and common man,
Prof. Mukerjee had always stood by the ideals of equality and social justice.
Hiren Babu was of the opinion that socialism and democracy are not
incompatible to each other, rather, socialism is the only panacea to solve the
age-old problems the mankind has been suffering from. He always regarded
the Left as a major political, social and ideological force in Indian politics. An
enthusiastic supporter of the "Bolshevik Revolution" in Soviet Union, he founded
the "Friends of the Soviet Union". In fact, he was one of the architects of
Indo-Soviet friendship.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee has been known as the most sparkling instrument
in the armoury of Indian Parliament in its formative years. It has often been
said that Prof. Hiren Mukerjee's eloquent speeches in Parliament affected
Indian foreign policy just as much Pandit Nehru's own thoughts. His speeches
though never equivocal or ambiguous contain references from sources as
varied as the llliad, the Bhagvad Gita, the Mahabharata, the holy Bible, the
Quran and the Communist Manifesto. Though Bengali was his mother-tongue,
his speeches were often accentuated with Sanskrit slokas and couplets. A firm
believer in providing a constructive opposition, Prof. Mukerjee always
presented his thoughts in a candid and cogent yet gentle and suave manner,
so as to always convince but never offend. He led a busy political and
parliamentary life serving in a number of Parliamentary Committees, Boards
and Councils where his erudition was very much in demand. As Chairman
of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), he worked tirelessly for an effective
scrutiny of the subjects under review and his contributions to the PAC were
exemplary. He served with distinction as the First Honorary Advisor to the
Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training (BPST) of the Lok Sabha
Secretariat. He had a great respect for and mastery of the Rules and Procedures
of Parliament. During his tenure in five Lok Sabhas, he spoke almost on
every important subject more particularly on General Budget, External Affairs,
Education, Constitution Amendment Bills, Five Year Plans, Parliamentary
Matters, Sports and Archaeology. His deep knowledge and understanding of
these varied subjects is a testimony to his multi-faceted personality. Indeed,
he called himself, "a jack of many incompatible trades".
(iii)
I remember Hiren Babu as a great orator and a prolific writer whose

intellect and sense of social responsibility was brought out in the incredible
diversity and authenticity that came to characterize his books. He wrote on
everything from Indian politics and the freedom struggle to literature and history.
He wrote equally well both in English and Bengali. His noted works, inter-aIiiZ
include: "History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)";
"Portrait of Parliament"; "An Introduction to SociiZlism"; "IndiiZ and ParliiZment";
and "India Struggles for Freedom".
Prof. Mukerjee conferred with Padma Bhushan in 1990 and Padma Vibhushan
in 1991, was one of the select few who had left an indelible mark on Indian
Parliament. He will be remembered not only for his scholarly erudition but
also for his love for the weaker sections of the society. Hiren Babu, a committed
social activist, a true Communist, fought both inside and outside the
Parliament for a society essentially free from hunger and deprivation.
The present publication attempts to recapitulate and place on record, the
various aspects of his versatile personality and of the yeoman's services
rendered by him in building up the healthy democratic traditions in our
political and parliamentary life. I have had the good fortune of watching
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee's activities closely over several years. I count and cherish
the frequent dialogues I have had with him as among my most rewarding
experiences. He was one of the first persons to congratulate me on my election
as the Speaker by a letter written in his own hand which is now one of my
prized possessions.
I hope this publication will be of immense value to the researchers,
academics, students, parliamentarians and all others who are interested in
the study of the parliamentary institutions. I congratulate Shri Abhijit Mukerjee,
son of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee and also Shri G. C. Malhotra, Secretary-General,
Lok Sabha and his team of officers of the Lok Sabha Secretariat associated
with this project for bringing out a publication of this nature on Hiren Babu
in such a short time.
New Delhi SOMNATH CHAITERJEE,

November 2004 Speaker, Lok Sablul
PREFACE
Prof. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee was an extraordinary public figure of the

twentieth century. He was one of the five members of the Communist Party
elected to the First Lok Sabha in 1952. He contimled in Lok Sabha for a
quarter century having won elections five times consecutively. Hiren Mukerjee,
a sharp intellectual, visionary, erudite scholar, great parliamentarian, veteran
leader and a trade unionist was a unique personality who possessed admirable
qualities which are a source of inspiration to the future generations. He made
remarkable contributions in enriching our parliamentary institutions and
overall development of our nation.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee dominated Indian parliamentary politics in his times.
Whether in or outside the Parliament, he was always in the news. His
farsightedness and astute stewardship made him one of the most popular
comrades in India, particularly in West Bengal. While participating in the
debates in Parliament, Prof. Mukerjee endeared himself to the members from
both Treasury and Opposition benches, including the then Prime Minister
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, for his oratorical skills. He was the Deputy Leader
of the Communist Party of India in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1964 and 1%7
to 1971. From 1964 to 1967, Prof. Mukerjee became the Leader of his Party in
Parliament. He also became the Chairman of one of the most prestigious
financial committees in Parliament-the Public Accounts Committee and
stressed that the accountability of the Executive should be increased.
As early as in 1962, in his book on 'India and Parliament', Prof. Mukerjee
opined that democracy should grow 'from below' and that decentralization
is the primary need of today. He thought that without decentralization,
economic planning which is so imperative for India's well being,
can not succeed. Participation of people at various levels, from the village
panchayat to Parliament was, according to him, the essence of parliamentary
democracy.
He was determined to optimally utilize the forum of Parliament for
redressal of grievances of the people. Prof. Mukerjee always stressed the
point that, "It is not for relaxation but for ser!-0us work and in Parliament,
there is more than plenty to do." He believed that the aspirations of people
should be reflected on the floor of Parliament through their representatives.
He always felt that as long as parties function in Parliament, certain standards
of conduct and mutual relationship should be carefully maintained.
(v)
(vi)
In Parliament, Prof. Mukerjee was determined to challenge those

Government policies and programmes which were not people-oriented. In
several instances, he offered his own interpretation. Hiren Mukerjee spoke
on almost every important subject under the sun. However, Foreign Affairs,
Economic issues, Labour Problems, Education and Culture were the subjects
close to his heart. His speeches were logical; thought provoking as well as
analytically inspiring. He used English words, phrases and expressions
unknown to many.
His regard for Marxism-Leninism did not prevent him from

speaking highly of Gandhiji, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose. As
a prolific writer, his books on the three leaders-'Gandhiji-A Study';
The Gentle Colossus-A Study of Nehru' and 'Bow of Burning Gold' (A Study of
Subhas Chandra Bose) bear testimony to his respect for those who did not
endorse his brand of politics. It is always inspiring to read his autobiography
Tari Hotey Teer (from Boat to the River Bank) besides his other Bengali books.
This publication is a humble tribute on our part to Prof. Hiren Mukerjee

who died recently and whose 97th birth anniversary falls on 23 November 2004.
We are deeply beholden to the Hon'ble President of India, Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam,
the Hon'ble Vice-President of India, Shri Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, Hon'ble
Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh, Hon'ble Deputy Chairman,
Rajya Sabha, Shri K. Rahman Khan and Hon'ble Deputy Speaker, Lok Sabha,
Sardar Charanjit Singh Atwal for acceding to our request to send their
messages for this Publication. This has undoubtedly enriched the value of
the publication.
The publication comprises four parts : Part I of the publication,

'Prof Hirendra Nath Mukerjee-A Profile' gives us a valuable understanding of
the life and works of Prof. Mukerjee. The profile can best be described as a
full and persuasive account of the inside story of a distinguished politician
who was deeply involved with the evaluation process of Indian political,
economic, parliamentary and social system. We have not only presented an
account of his eventful life, the causes he advocated and adhered to but also
his splendid achievements and the deep impact he had left on Indian
parliamentary democracy as a leading member of the Opposition in the
Lok Sabha.
Part II, 'Articles' carries reminiscences and memories of Prof. Mukerjee

penned by his contemporaries and close associates. Among our honoured
contributors, we have Governors, former Speakers of Lok Sabha, former and
present Chief Ministers, former and present members of Parliament, other
eminent leaders and journalists. I am grateful to each one of them for having
responded to our request and helped us in bringing out this publication.
(vii)
We would, however, like to emphasize that the views expressed in various

articles are those of the individual authors and the Lok Sabha Secretariat
does not assume any responsibility for the opinions expressed by the authors
or the facts cited by them.
Part III, 'His Select Speeches in Parliament' incorporates the selected speeches
of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee delivered on the floor of the Lok Sabha which give
a glimpse of his in-depth knowledge of subjects, his ,suggestions to solve the
problems of Indian economy, particularly faced in the early fifties and sixties
and above all his eloquence and excellence of language and brilliant oratorical
skills. The speeches included in the present publication have been selected
with due care and objectivity. The publication, however, does not claim to
cover all the outstanding or memorable speeches of Prof. Mukerjee. Within
this modest volume, utmost attention has been paid to include the
representative speeches on as many subjects as possible. The criteria employed
has been the historical, national and international importance of the speeches
and the lasting value of their contents. During his parliamentary career, Prof.
Mukerjee paid homage to his fellow parliamentarians and others. The homages
included indicate how a great leader appreciated the qualities of others cutting
across the party lines. Original language of his speeches has been retained
except where it was absolutely essential to make some changes to maintain
continuity. The speeches have been arranged subject-wise and in the
chronological order.
Part IV contains rich tributes paid to him in and outside Parliament by

eminent personalities, his close comrades, friends, journalists and others on
his passing away on 30 July 2004. In his parliamentary career spanning
25 years, his aim was to give expression to the unspoken thoughts of less
articulate people, their dreams and aspirations for a better social order rooted
in our democratic system. Incidentally, the number of occasions Prof. Mukerjee
has participated in the debates and proceedings of the Lok Sabha comes to
a staggering total of about eleven hundred. The publication carries a
'List of Speeches delivered by Prof Hiren Mukerjee in Parliament'. A Comprehensive
Index also finds place in the publication.
We express our sincere gratitude to esteemed Shri Somnath Chatterjee,

himself an outstanding parliamentarian and presently adorning the Office of
the Speaker of Lok Sabha, for his initiative, guidance, direction and
constant encouragement in this moderate endeavour of ours. I profoundly
thank him for writing an inspiring dnd illuminating Foreword to
this publication and also for contributing a memorable piece of work
'Hiren Mukerjee-A Role Model for Parliamentarians'.
(viii)
We would like to place on record the unstinted cooperation received

from Shri Abhijit Mukerjee, son of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, for making available
rare photographs of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee's personal life and other useful
and enriching information for inclusion in the publication.
This publication has been brought out within a short span of about
two months. I am thankful to Shri John Joseph, Additional Secretary,
Shri N. K. Sapra, Joint Secretary, Shri R. T. Pillai, Director, Smt. Sadhna Gupta,
Joint Director, Smt. Kalpana Sharma, Deputy Director, Shri Harsh Chaturvedi
and Shri B. Phani Kumar, Assistant Directors, Shri Sebastian Mathew and
Shri Prasanta K. Mallick, Research Officers and Shri B. Mohapatra, Research
Assistant for their dedicated work in realizing this project. We are also thankful
to the Parliamentary Museum and Archives and the Bureau of Parliamentary
Studies and Training of the Lok Sabha Secretariat for providing good quality
photographs of Prof. Mukerjee which are published at several places in the
Publication. Thanks are also due to Shri Radhey Shyam, Controller of Printing
and Publications, Lok Sabha Secretariat and Messrs. Jainco Art India, the
printer for the excellent job they have done in so short a time.
We hope that this publication will be read with interest by members of

Parliament and State Legislatures, political scientists, research scholars and
all those who have interest in the contemporary history of our country.
New Delhi G. C. MALHOTRA

November 2004 Secretary-General
Lok Sabha
'qffif 'TJURhf
PRESIDENT
REPUBLIC OF INDIA
MESSAGE
I am happy to know that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is publishing

a Monograph on the occasion of the birth anniversary of late Shri Hiren Mukerjee,
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha, on 23 November 2004.
Shri Hiren Mukerjee who served as a Member of Parliament for

twenty-five years was an illustrious leader and an eminent parliamentarian.
His continuous membership of the Lok Sabha for a quarter century reflected
his esteem amongst the people. His services to the nation will be remembered
with respect and honour.
I extend my greetings and felicitations to all those associated with the

Monograph and pay my tribute to late Shri Hiren Mukerjee.
New Delhi
21 October 2004 (A.P. J.
"3'tl' <I ~ q f8 I '4'mf
VICE-P'RESIDENT OF INDIA
MESSAGE
I am happy to know that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

Monograph on Prof. Hiren Mukerjee on the occasion of his birth anniversary
on 23 November 2004.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was a parliamentarian par excellence, symbolising

the golden era of India's parliamentary democracy. He was gifted with a
brilliant mind, the power of articulation of ideas, the ability for scholarly
erudition and above all a great sensitivity for the dispossessed and the
downtrodden. He had a multi-faceted personality and as a young student
leader, a trade union activist, an outstanding parliamentarian, a political
agitator, a progressive writer and crusader, Prof. Mukerjee left an indelible
imprint on our public life. In an era blessed with a galaxy of towering public
figures, he had carved for himself his own distinctive niche. Throughout his
life, he had a rare sensitivity to the cause of serving the humanity. Truly, he
was a great man with a fervent passion for new ideas; a perceptive observer
of society and politics; one of the foremost champions of India's democratic
traditions.
I pay my respectful homage to the sacred memory of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee

and hope that the Monograph will become a viable medium for his large
circle of friends and admirers to reflect on his multi-faceted personality and
derive inspiration from his life and ideals.
New Delhi
27 September 2004
~
(BHAIRON SINGH SHEKHAWAT)
)f~ lhit
PRIME MINISTER
MESSAGE
Rarely in public life one comes across the personality of the stature of
Professor Hiren Mukerjee who while professing communist ideology never
hesitated to proclaim himself as a devotee of Mahatma Gandhi. A veteran
leader commanding admiration and respect of our people, he fascinated the
world by blending the philosophy and practice of dialectical materialism
with humanism and assimilative aspects of Indian civilization. A multi-faceted
personality, his contributions as activist, scholar, writer, parliamentarian and
above all as a fine human being had infused fresh thinking to our approach
to nation building. His masterly performance as a parliamentarian remained
one of the distinguishing features of his eventful life and influenced the
general public and the Government to critically reflect on our policies and
implementation strategies.
A critique of the Government and its leaders, his criticism was born out
of an approach which is constructive with the objective to point out lapses
and failures without in any way pontificating. He examined Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru's programmes and policies, and assailed them, but at the
same time, hailed him as a gentle colossus. Adoption of such a strategy to
oppose was characteristic of the inclusive approach, the spirit of which needs
to be recaptured for smooth and effective functioning of our parliamentary
democracy. With rare insight, he saw the trend of criminalisation of public
life which he called "hoodlum politics" and appealed to the people and the
leaders alike to nip it in the bud lest it would assume alarming proportions
polluting the body polity. How true he was and how significant are his
utterances for the challenges we confront to clean our public life! Revered
and hailed as the Communist Rishi, he left lasting impressions on our national
life through service, character, values and rectitude.
It is noteworthy that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a
Monograph on Professor Hiren Mukerjee encapsulating various facets of his
life and highlighting his role as one of the all time great parliamentarians of
our country. I compliment the Lok Sabha Secretariat for bringing out the
volume, which I am sure, will be an imporant source for the present and
future generations to understand and explore the depth, content and vast
range of his ideas. On this occasion, I have great pleasure in extending
greetings and good wishes to all those associated with the Monograph for its
success.
~!~~h-'-': lc:i~ -~
(MANMOHAN -SI~)
New Delhi
2 November 2004
"311-~mtTfU
'U\R:f ~
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
RAJYA SABHA
MESSAGE
I am glad to learn that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

Monograph on late Shri Hiren Mukerjee, the noted communist leader of
India.
A passionate revolutionary, a communist ideologue chiselled in the marxist
mould, he always remained loyal to the cause of the poor and the exploited.
An effective communicator, Shri Mukerjee, through his prolific writings and
exceptional oratory pulled many into the communist fold forever. His practical
approach and articulate ways were so compelling that many noted communists
of today term him as their mentor. Still others have bestowed on him the
epithet-'conscience of the Left.'
An unrepentant communist, by his own admission, he was a nationalist
at heart. He did not allow his ideology to cloud his liberal nationalistic
ideology and participated in elections to become a Member of Parliament.
During his long innings in Lok Sabha, he won accolades for his learned
interventions in the discussions. He was acclaimed as a great parliamentarian
who has contributed significantly towards instilling parliamentary traditions
in our polity.
A leading figure in the political and cultural life of the country, he will
always be remembered for his sterling qualities and his diverse contributions
towards enriching our polity and society. Today, on his birth anniversary we
offer our salutations to this distinguished son of India.
New Delhi \~~~ ,

25 October 2004 (K. RAHMAN KHAN)
DEPUTY SPEAKER,
LOK SABHA
MESSAGE
I am glad to learn that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

Monograph on Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, an eminent Parliamentarian
and an erudite scholar to commemorate his 97th birth anniversary on
23 November 2004.
A doyen among the parliamentarians of our country-Prof. Mukerjee by
his sharp intellect, brilliant exposition, effective articulation and cogent
reasoning has left a deep imprint on our nation's parliamentary and political
life. Undoubtedly, Prof. Mukerjee is a bright star in the galaxy of eminent
parliamentarians our country has produced. A first generation parliamentarian
in our country, Prof. Mukerjee played a pivotal role in the formulation of
parliamentary processes and procedures and establishing sound conventions.
The gamut of issues he raised on the floor of the House amply demonstrate
how effective and constructive the Opposition can be in a parliamentary
polity-keeping the Executive accountable and responsive to the
developmental challenges before the nation.
I am sure this publication would be received well and read with interest
by all those interested in the working of parliamentary democracy in India
since 1952 and more particularly the budding parliamentarians who can benefit
immensely from the inspiring speeches of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee. I am sure his
ideas and ideals would continue to inspire the future generations and help
inculcate the values of parliamentary democracy in the leaders and people of
our country.
New Delhi
November 2004
CONTENTS
PAGE Nos.
FOREWORD. ................................................................................................ (i)
PREFACE. ...................................................................................................... (v)
MESSAGES. ................................................................................................. (ix)
PART-I
PROFILE. ....................................................................................................... 1
PART-II
ARTICLES. .................................................................................................... 11
Hiren Mukerjee: A Role Model for Parliamentarians
(Somnath Clrtltterjee) .................................................................... 13
Hiren Mukerjee: The Rarest of the Rare Parliamentarians ......... .
(T. N. Clraturvedi) .......................................................................... 21
Hiren Mukerjee: A Passionate Revolutionary
(Lt.-Gen. K. M. Seth) .................................................................... 25
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee : An Inspiration for Future Parliamentarians
(Viren J. Shah) .......... ........ ................... ......... ........... ......... .............. 27
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: A Patriot to the Last
(R. L. Bhatia) ....... ...................................................... .................... 29
Hirendra Nath Mukerjee: A Man Who Lived for a Cause
(Babulal Gaur) ............................................................................... 31
Prof. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee: A Parliamentarian Par Excellcnce
(Bali Ram Bhagat) ........................................................................ 32
My Reminiscences of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee
(Rabi Ray) ....................................................................................... 36
Comrade Hiren Mukerjee: A Marxist Intellectual
(Jyoti Basu) ........................... .......................................................... 38
A Tribute to Comrade Hiren Mukerjee
(P. K. Vasudevan Nair) ................................................................. 42
(xix)
(xx)
PAGE Nos.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: A Legend in His Life lime

(Rupchand Pal) .............................................................................. 44
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: A Teacher First, A Politician Later
(Dr. (Smt.) Sarojini MahishO ...................................................... 47
Witness to an Era
(Hiranmay Karlekar)............................................. ........................ 50
Remembering Hiren Oa
(Sitaram Yechury) ....................................................................... ... 56
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: A Tribute
(Avtar Singh Rikhy) .............. .................. ....... ..................... .......... 59
PART-III
HIS SELECT SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT
CONSTITUTION, LAW AND JUDICIARY
The Constitution (Sixteenth Amendment) Bill, 1%3..................... 65

The Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Bill, 1964 .................. 72
The Constitution (Twenty-Fourth Amendment) Bill, 1971 ........... 74
The Constitution (Forty-Fourth Amendment) Bill, 1976............... 77
The High Court Judges (Conditions of St.'rvice) Amendment
Bill, 1976 .... ......... ........ ...... ........... ............. .... ............. ......... ........... ..... 90
POLITICAL AND PARLIAMENTARY MATIERS
Situation in Kashmir ............................................................................ 99

Election of Speaker, Lok Sabha, Shri M. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar .. 106
The States Reorganization Bill, 1956 ................................................. 109
The Representation of the People (Second Amendment) Bill, 1956 125
The Naga Hills-Tuensang Area Bill, 1957 ..................................... 132
In Support of Punjabi Suba ................................................................ 136
The Defence of India Bill, 1962 ... .............................. ......................... 143
The Anti-corruption Laws (Amendment) Bill, 1964 ...................... 154
Motion of No-confidence in the Council of Ministers .................. 161
Abolition of Privy Purses .................................................................... 180
The Salaries and Allowances of Members of Parliament
(Amendment) Bill, 1969 ................................................................... 184
(xxi)
PACE Nos.
Nt.,t.'d for Solving People's Problems ................................................ 187

Style of Names of Members of Parliament ..................................... 196
nIl'President and Vice-President Elections
(Aml·ndmt.·nt) Bill, 1Y72 ........................................................................ 198
On Situation in Jammu and Kashmir ............................................... 203
ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ISSUES
The Estate Duty Bill, 1Y52 ................................................................... 211

Need for Planned Dewlopment ........................................................ 221
The Industries (De\'elopment and Regulation)
Amendment Bill, 1953 ........................................................................... 231
Self-sufficiency through Public Sector .............................................. 239
Disparity in Distribution of National Income ................................. 247
Food Shortage in West Bengal ........................................................... 252
Non-fulfilment of Promises ................................................................ 259
Nationalisation of Industrial Houses ................................................ 269
Nationalisation of Foreign Oil Companies ...................................... 281
The Finance Bill, 1974 .......................................................................... 286
EDUCATION AND CULTURE
The Ancient and Historical Monuments and Archaeological

Sites and Remains (Declaration of National Importance)
Bill, 1953 ................................................................................................. 295
The University Grants Commission Bill, 1955................................ 300
Sanskrit: Our Literary Heritage ........................................................ 311
Feasibility of Devanagari as Common Script ................................. 317
The Official Languages Bill, 1963. ...... ..... .... .... .......... ........................ 320
The Aligarh Muslim University (Amendment) Bill, 1965............ 336
The Banaras Hindu University (Amendment) Bill, 1965.............. 339
The Viswa Bharti (Amendment) Bill, 1971 ...................................... 346
The National Library Bill, 1972 .......................................................... 353
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
Cease-fire in Korea .. ......... ............. ........... ............................ .... ............ 363

International Peace and Security ....................................................... 372
(xxii)
PACE Nos.
India's Role in the Cold War Era ...................................................... 380

The Extradition Bill, 1961.................................................................... 389
China's Aggression and Proclamation of Emergency...................... 396
Shedding the Shackles of Commonwealth ...................................... 403
The Tashkent Declaration ............ .......... .................... ...................... .... 410
West Asia Situation: On Supporting the Arab Fraternity............. 421
Plea for a Principled Foreign Policy.. ....... ........... ............................. 423
Recognition of German Democratic Republic ................................. 431
Birth of Bangladesh..... ...... ................................................................... 440
SOCIAL AFFAIRS
Unemployment Situation: Challenges Ahead ................................. 451

The Hindu Marriage Bill, 1955 .............................................. ........... 460
The Hindu Succession Bill, 1954........................................................ 466
Upliftment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes ................ 472
Communal Situation in the Country ................................................ 480
OTHER NATIONAL ISSUES
Efficient Functioning of Railways-An Approach ......................... 487

The Comptroller and Auditor-General (Conditions of Service
Bill), 1953 ................................................................................................ 492
The Press and Registration of Books (Amendment) Bill, 1952 ... 494
The Merchant Shipping Bill, 1958 ............ ......... ...... ............ .............. 497
Water Problem : Need for Ganga Barrage ............. ............... .......... 500
Development of Calcutta Metropolitan Area : An Analysis ........ 506
Sports Policy: Emphasis on Mass Participation ............................ 518
The Film Industry Workers Bill, 1972............................................... 521
The Wildlife Protection Bill, 1972 ............... .................. ..................... 524
HOMAGES PAID By PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee .................................................... ......... 531

Acharya Narendra Deva ..................................................................... 531
G. V. Mavalankar .................................................................................... 532
Jawaharlal Nehru ............. .......... ..... ..................................... ................. 533
Balwantrai Mehta .......... ....................................................... .............. ... 534
Lal Bahadur Shastri..................... .... .... .............. .................... ... ............ 536
(xxiii)
PAGE Nos.
Deen Dayal Upadhyaya ...................................................................... 537

C. N. Annadurai .................................................................................... 537
Humayun Kabir .................................................................................... 539
President G.A. Nasser .......................................................................... 539
Dr. K.M. Munshi ................................................................................... 540
Bimla Prasad Chaliha ................... .................................... .................... 540
Nath Pai .................................................................................................. 541
Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq ................................................................. 542
PART-IV
TRIBUTES TO PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE. ......................................... 545
LIST OF SPEECHES DELIVERED BY PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE

IN PARLIAMENT...... ......................... .......................... .............................. 553
INDEX. ........................................................................................................... 613

ABBREVIATIONS
AICC All-India Congress Committee

AIKS All India Kisan Sabha
BPST Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training
CF.NTO Central Treaty Organisation
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CLA Central Legislative Assembly
CMPO Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Organisation
CPGB Communist Party of Great Britain
CPI Communist Party of India
CPI(M) Communist Party of India (Marxist)
DCM Delhi Cloth Mills
DMK Dra\'idCl Munnetra Kazhagam
DVC Daml,dar Valley Corporation
FAO Food & Agriculture Organisation
FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industrv
GDR German Democratic Republic
IATCO Indo-American Technical Cooperation Agreement
ICICI Industrial Credit and Inwstment Corporation of India
ICS Indian Civil Service
IDRA The Industries (Dewlopment and Regulation) Act
IISC Indian Iron and Steel Company
IMF International Monetary Fund
INA Indian National Army
IPTA Indian People's Theatre Association
INTUC Indian National Trade Union Congress
JPI Journal of Parliamentary Information
LIC Ufe Insurance COlporation
L.S. Deb. Lok Sabha Debates
MEOO Middle East Defence Org~nisation
MP Member of Parliament
(xxv)
(xxvi)
MRTP The Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NCAER National Council of Applied Economic Research
NIX National Development Council
NEFA North East Frontier Agency
NPC National Planning Committee
NWFP North-West Frontier Province
PAC Public Accounts Committee
PSP Praja Socialist Party
RBI Resen:e Bank of India
RSS Rashtriya Swayam-Sevak Sangh
SEATO South-East Asia Treaty Organisation
SRC States Reorganisation Commission
TELCO Tata Engineering and Locomotive Company
TISCO Tata Iron and Steel Company
UAR United Arab Republic
UGC University Grants Commission
UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organisation
UNO United Nations Organisation
UP Uttar Pradesh
USA United States of America
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
UTI Unit Trust of India
PART I
PROFILE
PROF. HIRENDRA NATH MUKERJEE-A PROFILE
Prof. Hirt:'ndra Nath Mukerjee, popularly known as Hiren Mukerjee, a

distinguished and a veteran Communist leader, freedom fighter, a
parliaml>ntarian par excel/ellee, a gifted orator and a prolific writer has left a
deep imprint on the Indian political life. Prof. Mukerjee was among the galaxy
of distinguished parliamentarians, who have had the historic opportunity to
be elected to the First Lok Sabha. Serving from the First Lok Sabha to Fifth
Lok Sabha, Hirendra Nath Mukerjee symbolised the golden era of Indian
parliamentary politics. He excelled with his enlightening speeches in
Lok Sabha. His opinion was always held in high regard. Those who had been
with him in politics admit that his eloquence and debating skills were
unparalleled and he prlwed to be among the most gifted parliamentarians
the country has ever produced.
Born and brought up during the British rule in India, Hiren Mukerjee
chose to become a freedom fighter. He was considered one of the top
intl'ilectuals of our country even in those days. In the post-Independence
India, he becaml' one of the outstanding parliamentarians who made
significant contributions towards the development and strengthening of
parliamentary democracy. His speeches and debates in Parliament had
attracted the attention of one and all and were of the highest order with his
masterly eloquence and exuberance of ideas. His legacy epitomizes the
sagacious contributions made by the parliamentarians in nurturing and
strengthening India's parliamentary system and constitutionalism. He
contributed substantially to provide an effective and \·igilant opposition in
Parliament. His intellectual honesty and objective viewpoint added lustre to
his parliamentary life. One of the few parliamentarians of the vintage mould
to live long enough to Sl'e the dawn of the new millennium, Prof. Mukerjee
has left an indelible imprint in the annals of Indian Parliament owing to his
varied contributions.
Prof. Mukerjee's brilliance has left its distinct class in several fields. A
true nationalist, he joined the freedom movement at a young age and started
participating actively in the mass movements and struggles. As a pioneering
leader of the Communist movement in the country, his brilliant ideas and
thoughts, leadership and role as a parliamentarian were of vital support to
the movement. Communist ideology was his passion. As a committed worker
and leader of the Communist Party of India, he found his mission in life to
2 HIREN MUKERJEE IN PARLIAMENT
help the working class, peasants and the weakt.>r sl'ctions. He has been widl'iy
acknowledged as he describl'd in his own words, "II:; 1111 IIlIn'pe/ltllllt
COli/ill 11/1 i:,; t ". He was a relentless fightl'r for the caUSl' and ideals Ill' bl'iieH'd
in.
Since his early life his l'xceptional erudition sh(llll' thrnugh his politic,11
com'ictions. His entry in politics itsl'lf was a rt.>markabll' Stl'P giwn tIll' political
scenario in the pre-Indt>pendence India. Hl' joinl'd tIll' Communist I'.Hty in
1936, which was then banned. But, he ne\'l'r rl'strictl'd himsl'lf to the world
of the Communist mOH'ment alone as l'\'idl'nced by tIll' widl' r,mgl' (If
intellectual pursuits he carried ll!1. In his actin.' public lifl' spanning morl'
than 50 years, various facets of his pl'rsona-schol,lr-intellectual, (Omnlllllist
ideologue and pariianwntarian-\\"l're in full blllom. For his contemporaril's,
it was difficult to decide whether he was a bettl'r political I('adl'r or .1 bl'ttl'r
scholar. For Prof. Mukerjee his ul1\vaH'ring belil'f in tIll' \1ar,ian thought, his
condctions and determination to striH' for ensuring g(lod gO\'l'rnann',
progress and welfare of the people and building an eg,llitari,m sllcil'ty \\"t'rl'
the driving force for his diligl'nt l'ndl'aHlurs in public lift>.
He has been a prolific writl'r in both English and Bl'ngali. Besidl's
innumerable articles, he has cluthored a large numb('r llf bllOb lln \"aril'd
topics and themes. He has authored books which con'r a \\"ide spl'ctrum of
issues and personalities, including M<lhatmc1 Candhi, Karl \,1an, Swami
Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tag(lre. An educationist, histori,lIl and a
literary enthusiast, Prof. Mukerjee ('xplored in dl't,lil tIll' cultural l1l'ritagl'
and ethos of our country.
EARLY LIFE
Born in the Taltala area of Kolkata on 23 NO\'l'mbl'r 1(}07, Hin'ndra Nath
\\'as the fourth of the ten children of Shri Sachindranath Mukerjel', a closl'
associate of Shri Surendranc1th Banl'rjl'l', who had bl'l'n connected with tIll'
Indian Mirror. In Tari Hotey Tea, Hirendra Nath's ml'moirs, hl' noted that fl'\\'
Indians could speak English more flucntly th,1I1 Sachindranath. TIll' son
inherited the father's eloquence.
At the age of 13, Hirendra Nath had his "Upll/lllyllll" Cl'remll!1Y likt:, ,1I1Y
Brahmin child, an event the atheist Marxist of later life nl'\'l'r failed to rl'Ci111
with gentle mockery. He became his grandmother's favourite for bl'ing able
to recite long passages from the Hall/Ilyllllll and the Mllllllbllllratll. f lis
grandfather used to take the boy to the discussions on the Gita and that was
how Hirendra Nath came to memorise a number of s/okas. Hl' was om' of till'
brilliant students of his days. He matriculated at the young age of 14 in First
Division with star marks (80 per cent) in five subjects and earned a scholarship.
A COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME 3
He was enrolled at the Presidency College after matriculating from Taltala

High School in 1Y22 with a monthly scholarship of Rs. 10. The Non-
Cooperation Movement in 1920 had an immediate impact on his mind, so
much so that e\'en as a teenager he refused to go and see the illumination of
Kolkata to mark the visit of the Prince of Wales on 24 December 1921. Since
his l'arly life he \\'as attracted by certain eminent personalities of India's
frel'dom movement. By this time, he had made a hobby of collecting
information on great Indians of the past and wrote hi~ first article on the
glory of ancil'nt India. He was profoundly moved by Nazrul Islam singing
"Ei ~/likal para dlll/" at a college function.
Hirl'ndra Nath stood first in the Intermediate Arts Examination in 1924.

He repl'ated the pl'rformance in the B.A. Examination in 1926, winning the
1~/1Il1l SC"(l/ar~"ip and scoring record marks in History, his honours subject. In
each of thl' l'ight papers in the M.A. (History) Examination in 1928, he topped
the list. As an M.A. studl'nt, Hirendra Nath had become the Secretary of the
Prl'sidency Colkge Union. In lY2?, Hirendra Nath also won the Gold Medal
in an All-India Debating Competition organised by the Banaras Hindu
Uni\'l'rsity. Among his good friends, some of the noted ones were:
Surcndranath Dasgupta, Jagdish Chandra Basu, Prafulla Chandra Roy,
Abanindranath Tagorl', Ilumayun Kabir and Vda)' Chand Mahtab. One of
thl' most nwmorabll' C\"l'nts of his colkge life was his meeting with
Rabindranath Tagorl'.
Hirl'ndra Nath Wl'nt to tIlt' St. Catherinl"s College at Oxford on a State

Scholarship in Septl'mber 1929 and receiwd a B.Litt in 1932 and later passed
tIll' Bar-at-Law Examination from Lincoln's Inn in 1934.
Aftl'r his return from abroad in 1934, Hirl'ndra Nath's intellectual talent
was noticed by eminent scholar and academician, Dr. San'apalli
Radhakrishnan, who invited him to join the Andhra University to teach history
and political philosophy. He joined Andhra Unin'rsit)' as a Lecturer and
rl'mained tl1l're for a Yl'ar. He became the Head of the Department of History
at the Ripon College (later known as Surendranath College, Kolkata) in 1936
and adorned the position ti111962. He also remained a Professor of History
and Political philosl'phy in the same college from 1940 to 1944.
A POLITICAL THINKER
Prof. Mukerjee's political views and thoughts were deeply rooted in his
belit.'f in the Marxian thoughts and Communist ideology. He believed that
the Communist ideology can offer remedies to the socio-economic ills existing
in the Indian society and genuinely endea\'oured to propagate the ideology
in the country for promoting tht:' welfare of the working class, the peasants,
the downtrodden and the have-nots. His books, articles and speeches in
Parliament were enriched by his political thinking and views, and reflected
the realities of the society. He had undertaken studies on Mahatma Gandhi,
Nehru and other leaders and analysed their contributions impartially in his
books. Born and brought up during the freedom struggle, the Gandhian
philosophy and the policies of the Indian National Congress obviously
provided the broader socio-political milieu in which he grew up as a political
activist and thinker.
A DEDICATED LEADER AND A PARTY WORKER
Prof. Mukerjee, who jocularly referred to himself as "a jack oj sL'z'Cral

incompatible trades", was considered a legendary figure in the Indian
Communist Movement that brought him close to the stalwarts of Indian
politics like Shri P.c. Joshi, Dr. Ranen Sen, Shri Bhabani Sen, Shri S.A. Dange,
Shri Somnath Lahiri, besides Shri Muzaffar Ahmed and Shri Hashim Abdul
Halim.
On his return to India he joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) in

1936, which was banned at that time. In keeping with the 'popular front'
policy of CPI he served as a member of the All-India Congress Committee
(AICC) in 1938-39. Later, he became the Joint Secretary of the Bengal Unit of
the Congress Socialist Party. He was on the National Council of the CPI from
1958 to 1966. After the split in the Communist Party in 196-l, he remained
with the parent party till his last breath.
A senior CPI leader recalled that "he had got his party lIIelllbership rCllcwcd
every year. A little delay on ollr part to send the renewal Joml to his residellce, would
provoke him to call liS and ask, if we had decided /lot to rellew his membership". I
Obviously for leaders like Prof. Mukerjee, party remained above everything
else in life, all their endeavours being channelised to serve the cause of the
party and its ideology.
AN OUTSTANDING PARLIAMENTARIAN
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was one of the five Communist member5 of

Parliament elected to the First Lok Sabha from West Bengal in 1952 and he
remained a member till the end of the Fifth Lok Sabha. He represented the
Calcutta North-East Parliamentary Constituency of West Bengal in the First,
Fourth and Fifth Lok Sabhas, i.e. from 1952 to 1957 and again from 1967 to
1977. The Calcutta Central Parliamentary Constituency elected him for the
Second and Third Lok Sabhas, i.e. from 1957 to 1967. He was the Deputy
Leader of the Communist Party of India in Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1964 and
also for the years 1967 to 1971. From 1964 to 1967, Prof. Mukerjee became the
I["dian Express, 31 July 2004.

Leader of his Party in Parliament2 • Prof. Mukerjee formed part of the great
team in Parliament from the Communist Bloc that included A.K. Gopalan,
Jyotirmoy Basu and Bhupesh Gupta.
A versatile genius, Prof. Mukerjee belonged to the genre of people who

revered parliamentary democracy. One of the most distinguished
parliamentarians of India, Prof. Mukerjee was highly respected in
parliamentary circles for his enlightening contribution of the. deliberations of
the House. He was known for his respect for and mastery over the rules of
procedure and also for his vast knowledge, brilliant and well-researched
speeches, incisive and logical arguments and legendary oratorical skills, which
kept the listeners spellbound for hours together. The gamut of issues raised
by Prof. Mukerjee within and outside the House had a holistic perspective.
Through his speeches, he unfailingly articulated a national vision 1.
As a member on the Opposition benches, Prof. Mukerjee played a key

role in providing a responsible and constructive opposition essential for the
meaningful \'\'orking of Parliament.
As a dynamic leader of Opposition benches he felt,
"It is good to remember that more often than not, opposition groups in
Parliament, in spite of undeniable internecine differences, could effectively
combine, not, of course, winning divisions in the House but the laurels
of debate. To muster more than a hundred votes on a cut motion against
government, as happened once in the first session, was an achie\·ement
repeated no more than a very few times in the last twenty-four years. We
had our differences and difficulties but a\·oidable acrimony. was usuallv .
shed and the results, in parliamentary terms, were commendable".~
His acclaimed parliamentary career is rather highly coveted. There was

a huge fan club of Prof. Mukerjee in Parliament which included Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru whl) took care not to miss his speeches. From experience
it was obvious for everyone that listening to Prof. Mukerjee's speech would
make them better informed, clearer in perception and a\\'are of the expected
action from the Government on various issues. Definitely he was one who
knew well his duties as a parliamentarian and accomplished them ",.. ith great
responsibility. Outstanding parliamentarians like Prof. Mukerjee were
instrumental in setting high standards in debates and of conduct in Parliament.
The parliamentary debates of those times bear testimony to the role played
2 LS. Dcb., 10 August 2004.

J Ibid.
• ['orlmil o( ['arlitllllclIl, by Prof. Hirl'n Mukcrjl'l' (1471').
by the parliamentarians in keeping a surveillance on'r thl' Executive and

ensuring its accountability to Parliament.
Prof. Hiren lVlukerjee felt strongly for improving thl' \,,·orking of Indian
Parliament and com·erting it into a more result-oril:'llted body. Whill'
suggesting ways and means of its impron'ment, Prof. Mukerjee wwtl',
"It is by no means enough to take some steps for turning ParIianwnt

from the talking shop it too often is into a working body. This could be
attempted by augmenting work in committee, en'ry ministry h,n-ing
attached to it a standing committee with powers now held only by the
three financial committees (Public Accounts, Estimatl's, and Public
Undertakings), at the same time impro\·ing their procedure and ensuring
regular parliamentary discussion clnd l'xecuti\·e impll'ml'ntation of tlwir
reports. One would get thereby a better exposurl' of deficiencies ,md of
scandals, but what is bclSic is not only such exposure (and commensuratl'
action to follow) but fundamental structural examination (by no I11l'ans
merely "psychological clnd moralistic") of the roots of such chronic ills clS
corruption and unjust administration congl'nital to class socidy which
cannot be wished away by Jayaprakash's or ,mybody l'lSl"S "saintly"
expostulation. \Vill serious effort be made in that direction in tlw
immediate future?'"
He successfully used various parliamentary tools like Question Hour,

Calling Attention, Adjournment Motion, Half-an-Hour Discussion, de. to
challenge Government decisions and policies. While commenting on the
importance of 'Question Hour', he said,
"It was Question Hour which daily highlighted the power and value of
the legislative rapier. Ten questions on an average, along with
supplementaries, could be answered in the time, and since one did not
then make long prefaces and juxtapose too many points togdher, the
exchange could often be crisp and meaningful. Members with a standing
in the House would get up to ask questions rarely but when they did,
were almost sure of catching Mr. Speaker's eye. While a few assiduous
members soon made a mark during question hour, they did not (and
perhaps did not) even manage a near-monopoly of the job to the detriment
of less strident aspirants ...... Members of all parties had thus a filir
opportunity of showing their mettle, junior Congress members, later
drafted into ministries, almost invariably earning recognition in their
ways."6
; Ibid.
h Ibid.
Prof. Mukerjee entered Parliament at a time when Communism had

become a major force worldwide. It goes without saying that Prof. Mukerjee
was om' of the promil1l'nt leaders of the Communist Party of India who
stel'rl'd the Party in the forum of Parliament and endeavoured to strengthen
Indian democracy by enhancing its plurality of opinion and ideas and
refll'cting thl' \'oice of many weaker sections. In his book titled" Portrait of
Parlialllt'llt" published in 1'J78, Prof. Mukerjee has vividly described his
l'xperiences in Parliament. The book re\'eals his close and . . .een obsen'ation
of Parliament's functioning in an objecti\'e manner. In this book he has
analysed the significant happenings and personalities associated with
Parliament from 1'J52 onwards and it is a window to those crucial times of
eHll\'ing of India's parliamentary traditions.
During his days in Lok Sabha, Prof. Mukerjee became the Chairman of
the Public Accounts Committee twice. He also served with distinction as the
First Honorary Advisor to the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training
(BPST) of the Lok Sabha Secretariat. Prof. Mukerjee's sterling parliamentary
can.'er could infuse the BPST immeasurably in pursuing its goals and laid a
solid foundation for its future acti\·ities. During his tenure from 1978 to 1982,
the BPST tOl)k great strides quickly, fully geared to meet the training needs
in the contl'xt of a parliamentary institution with as many as fifteen Orientation
Programmes for membl'rs of Lok Sabha, thirteen Seminars and Workshops
for parlianwntarians as well as officials and thirty-nine Attachment
Programmes and sixty-five Study Visits for parliamentary officials and
students from \'arious uni\"l'rsities and colleges, besides various other training
programmes. He \'vas also the Chairman of the Forum for Parliamentary
Studies, West Bengal Legislative Assembly. The Forum under the
Chairmanship of Prof. Mukerjee has been able to familiarise the newly-elected
legislators vvith the role of the legislators in cl parliamentary democracy and
its operational aspects so that they are able to cater to the needs and aspirations
of the people whom they represent?
A firm believer in the parliamentary system and its values and norms,
Prof. Mukerjee upheld morality and ethics in public life uncompromisingly.
As a seasoned parliamentarian he was later disappointed to see the decline
in public life. On the degeneration of politics, Prof. Mukerjee once said: "... there
never was a time in living memory when politics and politicians \\'l're, almost
rightfully, as denigrated, even degraded and sometimes detested, in the eves
of our people as they are at the moment".!' .
7 Official Web Site of the Gll\·t. llf Wl'st B~'ngal.

M Inaugural Addrl'ss by Shri N. Chandrab.lbu Naidu, flwnwr Chid Minbtl'r of Andhr.l I'r.1d~'sh
at the S\'mposium on "Coalition GO\'l'rnance and Political Stabilitv" llt'ld in H\'d~'r.lb.ld llll
I June iooo. . .
He was deeply disturbed by the indifft'rence of the Parliaml'nt clnd the

people of the country to the root causes of social discrimination. He wrote
passionately, "Parliament is too often busy with the production of "SCt'nes"
(now exhibited by television) and the people (like their reprl'st'ntatiH's) art'
lulled into a peculiar indifference".') In one of his (uticles, Prof. Mukt'rjee
stated-
"I represented the party getting t'lectl'd to Parliament 25 Yl'(US in a row.
... Today the very word 'politics' sounds 'dirty' to human l'ars. TIll' conduct
and demeanour has come to such a pass, the enormity of corruption has
increased to such a degree, and thl' stigma associated with bll'mish-filth
of electoral politics, has spread so widely that Olll' wonders how the
country will tide o\"t~r this distressing situation" .111
Another remarkable aspect of the parlian1l'ntary and political life of
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee had been the good rapport he always l'IljoYl'd with
leaders from a wide spectrum of political backgrounds. Differl'nCl's in political
ideology and views never came in the way of his close intl'raction with
others amidst many a contradiction in the political views of pMtil's at that
time. The fact that Prof. Mukerjee's book on Jawaharlal ]\;ehru titlL'd,
"Gentle ColOSSl/s-A Stl/dy of Ne/zl"ll" is a testimony of tIll' enduring rl'lations
they had.
A widely travelled person, Prof. Mukerjee was cl nll'mbl'r of tIll' Indian
Delegation to Commonwealth Parliamentary Confl'renCl' held in Canberr(l.
(Australia) in 1959 and the Indian Parliamentary Dell'gation, which visitl'd
the erstwhile USSR and Hungary in 196H. He also attt'nded the Intt'r-
Parliamentary Union Meeting at Yaounde, Cameroon in 1()72 and the
60th Inter-Parliamentarv Conference at Paris in 1972.
A TRUE SCHOLAR
Prof. Mukerjee's erudition in various disciplines (1I1d his expl'rtise were

in great demand and he provided yeoman's sen'ice by sl'J"\'ing in various
bodie~ and institutions amidst a busy political and parliamentary lifl'. He
\vas a member of the Central Advisory Board of Archaeology from 1()52 to
1955; 1()57 to 1960 and 1972 to 1975. He was also a nll'mber of various otlwr
bodies such as the Education Panel, Planning Commission; tlw National
Integration Council, 1962; and the Ccntral Advisory Board of Education from
1972 to 1975. He served as a member of the Senate of the Calcutta University
from 1953 to 1961; and Samsad (Court) of the Visva Bharati University from
1972 to 1975. He was the Executivc Member of thl' N<ltional Committl'e for
the Gandhi Centf.'llary; one of the Founder Trustees of Pandit Jawaharlal
~ N£"w Axe Weekly, 8-14 August 2004.

IOIbid,
Nehru Memorial Trust and a Trustee of Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Trust.
He took keen interest in sports and was the member of All-India Council of
Sports from 1953 to 1,}71. 11
A TRADE UNIONIST
Closely associated with the trade union movement, Prof. Mukerjee gave
leadership to workers' unions of postal, insurance and bank employees. He
was the President of the Bengal Motion Picture Employees' Union since its
inception in 1946 and served as the Vice-President of the Bengal Provincial
Trade Union Congress (BPTUC) during its critical period in 1948-49.
A PROLIFIC WRITER
Writing and politics were a passion to Prof. Hiren Mukerjee. Few other
political leaders in the country have left such a mark as an author of so many
well-written and widely acclaimed books as has Prof. Mukerjee. The sheer
diversity and authenticity of his books came from his sparkling intellect and a
sense of responsibility to society to undertake such arduous endeavours.
Students of Indian politics, history, literature, biography of India's national
leaders, freedom struggle and the Communist mo\"tO'ment in the country have
found his books highly beneficial. Some of his books are e\'en considered almost
classics in their respective fields. A prolific \"riter, both in Bengali and English,
Hiren Mukerjee used to contribute articles to numerous magazines and
journals. He has written extensively on historical, literary and political themes.
He edited an anthology of modern Bengali poetry and was the author of
"H i:;tory t~f thl.' CO/1I111 IIl1ist Party t~f thl.' Sopict UlIioll (Bol:;hcpik:;) " and some of his
works in English are: "All Illtrodllctitm to Sociali:;I11"; "Illdill StrllggI6f(J/' Frcl.'dom",
"/lldia alld Pariial/lt'lIt"; "The GClltle Colo:;:; II:;: A Stlldy of Nehrll";
"Portrait t?f Parlialllcllt" and 'Thc COllllllllllal ProblclII alld the Freedom Stl"llgglc,
1919-47". He was the author of studies on Mahatma Gandhi, Rabindranath
Tagore, Jawaharlal Nehru, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Swami Vi\'ekananda
and Raja Rammohan Roy. He has also authored "l~emembcrillg Marx", and
"Tilllc-Tt'Mcd Trcasllre - 1IIdo-Soi.'ict Frielld:;/lil'''. His books in Bengali include
"Natitmal MOl'cmellt ill IlIdia"; "A Hi:;tory t~f IlIdia" (in two volumes),
"Hilldll alld MII:;lim", "Natiollal SOllgs" (ed.) and "Modem BL'IIgali Poctry". He was
the Editor of" Illdo-Sol'iet JOllmal", Calcutta, from 1941 to 1945; and Joint Editor,
"CalclItta Wcckly Notcs", a law journal, from 1945 to 1952.12
He was honoured with the "MII:affar Ahmcd Smriti PlImskar" for his book
"Yllger Jantnalla-o-Pratyaycr Sankat" in 2001. One of the founders of the
"Progrcssil,c Writers' Associatioll" in 1936, "Fricllds (?f Sopiets" in 1941 and
"Indo-China FriL'lldshil' Socicty" in 1948, he was the President of the Indian
People's Theatre Association (lPTA) in 1940.
IlLS. Deb., 1(' August 2004.

I 21/,id.
AWARDS
A man of noble character and extraordinary genius, Hiren Mukerjee was
awarded honorary doctorates by the Universities of Andhra, Calcutta, North
Bengal, Kalyani and Vidyasagar. He was also the recipient of the
Padma BIll/shall in 1990 and Padilla VibllllSllllll in 1991 for his contributions to
public life. He recei\'ed the "Vidyasagar AH'llrd" in 1992, 'Malllallll A:ad Award'
by the Muslim Cultural Association in 1994 and "Nazrul AWI/rd" in 2000 for
his literary work from the Government of West Bengal.
He received the 'Sot'iet Lalld Nehru Award' in 1977. He also received
the 'Sopiet Award' for his book on the Second World WiH and
.DimitrOl' Memorial Award' from Bulgaria in the 1980s.
HIS LAST JOURNEY
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee passed away on 30 July 2004 at the age of 97 in
Kolkata's SSKM Hospital following a massi\'e heart attack.
Paying homage to the eminent scholar-politician, Prof. Hiren Mukerjee
President of India, Dr. A.P.I. Abdlll Kalalll said, "Shri Hiren Mukl'rjee was an
illustrious member of Parliament and also had a deep interest in various
subjects including history." The Vice-President (?f India, Sllri Bhairon Singh Sllt'kllllwat
felt, "Prof. Mukerjee was gifted with a brilliant mind, the power of articulation
of ideas, the ability for scholarly erudition and above all a great sensitivity
for the dispossessed and the down-trodden." TIl(' Prillle Millister (if Illdia,
Dr. Manmohall Singh observed, "He was a national leader of great standing
and whose qualities are worthy of emulation today." The Speaker (?f L,Jk Sabllll,
Shri Somnath Chatterjee, felt, "His demise is an irreparable loss to
India's parliamentary democracy, and a great loss to the nation."
The President of the All Il1dia COl1gress Committee, SlIIt. Sonill Gandhi opined,
"Prof. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee's parliamentary debates were marked by his
intellectual thinking and oratory." Former Prime Millister, Shri I.K. GlIjral said,
"Shri Hiren Mukerjee's eloquence and thoughts left a deep impact on my
generation. Late lawaharlal Nehru appreciated his intellect on several occasions."
Shri Iyoti Basll, former Chief Minister of West BeI/~al, said, "In the realm of
parliamentary politics, Hiren Mukerjee is a phenomenon."
Prof. Mukerjee's varied contributions and his outstanding career as a
parliamentarian will be remembered for long. He has rendered selfless service
not only to the Communist movement but also to the entire polity by way of
his life-long fight for progressive forces, rational thinking, socio-economic
development of the country and people's welfare. In his passing away, the
country has lost a leader, who personified an ideal parliamentary life. His
legacy reinforces the trust in parliamentary institutions and wiII remain an
inspiration for generations to come.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee (23 November 1907-30 July 2004)
Young Hiren with his wife Bibha
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee and Smt. Bibha Mukerjee
Group Photograph of the Presidency College Union Committee (1926-27).
Shri Mukerjee is sitting on Chair second from left. Shri Humayun Kabir
is also seen in the photo (sitting on chair first from Left)
Barrister Hiren Mukerjee (sitting on extreme right in third row) with other young
barristers of Kolkata . From left (sitting on floor), second Shri A.N. Ray, former
Chief Justice of India, third Shri Niren De, former Attorney-General of India
and fifth Shri S.K. Acharya, former Advocate-General of West Bengal
With his wife Bibha, daughter Smt. Rini Chatterjee and son Shri Abhijit Mukerjee
With his family, wife Smt. Bibha Mukerjee, son Shri Abhijit Mukerjee,
daughter Smt. Rini Chatterjee, daughter-in-law Smt. Manjushree
and his grand-daughters, Rukrnini and Meghna
A Great Thinker and Orator
With his family, wife Smt. Bibha Mukerjee, grand-son Rahul and grand-daughters
Rukmini and Meghna on his 96th Birth Anniversary, 23 ovember 2003.
With his grand-daughter Meghna at Puri Beach in 1990

I ~ •
•. .
, '}
, l'~ ~ -
'( ,
t',
". 1
,I .\
lr
-
.-- ....
-.....-:-
'-: " " .,. " ...
- .
: ,~~
. ~ ( ....
At Puri Beach in 1990

PART II
ARTICLES
HIREN MUKERJEE-A ROLE MODEL FOR PARLIAMENTARIANS
-Somnath Chatterjee*
Prof. Hiren Mukerjl'l' was an outstanding parliamentarian, powerful

orator, prolific \\'ritt'f, profound scholar and educationist, sensitiye social
acti\'ist and aboH' all il fine human being. It is but rare to find a person of
such multi-facL'tt'd qualitit's and di\·erse achie\·ements who dignified our
nationallifl' for Sl'\·t'ral dl'Cildt.'s. Till his demise in July 200·!, this Tnrepentant
Communist', as he chose to describe himself, lin.'d an e\·entful life dedicated
to all the caust's dear to his heart-and he had \·aried interests and different
concerns on issues affecting our national life. \Vhile at one place we found
him ,lssociatt'd with the working class as a committed Communist, at another
It.'\·el, thert' was a historian and an educationist in him engrossed in an in-
depth study l)f manifold issues and at yet .mother le\·el he was one of the
f()lll1dl'rs of the Progrl'ssin> Writers' Association and the founder President of
tIll' Indi,1I1 Pt'ople's Theatrl' Association. In his own words, he was "the jack
()f all incllrnp.ltible trildes'. The many spll'ndourl'd personality which he
POSSl'SSl'd left one and ,11\ \\ ho came across him awe-struck, not merely because
of his intt'llectual acunll'n but also because of his innate humane nature,
conCl'rn for the poor and the ndnerable and his sensitiYity to the trayails of
the nl'edy and the dmvntrodden. And it was mainly through the institution
of Parliament, of which he was a member for twenty-fiye long years, that he
It'nt \·oice to his many thoughts on the issul's of the times.
His Faith in Parliament and Sovereignty of People

Hiren Mukerjee \vas a great patriot \\'ho deeply cherished freedom and
fundamental human rights. Hl' strongly belien'd that the freedom which we
won from tilt' British after a prolonged struggle can be concretised through
the highest rt.'presentative institution of the country. In those early Yl'aI"S of
our P.uliament, the Communist Party was the unofficial Opposition being
the largest group in Lok Sabha after the ruling party. Hiren Mukerjee was the
Deputy Leader of the Communist Party in Lok Sabha from 1952 to 196-1.
After the Communist Party split, he was the Leader of the CPI in Lok Sabha
from 1967 to 1971. His was an uninterrupted presence in the Lok Sabha from
1952 to 1977 and thest> years in Parliament saw him e\·olyed as an
uncompromising crusader for the welfare of the ordinary people of the country.
For him, Parliament symbolised the supreme and sovereign will of the people .
• He is thl' Spl'<lkl'T of LIlk Sabha.
13
And that is vl/hy he always strived to strengthl'n the institution of Parliaml'nt.

He wrote in his inimitable style:
"Our freedom, of course, is a treasurl'; India is a big enough country,

with the talent and treasure of our own pl'ople and their spirit. Indian
freedom has indeed been a historic landmark; tIlt' frl'l'dom of India has
changed the climate of the globl', the frl'l,dom l)f other colonial ~wopll's
following in its wake. That freedom is not (mly symbolized but wncrl'tisl'd
in the work of the Parliament of our country. Parliament symbolisl's thl'
- -
so\·ereignty of our people and this sOH'reignty htls bl'l'n purchtlsl'd by ,1
long stmggle-the people gi\·ing their blotKi and thl'ir trl'aSlire in the
stmggle for liberation."
Since the well-being of the common man was ,1 CdUSl' dose to Hiren
Mukerjee's heart-a cause which he shared in no small ml'c1surl' with \1ahatmd
Gandhi-he wanted Parliament to stri\"e for the emancip,ltion of thl' poor
and the destitute. He also wanted our legislators to li\"e up to thl' expl'cldtions
of the people who sent them to representdti\'e institutil)J1s. [n his book llldia
alld Parlialllt'lIt, he wrote:
"Parliaments are not an end in themseln's, but means to ,111 end, which
can only be the happiness and the greatl1t'ss of d people in so far ,lS laws
and government can help or hinder them. In lY51-52, thl' first gl'I1l'r,ll
elections were held in India-the most massi\"e phl,l1t)menon of its kind
in history, when a hundred-and-eight-million strong electorate made tllt'ir
choice for the Legislatures of the land. The way our pl'ople behaved on
that unprecedented occasion was a classic testimony to their innate
maturity of culture and of outlook. They wrotl', then, a new bright pagl'
in parliamentary history. More important, they chargl'd their deputit's,
with impressive dignity, to hurry to tasks of world-historic values, tIlt'
building of a new and dynamic life on India's hoary soiL"
For him, Parliament was the true representative of the people,

changing its character in response to their moods and aspirations, a living,
dynamic institution and not a static, inert one. He aptly described this in
the following words: "It is in the nature of Parliament not to be at rest
but to be mobile-pulsating, heaving, seething or what you will, perhaps
settled for a while but never 'still life', its profile kaleidoscopic, altogether
an unquiet yet arresting phenomenon." He held the Parliament of India
at a very high pedestal and believed, "If the British House of Commons
is the finest club in the world, India's Lok Sabha, though different in
many ways ... is by no means a dull and drowsy conglomeration ... "
Making Optimum Use of Parliamentary Devices
Hiren Mukerjee was a seasoned parliamentarian and a master of

parliamentary conventions, practices and procedures. He had a remarkable
talent in making the right use of parliamentary devices to articulate the
aspirations and concerns of the people. His thorough understanding of various
procedural de\·ices available to members of Parliament enabled him to utilize
them to their best. When I entered the Lok Sabha for the first time, I had the
good fortune of watching him lead discussions in Parliament and learn from
his experiencl'. Even a cursory glance O\·er the parliament,uy debates of his
times clearly shows how adeptly he made use of \·arious procedural de\·ices
in raising the concerns of the people. Commenting on the importance of the
device of adjournment motions, he pointed out:
"One hears often of the plethora of adjournment motions which are such
a feature of our Legi~latures at the Centre and in the States. It is often
hinted that they are a hangO\·er of the pre-Independence psychology, an
instrument of agitation rather than of resolution of problems by discussion,
.1 recurrent token of distrust in the Gon~rnment, and perhaps also, in
soml' cases, a subtle method of drawing attention to themselves adopted

by wily members with an eye always towards publicity. Sometimes the
attl'mpt to move them, which the Chair usually does not countenance,
has led to noisy scenes, exchange of rather unpleasant words, and e\·en,
from time to time, to demonstrative walk-outs from the House. On the
whole, howe\'t~r, the Opposition in Indian Legislatures, while
demonstrati\"l~ enough, has stopped short of the e:\cesses that ha\·e taken
place, not ulloften, in many Parliaments, particularly on the continent of
Europe. The worst scenes which ha\·e occurred ... ha\·e been so rare as to
be altogether exceptional, and on the whole it may be said that tempers,
while often frayed, ha\·e been easily and quickly repaired."
Hiren Mukerjee set great store for according due importance to the
parliamentary work by a member. I distinctly remember an occasion when
he sought discussion on a report of the Committee on Absence of Members
eVl'n against parliamentary conventions. He said: "If I have work relating to
my constituency which keeps me away from participation in Parliament work,
it is very funny work indeed. I cannot imagine how a member of Parliament
can justify absence from Parliament on account of work in his constituency."
His point was greatly appreciated by the Chair as well.
Strengthening Parliamentary Traditions and Conventions
Hiren Mukerjee spent all his days in Parliament in the Opposition benches.
He missed no opportunity in pointing out the Government's shortcomings.
Yet, his aim was nl)t merely criticism but to make a positive contribution
towards natil1l1-building. Thwugh his impl'(cabil' l1l'h,1\"iour, Ill' knt dignity
to our parliamentary pwcet'dings. He always shl)\\"l'd rl'Spl'Lt to the Chair
and ne\"l'r fell shllrt of following parliamentary l'tiqul'ttl'. At the tinw of the
electil1l1 of Shri Ananthasayanam Ayyangar to tlw Oft"icl' of tlw SPl',lkl'r of the
Lok Sabha in lY5b, ofil'ring his fdicit,ltillns and l"tl'nding his pMty's
cooperation to Shri AY~',mgar, Ill' said:
"I hcl\"l' Illl doubt also that \\"l' shall h,ln' Il(casiI1ll,11 diffl'rl'IKl'''; with
Yl)u-perhaps also slll1ll'tinll's stridl'nt difil'rl'IKl's-in rl'g.ud tll the
interpretation of our rights. But, I (an ,lssurl' Yllu th,lt as f.u ,b \\"l' ,H'l'
concerned, \\"t' do not bt'lil'\'l' in h,n-ing ,1 tr,lel' llf bitlL'nlL'ss in (Hlr mind
m'er the SQlJ.lbbk.;, \Hangll's, (Ilntw\·l'rsil's-\\"h.llL'\l'r you (,111 tlwlll--
which arise fWIll tinlL' ill tin1l' bet\\"l'l'n \OU as hllkh'r llf thi" l".lltl'd
office and ourst'l \"l'S."
Today, as I ..;it in m~' Chair ,lS thl' Spl',lker of Lok S,lbh,l, I ,1dmire him
e\'en more, for setting the highest traditillns llf p.lrliclnlL'ntary l'thil'" which Ill'
consistently followed in lettl'r ,1I1d spirit.
The great parliallwntarian that he W,lS, Hiren \1ukerjee tllllk (lln ... tnll.tin'
criticism among the political fraternity in the right spirit. I k rl'cogni/cd th,l:
criticism gin's rise to thowugh discussion lln <1n issue llf public ClllKl'rn, ,It
the same time enriching debalt>s. While he himsl'lf \\",lS ,1 staunch critic of the
Gm'ernment, he welcomed critical COIllIl1l'nts ag,linst him as well irPIll other....
In response to certain obsen'atillns by till' then Prime Minister P,lIldit
Jawaharlal \:ehrll in the Housl', Ill' unce rem.uked: "I do not in till' Il',lst
mind the pronKati\'e rderence which thl' PrinlL' \1iniskr m,ldl' in regard to
the Opposition ... l't:rsonally, Sir, I welcome such pronlc,ltion, for it is till'
sauce of the debate, and I wish, Sir, in this HOUSl' therL' was Illore of it frolll
time to time." At the same time, Ill' interacted with his political opponents in
a dignified manner. He held leaders like P<1ndit ja\\',lharl,ll Ndlrll and
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee in high estt't'm in spite of being on a different
plant' with them ideologically; to him, tl1l'y \-vere political <1d\'l'rs.uil's and
nothing beyond that. In fact, rl'fl'rring to Pandit Nt'hru, he wrotl': "Respect
for the l-fouse is the foundation of good parliamt'nt,uism-ne\'pr to hcdgl' (lr
doge, being ready to admit errors with grace and always to COI1W out dean."
It wa~ thus that he ad\"(Kated a responsivt, GOVt'rnment and a responsiblL'
Opposition as essential adjuncts of a successful parliamentary systt'm.
Hiren Mukerjee was a member of Parliament at a time when parliaml'ntary

democracy was in its formative stages in the country. It was the time when
several procedural innovations and initiatives were required to adapt the
Parliament to the changing political situation and the needs of tht' time.
I-k had an abiding faith in parliamentary traditions and com-entions and

strl'ngthel1l'd tlll'm through thl' dignity and grace typical of him_ Though he
an:eptl'd the importance of a certain standard of conduct and mutual
n'lationship in Parliament, Hiren Mukerjee realised that at times conditions
so l'll1l'rgl'd that uproarious scenes become ine,-itable in the House_ Referring
to stlch si tuations, Ill' wrote once:
"\kmbers of Parlianwnt do not work in a ,-acuum, and they cannot

l'ntirl'ly di..,sociatl' thl'mseh-es from older habits of thought and action_
They han' succeedcd, in this country, to a tradition of political agitation,
and insidl' Parliament methods Iikc the walk-out often seem handier to
them than they should, ~1(.>rhaps on account of that tradition which dies
h.ud_ Besides, tempers rise and l'xcitl'ml'nts are created not because
nll'mlwrs of P,lrliilment l'njoy being l'xcited or flying into a temper, but
bl'c.lusl' the condition of our pl'opll' and their l'xpectiltions of impnwement
in till' contl'xt of freedom, so long acutely yearned for, are of such a
crucial character that wlll'n COH'rnnwnt seems to be at fault, it is bound
to be rl'fkcted on the floor of Parliament."
H()\\"e\"l'I~ the epitl))1ll' l)f Parliall1t:'ntarism that l'v1ukerjee was, \1ukerjee

"'.lrned against such rl'pl'att'd l)CCUrrl'nCl'S, and said: "Sel'nes in Parliament
C,1I111llt be entirl'ly a,-oided bccause, on occasion, tl'mpers are so frayed
that Sl)me ktting-off of stl'am, hum.ln nature being what it is, cannot be
totally impermissible_ But repetitil)J1 l)f scem's makes tlwm stale,
undignified, unpk,lSant and (krogator~- to the country as d whole_"
His Outstanding Ordtorical Skills
l\1uch has bl'l'n said ,md writtl'n about Hirl'n \1ukerjee's oratorical skill.
His choicl' of wl)rds, linguistic excelll'nce and till' deep cOlwictil)n \\-ith which
he spoke l1ll'sn1l'rizl'd l'\"l'ryol1l'_ He was one of till' most articuldte I1wmbl'rs
of till' HOUSl'; no dl'bate on .my important isSUl' \\"l)uld be compktt' without
his informed participation_ His spceches con'red a ,-ast array and bwad
spl'ctrum of subjects likl' the international situation, educatil))1_ unempll)~-ment,
sports policy, impl'ratin' l)f prl'sl'rYing ancient and hish))"iral monuments
and sitl's, subn'rsiVl' activities in the country, flol)d situation, de What
distinguished his spl't'dws was till' fact that Ill' always came wcll-prl'part:'d
for d discussion_ Through his knowlt'dgl'-basl'd, non-partisan approadl, Ill'
raised I11l'ilningful discussions in the House. His SPl'l'd1l's loaded with his
intl'IIl'ctual aCUI11l'n clnd analytical skill Il'ft the House spl'il-bound and werl'
listl'lll'd to in rapt ath.'l1tion by the Trl'clsury Bendws and till' Opposition
alike_ His mastery over the language-be it English, Bengali or Sanskrit-had
a special impact on the meml1l'rs; it \-vas said of him that hl' had a 'golden
voio" and 'silver tongue'_
His Inspiring Association with Parliamentary Committees

In order to make thl' work of the Parliament more dfl'di\'l', Hirl'n
ivlukerjee had specific suggt:'stions which canw out of his long p.ulial1lL'ntary
career as also out of his del'p ilwoh'el1wnt in our parlial1wntary lifl'. Much
before the systt:'m of Departmentally-rl'latl'd I\ulial1wntary St,1I1ding
Committees came to be adopted, as \\'l' did in 19l)~, Ill' h,ld l"prl'ssl'd ,1
strong faith in the efficacy of the Committl'l' system. Hl' \\',lS of tlw firm \'il'\\'
that a great deal of good can ensue if honl'st work is dntlL' in Parli,lJlwnt and
its ancillary Committel's by members, irrespl'cti\'e of their p.uty ,lffiliations.
He felt that "there must be a moratorium on thl' usual til11l'-consuming forms
of debate and the scoring of points off one anothl'r". In his distinguisl1l'd
parliamentary career, he ser\'l'd in many Commith:.'l's ,lI1d W,lS the Ch,lirm,lI1
of the Public Accounts Committee during }976-77. Hl' rightly belil'vl'd th,lt
for the effecti\'e functioning of the institution of Parli,lJlwnt, thl're ShOldd be
continuous functioning of smaller and more compact Committt,'l's rather th,1I1
the entire House considering a matter. He \'l'ry rightly obsl'r\'l'd: "Committl'l'
work, when members discuss things across the tablt:, in an 'ltmo~phl'rl' of
informality and ha\'e no incenti\'l' for scoring debating points \\'hich too
often impinge on parliaml'ntary dl'belte, when party diffl'n'JKl's .ul' oftl'n
easily ironed out by exchange of idl'as on \'l'ry objecti\'l' Illattl'rs, is ,111 ,1SPl'Ct
of parliamentary life which should rt'Ct:.'i\'l' \'l'ry much heightened ,1ttentilln
at present." Needless to say, the strong C()mmith'l' sy~tl'1ll which h,lS l'\'ol\'l'd
in our Parliament owes in no small measure to the \'isionMv ideas of
parliamentarians like Hiren Mukerjce.
Imparting Parliamentary Training

Hiren Mukerjee-a man of style and substance both-usl'd to get
personally involved in whatever he did. Even when he ceased to bl' a member
of Parliament, his memorable association with our parliamentary institutions
continued. When the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training was set
up in the late 1970s, he \'\'as most appropriately chosen to be its HonorMY
Advisor. In this capacity, he succeeded in laying strong foundations for thl'
Bureau's successful functioning. He took active interest and personal initiati\'(~
to give a good start for successfully conducting the various training and
("ientation programmes of the Bureau. Under his inspiring guidancl', within
a short span of about four and a half years, the Bureau conducted fiftl'l'n
Orientation Programmes to familiarize new members of Lok S,lbha with the
working of our Parliament. Besides, a large number of Seminars and
Workshops were organized for parliamentarians and parliamentary officials.
The Bureau also organized many Attachment Programmes and Study Visits
for parliamentary officials and researchers and Appreciation Courses in
Parliamentary Processes and Procedures for middle and senior levl'l offin'rs
of the Con'rnment, Such substantial work done by the Bureau in its initial
years spl'aks \'olumes of Hiren Mukerjee's hard work and dedication, His
visionary idl'as .md his stellar ll'adership qualities helped make the Bureau
thl' prl'mil'r institution in parliamentary studies and training not only in
India but also among the major p.uliamentary democracies of the world,
Tod.lY, thl' institution which was so fondly nurtured by him is imparting
high quality training to personnel attachl'd to parliamentary institutions from
across the globl', thanks to ljin'n \1ukerjec's outstanding leadership in its
forma ti \'l' \'e.lTS,
A Devoted Parliamentarian
Hiren Mukt'rjl'e belonged to that rare band of de\'oted parliamentarians
who pursul,d politics not tll gain anything but to giH' \'oice to genuine issues
of the common man in thc Chambers of our Legislatures, For him, the sen'ice
of tIll' m.lSSl'S \\,.lS the only .lim and Parliament was the most important
institution to sen'c that objecti\'l" Being an (>Il'cted reprt'sentati\'e of the people
itself was an honour to Hirl'n !Vlukl'rjee and he belie,'ed that e,'cry member
should l'ndccl\'l)Ur to safl'gu.ud the trust and faith reposed in him by his
constituents, He eH'n opposl'd a proposal to raise the salaries and allowances
of members of P.uIi.lI11l'nt since the people's intert'st WclS more dear to him
adding that: " .. ,this incre.lsl's the quantum of the money which this country
has to spend because of the luxury of ha\'ing this Parliament. I cannot possibly
justifv this l'itlwr to nw conscil'ncl' or to the countrv
" . .. ,"
A Role Model for Parliamentarians
So strong were his convictions! Being a die-hard Communist with an
indefatigable zl'al to champion the cause of the poor .md the underprivileged,
he always dreamt of an egalitarian society and endeanmred towards achieving
it throughout his life, He called upon his fellow parliamentarians to bury
their political and ideological differences clnd work towards that larger goal.
He wrote: "While there are among parties in Parliament, differences that are
sometimes fundamental, there are also large arcas of agrel'ment. To maximise
unity on the effectin~ implementation of the country's socialist aims is an
endeavour that can and should bc made, If sheer attachmt:'nt to power and
fear of potential political rivals rule out such endeaH)Ur, it will hurt the
country's ad,'ance and those responsible will not be easily forgiven." In his
efforts to seek the betterment of the common man and the creation of a just
social order, he made successful lise of the democratic institutions, in the
process stn,'ngthening them in his own \'\'"ys,
Hiren Mukt:'rjee's long and illustrious innings in the politics of the country
has left an indelible mark on ollr parliamentary history. The strong
parliamt:'ntary institutions which India has been able to e\'ol\'c on'r the years,
owe a great deal to leaders like Hirl'n Mukerjce who symbolised its best
traditions,
As a nll'mber lIt tilt' Lnk S,\bh,\ tllr l\\'t'nty-fin' ~'l',lrS, llin'n \lukl'rjl'l'
enliH'Ill'd its deb,\tl's with his intnrnwd Spl'l'd1t'~, ~lrl'ngllll'lll'd 11ll'
p.ulianlt'ntary institutilll1S with thl' Lwst USl' lIt ils rull'S ,\I1d pWll'durl'~ ,\I1d
t:'nrichl'd p,uliall1l'nt,\ry dl'mlllI"ll'~' in llur llltmtr~' thnlugh his ,Ibiding f,\ilh
in and his stt:'adt,lSt lllmmilllll'nt III its prilh'ipll'S ,\Ild phillls(lphi(,11
undt'rFinnin~s, Hl' W,IS " st,Hlnch pnlfllundl'r (If p,uli,lllll'nl.tr\" dl·llh llT,\l."\·
and whilt' ,ltfirming his t,lith in its idl',ls ,1Ild idl..lls, Ill' \l'n' ,·mpll.lli',lll\'
stalt.'d in his bnlll-. 'Jlldi" ,llld 1'.lrli.llllt'Ilt":
"Our F'l'IKh,lnt fllr l\uli,lIlll'nl, h(l\\'l'H'r, i..; mlll"l' Ih,\I1 ,I h,lI1g-11\ l'r Ir(llll
British limes. \\'llrds h,IH' ,\ cl'rt.lill \ ,llul' "'ilh tiS, ,lIld w(lrd ... ,\rl' 11ll' lllll\·
instrument-. lIt disl.:ussil11l. C(lH'rllllll'nl hI bl' sl'n ... ibk musl bl' b,''''I·d lin
discussinn at m,\!1~' Il'\'l'b, ,\I1d in "'(1 fM ,IS 1111' 1',\rli,\Illl'lIl,\r\' ... \ ... ll·1ll
poStUlatl'S, in\"iles ,1Ild (lrg,\!1i ...l· ... ullimpl'Lh'd .1Ild I'riIKil'l"d di"'dh ... illll,
as pn'pMatl1ry tt.l dl'cision, in rl'g,ud In 1ll.llIl'r..; (Ii sl,lll', il h.1S .1 1'1 .. 11
rt'll.'\·allct' fllr llur c(luntry, Ll'rl,lin i(lrm ... ,lIld pr,ldi'·'· ... , IWI·dll· ...... III ... ,1\',
will change, but the basic p.nli,lIl11'nt.lry idl',1 if ,III gill· ... \\'l·1I dl· ... l·r\l· ... 1(1
stay, SilKl' thl' world i..; so ... ilualt'd ttld,IY thai \\·ithout II,.. ... h,II-.I·-UP,
somewhat catastmphic but nlllll'tlll'll' ... ..; l'k,lIlsing, of n'\'lliutilln, big
changes can and are, Iik,'ly to t,lh' pl'lll" 1',lrii,lIlll'nt in Indi,l l,1Il Illlll-.
forward to a fair Il'ase of lift'. Thl' t,I"'1-. is ttl "'l'l' th,lt it... I'ikh is nllt
queered ,lnd trials and tribul"tinn..; th,11 .nl· l'xn· ...... iH,I\· irl-. ... tlllll' 1.',\!1 be
a\'oided,"
Throughout the fi\'l' Il'rms of hi., I11l·mbl·r.,hip ill I'.Hli,IIlll'IIt. Ihi ...
outstanding parliamentarian hclped in till' l'\'olutitlll of lilt' highl''';l of
parliamentary traditions and con\·l.'nlions ill (lUI' (ounln', Iii ...
straightforwardness, dedication, cPll1ll1itnll'nt ,1IlL! rl· ... pell for pMli,\I~ll'lIl'lry
institutions is worthy of l'll1ulation by thl' parli,\I11l·nl.u\· fr,lll'rnit\· l'\l'n'wlll'rl',
Hiren \lukerjel' is, indL'ed, " roll' Illndt'l for till' p,,;li,ll11l·nt.n·i,\!1s l;f Ind,,,"
and tOIllOrnl\\', .
HIREN MUKERJEE : THE RAREST OF THE
RARE PARLIAMENTARIANS
-T. N. Chatllrvedi*
rtwrl' arl' Ilwn who go through lifl' without making a mark-a common
pl,lel'. Tlwre Ml' nk'n who go through lifl' ,md le,we a mark on it-a rarity.
And tlwn, thefl' .Hl' 111l'n who lean' a m,uk not only on life, but also on their
(l'llow I1ll'n-thl' r.trl'st of the rarl'. [t is into this third category that the late
Prof. Hirl'ndra Nath T\lukt'rjel'-a spiritl'd Communist, an outstanding
pMli,lIlwnt.uian, ,1 man l)f Il'ttt'rs, a notl'd poet, a well-known lawyer, an
l'milwnt historian, a kind tl,tlciwr and a th(lTllllgh gentleman-fits.
Hin'n 13abu, as he was affl'ctionatt>Iy known by all and sundr~~ led a

long, rich ,md \'aril'd lift'. [t W,lS a life spent in the sen' ice of the people of
India, in till' only way that Ill' could conn'in' it-as a C(lmmunist acti\'ist,
dl'dictltl'd to the establishnwnt of an egalitarian sl)cil'ty based on \larxist
principll's. Hirl'n Mukerjee was alsl) a dl'I1H)Crtlt not (lnly in principle, but
also in practicl'. Shri Satyapal D,mg, thl' Cnmmunist Ll'ader from Punjab has
written ,lbout how, as an All India Studl'nls Fedl'l-'ltion (AISF) acti\'ist, he
Iward Mukl'rjl'e t'xpound thl' cllTrent thinking l)f the Cl1l111llUnist Party of
[nditl at that tinll'. 5hri Dang raisl'd a few qUl'stions, which may ha\'e sounded
critical of the party line. Shri I\fukerjel', hO\\'e\"t'i", did nl)t take (lffence. He
listened patit.'ntly, and thl'n did his best to anSWl'r the querit.'s raised. This
quality (If patience in till' midst of hOlll'st doubt and L1t.'bate characterized his
~wrsonality as a scholar.
Hin.'n Babu was, howen'r, no i\'ory towpr intellectual. Hl' was alin' and
sensitive to the problems and the concerns of the poorest of the poor. The
Chid Minister of West Bpngal, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya has recalled how
5hri Mukerjee immediah.'ly rang him up on I'waring about an incident in
which some pt'ople had died and there had been no responsl' from
Government. He firmly bt.'lie\'ed that the rationale of the Government lay in
the st'rvice of the people and responsiveness and responsibility to them was
the real touchstone of governance. His unceasing intl'lll'ctual quest was the
fate and future of man. This brings us to anotlll'r inteft'sting point, \.\'hich
• Hl' is the Co\"t'rnor of K.unat.ll..,l. E.ulil'l" he W,lS ,\ ml'mlwr llf R,lj,·'\ ~,lph,l ,\Ild
Comptroller and !\uditor-(;l'l1l'ral llf India.
21
gi,"t's us an insight intn tilt' intl'llectliall',"ollition of tIlt' m,ln. Prof. MlIkl'rjl'l'

bt'camt' ,1 membl'r llf the Communist !',Ht\' llf India in 1910. WIll'n tilt' CPI
split in lY6·1, he rdrainl'd tWill joining till' new Iy-torgl'd CPI(!\1). Yd, Ill'
always Illaintaillt'd cordial rt:'latilllls with thosl' Whll h,ld glllll' to till' IW\\,
party right to the end. l-k IW'"l'r allowl'd politkal diffl'l"l'IKl'S to doud his
personal rt:"'latillns ,KroSS party linl's.
Shri Hirt'n \Iukl'rjl't' C,lI1ll' hl n.1tillll.1I n'no\\"n ,lS ,1 p.lrli,lJlll'nt,lri,lIl ,1nd

as a writer. A member llt fin' ((lnsl'cutin' Lllk Sabh,lS, tWill IlJ;2 to 1977, llnl'
. tn turn to his bllOk {\lrtr.rit (If P.lI1i.ll1lt'llt .- {~('t7t'di()/1 11/1.1 {~t't"(ll!('di()/1
has onl\' "
(1932-1977) to understand the rl'sped in which Ill' held th,l t in..,ti tu tion, ,1I1d
why latt'r happt'nings Sll pail1l'd him. In thi..; bllOk., Ill' P,l~""; tributl'''; to ,111 tlw
stalwarts whn Sll enhalKl'd the pn'stigl' (lf I'.ulianwnt. ..\g,lin, irrl,..,~1t'rtin' of
party affiliations in Parli,lI11l'nt, Prllt. \!ukl'rjl'l""; \\",l..; (llll' llf tIll' t )ppllsitilll1
\"oices heard by thl' GO\"l'rnn1l'nt llt thl' d,lY with re"ped. As m,1I1~" pf hi..;
contemporarit's ha\"e atte..;tl'd. hi..; ,·oicl' W,lS ,1Iway..; Ih,11 llf hi" CIlI1..,l·il'ncl'
and his heart. There may han"' bl'l'n ";.lrC,l..;m ,11 tillll'''; in hi..; n'parfL'l'" Ilr
interventions, though usuall~" there was llnly ,1 n'ry ..,ublll' hUIlHlur, but therl'
was nothing offensive in his uttl'rance..; or writings that mighl h,l\"l' bdr,lyed
a lack of poise and dignity. It \, ..1..; aIW'l~"" ,111 interl'sting l"pl'ril'IKl', ,lS Ill'
spoke in English, his intonati(ln that of tlw Barrister edlJ(afL'd ,11 (hfnrd ,1I1d
Lincoln's Inn. On nne memorable occasion, irked by some jibe, Ill' l'n'n ..,poke
in chaste Sanskrit at a streich. Hilen Babu W,1S well-\l'rsed in our ancient hlH'
and tradition, realizing their wisdom and strength whill' not being 1lll'l1t,ll1y
shackled by them" The publk galleril's in tlw l\lr1iall1l'nt used 10 be iull when
Hiren Babu rose to speak. Hl' was in great demand ,1S ,1 spl',lkl'r ,11 diifeH'nt
public forums on matters of public concern or contmn'rsy. The m,lIlY
endowment or memorial lectures that he delin'red at ,1 numbl'r of unin'rsilil''';,
societies and organizations like the Asiatic Socil'ly be,u testimony to his \"ast
erudition and Ime of scholarly pursuits.
That brings us to a lesser known featurl' of Shri Ifiren Mukl'rjee. It must

be remembered that Mukerjee was il histori,1I1. He becanll' a senior Lc(furl'r
in History at Andhra University in IlJTt-1S, at the invitdtion of
Dr. Radhakrishnan. Later, he served as c1 lecturer in History and Philosophy
at Calcutta University from 1940 to 1944, ilnd ~kad of the Dl'partnll'nt of
History at Ripon (later Surendranath) Collegl' from 1Y46 to 1962. His
scholarship was such that in 1952, he was made a ml'mber of thl' Central
Advisory Board of Archaeology. In a recent article, Shri Copal Candhi has
written "My late uncle, c.R. Narasimhan, MI' from Krishnagiri, who was an
enthusiast for the preservation of the FresCO-Sl'(CO panels at Tanjore, looked
upon Hiren Babu as a mentor on the subject. The Communist and Congress
members of the Second Lok Sabha collaborated effortlessly in the matter.
For Hirl'n Babu thl' lasting \'alues of life and ci\·jlization transcended all
pMochial diffel"l'nn's."
I C,lIlll.' to know Hiren Babu \\'Iwn I happenl'd to read his book, probably
his first one, "II/dill Slrll.'\s/l'~ For Freedolll" published in 11J46. I read it almost
on tlw l'n' of our Indl'pendl'IKl'. It was an enthralling experience because of
its theml' ,md its ,malytical prl'sl'ntation, lacl'd with literary references and
fl'licitous phrasl's. It was an equally inspiring experience whl'n I ~ubsequently
re.ld its re\'ised .md l'nlargl'd l'dition. Not long, thereafter, thl' country came
to know IlWrl' of \1ukL'rjl'e Lwcausl' of his scintillating parliamentary
pl'rform,mCl'. I belil'n' it was his dl'l\'ing into history and the classics that
pro\'ided him with the dl'pth of undl'rst,mding and width of gaze that marked
his lifl' .H1d writings.
Hirl'n B.lbu was .1 tirell'5s and prolific writer. Hl' \\"fote both in English
,H1d Bl'ng.lli and tIll' rangl' \\',lS widl'-bipgraphy, history, current affairs,
politic.ll philt1sophy .1S \\"l'1I .1S SOI1ll' pamphlets on topical issues. His best
knO\\'n books Ml' "GllI/dlli/i-I' SllId.II··, "flilll~c(f a Tmc PO('11/" (on Tagore),
"ecl/llc C!)It)~~lh: A SllId.11 llf .\'cllm··, and "H!),/' (~f HllmillS G(lld" (lln ~t'taji).
Lucidly writtl'n, they arl' pru:isl' and concise portraits of tl1l'se great Ilwn. He
depicts thoughtfully ,md objl,ctin'ly their \'iews and approach to public affairs.
l\1ukl'rjl'l' makl's no .1ttempt to hidl' his differl'lKl's fnm1 thl'se men, but equally
rl'n'.l1s till' illHl1l'nSl' rl'spl'ct Ill' had for them and their contribution to India.
He also wmtl' brid biographil's of tIll' Bulgarian Communist Leader, Georgi
Dimitnn' and tIll' Indologist, AIL'xandl'r CStlma De KllWS. He translatl'd many
books from Fnglish to Beng,lli .md ,'i(C-,'cr~ll, including the IlwIl1l1irs t1f
MlIjaffar Ahmad. His original writings in English number more thana dozl'n.
The books in lkngali willl'xcl'ed that number. The hallmark of his books was
their impeccable scholarship. For Shri Mukerjel', facts \\"l're sacred. All his
argllllll'nts ,md analyses were based on facts. It is this quality which has
l'nsurl'd, and will continue to do in future, that they sun'i\"t~ to bl;' read by
futurl' gl'lll'rations many years from now, !'.1oreo\'er, they show the range tlf
his scholarship, n'rsatility of his intl'rests and catholicity of his mind and
outlook.
Hirl'n Mukerjl'e's talL'nt was recognized by the world at large from tIll'
very comml'nCl'llll'nt of his academic life, which was studded with distinction.
As a student, he always stood first-in Intl'rmediate Arts, Calcutta Unin'rsity,
in BA (History) Honours and MA (History) and won the Duff, Ishan, Gwalior,
Burdwan and many othl~r scholarships, medals and prizes at Calcutta
Univl'rsity. He was the West Bengal Con'rnlllent Scholar at 51. Catheril1l"s
College, Oxford. He was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1990 and Padma
Vibhushan in 1991. In 2001, his Bengali book, Yuscr !llI/flltllltl-o-Pmfyaya SllI/kaf,
won the Mujaffar Ahmad Smriti Puraskar.
It is a measure of Hiren Babu's success in his l'ndeavour to serve the

people that the news of his demise shocked not only his fril>nds dnd colll'agul's,
but also those who might ha\'e bt't'I1 acti\"l'ly opposl'd to him politit:ally.
Hiren Babu mayor may not have appw\"l'd of the phrase but hl', on tht' lint'S
of Gokhale and Gandhi, 'spiritualised' politics and enrichl'd parli,1nll'ntary
life. The departure of such a man-\\"hot'mbl)dil'd himst'lf all that is tlw bl'st
possible in a human bl'ing-lea\"l's our world poort'r, colder and smaller. We
have, all of us, been depri\"t'd of a frit>nd and a guide. It is our loss that Wl'
shall not often see the likes of Hirt'n \'lukt.'rjl'e again.
HIREN MUKERJEE : A PASSIONATE REVOLUTIONARY
-Lt.-Gen. K. M. Seth"
A wtl'ran Communist leadt'r and brilliant parliamentarian, Prof. Hirendra

Nath Mukl'rjl'l', better knov\,n as Hinm Mukerjee was born on 23 NO\'ember 1907.
He joined the Communist Party of India in 1936, which he led from 1964 to 1967
in Lok Sabha. Hl' was educated at the Pre~idency College, Calcutta and S1.
Catherine's, Oxford Unin·rsity and Lincoln's Inn, London from where he
became a Barrister. He was winner of Duff, Ishan, Burdwan and many other
scholarships, medals and prizes. Prof. Mukerjee was a Lecturer of History and
Political Philosophy at Andhra Unin>rsity during 193-t-35 and later at the
Uni\'ersity of Calcutta during 19-tO-19-t-t. He was the Head of the Department of
History at Surendranath Collegl', Calcutta from 19-t6 to 1962.
A \'l'rsatile genius, Shri Mukerjee was one of those outstanding

parlianwntarians who Wl're im'oh'ed in the e\'olution of India's parliamentary
democracy. He was a member of Parliaml'nt from First to Fifth Lok Sabha.
One of the most distinguished parliamentarians of India, Shri f\·1ukerjee was
highly respected for his enlightening contributions to the deliberations of the
House. He had tremendous knovvledge of Parliamentary Rules, Practice and
Procedure. He was well-known for his brilliant, strong c1J'ld highl~' researched
arguments and legendary oratorical skills.
A prolific writer, Shri Mukerjee authored many books both in Bengali

and English. He has writh:'n extensh'ely on historical, literary and political
themes. He edited an anthology of modern Bengali poetry and was the
author of "History of thc COI//I//lllli:;t Party (~f thc SOl'ict Ullioll (Bol:;hcl'ik:;) "
and his rt'nowned English works are "All 11ltrodllctioll to Sociali:;11/ ".
"Illdia Strugglcs for Frecdoll/", "1lldia alld Parlial//cllt", and "Portrait (~f
Parlinl//('//t : Rcjlcctioll alld 1{ccol/cctioll 0952-77) ". He was the author of studies
on Mahatma Gandhi, Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Swami Vivekananda and Raja Rammohan Roy.
His books in Bengali include "Natiollal MOl'cl//cllt ill Illdia ", "A Hi:;tory (~f Illdia"
(in two volumes) and" Modem BCllgali Poctry". Shri Mukerjee was conferred
many honours in recognition of his exceptional erudition and achie\'ements.
He was awarded honorary doctorates by the Universities of Calcutta, Andhra,
North Bengal, Rabindra Bharati, Kalyani and Vidyasagar.
'He i~ the Governor of Chhattisgarh.
25
He recein'd the 'S(wit't Award' for his book on the "St'cond World War"
and the renowned "Stl\'iet Lmd Nehru Award" in 1Y77. He was awardl'd the
Padma Bhushan in 1990 and Padma Vibhushan in lYYl for his contribution
to public life. He receh·ed the "Vidyasilgar Award" in lYlJ2 and tlw "N.urul
Award" in 2000 for his literary accomplishments from the Con'rnnll'nt of
West Bengal.
Shri Mukerjl'e's life was dedkdtl'd to thl' C.1USl' of the downtwddl'n, till'
depri\·ed and the exploited sl'ctions of the pl'ople. Hl' steadfastly fought for
a society where there would be no discrimin,ltion bd\\"l'l'n one pl'rson ,1I1d
another and for a classless socil'ty whl're pl'oplt' irrespl'ctin' of diffl'rl'nt
castes, creeds, languages, religions, de. wllltld han' l'qu.ll rights .111(\ for a
society where there will be no exploitatilll1. Till tlw I,lst brl'.lth of his lifl',
Shri Mukerjee fought for the working class. the (()(nmon pl'opll' ,111(\ fllr
establishment of a society free from hungl'r ,111(\ for .1 stmng. pwgn'..,siH' .111(\
resurgent India. Shri \1ukl'rjl'e hilS Idt ,111 indl'liblt, mark as a parlian1l'ntari,m,
an orator and a prolific writer.
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE-AN INSPIRATION
FOR FUTURE PARLIAMENTARIANS
-Viren /. Shah"
I h<ld the pri\'ikge of coming in contact with Prof. Hiren Mukerjee in

1967, when I became a member of the Fourth Lok Sabha. HO\,,'e\'er, I had
infrl'l]ul'nt contacts thereafter. When I took (wer as the Go\'ernor of
West Bengal in 1999, Prof. Mukerjee ga\'e me the pleasure of receiving him
at Raj Bh,1\'an a couple of times.
People of much greater intellect than I and with closer acquaintance with
Prof. Mukerjl'e, have writll'n considerably about Hiren Babu.
TIll' Fourth Lok Sabha, like the earlier Houses, comprised members of
great l'minence, learning and those who had taken acti\'e part in the freedom
struggll'. EH'n in such a milieu, Prof. Mukerjee stood out not only by dint of
his Il'arning, command l)\'l'r the English language and eloquence, but more
so by his gl'ntll'ness. It WclS a great learning experience for me to be in the
Parlian1l'nt at that timl'. He showed how to attack a particular policy or e\'en
strongly diffl'r on cl point of view with dignity and decorum. He was
affl'ctionate to all ,md particularly to me so that in Lok Sabha lobbies or in
the Central Hall, listening to him was an experience, the kind of which,
unfortunately, one does not come across these days.
In the Kolkata Raj Bha\'an, when he met me, a couple of years back, he
told me that in his book, "Gi/l/dlIi;i : A Study," He had made a special reference
to my father, Shri Jeewanlal M. Shah. He had mentioned that in the early
twenties of the last Cl'l1tury, when industrialists, by and large, kept away
from Gandhiji, my father was amongst the \'ery small number (3 or 4), who
supporlt'd him without fear. When he went home he located one of his own
copies and St'nt it to me with a note. I mention this to indicate the graciousness
of the person who was more than 90 years in age and whose health was
failing.
I wonder whether it will be feasible to bring to the notice of the younger

members of Parliament today, the speeches of Prof. Mukerjee in Parliament,
'He is the Governor of West Bl'ngaJ

27
t'nricht'd both in contt'nt and tht' form so much so that ruling party as wl'1l
as tht' opposition would listl'n to him with rl'Spl'ct. His SPl'l'c\WS \\'l'rl'
show cast's of intt'llt'ctual brillianct', dt'corum and outstanding oratorical skills,
Tht'st' art' tht' qualitil's that a good 111l'mbl'r of l'.uli,lIlwnt should mUstl'r, I
pay my tributes to Prof Hirt'l1 Tvlukt'rjl'l',
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE: A PATRIOT TO THE LAST
-R. L. Bhatia"
With thl' passing .1\\'ay of Prof. Hiren \1ukerjee, we ha\'e lost a

parli,1Jl1l'nt.lrian pIli' ('.\'(('I/CII((" an inspiring orator, a \'eteran freedom fighter,
a staunch p,ltriot and aboH' all, a stalwart who fought for the rights of the
poor, Stl'adfast in his cOl1\'iction and commitment to sern~ the dispossessed
,md tIll' downtroddl'n, Ill' belongl'd to that rare band of political acti\'ists for
whom till' C.lUSl' of the N,ltion was the closest to the heart.
I haH' rl'ad about Prof, \lukl'rjee's acadl'mic accomplishment and acti\"e

im'oIH'Illl'nt in thl' nationalist mOH'ment, long before we came into close
contact in the seH'nties of the last centurv, There was a ;";ehrU\'ian flair and
flanlllr about whatl'H'r Hirl'n \1ukerjee did or said, be it with regard to his
perception of LW'llIty or thl' literary quality that resonated his speeches, He
\\',lS in fact a source t)f stnmgth and inspiration to my generation, that spurred
us on to a life of political acth'ism,
I haH' hMi many an occasion to listt'n to his t'xcl'1lent speeches in the

P.Hlianll'nt. In fact, Ill' was t)Ile of the most scht)larly and stylish spe,lkers
,1Jl1ong the nwmbl'rs of Parlianwnt, whose intt.'n·l'ntion in dl'batt's and
discussions was always looked forward to with utmost interest, irrespecti\'e
of pMty affiliatit)Jls, And, Hiren Mukl'rjel' had <1 masterly way of winning
o\'l:'r tlw ,1lIdience with his chaste English and immaculate pronunciation and
flawless .len'nt.
It is \vidl'lv known that Hiren Mukerjee preferred to call himself an

"Ullrcpclltllllt Ctl/llll/l1l/is!", A front ranking leadl'r of the Communist Party, he
distinguisl1l'd himsl'lf as a member of the Ll)k Sabha from 1952 to 1977, He
was a strong supportl'r of till' So"iet Bloc during the turbull'nt yt'ars of Cold
War, and was unrell'nting in his crusadl' against imperialist forces, be it on
a national or an intl'rnational forum,
Equally outstanding was his prowess as a writl'r, both in Bt'ngali and

English, He has to his credit several authentic titles which include such
acclaimed studit's on Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, beside those on Swami Vi\'t~kananda and Gurude\'
Rabindranath Tagore. Significantly, his bOl)k on India's frl'l,dom struggll' won

him much critical acclaim and approbation.
Prof. Mukerjl'e, I am surl', will long bt' rl'nwmbl'l"l'd for his l'Xl"l'plinn.l1
skill and untlagging dedication to uphold thl' (it-mol.:r.ltic tradition of our
nation.
HIRENDRA NATH MUKERJEE-A MAN
WHO LIVED FOR A CAUSE
-Babulal Gaur*
Hirl'ndra Nath Mukerjee-a man of versatile genius has liwd a full life
as a Il'adl'r and trade unionist. When I began my political career as a trade
union leadt'r, Hir{'ndra Nath Mukerjee had already attained the summit of
glory. His de\·otion to the social cause was simply matchless and has inspired
me beyond measure.
I ha\·e always respected Hiren Mukerjee as a man of erudition specially

for his honest ideological attachment. One who is not true to one's mind and
thoughts can never be true to people. Though, we had ideological differences
and used to question his points of view and justifications, his speeches in
Parliament dl'eply inspired me. We should respect all those who lead an
honest and pure life for greater common good. This way, he has been a
lasting source of inspiration for me.
Ideological means to render service to the humanity may perhaps be

questioned but not the ultimate goal. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee thus stands as
a source of inspiration for all political parties regardless of their pursuits. He
taught me how to practise in reality the chosen actions wedded to ideology.
He felt that the building up a society free from corruption and exploitation
should be the ultimate objective. I quote three powerful words by Descartes-
"Cogito Ergo Sum"-"I think, therefore I exist." To me, Prof. Mukerjee, as he
was popularly known, was a thinking politician with sane understanding of
socio-economic challenges of India. The generation of political leaders to
which Hirendra Nath Mukerjee belonged, is on the wane. The passion for
ethics, traditions, ideals, and humane values is eroding fast in Indian politics.
Hirendra Nath Mukerjee lived passionately for such values. A scholar
Parliamentarian, Prof. Mukerjee wiII always have dialogues with us with his
well-received books, articles and the text of his soulful parliamentary debates.
I pay my tribute to this giant of contemporary Indian politics. The political
history of India will fondly remember him.
"He is the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh.

31
PROF. HIRENDRA NATH MUKERJEE-
A PARLIAMENTARIAN PAR EXCELLENCE
-Bali Ram Bhagat*
During the four dl'cades I han.' had till' pri\'ill'gl' of bl'ing tlk' pl'opll"S
representative to the supreme dl'ml)(f,ltir in~titution (Lok S,lbh,l), rn~' lour~l'
ran parallel to the gifted or,ltor ,1nd p,Hli,lI11l'nt,Hi,ln pilI" "\"(1'/1,'//(,',
Prof. Hirendra ;>..;ath \Iukerjl'e fwm Il 62 tll IlJ77, ,1 full l}u.utl'r cl'ntury. fhis
was a period which symblllizl'd the gnlden l'r,l nf Indi,lI1 1'.uli,lIlll'llt. \I\l~t of
my time I sen'ed on the treasury bl'llchl's lwing p.ut nf the ClllllKii of \ 1ini~krs
of great leaders like Pandit Jawaharl,ll ;>";l'hru, Shri 1.11 B<lh,ldur ~h,l~lri ,md
Smt. Indira Gandhi. I was also t:'ll'L"ted to thl' l',alted ,1I1d ,Hlgust po"t of till'
Speaker of Lok Sabha-in the tumultuous period of the Fnll'rgl'IK\', \dwn I
had to steer the House through grl'at piti,llls yet mainl,lining its higill'st
traditions.
A legendary Communist leader, Prof. Hiren \'ll1kl'rjl'l' ,1" Ill' was poplll,HI~'
called rose to be a leading figure in the plllilical and l'lIltllr,ll life of till'
country. He called himself an '1/1//'CpCllftlllf Cllllllllllli:;t'. ;-"':l'H'rtlll'll'''S, Ill' was
the child of the national freedom ~truggle and l'mbraCl'd fully the holistic ethos
of the great liberation mO\'l'ment. He authllrl'd ~tudil's on \1ahatnl.l C,mdhi,
Vivekananda, and Rabindranath Tagorl', besides ,1 Iwar da~sic on [ndi,l'S
freedom struggle. As a fellow freedom fighh.'r myself, I stllutl' ,md p<ly homtlge
to the memory of this great Indian for his grl'at role in the Inditln Freedom
MO\ement.
Our contemporaries in Parliament w('re \'\'l'II-knm·vn leaders nf the
freedom struggle who built the edificl' of parliaml'ntary sy<;tem. TJw first
Prime Minister; Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, Leader of thl' Houst:', <;l'l hight'st
traditions of parliamentary democracy, rules of proc('durl' and conduct of
business of the House which have become the t'nvy of Parliaments all O\'('r
the world. Speakers after Speakers who visited the Indian I'arliaml'nt were
full of praise for its splendid functioning. Speakers G.v. Maval,lI1kclT,
Ananthasayanam Ayyangar and others left no stone unturned to make till'
debates in Parliament lively and memorable. Parliamt'nt is f(.'membeTl'd for
debates and such debates were great and glorious. I-firt.'n Mukl'rjl'l', along
with other stalwarts, was one of the shining stars of this goldl'n ~wriod.
"He i~ the Former Speaker of I.ok Sabha.
32
The period was classical and challenging in more sense than one. Most
of the people's representatives having been freedom fighters, were full of
enthusiasm. Their commitment towards achieving Bapu's cherished goal of
"wiping out every tear from every eye" was beyond doubt. Some of the
members, both from Treasury and from the Opposition Benches, have to be
remembered for their outstanding contribution for strengthening the
parliamentary institutions in the formulative years. While Jawarharlal Nehru,
Maulana Azad and Krishna Menon were the luminaries of the Treasury
Benches, Bhupesh Gupta, P.e. Joshi, Syama Prasad Mookerjee, Rammanohar
Lohia, Hiren Mukl·rjee were key figures from the Opposition and their
performance on the floor of the House was quite impressive.
A prolific writer, Mukerjee had several books to his credit. I recall the
occasion when Hiren Mukerjee made his glowing obituary reference to Nehru
in the august House and made us proud by descrihing Pandit Nehru as a
"Gelltle Colo~~lIj ". It was amazing that within four months, he brought out a
short, brilliantly written biographical book titled, 'The GCIltle Col(J~sus: A Stlldy
01/ NelIru" in which he himst'lf admitted in the Preface that that biography
was neither an adulation nor an attack on Pandit Nehru. Like most of the
leaders of the Opposition, Hirl'n Mukerjee had a great respect and admiration
for Jawaharlal Nehru. On numerous occasions, the House used to witness
clash of two great contemporary minds, h\'o great patriots-Nehru and Hiren
Mukerjee; differences apart both h,wing foreign affairs as their fan)Urite topic,
representing their respectin.' Benches and class. Both differed widely in terms
of l'thos of ideology and educational background, if one was the product of
Harrow and Cambridge, the other was shaped at Oxford. It was bad luck for
me that when I was assigned to sen'e as the Union Minister of External
Affairs during 1985-86, I was missing Hiren Mukerjee as he took voluntary
retirement from parliamentary politics.
His other works include "Chilla CalliIlS", "L1l1dt'/" Aftlr.r·~ BllIllle,.", "Illdill
Frecdolll ", "Portrait l~f Parlialllellt: Rt:t1cctioll alld Rccollcctilm, (1952-77) ",
Struggle~.t()r
besidt's his autobiography. His wrsatile talent and his grasp of scientific
socialism found expression in his books. He was one of the founders of the
Association of Progressive Writers. He was a great source of inspiration for the
Left and progressive movement. He was an uncompromising crusader of an
egalitarian social order.
A visible genius Hiren Mukerjee belonged to a genre of people who

parliamentarians of India he made enlightening contribution to the
deliberations of the House. He was known for his respect for and mastery
over the rules of procedure and also for his vast knowledge, brilliant and
spell-binding speeches, incisive and logical arguments and legendary oratorical
skills. The gamut of issues raised by Hiren Mukerjee, within and outside the
House, unfailingly articulated a national vision. As a Chairman of the Public
Accounts Committee during 1976-77, he \'ery ably guided its deliberations.
He also served with distinction as the first Honorary Advisor of the Bureau
of Parliamentary Studies and Training of the Lok Sabha Secretariat. He was
the Leader of the Communist Party from 196-l-1967. He was awarded honorary
doctorates (D. Litt) by Andhra, Calcutta, North Bengal and Rabindra BhMti
Universities for his academic excellence. He was also the recipit.'nt of the
"Sol'iet Lalld Nehru Pri:e" (1977), "Vidyll~agar Pri:!''' (1991), "Padilla Bhll~/lIlI/"
(1990) alld .. Padl/lt/ Vibllll~11tl1l " (1991).
Hiren Mukerjee was a rare politician who <llways fought for socialism
and never allowed dogmatism to dominatl' his libt.'ral outlook. He li\'t.'d an
illustrious revolutionary life which will illuminate the path of rl',·olution.uy
mO\'ement of our sub-continent for many years ahead. His ('( lI1tribution to
the struggle for freedom, democracy, social progress and for the emancipation
of mankind \vill always be remembered with flmdnl'ss and inspiration.
Today when the threat to the unity, integrity and de\'t.'lo~"'nll'nt of till'
country is looming large, the nation might wl'il reco\ll'ct thl' great
parliamentary tradition which patriots like Hirl'n Mukl'rjee struggled hard to
build as the sheet anchor of national survi\·al. Pandit Nehru, who built modl'rn
India brick by brick laid great emphasis on the dynamism of Parliament and
amongst its founding members-Hiren Mukerjee is a shining l'xampll'. His
speeches with total command of language and \'lKabulMY lh'ployed in an
accent impeccably Oxonian, Pandit Nehru could not possibly miss. It was
Mukerjee's passion, welded into his ideology which mattered.
In the context of the continuing decline of Parliaml'nt compounded by
the erosion of values in public life replacing self and greed O\'l'r sl,lfless
service, the lives and works of parliamentarians like Hirl'll Mukerjee can still
show the way against this distressing decline. In this context what Hirl'n
Mukerjee wrote after the death of Bhupesh Gupta, who was nl'ar and dear
to him for over forty years, is still relevant. "Can Parliament Copd" With the
proliferating and perplexing, even dazzling problems facing India, Ill' \\ rote
"since the 'sixties', the decline of our Parliament, its dignity, its deml'anour
and its performance has gone on through successive Prime Ministerial regiml's
and what we see too often at present is the result". His thinking may be
exaggerated but it provokes serious thought about contemporary
parliamentary functioning. Being a true disciple of Lenin, he sl'rved the
Parliament with the determination to turn it from "a talking shop into a
working body" and he succeeded to a large extent in this endeavour.
What is the least known about Hiren Mukerjee is that he was not merely
a gifted academician but rose to become a parliamentarian par excellence.
Primarily, a product of the Communist Movement, he was a simple worker

who struggled throughout his life for the rights of the working class and
upliftment of the down-trodden people all over the country. He was not only
an ideologue of the peasant movement but was also very sensitive to the
problems the peasants face in their day-to-day affairs. He worked immensely
during the famine of Bengal in 1943 and in 1967. His contribution towards
the restoration of communal harmony in Bengal during the days of partition
was the most laudable.
For Hiren Mukerjee, Parliament was not the last word although he used
to show a great respect for democratic institutions. He had a firm opinion
that people have a greater role to pay in shaping the destiny of India. He
used to recall the words of Abraham Lincoln, former President of America,
what he said, once in 1861, "This country \-... ith its institutions, belong to the
people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing
government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or
their ren)lutionary right to dismember or overthrow it."
Although I have a distinction of always being on the Treasury Benches
of the House, I had a great respect for Hiren Mukerjee and personally I was
a great admirer of his performance both on the floor and outside the House.
I \'ividly recall a piece of his parliamentary genius during a debate on the
No-confidence Motion in August 1966. It was the first year of Smt. Indira
Gandhi as the Prime Minister and he moved a Motion of No-confidence
against her Council of Ministers. Those were the days of US atrocities in
Vietnam and Vietnamese people were carrying on their heroic deeds against
all odds. While spl'aking on the fll)or, he recited a beautiful poetic stanza in
Bengali represl'nting the echo of Calcutta's streets \·\'hich not only created a
great laughter on the floor but its echoes spread all over the world. Although
his Motion of No-confidence was dt'feated on the floor of the House, his
poetic verse marvelled all of us equally. I would like to quote:
., 'Jfod4/i 3lFcm1l fcll/d'1/lJ, fcll/d'1/lJ

"fqT~ 3fT( ~ "'1T11, fcll/d'1/lJ, fcll/d'1/lJ.
fit7:m: "'1T11, 3fTf1R "'1T11. fcll/d'1/lJ. fcll/d'1/lJ /"
(The Theme of the poetic stanza is the unceasing Vietnamese fight for
freedom symbolizing the struggle for freedom of every man including your
name, my name and Vietnam)
Parliament is the fulcrum and the centre of all national activities. It is the
conscience and custodian of the democratic society. The example of Hiren
Mukerjee and other stalwarts like him will be the 'beacon lights' for the
restoration and renewal of the entire parliamentary and democratic edifice in
the country.
MY REMINISCENCES OF PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE
-Rabi Ray"
I had the good fortune of knowing Hirl'n Babu intimately aftt.'r I was
elected to the Fourth Lok Sabha in 1%7. I had also thl.' uniqul' pri"ill'ge to
come in close contact with a distinguished gal,n:y of H'tl'r,ln p.uliamentaritlns
like Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, S.A. Dange, Acharya J.B. Kripalani, I-tv. K,lIl1.lth,
Nath Pai, \1adhu Limaye, ~vforarji Desai, Dr. Karan Singh, Surendr,l Nath
O""ivedi, Atal Behari Vajpayee, Justice M.C Chagla, Dr. Ram Subhag Singh,
Ram Sevak Yada\', Hem Barua, R. Cmanath, Smt. Tarakl'~hwari Sinhtl, Cl'orgl'
Fernandes, P.K. Vasude\'an Nair, N.C Chattl'rjl.'e and Krishn'l \kl1lln. It was
then but natural for me to come in close contact with them in my cap,lcity
as the Leader of the Samyukta Socialist Party in Lok S,lbh.l.
The Congress Parliamentary Party led by the thl'n Prime Minister,

Smt. Indira Gandhi, had a thin majority in the thm Lok Sabha. Shri Hin.'n \1ukl'rit.'t.,
belonged to the CPI Parliamentary Croup. He W,lS tl (Ontl'mpor.uy of
prominent Communist leaders like P.c. Joshi, Rant'n Sen, Somnath Llhiri,
Bhowani Sen and Mujaffar Ahmad.
Whenever Hiren Babu rose to speak in Lok Sabhtl on "arious 1SSlll'S

including subjects like literature, art and culture, he was 11l',mi with r(lpt
attention in the House. His oratorical skill was such that it h,lS .111 inst,1I1t
impact on the minds of his listeners.
Shri Sanjeeva Reddy, prior to his becoming the President of India, was
the Speaker of the Fourth Lok Sabha. I was a mE.'mbl'r of the parliaml'l1tary
delegation led by him along with Hiren Babu to the erstwhile Soviet Union
and Hungary. That was the occasion when I came in close personal contact
with Hiren Babu in far-off Moscow. It was in the fitness of things that as a
Communist intellectual he was well-versed with the gE.'nesis of the emergence
of the first Communist State in the world. We had a very wonderful time in
both the Soviet Union and Hungary. Hiren Babu's presence in the delegation
was bound to be taken note of by the powers that be in Moscow with whom
he had developed close intellectual contacts. He was bound to be an asset to
the delegation.
"He is the former Speaker of Lok Sabha.

36
I had the occasion to visit Kolkata just two years back on the invitation
of the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Government of West Bengal to address
the members of the Legislative Assembly. My friend, Shri Hashim Abdul
Halim, the Speaker of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, presided over
this meeting. It was a good coincidence that both Shri Jyoti Basu and
Shri I iircn Mukerjce also addressed the said meeting. It was after a long gap
of many years that I met him. It vvas, ne\·ertheless, an unforgettable meeting
that can nevcr be erased from my memory. I never imagined then that that
would be my last meeting with him. In his death, India has lost a rare
parliamentarian of our time, and an intellectual of high calibre and a fine
human being.
Novv, he belongs to the ages.

COMRADE HIREN MUKERJEE: A MARXIST INTELLECTUAL
-Jyoti BaslI*
My relationship with Comrade Hiren Mukt'rjee had been wry intimate

for quite a long stretch of time. I heard of him for the first time in England,
when I went there in 1935 to study la\\'o Hirl'n Mukerjee had Idt fllr India in
the meantime, perhaps in 193-l. He too had been to England fllr studying law.
He was senior to us. Hiren Mukerjee, Sajjad Zc1hir and Nihdrl'ndu Datta
Mazumdar were contemporaries. All of them came in close contact with the
Communist Party of Great Britain (CrCB). During the pt·riod CPCB uSt'd to
work assiduously amongst the studt'nts of the Oxford and the Clmbridgt'
and to organise them politically, Hiren Babu <1I1d his friends de\'otl'd
themselves to the task.
Hiren Babu and his contemporaries sailed for India ,mly to join thl'
national liberation movement, v'ihich was then taking a tumultlHlus turn in
the back drop of the treacherous Government of India Act, 1935. We in Britain
felt their absence dearly. But, our group had a largl·r number of studl'nt
organizers than they had. It was in 1936 that I came in contact with thl'
comrades of the CPGB.
So far as I can recollect, I was introduced to Hiren Babu in Kolkata, after

I returned from England. Comrade Mujaffar Ahmad and other Cllmmunist
leaders in India had a very close association with the CPCB. Hirt'n Babu had
joined the Communist Party of India in 1936 in Kolkata. At that time the
party was banned.
On his return from England, he was invited to join Andhra Univl'rsity by

none other than Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan and subsl'quently became a
lecturer at Waltair, Andhra University. However, it was a brid stint, for a
year or so. Soon after his return he also enrolled himself as a Barrister, though
seldom he practised in a court of law. Thereafter, he joined as the Head of the
Department of History at Ripon College in Kolkata; the College is now known
as Surendranath College.
I came back to India in 1940, just after the Second World War broke out.
I got myself registered in the Calcutta High Court though I had never taken
up the practice of a Barrister as a profession. I was introduced to Hiren Babu
·He is a veteran leader of CPI (M) party and former Chief Ministt'r of West Bengal.
38
at the Junior Bar Library of the High Court. A very warm and friendly
relationship grew amongst Snehangshu Kanta Acharya, Bhupesh Gupta, Hiren
Mukerjel' and myself. I had an intimate relationship with Hiren Mukerjee.
You can call it a personal one. We used to sit quite often at Snehangshu's
homl'. It used to be a grand get together-many a writer, author and artist
W('rl' regular visitors there.
Our mutual family relationship was also \'ery intimate. I can remember
now that both our families went to Darjeeling. Supriya Acharya's sister,
ct'll'brated singer, Smt. Suchitra Mitra, also accompanied us.
Hirl'n Babu was a scholar extraordinary. He stood first in the Intermediate,
B.A. dnd 1\I.A. Examinations. He became Barrister from the Court of Kings
Bench of Hon. Society of Lincoln's Institute, London. He could write in English
and Bengali with the same felicity with which he spoke in the languages.
This is a rare quality. HiTl'n Babu was dn orator par t'xcel/ellct'. As a teacher,
he was immensely popular among the students.
HiTl'n Mukerjee was associated with several progressive organizations,
like tlw Progressive Writ('rs' Association, Anti-Fascist Writers' and Artists'
Association, Friends of the Sl)\'iet L'nion (FSU) to mention only the
\\'l'IJ-known onl'S. We work'_'d together and took part in various acti\'ities of
the anti-Fascist Writers' and Artists' Association and the Friends of the Soviet
Union.
We had our office .1t 46, Dharmatala Street in Central Kolkata. The Friends
of the Soviet Union (FSU) was founded in 1941 after the Nazis tried to invade
thl' Sovil't Union. We here fl'lt that with the attack on the Soviet Union the
war had changed its character, it was no longer an imperialist war, but a
people's war. During that time, most of our leaders, including B.T. Ranadiv
were imprisoned. A few of us were outside the jail. Our point of emphasis
was not to disturb the 'war-efforts'. We were determined to defeat Fascism.
This didn't coincide with the Congress stand.
On Hiren Mukerjee's suggestion, Prof. Suren Banerjee and I went to meet
Rabindranath Tagore. We planned to inform the poet about the decision of
the FSU and to receive his blessings. But, Tagore was terminally sick at that
time. We discussed the matter with Anil Chandra who was then serving as
Tagore's Secretary. We apprised him of the objectives of the FSU as well as
the purpose of our visit. We could not meet Rabindranath owing to his illness.
But when informed of our move, the octogenarian poet expressed his
sympathy with the fighting Soviet Union, and, in unequivocal terms, he
asserted that the Soviet people would win at last.
I was then General Secretary of the FSU. Snehangshu was also active in
the FSU. It was truly a broad-based mass organization. Even scholars and
intellectuals, some of them non-Marxists, joined us. I can remember,
Dr. Bhupendranath Dutta, one of the best-known Marxist scholars and
Swami Vivekananda's brother, used to keep regular contact.
Hiren Mukerjee's contribution to the Communist movement in India

hardly needs any elaboration now. It helped our party a lot at many a juncture.
His intellectual intensity, brilliant academic career and his becoming a
Communist were big gains for our movement not just in Kolkata, but in the
entire country. I had listened to Hiren Mukerjee's passionate speech on the
burning issues of the day. Hiren Babu presided over the Inaugural Conference
of the Indian Peoples' Theatre Association in Bombay in the year 1943. He
was once elected the Vice-President of the Bengal Provincial Trade Union
Congress, in the late 1940s.
He was elected to the Lok Sabha first in 1952. In Parliament, cutting

across the Treasury benches and the Opposition, Hiren Mukerjee was
undoubtedly one of the best. In the realm of parliamentary politics, Hiren
Mukerjee is a phenomenon. The role played by Hiren Babu and other members
of our party in Parliament helped the party in enhancing its popularity and
prestige in the eyes of the common masses. As an orator, Hiren Babu was
peerless, his passionate speech was fascinating. It was always in an impeccably
Oxonian accent. He was able to captivate many bourgeois intellectuals. Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru too was charmed by Hiren Mukerjee's eloquence.
Nehru, himself a brilliant speaker, admired Hiren Mukerjee's eloquence. The
two became closely drawn to each other.
Hiren Babu chose to remain with the divided CPI after the undivided
party was split. A long ideological struggle followed the division of the party.
However, my personal relations with Hiren Mukerjee and Bhupesh Gupta
remained as intimate and charming as ever. Wherever we met he welcomed
me with his usual warmth.
He used to come to and attend various meetings after the Left Front
Government came into being. On behalf of our Party, Comrade Biman Bose,
Comrade Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and Comrade Anil Biswas used to keep
in touch with him. He had a great love and deep respect for our party, the
CPI (M). During last few years, his health broke down. Keeping in mind his
health, often I tried to prevent our comrades from inviting him to various
meetings and requesting for lectures. But, I had observed that once he started
talking, he was unmistakably on his own-perfectly coherent with strong
and logical arguments and even taking care of minor details.
He had got hurt around his waist sometime back when he had a fall in
his Ballygunge flat. I went to SSKM hospital, met him, talked to his son,
daughter-in-law, daughter and many close friends. He could recognize me all
right, shook my hands and said, "It is too painful, indeed. But my brain is
still working." Hiren Mukerjee wished to stay intellectually active till the end
comes. His wishes have been fulfilled. I express my regards to his memory.
A TRIBUTE TO COMRADE HIREN MUKERJEE
-P. K. VaslIdevan Nair*
The news of Comrade Hiren Mukerjee's demise was receiH'd by his

Comrades, friends and admirers with deep shock and pain. For a person like
me, who had long years of association with him, the Sl'nse of loss was
unbearable.
I was a member of the Second, Third and Fourth Lok Sabhas. From the
beginning till end, I was the Secretary of the CPI Parlidmentary Croup. From
First Lok Sabha onwards, CPI was the main Opposition in the Lok S"bhd till
the split in the party in 196-1. Comrades A.K. Gopalan and S.A. Dangl' were
the leaders of the Group and Comrade Hiren Mukerjee was the Oeputy
Leader all the time. After the party's split, Hirl'n Babu was electl'd Leacil'r of
the CPI. Hiren Babu was sort of a shy person, who perhaps ",'"nted to be Idt
alone. He was more interested in his intellectual pursuits and was happy in
the company of his books. He spent a lot of time in the Parliament Library.
But, he had a very few intimate colleagues and I prl'sume I ha\"l~ had the
privilege to be one of them. He used to invite some of us to his home and
I cherish the memory of such evenings over a cup of tea.
After his long innings in Parliament, Hiren Babu spent the rest of his life
in Kolkata. Whenever I went to Kolkata, I made it a point that I should meet
him. I had several such meetings. Even last year, I was at his home and
enjoyed his hospitality. In spite of his age and indifferent health, I found him
deeply involved in the political and social developments in India and abroad.
He too was feeling worried about the growth of communal and other divisive
forces in the country. As a person who spent all his life fighting for the noble
aim of Socialism, he was very unhappy about the continuing division in the
Communist movement. He repeatedly said that adherence to one's ideology
is the most important asset one should try to retain. In spite of setbacks and
twists and turns, he expressed absolute confidence in the ultimate success of
revolutionary forces.
It is not necessary for me to deal with the great achievements and

accomplishments of Hiren Babu as a parliamentarian. His place in history as
one of the foremost parliamentarians of the country has been well established.
"He is a member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) and former Chief Minister of Kerala.
42
He took his work in Parliament very seriously. He did a lot of home work
to prepare for debates and discussions. In the Lok Sabha, he specialized in
the problems concerning India's foreign policy and her relations with other
countries.
Even his political adversanes made it a point to listen to him when he

was on his legs. Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru and Hiren Babu were
great pl>rsonal friends. But, as one of the foremost leaders of the main
Opposition, Hiren Babu ne\'er spared the ruling party for its omissions and
commissions. I remember how spirited exchanges took place between the
Prime Minister and 1-liren Babu, when the Communist Government of Kerala
was dismissed by the Centre in 1959. There was a great commotion in the
Lok Sabha. I remember how passionately and sharply Hiren Babu put
Jawaharlal Nehru in the dock. Obviously the Prime Minister was very much
on the defensive.
I haw described Hiren Mukerjee as a shy person; but he derived great

inspiration from the masses and mass movements. I remember how he took
pains to come to Kerala several times to participate in election campaigns, He
enjoyed association with the masses, although he could not understand their
language, Whene\'er he came, our main problem was to find out an effective
interpreter. He \'(elry often told me that Kerala had a special place in his heart.
Hiren Babu was not only a Party leader and an eminent parliamentarian,
he was also a great teacher, writer, historian and intellectual. Although
personally he came from an affluent family, his life was dedicated to the
liberation of the toiling millions from bondage. With all others, I too pay
homage to his cherished memory.
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE: A LEGEND IN HIS LIFE TIME
-Rupclland Pal*
He was a living legend. That is perhaps the best expression to describe

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee (Hirendra Nath Mukhopadhyay). Even during his
lifetime this versatile personality was a topic of discussion in different circles
of the society-both high and low, elite and the common people.
He was an outstanding parliamentarian, a Communist member of the

Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1977 who made his mark for rare and high qualities
of head and heart.
At the instance of Hon'ble Shri Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, our former

President, Prof. Mukerjee joined the Andhra University as a Lecturer and
later on he shifted to Calcutta where he soon became an ideal teacher and a
role model for the whole young generation.
There are well-known anecdotes about him. When Prof. Mukerjee rose to
speak in Parliament even Pandit Nehru as the Prime Minister could not
afford to miss his speech and there have been occasions when he rushed to
the House to listen to the speech of Prof. Mukerjee which had already started.
He used English words, phrases and expressions which were yet to reach
Indian shores. Even latest dictionaries were of little help. So the parliamentary
Reporters welcomed the system of tape recordings introduced in Parliament.
Late Hiren Mukerjee was a complete man. He was a man of erudite

scholarship with a humane view-full of compassion for the deprived and
the down-trodden. He could also be described as a "Renaissance Man" where
mind and sprit, intellect and feeling merged in the most balanced proportion.
He had been a rare achiever of so many firsts in his life. In the series of
formal examinations beginning from School Leaving Final Examination
(Matriculation in those days) to the Post-graduate Degree Examination, he
was a topper all through.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee spoke quality modem English which made the
listeners wonder as to how an Indian could speak such English comparable
to the best in Oxford and Cambridge. He was equally fluent in Bengali and
*He is a member of Parliament (Lok Sabha).

44
Sanskrit. The records of his speeches in Parliament bear glaring testimony to

this. His words are valuable memories to his erstwhile colleagues. Besides
his command over and articulation in English, he was a prolific and successful
writer both in English and Bengali. He belonged to a very distinguished
group of Progressive Writers who had given leadership as early as in 1936 in
the Anti-Fascist and Progressive Writers Association. He was very close to
progressive group of writers of the country and associated with the very
famous and progressive journals of those days like "Parichay" and the Cultural
Organisations like Indian People's Theatre Associations (IPTA). He was also
associated with the Trade Union Movement. The Bengal Motion Pictures
Association had the rare privilege of having Prof. Mukerjee as one of their
leaders.
In his autobiographical publication in Bengali "Tari Hotey Teer" (From the

Boat to the Bank of the River), he has given a very lively and attractive
account of his life story; his association with the great thinkers and writers
of his time and his close association with the Communist Movement
particularly in Bengal, and of course, his tenure in Parliament both as a
member of Parliament and as the Honorary Advisor to the Bureau of
Parliamentary Studies and Training.
As an activist of the Communist Party in the early fifties when I came in

contact with this great man in my early life, I used to look at him with a
sense of awe and wonder that I am standing close to such a gentle colossal
personality. When he was delivering a speech at a mass meeting or addressing
a closed door party meeting or discussing some important political issues
with the activists of the Communist Party, particularly the youth and the
students, we seemed to be totally carried by his emotion, logic, force of
language and sometimes sarcasm, wit and humour. When I used to listen to
him I wondered how a man could traverse so easily from Iliad and Odyssey
to tile Malwbllilmta, or tile Ramaymw; from the Nell' Testamellt to the B/lI7gi'lld Gita
or the Qllrtlll and of course to the writings of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin.
Vivekananda's concept of the "Proletariat" and the "51ldm", Gandhiji's
faith in Panchayati Raj to Pandit Nehru's Western liberal thoughts to Fabian
Socialism, he could cover so smoothly, gently and easily.
When I became a member of Parliament in the 1980's (Seventh Lok Sabha),

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was not there in the House. I missed very much this
legendary parliamentarian inside the House. But, by that time he had already
been made the Honorary Advisor, Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and
Training. On occasions he had called me to participate in important
discussions. Sometimes I myself came to him to learn how to get clarifications
and explanations on important and complicated issues. I learnt a lot from
him as to how a young member of Parliament should conduct himself inside
the House. I le,lrnt how to become a good and an effl'ctive parliamentarian

reflecting the conCerns of the people. Sometimes we had \·t~ry meaningful
discussions about the Communist Mm·ement and also about the Left
Movement.
I remember once or twice he had im·ited me to spt'ak on somt' important

issues in the Training Classes and as a young man I might h,l\"e \"l'ry
enthUSiastically spoken, very strongly on the concerned issue and I,ltt'r on
thought that on such occasions my \"icws should ha\"l' bl'l'n prl'sl'ntl'd in a
more suan', gentle and persuasive manner. After I held condudt'd my Spt'l'ch,
when I met him one-to-one, I had sometinll's asked him if, as ,1 Communist
activist, had I spoken \·ery strongly on the issul' particularly on an occasion
like the one in which I was invited to speak. Vl'ry gran·fully and affectionatl'ly,
Prof. Mukerjee looked at me and told, "You IItH,t' ctllldidly spokt'll tll'llut ,('illit
you thillk. You should lIeller hesitate to speak out {lIId express your Pil'H'S [lilt firm
t'ie7L'S call be expressed ill a lallguage wllieil does 1I0t hurt others." Here was a man
who knew the language which was s\\'eet and attractive, correct and
appropriate even to convey the strongest of his views; be it about Stalin even
when he was being denigrated by his erstwhile admin'rs or about Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru whom he considered as a "CCIlt/C Colosslls".
I wonder how he could so easily traverse the complicated lanes and bye-
lanes of Indian history and philosophy, Western thought, parliamentary
democracy and Communist faith based on class struggle, hegemony of the
proletariat and Communist internationalism.
He had no hesitation in speaking strongly about his views on

Vivekananda. He was a great admirer of Gandhiji; but he never compromised
with the basic tenets of Communist philosophy and on several occasions
when we met, my impression grew stronger and stronger that Prof. Hiren
Mukerjee had become an institution himself. We have to learn a lot from his
institution. He has left a rare and meaningful message, a precious legacy for
the present generation. Let us all wake up and respond to this message-
greatest lesson of history to mankind-"philosophers have interpreted history,
try to understand these interpretations. But, that is not enough you have a
role to change the course of history for a better tomorrow-a society where
there is no exploitation of man by man."
The Great Teacher of History has now become history himself. I salute to
his memory.
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE-A TEACHER FIRST,
A POLITICIAN LATER
-Dr. (Smt.) Sarojini Mahishi*
Professor Hirendra Nalh Mukerjee, popularly known as Hiren Mukerjee,

was a kind teacher first, and a politician later. As was usually done by the
young and brilliant graduates in the three prO\'incial cities of Bombay, Madras
and Calcutta at that time, Shri Hirendra Nath Mukerjee got the State
scholarship and joined the Oxford University in London to study History
and Political Science. He also had the Bar-at-La\v degree to his credit when
he returned to India. To begin with, he worked as a teacher in Waltair College
affiliated to Andhra University and later at Ripon College (now renamed as
Shri Surendranath College), in Calcutta.
Gradually, he started showing inclination towards political acth'ity and

in 1936 joined the Communist Party of India. Simultaneously he had started
writing on eminent people \-\'ho had influenced him. His books on Gurudev
Rabindranath Tagore and S\·\,ami Vi\"ekananda were H>ry much appreciated
by the people. His book, "the Gelltle C%sslls-A Study (:f Nehru ", created a
controversy due to certain tributes paid by him to Nehru.
Born in an orthodox Brahmin family as one among the ten children of his
parents, Shri Hirendra Nath had to undergo all the rituals, prescribed for a
child. He learnt by heart all the extracts of the RamaYaJlt1, the Mahabharata and
the Bhagmd Gita, as ordered by his grandfather.
No one could imagine how such a young man would grow up as the
leader of the Communist Party in India. Perhaps the contribution of these
two aspects in life made him a friend of all and enemy of none. He would
speak with all members of the House in a very friendly way, irrespective of
the community, linguistic differences and party affiliations.
When the Communist Party was divided as the Communist Party of
India (CPI) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)),
Prof. Mukerjee chose to remain in the Communist Party of India, but he
never lost a good opportunity to appreciate Marx and Stalin. Naturally, some
members in the Communist Party of India felt E'mbarrassed by that.
·She is a former member of the Parliament and former Union Minister of State.
47
Serious in thought and expression, many may think that Prof. Mukerjee
might be far away from the sense of humour. No, he had that sense of
humour but expressed it with a smile and in a gentle way.
In 1968-69, as instructed by the then Prime Minister, Smt. Indira Gandhi,

I was moving a Bill in the Lok Sabha, to get the approval of the House for
extending the President's Rule in Kerala by six months more. I went on
saying a few good words about the sea shore and the beautiful landscape in
Kerala and the innumerable coconut trees waiting to welcome the tourists. In
that context, I quoted the following Sanskrit verse about coconut trees:
!l2f11 ~ rfht ~ "fl1Rf:

m-ift:T Rffrrr'lm ;:1fn ~ HI
;roufr. ~ 't'dlJ>4C1l/F{
mf:JCit fcf~ I
"The water that is poured at the roots in the earlier stage is always kept
in memory by the coconut trees and they carry that load of water on
their heads (to give to a thirsty man). Noble souls will never forget the
good done to them earlier."
A question with a smile came from Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: "How do the
coconut trees of Bengal behave"? The House burst into laughter!
In 1968-69, on behalf of the Sansadiya Hindi Parishad, I had organized

an Exhibition of books written by sitting members of both the Houses. The
Exhibition showing books in different languages separately, was held in the
old Library hall of Parliament House. This was inaugurated by the
Prime Minister, Smt. Indira Gandhi, who appreciated the attempt to bring
the authors together.
On that occasion I requested many authors in both the Houses, to give

their books for Exhibition. Some said, they have only one copy and the
second edition is in Press. When I requested Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, he just
asked me, "My books must be in the Parliament Library. Are they not"?
I said, "Your English books are available in the Library, but it is difficult
to find the language books. Even if you send two copies after publication free
of cost to the Library, it may be difficult to find them here." Then,
Prof. Mukerjee gave me a set of his Bengali books for inclusion in the
Exhibition.
The Exhibition went on smoothly. Prof. Hiren Mukerjee's book,

"The Portrait of Parliament: Reflection and Recollection, (1952-77)" was published
in 1978. Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was rather liberal in his outlook as an author.
He ne\'er allowed dogmatism to dominate this outlook of his. He was a
politician with rare qualities. Rather, a kind-hearted teacher first and politician
later!
His life of quarter century (1952-77) in Parliament depicted him as a

great orator, and as a parliamentarian par excel/ell e£'. His response on any Bill,
or on a motion of Calling Attention Notice or any other discussion was very
prompt and up to date. In case of any lapse, he would immediately correct
himself. His contribution was indeed an asset to the infant democracy of
India.
WITNESS TO AN ERA
-Hiranmay Karlekar*
There are many people who know much more about Professor Hiren
Mukerjee as a human being than I do. I hardly knew him at the personal
level. We have met on many occasions and spoken from the same platform-
albeit invariably on opposite sides--on some. If I venture to write on him it
is because of the esteem in which I hold him and the fact that we vvere both
witness to the same era that spanned the period from the zenith to the twilight
of his life and the youth to middle age of mine. A child of an intensely
political family-my parents were leading figures in M.N. Roy's Radical
Democratic Party-I had heard of him, along with other political leaders of
the time ever since I could remember.
I first heard Professor Mukerjee speak at the Asuto~h Hall of Calcutta

University in November 1956, in defence of Soviet intervention in Hungary
a few weeks earlier. He was clearly ill at ease because his heart was obviously
not in what he was saying but, being a leader of the Communist Party of
India (which had yet to split) he had to do his duty. Yet, even then his oratory
was enthralling, his emotion-charged delivery bringing stirringly to life his
baroque prose. His sallies were sharp, laced with sarcasm. His was a difficult
brief because the mood of the audience was clearly against the Soviet Union's
action. Yet he held its attention and even drew a reluctantly rendered applause
when he sat down.
Prof. Mukerjee was a part of an era of which he was an eloquent and

cultivated representative, and which provided the context in which his life as
a parliamentarian and political will have to be viewed. My main effort will
be to focus on this era, a knowledge of which is essential to an understanding
of what he did and stood for-and why?
The 1950s and 1960s were the decades of transformation. The first saw
both the intensification of the cold war, when the threat of a nuclear
Armageddon seemed very real, as well as the initial signs of the beginning
of its end. If the first saw the emergence of the non-aligned movement as a
force on the international scene, the second witnessed cracks appear on its
surface. The 1950s saw the Soviet attitude towards India, its ruling party, the
• He is a Senior Journalist and former Editor of The Hindustan Times.

50
Indian National Congress, and the country's Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,
change from one of deep suspicion and hostility in the late 1940s and early
1950s to warm friendliness in the post-Stalin era. Both decades saw sweeping
changes within the Communist bloc countries. It saw the East Berlin bread
riots of June 1953, de-Stalinisation at the 20th Congress of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union in February 1956, the Polish and Hungarian uprisings
against Soviet domination later that year, and the brutal Soviet intervention
in the latter which prompted a number of writers and intellectuals like Howard
Fast break with Communism, to which they had given the best years of their
lives, in the West.
If these were traumatic developments for sensitive Communists in India,

so was the first signs of the growing Sino-Soviet breach that split the
Communist world acrimoniously in the 1960s and which is only now being
bridged. Mao Zedong, who had differences with Soviet leaders over the
strategy and tactics of the Communist revolution in China in the 1920s, 1930s
and 1940s, privately disapproved of de-Stalinisation and the Chinese
delegation aired its divergent views not only on this but also on the first
exposition of what later came to be called the line of peaceful transition to
Socialism, at the 20th Congress itself. The differences between the CPSU and
the CPC were discussed at a meeting of 12 Communist and Worker's Parties
in Moscow in November 1957, where the Chinese delegation, led by Mao
Zedong, challenged the Soviet draft of the joint declaration of the strategy of
the world Communist movement and forced the Russians to accept significant
revisions and entirely new formulations. But the breach between the two
Communist behemoths continued to widen despite the Moscow Declaration
of 1960 signed by 81 Communist and Workers Parties.
Within India, the CPI, whose resort to armed insurrection in Telangana

and West Bengal from the late 1940s was validated, albeit under a different
strategic formulation, by its Second Congress in Kolkata in February-March
1948, was severely weakened by repression and had to return to a
parliamentary path as laid down by the Statement of Policy it adopted in 1951.
Though the Party's Third Congress at Madurai (December 1953-January 1954)
endorsed the new line, votaries of armed struggle remained with its ranks.
So dId differences over the Party's attitude toward the Congress, with one
section emphasizing its progressive and anti-imperailist nature and advocating
cooperation with it and another considering it to be reactionary at home and
vacillating in its opposition to imperialism and demanding opposition to it.
The second also happened to be votaries of armed struggle. They voiced
their reservations, though without much impact, at the Fourth Congress at
Palghat in 1956, which broadly endorsed the peaceful transition line adopted
at the CPSU's 20th Congress. Differences, however, remained and, after the
12-party Conference in November 1957, the latter held an extraordinary
Congress, which became known as the Fifth Congrt;'ss, in Amritsclr in

April 1958, to assess afrl'sh the dOIllt'stic and foreign policil's of the Nehru
Glwemmt'nt and re\'iew its own position.
The return to the parlianlt'ntary path and tlw adoption of thl' line of
peaceful transitit:1I1 had brought the CPI rich dividl'nds. It l"F'anded
organizationally clnd did remarkably \wll in tlw gt'rwral t'lt'ctions llf 19!:l7,
and en~n formed Gllvernnll'nt in Kt'rala with E.\I.S. \1al11bl1odirip,ld ,1S Chid
\linister. This l)b\'il)usly was a factor that weighl'd with tlw Fifth CllngrL'SS,
which not merely endorsed the line of peacl'ful transition but thl' Sm'id
\'ersion of it. The Congress also hl'ld that nl1twithst,mding Slll11e disquil'ting
de\'elopments like the rise of rightist forcl's ,md India's growing til'S with tlw
\Vest, its foreign Pl)IiCY rdained its progressiH' llrientatinn. Tl'nsilln, hll\H'\'l'r,
continued to simmer in the party. The Cl'ntral Con'rnment's di..,mi..,s,ll of till'
Kerala Government in 1959 came as ,1 rudl' jolt and strl'ngtlll'lll'd tlw h,lI1ds
of those opposed to cooperation with it. Simult,meously, Sino-lndi,1I1 n'l,ltillns
deteriorated progressin'ly and kd to Ctll1fwnt,ltion and .ul11ed ,-I,lSIll's in
1959. And all this happened in the backgwund of continually ddl'rillr,lting
Sino-Soviet ties in which \loscow's attitude tow.uds India \\'.1S tl m,ljo. t,ldur.
In the CPt the pro-\loscow and pro-Bl'ijing groups elTIl'rged .1S distinct l'ntitil's.
The former belie\'ed in the doctrine of Pl',l(.vful transition ,lI1d ShlOd fnr
cooperation with the Congress against impl'rialism ,1I1d rl'action. TIll.' latter
supported the Chinese opposition to the doctril1l' and was anti-Congress in
its orientation.
The two groups clashed at the Sixth Congrl'ss of the ("PI in Vij,lyaw,lda
in Andhra Pradesh in 1961. While both agrl'ed that till' Congn'..,s was ,1
bourgeois party, the point at dispute was whethl'r to (OoF'l'r,ltl' with it (111(\
to what extent. Leaders like S.A. Vangl', P.e. Joshi, S.C. S,lrlil'sai and
Rajeshwara Rao favoured unity with the Congrl'ss in fighting im~1l'ri.1lism
and domestic reaction and struggle against its tendl'ncy to compromisl' against
both. On the other hand, leaders like Bas\'apunnaih, P. Sundar,lyy,l, ,1I1d
B.T. H.anadi\·e held that though cooperation with the Cllllgrl'ss on some issul's
was unaviodable, the CPI should generally hilve nothing to do with it.
What finally prevailed was the centrist position propoundl'd by the CPl's
General-Secretary, Ajoy Ghosh at the instance of the rt:'pn.'sl..'ntative of thl'
CPSU, Mikhail Suslov, who had told the former that thl..' Party should not be
allowed to split in any circumstance. Ghosh, who spelt (lut his position at il
midnight speech that lasted for more than an hour-and-a-half, avoided an
extreme position and argued, through a series of rh£'torical questions, for the
Party pursuing an independent path and relying on intensifying the struggll's
by farmers and workers. While the tenor of his speech was against coop{'ration
with the Congress, he emphasised the need to support thl' positive steps
taken by the latter.
Remarkably, instead of a regular political document of the type adopted

on such occasions, the party, at Suslov's instance, adopted the "spirit" of
Chosh's speech, part written and part articulated verbally, as a substitute. It
was, obvisouly, an uneasy compromise and, like most of its kind, did not last.
What finally split the CPI was India's border conflict with China in
Octolwr-Nowmber 1962, which led to the arrest of a large number of the
pro-China l'Il'ments. The latter, who refused to dub China as the aggressor,
hl'ld what they claimed to bt' the Seventh Congress of the Party in
October-Nowmlwr 11)6..1, and added 'Marxist' within brackets after the Partv's
namt' to undt'rline tlwir claim that, as opposed to the re\'isionists who
rt'mained in the CPI, they Wt're the real followers of Marx. The Communist
Party of India (Marxist) or thl' CPI(M) was born.
Professor Hiren Mukl'rjee remained with the CPI. Extreme bitterness

markt'd tlw latter's relations with the CPI(M) and the two parties fought as
parts of two distinct ldtist ailiancl's in the 1967 general elections. The CPI(\-f)
t'n1l'rged as till' largl'r of the two parties and as are important constituent of
the coalition C(l\"l'rnn1l'nts, which came to pO\\'t.-'r in West Bengal and Kerala
follovving the defeat of the Congrl'ss in the Assembly elections in both States.
In Kl'rala, it had its own Chil'f Minish:'r in E.MS. Namboodiripad, while in
West Ikngal the position \\"l'nt to Ajoy Mukherjee of BangIa Congress. It,
howl'\"l'r, iisl'lf split a littll' O\'l'r four Yl'ars after its formation. A section,
which bdieH'd in tht.-' ultimate necessity of armt.-'d struggle and \"iewed the
Party's participation in coalition GOH'rnmt.-'nts in West Bengal and Kt'rala
with disf,n-our, 1,1lll1ched a \"ioll'nt pt'asant mon.'ment in Naxalbari, Kharibari
and Ph,lI1sidewa pl,lice stations in Siliguri district in the northern part of
Wl'st Bl'ngal in March 1967" There was widesprl'ad \"ioIl'IKl' im"oldng murder,
looting of paddy, and forcible har\"esting of standing crop from landlords'
fidds by peasants"
Aftl'r much ditl1l'ring because llf opposition from the CPI(M), the United
front CO\'l'rnnwnt of Wt'st Bengal was compelled to use force against the
mO\'l'ml'nt bl'cause of pressure from other constituent units like the BangIa
Congress and the Fllrward Bloc. This inCt'nsed the proponents of a \"iolent
Iinl' within the CPI(M), who had bl'en l'Jlll'rging as a distinct group in the
party during 1965 and 1966, and who now refused to fall in line. As
disciplinary action followed, t1ll'y formed a new party, the Communist P<uty
of India (Marxist-Leninist) or the CPI(M-L) and held a well attended public
rally in Calcutta on 1 May 1969.
Meanwhill', l'fforts to l'xp,md and/or hold on to their support bases had

led to sl'rious acrimony and clashes among the constituent parties of the
United Front and between tI1l'm and the Congress, which had become the
principal opposition party. Besides, thl're was serious yiolence on the tr,lde
union front where the incarceration of employers or eXl'cuti\'es by workers-

gllerao as it was called-until they ga\'e in to thl'ir demands became a regular
feature. Finally, in October that year, a section of BangIa Congress, the largest
constituent, broke away, withdrawing support from the front and reducing
it to a minority in the State Asst'mbly. With the Spl'akl'r delaying the holding
of a session of the Assembly for a trial of strength, Governor Dhar,lm Vira
dismissed the GO\·ernment on 21 NOH'mbl'r 1907.
This led to a re-consolidation of the United Fnmt, which fought ,lI1d
swept the mid-term elections in the State in Ft'bruary IlJolJ. Its sel.'ond I.'oming,
again with Ajoy ~vlukherjee as Chid Minister, howen~r, also prowd l'phl'n1l'r,ll.
Violent inter-party clashes, glzt'rao~, and an alarming dl'cline in thl' law-'lI1d-
order position split the United Front and promptl'd thl' Chid ~'1inistl'r, Ajoy
Mukherjee, to resign. Earlier, the coalition ~. tinistry in Kl'rala, which had
been formed in February 1967, under the Chid Ministl'rship of LMS
Namboodiripad, had collapst'd after 28 months in powl'r, ,lI1d also bl'CdllSl'
of violence and inter-party clashes. In the mid-term ell'ctions hl'ld in NOH'mbl'r
1969, which the CPI and CPI(M) fought as members of opposing ,11liaIKl's,
led to the formation of another coalition GO\'l~rnment headed bv C Achutha
Menon of the former. In West Bengal too, the two partil's contl'stl'd, as parts
of opposing alliances, the mid-term ell'ctions that follO\\'l'd in rvt,Hl.'h 1971,
along with the mid-term Lok Sabha elections that followl'd thl' pH'mature
dissolution of the Fourth Lok Sabha.
In West Bengal, the CPI(M)-dominatl'd Left Front fell short of ,111 absolutl'
majority though the CPI(M) had emerged as the largl'st singlL' party. The new
Government was a coalition of the Congress, the BangIa Congress and sen'ral
other parties with the CPI and the Forward Bloc and some othl'r partil's
supporting it from the outside. The Go\'ernment fell in Junl' of the S,lmc Yl'.u
and the CPI became an ally of the Congrl'ss in West Bl'I1gal in thl' mid-term
elections that followed in March 1972, and which they S\'\'l'pt.
The 1972 mid-term Assembly elections completed the political aSCl'nd,lI1cy
that the Congress led by Indira Gandhi had gained in thl' nation's life following
its massive victory in the mid-term Lok Sabha l,It'ctions of M,Hch 1971. The
CPI was allied with the Congress, the CPI(M) bitterly Oppost'd to it. The CPI
was, doubtless, influenced by radical economic steps like bank nationalization
that Indira Gandhi took after the Congress split in 1969 and her inert'asingly
close ties with the Soviet Union, which were formalized by the Indo-Soviet
Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Mutual Cooperation of 1971. The marriage
did not last. The Emergency and its shameful excesses brought the CPI and
the CPI(M) together again in 1977. They have stayed together since then.
That was also Professor Mukerjee's last year in the Lok Sabha of which
he had been a member continuously since he was first elected in 1952. He
was the cprs Deputy Leader in the House from 1952 to 1964 and leader from
1964 to 1967. He, however, was much more than that. He was the outraged
spokesman of the marginalized, the disprivileged and the exploited. His was
the voice of compassion turned into anger, resonating like rolling thunder in
the strident rhetoric of his speech. Even after his innings in the Lok Sabha he
remained in many ways the voice of Indiil's Marxist Left. He never lost his
faith, though the times must have severely tested it on many occasions. A
nmtl'mporary of P.c. Joshi, Ranen Sen, Somnath Lahiri and Bhabani Sen in
the CPI (which he had joined in 1936) he had been a witness to the rise of
Nazism and Fascism in Europe, the signing of the non-aggressirm pact between
Nazi Cermany and the Soviet Union in 1938, World War II and the conversion
of the 'Imperialist War' into the 'People's War' following Hitlerite Germany's
invasion of the Soviet Union in 19-t1, the cprs support to the British War
effort and opposition to the Quit India Mm·ement, Independence and the
Partition of India and, of course, the tumultuous post-war events.
More recently, the Soviet interwntion in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the

dl'structi\"l' madness of the cultural revolution in China from 1966 to 1976,
China's lurch towards market capitalism in the 1980s, and the collapse of the
Sm·iet Union 1991, must h,n-e raised deeply troublin~ questions. Yet he called
himsl'lf an "unrl'pentant Communist" until the last. Also, he never ga\·e up
and raisl'd his \·oiet.' in protl'st wheneH'r an outrage, like the ghastly post-
Godhra riots in Gujarat, had been committed. His passing away on 30 July
has stilk'd the sibilant roar of the ancil'nt lion and deprived the country of a
luminous prl'senCl'. He will be sorely missed~\·en by those who, like this
writt.'r, oftl'n did not agree with him-at a time when discourse is increasingly
tri\·ialized by the spreading consumer culture and politics alarmingly
criminalised. A B.Utt from Oxford and one called to the bar from Lincoln's
Inn, he could ha\"t~ li\"l·d a life of opulence. He chose to identify himself with
the dt.'prin'd. Looking back on his lift.' and passing, one rt.>members John
Dontw, "Dl'ath be not proud, though some have called thee/Mighty and
dreadful, for, thou art not so,/For, those whom thou think'st, thou dost
overthrow /Oie not, poor death."
REMEMBERING HIREN DA
-Sitaram YechunJ*
In many a sense, Comrade Hiren Mukerjee made an unparallt.>led

contribution to the establishment of modern India. His role in India's freedom
struggle, his ardent and seltless championing the cause of the most depri\·ed,
his steadfast commitment to Marxism, his intellectual reasoning that would
resound and re\·erberate for a long time after being delin'red with stunning
eloquence, his sharp-at times acerbic tongue and pen-are the traits that
ha\·e been well-documented and hence need no repetition.
In any case, I-being a product of post-Independt'nt India being born

after "We, the People of India" gave to ourseh·es the Secular DI..'m()(ratic
Republic-would find myself very incompetent to do justice tn the task of
e\'aluating such a colossus, Howe\'er, limited my interactions with Hirenda
were during the last two decades or so, his contributions as a parliamentarian
have been matters with which my generation grew up.
My first meaningful interactiun with Hirendl1 took place in the year 19R7.
The occasion was the 70th Anni\'ersary of their Great October Socialist
Revolution. The Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU) had organised a
Special Party Congress to celebrate the occasion, The CPI(M) and the CPI
were officially invited to send fraternal delegations, The Crl delegation
consisted of the Party's then General-Secretary, Late Rajeswara Ran, Late M,
Farooqui and Hiren Mukerjee, while the CPI(M) was represented by the then
General-Secretary Late E.M.5. Namboodiripad, Harkishan Singh Surjeet and
by me, Such was Hirenda's humility that he compared the composition of
these delegations by saying that while the CPI chose as the third number of
its delegation its senior most member, the CPI(M) chose its junior most!
During our stay at this Congress, it became clear that Hirenda was not
merely an ardent supporter of the Soviet Union but felt that its existence was
a necessity in the modern world if the civilisational advance of humanity has
to proceed. Those were times when many of us could see, rather feel with
immense anguish and agony, the impending disaster of the collapse of the
USSR. Mikhail Gorbachev's speech at this Congress gave the necessary
indications which were both disappointing and disconcerting. The CPI(M)
"He is a Politburo member of the CPI(M).

56
was alert in expressing our apprehensions on the line being pursued by the
then leadership of the CPSU. The CPI was however, hesitant. Hirenda, on the
other hand, would openly tell his party leaders that he shared our
apprehensions.
His commitment to the Socialist Soviet Union, besides it being the first
society to organise itself on the Marxist principle of 'no exploitation of man
by man', was also due to the importance it had in the modem world. Hirenda
s~rongly felt that the Soviet Union was crucially responsible, through the
countervailing power that it demonstrated in world affairs to ensure peace
for half a century and more. In the absence of the Soviet Union, he used to
warn that the US imperialism may well go berserk in its strides for global
domination. How prophetic this sounds in the first decade of the twenty-first
century.
There was another strong reason that made Hirenda an unrepentant

champion of the Socialist Soviet Union. Its existence and the selfless help it
rendered to the newly-independent countries of the former colonial world,
he used to say, has immensely helped these countries to stand on their own
feet. India was a classic example. This strength of the developing countries
was important to resist the efforts of economic hegemonies that US imperialism
was seeking to pursue. Once again, how prophetic this sounds in this era of
globalisation whose political objective is to economically re-colonise the
developing countries.
Hirendll belongs to that generation which was a witness to the agonies of

colonial domination and miseries of human exploitation. But, he was also
fortunate to see the immortal triumphs of humanity-against fascism, against
colonialism and the consolidation of a Socialist bloc free from exploitation of
man by man. Hirenda's voluminous writings captured the spirit of these
times with a poetic justice that very few leaders are capable of.
During the later years of the twentieth century, as the Editor of the
CPI(M)'s weekly, People's Delllocracy, I had many an occasion to request Hirenda
to contribute on various problems facing India. On every occasion, he would
do so without any fuss and meet the deadline. His contributions would
always be in his own handwriting. The first draft was always the final draft.
And, the pen moved without scoring out any written word!
Through these writings, he displayed both his pride and commitment in

not only safeguarding but in advancing India's synchronic civilisation and
culture. He was not merely a 'secular' as we understand the term today; he
was much more than that. All of us are products, he would say, of this
intermingling of civilisational influences that criss-crossed India over the
centuries. India-its people, its culture, its physical and spiritual
manifestations-are all defined by this cultural and civilisational admixtufl'.

Gh'en this, he was an uncompromising champion and a fighter till his dl'ath
to safeguard India as all of us know from the merhlCt' of fascist communalism
that was reigning suprt'me in the decade of nineties.
In one of his writings for the PL'oplt"~ Dt'lIIotTtlt'y, he l'xhorts: "The grl'at
Muhammed Iqbal, Bml/lllllll:tldtl-t'-Ktl~/lIl/ir as he proudly called himsl'lf, not
only wrote some of our IOH'liest patriotic hymns but also on 'this land whl're
Chishti brought the gospel of truth, this gardl'n wl1t'rl' N,lIlak taught the
unity of all religions', adding that here 'the habitations of the hcart' (dil ki
/ltlSti) are becoming "empty". he said: "Let us togethl'r build d I1t'W tl'mpll' of
ours (lltlya ~hii.,tlltl J."
The last occasion when he wrote in Pt'[lplt"~ £)t'1II0tT'il'y WdS on thl' Wth
anniversary of the demolition of the Babri \·1asjid. [n the cowring ktkr
accompanying the article, again in his own hand, he obsl'rH'd th,lt this mdY
be one of his last writings penned by himself. Fl)r a person in his nineties, his
and remained forever firm and steadfast. His spirit, ne\'l'r l',h,wstibll', W,lS
reflected in this piece.
I can only end my homage by quoting what hl' wrote in this .utidl'
which, in a sense, encapsulates his spirit: "As a Communist I (,mnot dl'Sp,lir:
I prefer, in Shelley's words, 'to hope till hope creates l'Ut llf its \\Tl'ck tlw
thing it contemplates'. And as I see bright signs of pl'opk'..; Illobilis,ltion
against the fraudulent, so called 'globalisatinn' cI,liming for l'\'l'r to dl'llllllish
socialism, I remember what some se\'enty-fin~ ),l'ars ago, ,1 grt'at tl',KIll'r of
mine, Kuruvila Zachariah, told me when [ was agonised by things happening
in the then \vorld. In life, he told me, Ct.'rtain things happl'n that .He
'ineluctable' and you cannot prevent thl'm, but you must 'k,un to Sl'l' the
rainbow in the rain'."
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE-A TRIBUTE
-Avtar Singh Rikhy*
In the passing away of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, a most conscientious and

virtuous member of Parliament par excel/ella' the nation has lost a patriot, a
great son of Bengal and the educational fraternity a bright and luminous
scholar.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was a uniquely endowed human being who was
genuine to the core. He was truly a "Ri;;hi", a man of God, compassionate
and forgiving with love and affection for all and inimical towards none. He
stood for justice and equity and that was the dri\'ing force behind his
unyit'lding cOIl\'iction to bring about egalitarian and more just social-economic
order through Communism.
He was a complete man, as ell\'isaged in the Vedantic philosophy in

which he W,lS Lkeply rooted and fully immersed.
He always conducted himsl'lf with great dignity and grace and never-
failing courtesy. He was deeply de\'oted to his family: his affectionate, gracious
,llld self-dfacing wife and his two gifted children (son and daughter).
I remember, during one of the Public Accounts Committee's \'isit (of

which he was the Chairman for two terms), he picked up three e:\quisite
pure silk sarees for his wifl" daughter and son's (v,ould be) "'ife, with adoring
affection and discernible twinkle in his eyes, indicati\"t~ of the joy that these
would hopefully bring to the dl'ar ones.
Hl' was a democrat to the core. He encouraged open and full discussion
in the Public Accounts Committee on all issues, howen'r contrm'ersial those
might be. He restrained himself from imposing his personal/Party's \'iews
while the Draft Reports were under consideration of the Committee. He
wanted the consensual view to be retlected in the Reports and did not want
to hinder it in any way, e\'l'n though it might not be fully in accord with his
own/Party's view-point.
He was very punctilious about parliamentary etiquette and manners. ]

remember how deeply hurt he felt when members disturbed vociferously
*Hl' is tlw forml'r Sl'crl'tMy-Cl'l1l'ral of Lok Sabh.1.

59
President's Address to members of both the Houses assembled together for

the solemn occasion in the Central Hall of Parliament.
He was most particular about the phrases and expressions to be used in

parliamentary debates or in Committee's proceedings. He was punctilious
and wanted to make sure that these conformed fully to the high standards
of objectivity and fairness expected from members of Parliament. He was a
"wordsmith", so to say, who took great care in choosing his words so that
these were elegant as well as meaningful and never transgressed parliamentary
norms.
His eloquence was spell-binding. While addressing the scientists at the

Space Centre at Bangalore he recited effortlessly Sanskrit slzlokas to recall the
multi-splendoured scientific achievements of our people since ancient times.
As Honorary Advisor of the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training

(BPST), he addressed several batches of Probationers from Indian
Administrative Services and, I am sure, each one of them had carried an
indelible impression of the high ideals and the spirit, which should permeate
and inform the functioning of democratic institutions.
The Question-Answer Session at the end of each such Course and several
others, designed to familiarize senior Government officials with the
functioning of the parliamentary institutions, would see him at his sparkling
best. I considered it a rare and precious opportunity to listen to him at such
gatherings and get recharged.
Above all, I remember him as a scholar with deep cultural roots, on

whose tongue Goddess Saraswati sat and blessed it with rare qualities of
beauty and eloquence.
He had a poet's sensitivity and sensibility. It is a tribute to his devoted

and gracious family that he kept his feet firmly on the ground and enjoyed
vibrant health, which gave him infinite energy to do creative writing and
make outstanding contribution as a statesman, historian, biographer, political
thinker and parliamentarian.
His was a truly dedicated and "fulfilled" life-worth emulation by

generations to come.
Exchanging close moments with former Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal
in Parliament House
With former Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in Parliament House
-~
.~
~~.!pII""-.,,
ro
§ro
'.0
Z
00
c
.~
...- - -.. a'"

15
J
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee and his wife Smt. Bibha Mukerjee with
Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at Teen Murti Bhawan
(the then Prime Minister's residence) in 1961
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru scanning the pages of Prof. Mukerjee's book,
"Him seLf a True Poem-A Study of Tagore"
With Shri Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, the then Speaker of Lok Sabha

/
With Giani Zail Singh, the then President of India. AJso seen in
picture is Shri Som Nath Chatterjee (presently Speaker of Lok Sabha) and
Shri HashiIcAbduJ HaJim, Speaker of West &ngal Legislative Assembly.
Shri K.R. Narayanan, the then President of India at the residence of
Shri Mukerjee in Kolkata (Also seen in the picture are
Shri Mukerjee's wife and his grand-daughter)
Sharing a close moment with Shri KR. Narayanan, the then President of India in
1998. Also seen in the picture are Shri Mukerjee's wife and hi grand-daughter
Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, the then Minister of External Affairs in 1977,
greeting Shri Mukerjee at a function in ew Delhi
Accepting the Soviet Land Nehru Award, 1977 from the then Minister of
External Affairs, Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee
With Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, the then Minister of External Affairs on the
occasion of Soviet Land Nehru Award Ceremony in 1977
With Dr. Shanker Dayal Sharma, the then Vice-Pre ident of India,
Shri Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India and other dignitarie
Addressing a function connected with the Public Accounts Comrnitt in 1976

On a Study Tour of the Public Accounts Committee as its Chairman
to an army camp on the border in 1976.
Visiting Zozila Pass during the Study Tour of the

Public Accounts Committee as its Chairman.
With Shri Morarji Desai, fonner Prime Minister of India on the occasion of the
marriage of Shri Rajmohan Gandhi, grand-son of Mahatma Gandhi
With Dr. N. Sanjiva Reddy, the then Speaker, Lok Sabha at a Museum in Moscow
With a Parliamentary Delegation headed by Dr. . Sanjiva Reddy,
the then Speaker, Lok Sabha in Moscow
Paying tributes along with Dr. N. Sanjiva Reddy, the then Speaker, Lok Sabha
to martyrs of the Soviet Union in Moscow
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee in Soviet Urtion
Addressing a meeting in Soviet Union

PART III
HIS SELECT SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT
CONSTITUTION, LAW AND JUDICIARY
THE CONSTITUTION (SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 1963 *£
Mr. Spe,lkl'r, tlll'rl' can lw no qlll,~ti(ln that the so\'ereignty and the integrity
of our country are such things that it is the bounden obligation of e\'ery
singk citizen to sustain and uphold them and, from that point of \'iew, as far
,lS this Bill is COIKl,rt1l'd, we hd\"l' accorded at an earlier stage, and also in the
Jpint Committl'l" our gl'lll'rdl support to the measures adumbrated. But we
hd\"l' just now l1l'ard ,1 proposal that discussion on this matter might
(on(l'i\"lbl~' haH' L1l'en postpol1l'd and e\"t'n though the House has rejected
lh,lt propl)sitilln, I would lih', in all humility, to make certain submissions
where cl'l"tain misgi\'ings in my mind in regard to this Bill would be expressed.
I am sure that l"'erybody will agree that there were other methods,
methods otlwr than amending the Constitution, which perhaps we could
hd\"l' adopted in ordl'r successfully to fight the forces of disintegration in this
(otll1try. If tl1l're is in this country, unfortunately, a sizeable section of public
opinion which e\"l'n t,llks openly in tl'rms of the dl'sirability of the secession
of a particular ,1I"l'a from the rest of India then that is a misfortune which has
to Ql' t,KklL,d in \\"l~'S diffl'rent from ll1l're legislation. I do not say that
kgislation is unm'cl'ssary altogl'tlwr, but apart from legislation, there are
otl1l'r l11l'thods l)r otl1l'r ways of working among our people so that this
apparent threat to till' intq~rity of our country can really clnd truly be met.
Apart from thdt-I will coml' back tl) this argument a little later-I find
that there are Cl'rtain kgalistic diffil.'ulties which would be the result of this
Il'gisl,ltion. I would like to draw tIll' attention of the hon. Law Minister to a
pdmphlet l'ntitll'd "A Criticdl Study of the Constitution (Amendment) Bill"
b~' d Sl'nil)r Rl'search Officer wl1l're fwm a purdy technical point of \'iew
Cl'rtain objl'dions hiH"e been raised and I am drawing the Go\"tO'rnment's
,)th:'ntion to SlHlle of tlll'Sl' aspects.
In thi~ pamphkt it is by this Rest'arch Offict:'r ~'f the Indian
pl)}n\~d I.\ut
Ln\' Institute thllt ,,\rl'ih1\' \\\ t\,\~ o ..)\.mt\"\' out (\.)\wts hiwe k1Und it difficult
to ,)pply concl'pb, likt:, p~lblic intl'rl'~t, p~blic l)rdl'r, security of Statl' ctc. in
tlw contl'xt of rt.'\·il'wing till' rl'~trictions placed on fundamental rights and
eVl'n though in I"l'gard h) the~l' conn'pts our courts can find assistance from
• I.S fl.-b., ~ M.1\, 1%1.

'. I"llw Bill whkh W<lS ,liml'd .11 anll'nding ,Hlidl' 1<) .1nd I Ill' Third S.:hl'dllll' oi tIll'
Con~lillliion 10 1l1,1]...l' 'llil'qlhlll' pll\\"l'rS ,l\·,lil.1bfto illr tlw pn'sl'J"\'ation and ll1.1inll'naIKl'
of lIlt' inkgril\" ,Inti SOH'ITignly lli 11ll' Unilll1 "i Indi,l, bl'':,lll1l' ,In :\.:t,
lilled 'TIll' Consliilllilln (Si,\ll'l'nth Anll'ntinll'nt) A(1. I<)6Y).
65
the cl)mparati\"t~ jllrisprlldl'ncl' l)f otlwr Clllmtril's lih' thl' Unitl'd St,ltes or tlk'
United Kingdlml, this Bill is 11lH\' bringing into the pidul'l' l"pres~ions, like
slwereignty and inkgrity, \\'hidl h,lH' not yet bl't'n l'mploYl'd ,lI1d tlll'rl'illrl'-
I ,1m qlll)ting the \\'l)rds llf Shri i':,u,H'.ln R,lll, \\'hll is thl' Rl'SI'MCh ()flil'l'r
concernt'd-
" .... ,\\'hich h,H'e nl)t yet bl'l'n tl'Stl'd. ,lI1~'\\'hl'rl' in tl1l' Cllnte\t llf curt,liling
the Iibertil's l)f tht' people."
He adds:-
"It is, theretl)re. for considl·t\ltilln \\' hdlll'r it is pfllpl'r hI "ubied till'
libertit's of the pt'l)ple with l"prl'~sillns likt' 'slln·reignt~·· ,lI1d 'integrity'
which are at lmce t'lusiH' and inddinitl' ,lI1d c.trrying \\'ith them, ,It till'
same time, a wide and \·.trying cOH'r,lgl'."
This is a It'galistic argument. but ..;incl' tl1l' I,l\\' is of a p.trticul.tr n,lturl',

I proffer this 'lLhice to the hon. \lini~ter th,lt he might h,Hl' this ,I~pl'd (Ii till'
Bill considered.
This Bill also has cl'rtain feelturl's which can be ("IIll'd ..;onll'\\'h,lt itll'll·g,mt.
Our hon, friend, Shri Kelmelth, has dr,l'\"n ,Ittl'ntion to "Ollll' of tlll'Sl' inell'g,lI1t
features. For instance members of It'gi~leltufl's drl' being ,,","l,d to t,I"l' ,111 o,lth
or to make an affirmation. That might be all right; I ellll not obil'ding to it.
But, at the same time, e\'en bdofl' a m,lI1 is cllntl' ... ting tlw l'll'dillns Iw i~
being asked to take an oath or to make ,In affirm,ltion. It is r,ltlwr unuslhll
to prescribe oath-taking or the making of ,In ,lffirm,ltilln ,h ,I pre-reljui ... itl' fllr
eligibility to contest the t'iections, ,\s Shri K,lm,lth h,l"; "uggl'"ll'd, \\'ithout
worrying m'er a constitutional amendment, a \ ery rnillllr ch,mgl' (ould h,I\"\.'
been made in the Repre~entation of the !'COpll' Ad "'0 th,lt till' cmdid,ltt· ... for
election to Il'gislatures and that ...;ort of thing would be oblig,ltcd to m,lke ,I
statement on the lines l'I1\'isagl'd in this Bill. Here is ,I double pron·... s of (l,lth
taking lIr affirmation melking, I do not kn(l\\' wh,lt "'Pl'Ci,ll gelin ... .HI' l"pl'ded
from this kind of thing, The S,lme re",ults could bl' ,lthil'\'l,d by ,m o.lth being
taken or an affirmation being m"de wht'n one l'nlt'rs tht' Il'gi ... lelturl' or any
other kind of office and this duplication can \'l'ry \\'l'1I be ";,lH'd if it i" thought
necesscHY through the mt'chanism of the Repn·"entation of thl' ('eopll' Ad.
There was also anoth('r point which was brought up earlier when this
Bill was under discussion. Th('5e political difficultit's art' rathl'r intriguing,
We are having certain international transactions cit the present mon1l'nt which
relate to the territorial integrity of India. I do not know what our fril'nd, the
Minister of Railways has been saying and doing in the course of his
conversations with the Pakistan Government. ( do not know what hl' said in
his party meeting, But, ( suppose the Prime Minister, after a few days,-I do
not know whl'n,-is going to tn.lke .1 sttltement about what is being done on
Lwh.llf of our country in reg<Hd to this matter of Indo-Pakistdn discussions.
QUitl' .lp.lrt from till' ll11'rits of till' m.ltkr, Il'I us look at the It:'gaJ aspect
il1\\lln·d. Till'rt· is nil lIul'stion thtlt cl'rttlin international transactions are going
llll whirh would .lffed the tl'rrit(lri.ll position, tl'rritorial intt'gritv of India: no
doubt .lbout it. Till' pdper ... go sO fM dS to make certain prognostications.
yl· ... h'rd.l~·, in till' S111/(..,/111111 , there \\',IS .1 rl'port thdt-
"The .-\llll'rir.\I1S would bl' h'lppy to Sl'e thl' idl'a of '.1 spl'cial status' for
K,lShmir---ill\'oh'illg lllndominilll11 O\'L'r or intl'rnationahsation llf the
\,111111' or d pMt Ilf 1.111111111 .\I1d K,lShl11ir-fill the \acuum Idt by the
di..,ru..,sipn Pll .1 plliitir,lI ..;olution. But, dlthough the British tcam would
,lbll be h'l'n on it, tlw Indi,\I1 side is not."
I ,lin not ";,lying 'lI1~·thing abput whdt Ill' has said, becausc I do not kno\\'. But
I t,l"l' it th,lt till' Indi,lI1 CO\'l'rnnll'nt is nl)t gl)ing to gin:' .H\'ay any part of
Indi,\I1 territol'\'. That is ,\I1otl1l'r I11dtter. There is no dl)ubt that certain
discus ... ions ,He going on. What is going tIl happen? This Bill, for instance, is
dll1l'nding till' Constitution ";0 that it wlmld be impl)ssible e\'en to have a
Clllbtitutinn AIlll'ndl11l'nt Bill to cl'dl' dny Indian territory to a foreign country
without committing bn"1Ch llf tlw l),lth itself. This is bl'ing pointed out in this
pdmphld to \\'hirh I m,ldc rl'lerl'lKl' .1 littll' ",hilt' ago, the pamphlet by Shri
:'\,lr,I~',\11 R.ll), Senil)r RI'SL'drd, Offirl'r. Tlw Indian Ld\\' Institute, where he
I11dkl's till' pllint \'L'ry spl'rifir,llly. He says-I dm qUI)ting his words:
"UIKl'.1 \1inistl'r t.lkl's ,111 oath to uphllid the inh.'grity of Indid, he cannot
1110H' ,I Constitution An1l'ndll1l'nt Bill to ccde any part of Indian territory
to " forl'ign rountry, l1l'r can ll11'mbl'rS Il'gally support it, without doing
\'il)ll'nn' to thL'ir odth clause. It is no <Hgullll'nt to say that whlo'n it relates
to .1 Con ... titutil)r\ AIl1l'ndl111'nt, the odth dOL'S not stdnd in the way. If such
.\11 .Hgul11l'nt is dcreptabll" tht'n thl' agitation to amend the Constitution
to rL'll'asl' ,I part of till' Indian tl'rritory from its prl:'sent fold is also
dl'fl'nsibll', fl)r suggestions tl) amend till' Constitution, are certainly not
thl' monopoly of thl' Glwl'rnmlo'nt; they can as well be made by any
p('rsons. "
What is happening about the Indo-Pakistan negotidtions, ,...'e do not know.

But, it might conceivably in\'olve some diminution or some alteration in the
territorial integrity of this country. We have accepted, our Government has
accepted the Colombo proposals. According to this particular lawyer, this
Bill, if it is passed into law would equally stand in the way of implementing
the Colombo proposals. In the case of the Be/'ll Btl"; matter we discovered that
the Government had thought in the beginning that sovereignty presupposes
the capacity on the part of the sovereign state like ours to give away a part
l)f lRlr o\\"n tl>rritl)r~·. As a la~'mdn pr.ll'til',)lly, I SUppOSl> mo~t of us would bl'
agrel'ablL> tl) that pl)int l)t \·ie\\,. But, thl'n, tlw SUprl'[))l' Court sllHwho\\"
happenl>d to inlt'rH'I1l' ,md thl'rl' h,)d to bl' ,1 Cl)I1Stitution.11 .1Ilwndnwnt.
Here, again, Sl)(lW kg,)1 students arl' pointing out tlut \\"l' C,1I1110t h.we .1
Constitutil)()al anwndnwnt in till' Cl)IKei\,lblt- tuture if \\"l' h.l\l' this ll.lth or
attirm,)til)J) .)lrl',ldy incl)rpl)rah.'d in l)Ur Clll1Stitutilln ,1Ild ,)J)~·thinh in the
n1.1tter l)f gi\·ing l'ffL'ct to .my lIt the intl'rtl,ltilln.ll tr,m~,ldinn~ whkh rl'l,lll's
to tt:.'rritorial re-distributinn \\"ould Ihlt be possibk. It i~ not m~· Iw.ld-.Il·Ill'. It
is the Go\"t'rnnwnt's hl'ad-,Khe. It is ttlr the Cll\l'rt1l11l'nt tn dl'l·idl' hll\\" f,H
this k.ind l)f a difficulh· can bl' circul11\"l'nll'd.
The main re.)son, hO\\"l'\"t,r, \\"hy \\"t' suppnrt the idl'.l of this Bill i~ thi..;.
I ha\"t~ said at the \"t:'rv. outset that nll \\"llrds .Ul' IWCl'S";.U\·. hI .... tn' . . . . till' idv.l
that the so\"t:,reignty and intl'grity llf lIm Clluntry h.l\l' tll bl' upheld. \\"l'
support this Bill bl'cause \\"t:' haH' 11llticed in cert.lin p.1rh lIt our Clllll1tr~' .1
tendency on the part of sizeablL' sections lIt llur pl'nplL' tll \"l'l'r OH'r tn the
idea of secession from the mother Cl1untry. lh,lt is a nhlst di..;.lstrllu . . thing
But, how are we going tn set <lbout it? Arl' \\"l' going tll U~l' tl1l' b.lton of the
law in order to keep all our people Clmtl'ndl'd within till' ambit lli our St.lte
system? The p<lrty known <lS thl' D. \'1. K. is so much in the picture. Ho\\" .lrl'
we going to tackle this problem? \1y submission is, it is not by kgisl.ltion
though it may be necl'ssary, but by sympc1thy, by underst,mding .1I1d by
action commensurate with such symp<lthy and undl'r~tanding. Wl' I1<lH' tll
make efforts at a le\'el where law cannot fl"1(h. Long yeMs .lgo \\"t' rl'.ld the
lines of Alex<lnder Pope:
"How small a part of all that human hearts endure

The part that laws or Kings C<ln Celuse or cure?"
There are so many things which could be done, not bv means of the
la\\'-it is not by means of legislation, exccutivc .Ktion, coerci\'c forn"
application of sanctions bchind the Statc apparatus, but by hum,)J) sympathy,
by understanding and approach to thc probk'ms which are thrown up by the
conditions of our country.
Only the other day we passed a Bill on the official languages of our
country. We have seen how certain incendiary proceedings haw already been
launched and all that. How are we going to tackle it? Are we going just to
say, we have got the law in regard to the official language, everybody has to
say yes to it? We cannot proceed in that fashion in a community where
people have their own rights.
The South of our country, particularly Tamil Nadu is as much a part of

the :'\orth ,h tlw North is of the South, Without the two together, India ceases
to bl', I do not k.no\\" why \\"(' do not n'call to our~l'I\"t.'s so many things v.. hich
",hlluld bl' told on'r ,Hld (\\"l'r ,lgain in the North as \\'('11 as in the South in
l,rdl'r til l'm ph,l",isl' till' un ity of IlU r coun try, In tl1l' Vi:,llIIlI PI/I"t/110 \\" hich \\' as
rl'cllrdl'd in till' Fourth Cl'ntury A,D" \\"t' ha\"l' a shloka:
Tr1t 7Ji1 ~
ff: 4/~ ?TiJq ;;ff1fUT
~~~~
'l.lTTrfr <.j;f "1Fffrf:
:\"rth pf till' ",e,l ,Hld Sputh Ilf I lim,ll,1\,h is the cpuntn'. call('d BTI,mlfa \'l7r::;II17
,
\\"hich i", till' pl,ll'l' \\"hl'rl' the l'hildrl'n of H/liIr,II,1 lin', That \\'as the Cl)J1ception
III HIz'I/',li <I \ ~I/"Iz;/, From ti ml' to ti IlW, tIll' ba lalKl' bL'l\\"l'en tht' l'\orth and the
SI'lIth h,h bl'l'n di",turbl'd, TI1l'rl' i", ,1 IIl\'l'I~' 1l'gend in the Sl)uth about the
"',lgl' ,\.\<I'IIi<I, It i", "',lid th,lt pn tIll' Ilcca",ion of tIll' marriagl' of Si,'17 with
Pi/ri',lli, tlll'n' \\',h "'lKh an imn1l'n"'l' COIK()llrSl' l)f gilds and sages in the
Ilill1,ll,l~',Hl rl'gilln th'lt till' b,11,lIKl' of till' Lnin'rsl' \\'as likely to be upset and
in ordl'r il) n'drl''''s the balancl' tIll' great ",agl' /\.";il~fl/'l was Sl'nt to the St)uth,
Th,lt \\",1S how till' b,11,Hlcl' \\,l>.; ,Ktu,lll~' fl'dressl'd, Fwm time to time, the
p(llitic,ll, l'conomic and cultural b,llancl' of our CI)lll1try is perhaps in danger
01 being upsl'I ,1I1d sOllwthing h,l>.; to bl' dl)l1l' in ordl'r to s,ltisfy the South as
\\"l'1I ,1" tIll' :\l)rth ",0 th,lt tIll' balann' Ilf our countr~' is nl)t upset. The other
day, I \\",lS \"l'ry happ~' to hear my hon, fril'nd, Shri Sham Lal Saraf say that
wlll'n Ill' offl'rl'd plIill l'\"l'ry d'lY, he inn)kl'd the rivers which belonged not
onl\" to till' North but ,llso to tIll' South:
irTr q ~ -fJq ~ ~
~ rn-..f.ir CfifcIft. JiMYPfi 'Rf.;rfFJ
¥'
This is how we think of our country, a country which is linked togl'ther by
rin'rs, mountains, and holy plan's ,.... hich are distributed all o\'t'r the land.
What would be the culture of India if the great southern Adltlr.'l17:; had not
madl' thl'i r con tri bu tion: Sllllko rllelill r!I17, Mild Till <'IIt"II11 r.lf'l. V,lllll/l!llIcllilrJ/t7,
St7.'1tl1lllclIllr.'ltl, 1~t/lI/tIIl/I;t/cfllll·.'It/. Without them where would we be? I read
snn1l'wlwfl' that Sii.'tl is " gift of till' South to the North. There are the great
saivitl' saints of the South, known as Naytlllllr:;, among them Mallikkt/m(/liIknr,
soml' of whose writings soml' of us have read from time to time. I have seen
a rderence in the Padll/a Pltrtllltl which says that the idea of SllIIddflll Bllilkti,
devotion to a personal deity, came from the South and then it travelled pia
Maharashtra to the Gangetic doab near Mathura. The great B1li1kti movement
llf this country, in the !\!llrth and in the SmIth, inlm :\aY,lk to the Sllutlwrtl
saints, from IIl,lI/t'~LL"lr to Clltlit,IIlYll, till' trl'llwndous I11ll\'l'IlWnt lli this (ountr~'
is linkt.'d tllgcthl'r llnt' with thl' othl'r, \Vhl'rl' would \\"l' bl' ii \\"l' "l'l'P till'
South llUt llr if Wt' kl'l'P till' :\llrth lHlt?
I W,lS rl'ading the lltiwr d,IY till' "lIr.;l wrilll'n by tlw grl',lt firlll'illllli'llr,
l1ne of tht:' gl'ms llf .:rl',ltilln, slll1ll'thing whi(h W,b \\fitlt'n illr till' whllil' oi
India, illr the whllll' llt m,lllkind, I re.ld till' tr,m ... I,ltilln b~' Dr, I'lIPl', ,md in
the introdudillll, Dr, l'llpl' had s,lid th,lt Tirui"lillli"lr must haH' bl'l'n "'Ubjl·dl'd
to some Christidn intlul'IKL' llr pl'rh,lps Ill' \\"l)uld 11l)t h,IH' m,ldl' thi ... unin·r"',ll
appt'al. I do nllt know about that, but thl' "lIrill is ,I gl·m. I kn', \\,h sPIlll'thing
which carne trom thl' Slluth, but it is Pl'rtlll',ltl'd thrpugh ,md thrpugh with
what can be call1'd the Indian ... pirit. TI1l'rl' is Ill! gdting ,l\\".l~' irom it.
I read alsl) in the Parliament Libr.uy till' lltl1l'r ti,IY Shri ({,lj,lgllP.lI,ldl,IIl''''
translation into English of thL' K,llll/>./ll l~lllll'ly<lll'l. I h,l\l' ...ll m,my diiit·!"l·nll· ...
with Rajaji clnd lln some llCc,lsions, I try to h,IH' .1 dig ,It my hon. {rit'nd,
Professor Ranga who is nllt hl'rl', bl'c.llhl· of his kader ({.lj,lji. I hllpl' ({,lj,lji
de\'otes his attention more to that kind of cultural \Hlrk th,lt hI.' h,IS done Sll
wonderfully. But, in any caSl', I rt'.ld the KlllI/blll/ 1~'/ll/ll.I/'lIljl, r,ltlll'r portions llf
it, and I could find how the southern spirit finds dfulgl·nt t·'prl· ... sipn thn1ugh
that kind of thing.
Then, of course, as Indians, surely our philosophy of whilh \n' tHl' ... 0
proud, has been so largely contributed to by the grl'dt southern lll"lltlrY,I';.
Then, again, in regard to our arts and architecturl', if we go to 'J~lI1jorl' ,1I1d
Gangaikonda Cholauram, or Kanchi or Chidambar.lm or \ladur.li or
liruchirapalli, what do we feel? We fed proud of our Indi.lIHw..,s, ,111 Indi.lIHll''''s
which transcends mere Indianness and l'ncompasst?s till' world.
That is why I have a feeling that if only the southl'rn pellple would bl'
content with the idea that in the North there is not a S(lrt of supl'riority
complex about them, if only the southern p('opll' knew th'lt thl' l'arlil'r negit.·ct
of the South regions by the British imperialist Govl'rnml'nt in this country is
going to be rectified and proper amends made by the free COVl'rnml'nt of
new India, if only the southern people realised that in the new Indicl, thl'
Tamils as well as the Punjabis would have the same kind of rights in mdl'r
to go forward, if only today in the South and the North and the East clnd the
West, there is a feeling that we are joined in a common endl'avour to build
a new India of our dreams, then all this talk of secession and that sort of
thing would melt into nothingness. When the sun rist,s, all the mist vanishes,
and when the sun of real patriotism rise in our country, all this mist and
miasma would be completely a thing of the past.
But, how clfl' we going to fight it? Are we going to fight it by legislation?
An~ we going to fight it by ~howing the bludgeon? Are we going to tell our
~1l'opll' that they have to do certain things, take certain oaths or make some
affirmations, or be punished? Are we going to kill people? If we have to Ih'e
togl'llwr, \\'l' are nlL'mbers of one another; we hang together; if we do not live
,1Ild fight and work togl,tlll'r, Wl' shall have to die together,
This country is ours, this country which stretches from the Himalayas to
the Sl'a is a c()untry to which we h,we promisl'd all our dl'\'otion, n\at promise
c,mnllt bl' m.ldl' strongl'r by il few more oaths and affirmations made
oblig.llory by till' Constitution, Thilt promise is something which emanates
from till' Iwart. Th,\t is why I tell tlw COH'rnnwnt of thl' day,-and also
.lppl',\1 til tlk' pl'ople Ilf tl'll' south-to touch tht'ir hearts and mo\'e them in
such .1 W,\y that tl'll' south will dmp the ideil of sl'cession altogether, and I am
surl' they would do it, if approached pmpl'rly. There is no reason on earth,
nil re,b(ln which C.ln possibly appl'al to the human mind which can justify
till' idl',\ (If the sl'cession of any part llf our country. All this talk about the
possibility (If soutlwrn secessilln Sl'l'mS to me like so much moonshine and
IH1lbl'nSl', but sO much is madl' of it because of the political ineptitude of
CO\'l'rnnll'nt. becausl' (If the failure of l'conomic planning to do away with
regional disparitil's al!ogl,tl1l'r. That is why Cll\'l'rnn1l'nt has to address itself
to thl'sl' t,bks,
Perhaps, I m,\y h,\\"l' digrl'ssl'd a grl'<lt deal, but I do wish to make an

,1 PPl',l I to CO\'l'rnnll'nt. En'n though the Law ]\1inistl'r may nllt be interested
in thl'sl' ,lSPl'cis (If tIll' administration, yd, I do wclnt to make a \'l'ry serious
appl'.ll 10 Con'rnnwnt that it is nl'(l'Ss,uy to han' first things first. to do first
things first, ,1Ild not to han' legislati(l11 in this manner, legislation which
might Ilnly .lCCl'ntU.ltl' .l probk'm which can be soh-ed only with the touch of
human sympathy. That touch of human sympathy alone can gin' the right to
stall'sm,lI1ship, and I do hl1pl' the Cm'l'rnmt'nt of the day justifies itself in
that matter,
THE CONSTITUTION (EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT) BIll, 1964*
It is UnLblhll to ~)rpllSl' ,It this tilllt', but this is, l'\l'n tllr thi" Cll\t'rnnll'nt,
whil:h has shown ml)[lUIlwnt.lI illl'ptitudl' in rl'g,lrt! til Il·gi"l.ltilln ,lbllUt 1.1\\'
and tht' C~)[1stitutil)[l, ,I nll)st unu ... lI,11 Bill.
I n~)tict' prt'\',nic,ltion, "h"l'r prl·\·.lri~·,lti,'n, in till' St,lh'n1l'nt IIi ()bj",h

and Rt'aSllllS, whl'r,' till' \lini ... tl·r SUggl.... ts th,lt dllllbh ,Iri"ing trllm diHl'!'l'lll'"
in langu,lgl' bdwl'l'n .lrticit-s y~S ,lnd .Vil) ,11\' \t'r~' illllll,"'nth b"ing . . (lught tll
be n.'s~)ln'd, but tlk' r",11 intl'ntilln, ,IS \\'l' "h,11I h,1\l' ll(,',I"illn tll ....1\ 1,lkr, ,md
as Shri Chatll'rj,"· h,b suggl· ... lL'd, is tll ,·,tingui ... h till' IlInd,IIll,·nt.11 right ....
GOH'rnn1l'nt has \'l'r~' thlllightiull~' ... uppli,·d 1I ... \\ ith (llpi,· ... III till'
judgmt'nt ,)f thl' Suprellw C(lur!, ,1I1d I hllpt' ( ;0\ "rnllll'nt h,ld ,II ..., 1 thpughtiull~'
assu med tha t 1l1l'mbt.·rs Ilf i'.ul i,lIl1t.'n t \\'\luld IlIlt t,1 J....t· tilt' t 1'(111 bl,· (If glli ng
through it. But if 1111l' dOl'S go thrllugh it, (lnl' di ...,·t!\ l'rS th,lt tl", 1"',11 g,lIlll' i...
somdhing \'l'ry difft.'rt.·nt frnm wh.!t the \lini ... tt·r h,IS ... t,ltt·d in tilt' St,lt"llll'nt
of Objects and Rt.w'" In ....
\1r. Justice Cajl'ndr,lg.ldk,n, ,IPMt fwm ....l~·ing ... ll 1ll,1Ily ptllt'r thing ... , hI
which I need not makt.· a rl'fl'rt.·IKl·, h.l ...... t.llt'd \l'ry ,ll·.lrl~· th.lt if l',uli,lIllt'nt
legislates in mdl'r to afford indl'mnit~· hI till' I':'l'cuti\l' in rl· ... pl·~t lli illl'g,11
.leis of ddentilln, thl'n, I ,1m lJullting hi" wllrd ... , "tilt' \,llidit\' ,lIld tilt' l'ift'd
of .,uch legislati\'e action may h.l\'l· to ht' (.udully "'LTutini ..."d." Thi ... i... , in till'
characteristically guardl'd languagl' tlf our judi~·i.u~·, ,I w.!rning ,ldmini"'ll'rl'd
by the Supreme Court rl'garding thl' li'lbility IIi the FwclItin' fllr wrllngful
detention aftt'r the eml'rgl'ncy is going to be lifh·d.
I remember th,1t the Law \1ini.,ter in thl' other I IIll""!' pll ...... ibly, trit·d to
pooh-pooh members of thl' Oppo.,ition who h,ld poinll'd thi ... llUt ,1I1d ",lid
that Go\'ernml'nt could ,1fford to pay compl·n"',ltillll, (;ml'rnnwnt did nllt
bother about indemnification of actions donI' in \'iol,ltion llf till' CPlbtituti(ln.
He is now trying to circum\'l'nt the position, ,md till' only \\'l',lpon Ill' kno\\,,,
is the bludgeon of a Constitutional amt·ndml'nt.
And in n.'gard to this, I wish to submit to you for your n'ry "l'ri(llls
considt:'ration the fact that h(' is proposing rf..'trospt.'ctin· opl'r,lti(lI1 of till'
amendment, he is trying to ind('mnify thl' ('xl'clitin' in n'g,mi to .lctiol1s,
"1..5. [)en .. 2~ f\pril 14M [The Bill lilp<;('d on tht· di<;<;ollltilln of th,· Third 1.llk ....It-h.,l.
72
ille~,ll actions, of detention, But article 34 of the Con~titution lays down \"t'ry
cll"lrly th,lt such indl'mnific.ltion would be pw\'ided only in relation to acts
dOI1l' durin~ ,1 Martial I.aw period, An t.'mt'r~t.'ncy, ho\\"e\'er, is by no means
t,mt.lIlHlllllt to \'1artial Ln\', Yl'l that sort of an attempt at indemnification is
~oin~ to ttlkl' pl'Kl" Instl'tld of foll(}\\"in~ the ad\icl' ~i\'l'n to Gon'rnment by
\1r, JUStill' (;,ljl'ndr,l~'ldk.lr tlnd his brotlll.'r jud~l's, in~tead of coming before
P.HIi,lml'nt to redit\" the ddl'cls in tht., IJl'fenn' l)f India Act and the rules so
th,lt it did not milit,ltl' against tl1l' Constitutipn, CO\'l'rnmt.'nt has cho~('n this
l.'llur..,t' which is the mo..,t dangl'rous proCl'dUrl', ,\ftt.'r all we ha\'e a written
Ctln..,titutilln whil.'h puts.m tlbligation tlll (lur judges to intl'rprl't and after all
it i.., Ilnl~' in pur judil.'i'lI'~' thtlt \\'l' em l'\.peel that indl'pl'ndenCl', real and true,
III bl' in Ilpl'r,ltitln, Thi.., right (If till.' judiciary is sought to be taken awa~', not
l'\t'n on ,1 pll"l th.1t tl1l' ltHlI1tr~' is "'l)Cill-I'Cl)J10mically to ad\'ance the
fund,lIlh'nt,11 inh'n'..,ts Ili Ilur clluntr~"s (h·\l.'lllpnwnt; this might be some
\\'.lrr,lI1t itlr dl'\ i,ltitll) inlm a rigid interprl'l,!ti,m llf the law, i\:()thing of that
"'Ilrt III tllrmul,ltilln is l~l'ing put Illr\\',ud b~' thl' C;OH'rnn1l'nt, but C;o\'l'rnnwnt
tril'''' lin 1\' til t'\.p.lI1d the ptl\H'r t)f till' l'\.l'cutin', ,m l,\.t.'cutiH' which is pill()ried
l'\'t'n d,l\' III it-. l'\.i ... h'lll.l', in this House and (lutsidl', h)r its acts of omission
,1Ild lllnllni.., ... illn r,lI1ging Irllm lllrruptilln and indficil'nc~' to Cod-krw\\'s-
"h,lt I )tlll'r dd,wlt. Thi.., is till.' FWI:uti\ l' \\ hid) is tr~'ing to arwgate to itself
pll\\l'r.., in \ illl.ltillll (II till' rights tlf tl1l'ludili.H~', in \'il)lation l)f the
fund,lIl1l'nt,ll h'IWt.., Ilt till' Clll1"titutit In ,md it is tl1l'rl'fl)re that \\'l' wish to
tlpPtl"'I' with ,111 Ilur ..,trl'ngth till' intrl)dllltillJ) (If the Bill which the La\\'
\tini..,ll'r \\'i..,Ill'''' to bring up l~l't(lrl' thl' lI(1usl',
••• ••• ....

I rl'lvrn'd III .ntit'll' 14 ",Iwrl' it is laid d(\\\'n that indl'mnificatil)n l)t acts
dlllW in \'itll.ltilll) Ilt ..,1l111l' pnl\isillllllt till' Cl\l1stitutitln (tluld 1)J)1~' bl' l)fiered
by I1W.lI)-' Ilt kgi..,l.ltitlll if thllSl' ,1(ts rl.'fl'rrl,d ll) .1 \tartial L1W pl'ril,d, in .l
regioll \\11l'rl' \t.uti,ll I.l\\, \\'.lS in ,lpplic.ltil)n, Dl'cI.u.1til)J) l)f Enll'rgl'IKy is
\'l'I'\' difil'n'nt \...l'Itk lli ii ... h, \l'l'\' ditil'n'llt tWill till' IIp"'r,ltil)n l,f \tartial La\\',
Thl:rl'fllrt', illtil'I1Hlitic,ltilln "'itl~ rdnl~pt.'di\l.' l.'ffl'd is sl)J11l'thin~ which gl)t.'S
,1gain~t till' spirit .lI1d till' Idter (It .utilll' :l-l .1I1d it is fWIll that p")int l)f \'il'\\,
th.lt V,lll .lI1d thi" 11I1I1"l' Shl)ltld l.'llnsidl'r this matter.
CONSTITUTION (TWENTY-FOURTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 1971*£
Mr. Speaker, when the proceedings .lre coming to a clOSl' it is customary

to make a few obst'rvations during the third rl'ading. Our ml'mory gOl'S b,1(k
to the days of the last Parliament whl'n Shri Nath P.li had brought in .t dill
to enable Parliament to amend the Constitution, to re-assert the right of
Parliament which has bet'n countl'red by a judicial dl'dsion. I am glad tIll'
Prime Minister has taken her cue from what Shri Manohar,lI1 has n1l'ntillIled
about Shri Nath P,li's Bill. But I would ha\·e been happil'r if the Gowrnment
had, in the very first session of the new Parliamt'nt, brought forward this Bill.
I wish they had referred to some of tIll' matt'rial v... hich had bl'l'n placl'd
before the Joint Committee \vhich was formt'd by this Parliaml'nt and in that
case we could have got a measure which was more in conformity with thl'
needs of the day. But anyhow we are passing a ll11'aSllre which was Vl'ry
important but I wish to tell Government that Cm·ernnwnt is on its trial.
When the Law Minister yesterday moved his Motion, I went up to him to tl'll
him that before the House passes this measure it would be ne(t'ssary for
Government to take the House into confidence and to givl' us some idetl
about the programme of implementation of ml'asures which the Con'rnnll'nt
has in view. But I feel, Sir, that GO\·ernment pl'rhaps is not as sl'rious about
it as some of the speeches on that side tended to SUggl'St. Covernnll'nt has
told us over and over again that they have massive m,lI1date from the ~1l'ople
and they were doing it because people have sent thl'm to this House with
that mandate. I wish Government to remember what Abraham Lincoln on
the occasion of his inaugural address said in March 1861:
'This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.
Whenever they shall grow wt'ary of the existing government, they can
exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary
right to dismember or overthrow it."
If the Government does not take note of the impatil'nce in the country to
which reference has been made by somE' of thl' speakers on the othl'r side,
then Government is going in for a bad time. I found Gov('rnment talking in
legali~tic manner when Shri Siddhartha Shankar Ray was spl'aking. I know
him for such a long time that our relations are such that I nl'ed not speak
• L.S. Deb., 4 August 1971.
LiThe Bill which was aimed at ammding articles 13 and JoB of the Constitution (If India,
became 'The Constitution (Twenty-Fourth Amendment) Act, 1971'1.
74
about them but I was recalling a limerick which used to be very well circulated
in the precincts of the Calcutta High Court a little before Shrt Ray joined our
library which stressed how our people-this was round about 1946-47--50
legal mindl'd thought by some sort of legal manoeuver we could get things
done. The limerick ran somewhat like this:
"Hl' thought, he saw a Congressman

A-spinning with a whecl.
Hl' lookl'd again ,md saw it was
A practising mkccl.
"If \\'l' should lose Swaraj", he said,
"Wl"11 win it on appeal"."
That was till' kind of fccling wc had. By legal strategy you are not going
to get .1 kind of socil'ty which the people want to achie"e in this country. At
lInl' tinw \\l' uSl'd to Iwar thc expression 'di,'ine discontent'. Now, all over-
particularly among the youth of our country-there is 'di"ine impatience'.
There is Lil'sire to do away with thc rotten and corrupt structure of society
,mLi l'conom~' which subsists today with the patronage of so many in power
in till' COH'rnml'nt of this country. This 'di\"ine impatience' has to be taken
into Cl)J1sidl'ration and .lction has to folio\\'. The country is prepared to give
,111 powl'rs to the GOH'rnnwnt pnwidcd action follows. Only yesterday
Shri I ianum.lnthaiya spoke ddl'nding the idea of saloons for few people
",htl are l'ntitll'd to thl'm because it is .1 prescripti\"e right which he did not
\\',mt to disturb. They do not want to disturb the prescripti\"e rights.
Tod,,)', the Prime Ministt'r has told us so many good things; Shri Mohan
Kumar,lmangal.1m has said so many good things, Shri Siddhartha Shankar
Ray Yl'stl'rLiay told us so many good things. The Law Minister spoke in his
own W.1y. But he is a complete lawyer, with an "eat". He spoke in his own
way. But I want to find out what t:'xactly they are going to do what assurance
they ,Hl' going to giH' us.
Are thl'y going to tell us that price-page schedule, which was
rl'commendcd by the majority of the Small Newspapers' Inquiry Committee,
of which I happl'ned to ha\"t~ N>t'n a member, which has not been implemented,
which has not bel'n il'galised because of some difficulties in regard to the
Fundanll'ntal Rights Chapter, are they going to gi\'t:' an undertaking to this
House that the priCl'-page schedule is going to be adopted? Are they going
to give an undertaking to this House that in regard to bank nationalisation
for which we have had to pay such a stupendous amount of money which
this country neithcr in law nor in reason nor in justice could ever afford, they
are going to reopen the matter? Are they going to give an undertaking to the
country that in regard to general insurance they are going to take such steps
as are in conformity with the rights of the people? Are they going to give an
assurance to the people that in regard to the oil barons from abroad, who are
now exploiting Ollr country in the most shameless manner, we shall take
steps in regard to expropriating their ill-gotten gains on the soil of India?
But that sort of thing is not forthcoming. That is why we fl'l'l th.1t it is
necessary for Government to wake up to the fact that time is running fast
and that, therefore, something has got to be done. E\"t'n Jawaharlal Nehru
had woken up to the fact that ewrything had to hurry in this country. But
things ha\'e not hurried in this country. The kind of change l'xPl'ctl'd of the
Government has not been done. That is why we ha\"t.~ our reservations; we
have our misgi\'ings; we have all sorts of suspicions in regard to how the
Government is going to operate this pO\\"l'r which has bel'n placl'd in the
hands of Parliament since G(wernment has got a massiH' majority in
Parliament.
I know, I will not get anything \"t'ry worth while, but at Il'.1st at the third
reading stage some pious resolution, a little more concretely expressed, in
regard to their projected implementation programme should be given to us.
Without that announcement of a project implementation programme of socio-
economic reform, this sort of things does not appear to be worth \"l'ry much
more than a legal exercise, an exercise in ingenuity and eloquence of sort to
which we have been treated here.
Anyhow, we have had an interesting and sometimes an imprl'ssive debate

and I am glad that we are putting on the statute book somt.'thing which
enables Parliament to the last word in regard to the Constitution of our
country,
THE CONSTITUTION (FORTY-FOURTH AMENDMENT) BILL, 1976*£
Mr. Deputy-Spl>aker, I have listened with much interest and some

admiration to the ardent speech just concluded by my friend, Shri Sathe. I am
happy he has helped me to some extent because a little while ago, when I
happt'ned to be listt'ning to a part of the eloquence of my friend, Mr. Stephen,
I was rather befogged and I was not quite sure if there weren't influences at
work inside the Congrt'ss Party which wanted to do some damage to the
intention of Con-rnment as promulgated by the Law Minister yesterday when
he put forward this proposition of the Constitution Amendment. I do not
wish to dilate on it at any length, but I am sure this House would not even
touch with a pair of tongs the idea of having a Constituent Assembly, convoked
howsoe\·er, you can try to comprise it, by perhaps including all of ourselves
and a lot of other pl'opll' from ewrywhere and then to leave to the Kalends
the dl'stiny of the Constitutional Amendments which this country's
Gon'rnment had promised to the people quite some years ago and which
they arl' now seeking to perform. Mr. Stephen was apprehensive that the
judiciary would take a \ ery stern stand and since according to the majority
Vl'rsion of thl' judiciary's opinion there is a basic structure of the Constitution
which my friend, Shri Gokhale yesterday very rightly dismissed as a figment
of the imagination hlw,soewr sophisticated, Mr. Stephen was afraid that the
judges might turn round and confront Parliament any say, "Constitutional
Amendm('nts? Our foot! we do not accept this because you have touched
again the basic structure of the Constitution. You go back.!", just as they did
at the point of time when bank nationalisation and abolition of prh·y purses
was stalled by our wry learned judiciary. I do not wish to reflect on them.
I have no intentions of doing so, but the result has been dismal. I am glad
that almost in the manner that we speak in this House. Shri Gokhale even
said that the country had to pay through its nose on account of the judicial
wisdom then displayed. It seems Mr. Stephen was afraid that judges would
again have a revolt and we would have something unprecedented in the
history of the world that judges, learned in the law and interpreting whatever
there is of legislation and other things would challenge the country's
Parliament. I do not envisage such a possibility. I do not attribute such folly
to our judiciary. I have great respect for their intellectual acumen and for
• L.S. l)COb., 26 Octobl'r 1~76.

(The Bill was aimed at amending various provisions of the Constitution, including tht'
Fundamt'ntal Rights, DiTl'Ctive Principles of State Polity and the Preamble. It also proposed to
include a nt'w Part IVA on "Fundamental Duties" 'The Bill became 'The Constitution (Forty
Second Amendment) Act, 1976'.
77
their understanding of social processes which if some of them do not like,

they have to lump and, therefore, I do not have any apprehensions in that
regard. I do not think the House need to have any apprehension. But I was
disturbed to learn that here was a tendency to denigrate the whole of
Parliament vvhich, as the spokesman of the Government, the Law Minister
put forward yesterday, and it is rather unnerving that inside the, Congress
Party there is such an ardent fear in rt'gard to Parliament not having the
right, which the Law Minister has said it has clnd the Law Minister was
entirely correct. Therefore, this bogey and this ghost of a ConstitUl'nt Assembly
of whatever sort and this effort to delay the legislation which has bet.-'n dt.'layt'd
long enough already, must go and this ghost must be exorcized and there
must not be the remotest idea of giving any credence to the notion which is
being tom-tom-ed all over by certain people that this Parliament has lost its
sanction and therefore, this Parliament has not got thl' authority to amend
the Constitution. They are good enough to conn'de that Parlian1l'nt has the
power to amend the Constitution enO'n, perhaps, in regard to basic matters
but that this Parliament has lost its sanction. I do not think we (,In agn.'l' to
that proposition at all. Parliament functions and we are functioning at a
critical point of time and if we mean business. If the En1l'rgmcy is really and
truly to produce result that the country's people expect of us, if the 20-Point
Programme is really and truly going to give a better deal than they used to
get for generations, this Parliament here and now has an immediatl' duty
and responsibility of proceeding as expeditiously and as efficiently as it e\"t~r
is possible with those programmes of socio-cconomic re-construction to which
we are all committed. Therefore, under the cover of some footling little quasi-
legal excuse, they cannot tell us that this Parliament has lost its sanction. The
Law Minister has told them that this Parliament has not lost its sanction. On
a purely literal interpretation of the law, the life of Lok Sabh,l has bl,t:'n
extended fairly and squarely-all the world knows about it-aftt:'r full
discussion with many people dissenting. We have this sanction according to
the law in letter and in spirit and above everything :;alus populi suprelll/l lex,
the welfare of the people is the supreme law and it is to that alone that this
Parliament can yield and from that angle, we say that this is the proposition
put forward by Mr. Stephen with such gusto. Sometimes, the e\oqUl'nce
becomes a little too jarring but I was astonished that so much of ardour was
behind this feeling which runs counter to what the Law Ministl'r was telling
us yesterday in regard to this somewhat voluminous Constitution
(Amendment) Bill.
Our position has been stated clearly and I hope, cogently to most of you
yesterday. And after yesterday'S session, when I went back I discovered in
my mail, by a very significant accident two documents, one with a Washington
post-mark, sent to me by an organisation calling itself 'Indians for Democracy'
and a person calling himself J. Kumar writes and signs on behalf of this
organisation 'Indians for Democracy'! These chaps who run away from the
country, who cause brain-drain, these mercenaries of whatever type, have the
gumption to write to us calling us 'Dear members of Parliament, you represent
a million of voters and so on and so forth and you should beware of, what
they call, extra constitutional destruction of our Constitution and it adds:
'The Prime Minister would ha\'e the power to change the Constitution at her
own \"ill-which means that she has decided to institutionalize her
dictatorship. In la\\', this is an act which amounts to a coup.' do not have the
timl's gap is it useful to read this miserable document iTI this House. It is a
sort of accusation not only against the Go\'ernment of India particularly
against the Prime Minister ewn personally, but against the honour and self-
respl'ct of till' entire Indian nation. I don't think it is a representative body,
but wlwren'r they are-perhaps backed by certain interests-they even take
the initiatiH' in criticizing from a juristic point of \'iew provisions in our
Constitution Amendment Bill. Americans have written articles suggesting
that such-,md-such things should be done, and such-and such other should
not be dl)lll' b~- the Parliament of India. They ha\'e the gumption to do that
sort of thing. May be they are all behind this sort of effort, but I got this in
my dak only last night. I think most of you might have got it.
I also got another fairly long document, one and half pages of typescript,
signl'd by a large number of people, not only the \-\'fong sort of people,
wrongheaded sort llf people according to me; but also signed by a large
numlwr of people-Slime \"t'ry good journalist friends of ours, intellectuals,
rllllq~l' lecturl'rs, professors, readers etc. in JNU including e\'en Jawaharlal
Nehru's Jatl'st and almost officially sponsored biographer \\'ho has now gone
to Paris rl'presl'nting our country in the UNESCO or somewhere. They ha\'e
all signl'd a statl'ment which again refers not only to considerations of
procedure which should make, according to them, Parliament halt, but also
to "thl' enormity llf the substantive changes" contemplated by Shri Gokhale.
This I consider a little more dangerous than the thing \vhich comes from
Anwrica which I put in the waste-paper basket. But there are many people
in our country, many of them \"t~ry well-intentioned, and I dont't think
congenitally opposed to what the country wants to do. They are supporting
it. That is why thl're is some misunderstanding in the country, for some good
reasons, abo~t what the Government truly intends through this particular
constitutional amendment. And this is why, as far as I understand, it was
pointed out clearly from our party, that this bill is rather too loose and large
a package. It is not quite like a curate's egg which is good in parts and
therefore unl'atable. We are not throwing it away. We have, on the contrary,
accorded it our welcome, but there are superfluities which han' to be
discarded; there are things which have to be purged; there are inadequacies
which have to be corrected and there are positive mischief-making provisions
which, Parliament should say, should not pass muster. And, therefore, as we
accord our support to the Bill we wish to point out to government that there
are features in it which should be discarded; there are many provisions which
should be amended and then we can go ahead the way in which my friend
Shri Sathe suggested a little while ago.
It is a good thing that at long last the principle of Parliament's control

over the constitutional process is being asserted with real strength and
assurance and confidence by the Government of this country. Gon'rnment
hesitated earlier; even in the third Parliament when the late Shri Nath Pai's
Bill was in the picture, there were many hesitant voices, and that is on account
of the fact which Shri Gokhale also referred to, that usually people with a
purely professional legal background discuss these matters. They always think
in terms of what happens in the court. It so happens that in the case of many
of our political sufferers particularly after independence, beG1USe of our ha\'ing
a Constitution. Fundamental Rights and all that, there are friends of ours,
who can be named, there are umpteen names, people \-\tho ha\'e gone to court
and got relief against the Government. There are many such cases. Most of
us have been in detention or something like that even after independence.
We tried to approach the courts and get some relief. There is, therefore, a
residue of a certain respect for the judiciary as an upholder of individual
freedom, which could perhaps conceivably be trusted a great deal more than
the politicians in power, whoever they may be. On account of the juxtaposition
of these two factors, the legal people discussing these matters in their own
professional technical way and everybody getting more and more befogged.
and some political sufferers also coming forward and giving certificates of
excellence to the judiciary as the safeguarding process in our civil rights,
these two things combined to produce in the public mind an idea that the
judiciary could be trusted a great deal more than the Parliament could be for
the sake of some liberty or the other.
It is strange how Shri Frank Anthony for example, a long-standing member

of the House, a very eloquent person, a highly intelligent one also-he has
got a bee in his bonnet, the minority rights-fears that whichever Government
comes into power, the minorities would be at their mercy and that the judges
can save them. Where did he get this idea? What kind of paradise does he
exist in? How did he imagine that life is ordered that way? Does he not know
that the world is a tempestuous place, disturbed by hundreds of phenomena,
and out of this life is emerging into higher levels, and the judges sitting in
their ivory towers can never be expected to be the protectors of the liberties
of the minorities, including particularly his own little Anglo-Indian community,
a community which in the days before independence, for various reasons
which were justifiable, found themselves usually on the side of the foreign
ruler? But in spite of it, after independence the democratic sentiment of India
gave them a status, and Shri Anthony and his friends, they are still in
Parliament and they have got representation far beyond the numerical
proportion of their people, because this country, after all, in spite of whatever
might be said against our inadequacies has a basic decency and that is why
our country's leadership was a free country's leadership and protection was
given. Ooes he expect that protection to be kept up by the judiciary? If the
country's climate goes against X Community or Y community how can they
be protected, except by the wider public opinion of the country which the
CO\'ernment represents? And there is no better way of getting to know \\'hat
the public opinion is except by going to the hustings and having the elections
and finding it out. Therefore, the reliance must be on the people themselves
,md whoe\"Cf they happen to choose. They might make errors, they might
choose the wrong people; some of us might be there, managing things badly.
But, that apart, you must rely on the people whoever they are, when they are
the reprl'sl'ntati\'l's of the people. Judges can neyer, saye them. The judges,
by the ddinition, arc people who are to interpret the status quo: they cannot
go beyond that. But the law has to be expanded. Life is an ever-changing
process. You ne\'er bathe in the same ri\'er twice. Things are altering e\'ery
moment of our existence. We have to organise that life in a political texture.
That is the job of Co\'ernmt:'nt, because it is the GO\'ernment which is
answerable to the people through the mandate, renewable by timely elections.
We ha\'e to depend, therefore, on the political aspect of the State rather than
on the judicial aspect for the safeguard of any of the rights and liberties
which we cherish.
The power in the state therefore, always resides in the people. Abraham
Lincoln, who had giyen the definition of democracy as government of the
people, by the people, for the people, possibly the best and the most significant
definition of democracy had also said in another context that the people,
when they are not satisfied with their Constitution, have the constitutional
right of amending the Constitution, and also the revolutionary right of
overthrowing the Constitution. The people haye that right. If the combination
of forces leads to a revolution where change happens in yery different fashion
then you have to yield to it because these are impersonal forces, much larger
and more powerful than what any individual can muster and, therefore,
Abraham Lincoln, of all people, spoke of the right of the people even to
overthrow the Constitution.
This reminds me of something which was written in the Seventeenth
Century by Sir John Harrington, which many of you might know: "Treason
doth never prosper, what is the reasons? For, if it prospers none dare call it
treason". You do not call it treason then, if it prospers. It is the law and your
Judges with their wigs and everything will have to interpret that law. It is,
therefore, the people's own safeguard, the rokslza kamch, which they might
wear. They are interested in their own struggle for a better life, and it is the
people who can help, no other and Mr. Anthony's or any other persons'
dependence on the judiciary is absolutely misplaced. Life is not a matter of
Judges quibbling owr the citation of precedents culled from Black stone,
Middleton and Fortescue and hea\'en knows what other jurists. Life is very
much more. America has a written Constitution which the Judges of the
Supreme Court of the United States have so often to interpret. Arm'rica has
produced Judges like Oliwr Wendell Holmes who said that the life of the
law is not in logic, but in experience, and experience can be interpreted not
by the secluded cloistered virtues of the judiciary, experience can be interprL'tl'd
creatively and constructin:'ly by the people who are in public lift'.
I am also glad that my friend, Shri Gokhale had reft'rred in passing to tlw
long United States history of judicial stolidity in their resistance to genuinl'
reforms, and he had also referred to the fact of the Judgl's' majority in some
cases being so peculiar a phenomenon. I remember that in tlw great Moghul
case which put the seal, so to speak, on the right of the \...·orking class to form
trade unions and that sort of things, ultimately the decision was by four to
three. The Appeal Court of the United Kingdom made a four to three decision.
And we cannot lea\'e to the mercies of that kind of decisil)11 the dl'stinies of
the entire people.
This is why we find among our Judgs also an idea that thl're should bl'
and there could be what one of them called "plastic surgery of the Indian
Constitution", and I think Shri Gokhale has attempted some sort of plastic
surgery of the Indian Constitution. They also concei\"(~ of "jural <1rchitecture",
which is another expression which I culled down from the speech of one of
our peripatetic Supreme Court Judges. How the jural architecture of
Shri Gokhale ultimately turns out is, of course, for the future to see. But, in
any case, constitutional change is a job for the people and Pariiaml'nt, as
their organ voice, is the seat, the repository of power in this regard, and there
should not be any further deviation from this stand. And this is why I have
been driven to this long diversion, so to speak, by Mr. Stephen's idl'a that
Parliament pOSSibly should hold its hand in fear of what the judiciary might
do. I just cannot conceive of that sort of judicial revolt taking place in this
country.
It might perhaps be said that the debate that has taken place over this
Constitution Amendment legislation has not been adequate. Perhaps it has
not been adequate, but delay would be disastrous.
Let us not delay it any longer. Besides, Mr. Swaran Singh and his
Committee have done a fairly good job of it. They have wandered all over
the country and asked for memoranda. If they did not come from certain
people, it is not their fault, and to the extent that was possible they have
done it. There might have been some mistakes on their part, some failures to
meet some representatives, but that apart, on the whole, they have done a
good job and we should not attach any importance to those who say that
there has not been adequate debate in the country; this kind of thing is often
said. More often than not, it is said by people who are mischievously
m~)tivated. I do not want to expand on them. Yesterday, my friend,
Shri Indrajit Gupta had referred to this because we find some strange
companions huddled together and poised in a manner which seems to be
utterly senseless, because it is utterly perspectiveless, utterly obvious of what
is possible in this country to achieve in the near future; and it is in the near
future that we are interested, in the long run, we shall all be dead. We want
some impnwement, some tangible improvement in the living conditions of
our country. The sooner the better. As it was said yesterday and today also,
that has been the running note of all our speeches. Since 1969, we ha\"e been
entrusted by our people to take up this responsibility of giving a new
qualitati\'e slant to our Constitution.
I now come down to some specific matters. In the preamble we find

inclusion of the words 'socialist' and 'secular'. We ha\"e welcomed it. As
everybody would expect, we would welcome it, but let us make sure that we
pcrpctratc not a pious fraud on the people. Socialism is still an aspiration,
not an ilchie\·ement. Socialism is definable in a variety of ways, but to us it
seems, for the time being, anyway, not an affluent society, but a nonexplotati\"e
society. That is the society we want to ha\'e as quickly as we can and we go
ahead towards it. If that is remembered, it will be a \"ery good thing, because
we havc put this matter in our Constitution. I do not know however why
Government ha\'e fought shy of tackling the idea of taking out the
fundaml:'ntal right to property as it is nm.... formulated in our Constitution.
Now, let nobody get an impression that Marxists are a lot of terrible people
who have declared war on property. Actually, it was Proudhon, a French
Socialist of the 19th Century who coined the phrase "Property Is Theft"; and
against Proudhon, Marx had to conduct polemics of the bitterest sort. In
Marx's "Das Kapital" in the historical chapter on capital which is readable-
anybody can read them with great profit to himself-he refers to the
expropriation of capital and uses deliberately the words "capitalist private
property". He says that the capitalist integument bursts as under and the
expropriators are to be expropriated. When he uses the words "capitalist
private property", this distinction has to be kept in mind. I am sorry, if I
sound slightly professorial, but this distinction is important. If you go to the
Soviet Union or other socialist countries, for that matter, including China,
you will find that individual property has always been respected. I am
referring also to what was said in the Constituent Assembly days by such
people as Professor K.T. Shah and even by Dr. Ambedkar in regard to this
matter.
Prof. K.T. Shah had proposed that in place of the present Article 39 (b),
namely, that "the ownership and control of the material resources of the
community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good", the
following should be substituted:
"that the ownership, control and management of the natural resources of

the country in the shape of mines and mineral wealth, forests, rivers and
flowing waters ... shall be vested in and belong to the country collectively
and shall be exploited and developed on behalf of the community l:-y the
State."
This he had said on 22 November 1948.
He had also proposed that article 39(c) should read like this:
"that there shall be no private monopolies in any form of production of

material wealth, social service, or public utilities."
He had put in these proposals.
Then, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's draft of the Constitution (24 March, 1947),
included provisions such as the following:
"That key industries shall be owned and run by the State;
That agriculture shall be a State industry;
The farm shall be cultivated as a collective farm.
It shall be the obligation of the State to finance the cultivation of the

collective farms by the supply of water, draught animals, implements, manure,
seeds etc."
These are the words of Dr. Ambedkar himself. He said, "I want something
like State socialism. Let us not quarrel over words; let us try to understand
the substance." He said:
"Critics of State socialism, even its friends, are bound to ask: why make
it a part of the constitutional law of the land? Why not leave it to the
legislature to bring it into being by the ordinary process of law? The
reason why it cannot be left to the ordinary law is not difficult to
understand. One essential condition for the success of a planned economy
is that it must not be liable to suspension or abandonment. It must be
permanent.. ..Those who want the economic structure of society to be
modelled on State Socialism must realise that they cannot leave the
fulfilment of so fundamental a purpose to the exigencies of ordinary
law... "
Porf. K.T. Shah also made an impassioned speech in the Constituent

Assembly. I am quoting his words. He said:
"The civilised cannibal of our time, the blood sucker, is the exploiter who
is highly honoured, who is often titled, who is very fully represented in
this House also and is, therefore, also to dictate to you and inspire you
in innumerable ways, as to how you shall provide for his safety in the
Constitution itself, so that he could get a new lease of life."
This he said on 22 November, 1948.
Don't blame us when we use such words. "Blood sucker" is the word
that he used. Mahatma Gandhi had said in 1922, how the town dwellers in
India enjoy some comforts, "miserable little comforts"-these are his own
words-which represent "the brokerage that they get for the work they do
for the foreign exploiter; the profits and the brokerage are sucked from the
masses." These are not my words. I have quoted these words before also in
this House. These are the words of Mahatma Gandhi uttered in the court in
Ahmedabad on 18 March 1922 when he was sentenced to six years
imprisonment.
These exploiters are here, there and everywhere. Like the frogs of Egypt,
they dip in our dish, they sup in our cup, they are with us everywhere and
they give us no end of trouble. That is why today this country gives a
whopping bonus for the Tatas and Birlas. You read the profit reports of the
companies, the dividend rates and the way in which, without spending a
single penny, Hindustan Lever and others of their ilk build up enormous
enterprises.
Today, in our country the conditions are so bad that in the name of some
compensation from Pakistan after the 1965 war, the enemy property was
supposed to have been exchanged and compensation money was paid to
landlords from East Bengal. I have a list here. This is a paper which has
reported this whole list and, I think, in the Rajya Sabha, the figures were
produced to show how some miserable Bengal landlords have got money
between Rs. 10 lakhs to Rs. 25 lakhs.
*** *** ***
Only about 89 individuals and Companies like DCM, Mohini Cotton

Mills and so many others I cannot name have got compensation to the extent
of Rs. 9 crores and 38 lakhs and odd while 1284 people have got less than one
lakh. Millions remained un-compensated and the money which came out of
them goes to people who are here, there and everywhere. These are the
people they suck the life-blood of the economy. It is sucked away by these
people whose rights you are now going to safeguard. Why don't you say let
there be individual property up to a certain quantum? You can define it in
your own fashion. There is no quarrel about your putting a curb; let there not
be un-mitigated right to property because, in that cast', tht' course would
naturally interpret it in the way the law is explained to them by the fabulously
paid lawyers. (I am quoting again Shri Gokhale) Perhaps Shri Swaran Singh
used the words 'fabulous fees' paid to the lawyers who argue for the people.
This right to property has got to be there. Otherwise, ho\'v are you going to
satisfy the people? The people would be afraid and naturally so because
everyone has expectations of having some property-'a pie in the sky v",hen
vve die'. We are hoping that everybody will come to haw property some time
or the other. Therefore, let us not take away the right to property. Tell the
people that their right to property is not to be taken away but, on the contrary,
the right to individual property will be safeguarded pl'rhaps in d more
generous way than in the socialist countries. But unmitigated right to property,
absolute right to property must go; it cannot co-exist with our social pattern.
The Prime Minister must apply her mind to the matter because she has to say
the word before the Government can move. Let us consider this aspect of it.
'Caribi Hafav' was a slogan which has remained yet unfulfilled. And when
'Caribi' is 'haloed' what happens? Do the property owners remain where they
are? Are they entitled to behave the way they do? Are the monopoly housl's
and individuals fattening on their resources to continuing this manner? I
don't know how many of these people have got between Rs. 5 lakh and
Rs. 10 lakh. A sum of even Rs. 1 crore 11 lakh was given to the Patrapola Tea
Company Ltd., Calcutta for whatever they left in East Bengal. I don't know
whether monies are being collected from these people through income-tax,
wealth tax, capital gains tax and other revenue which you han:, a right to
impose. These people are having the run of the land; they are today on top
of the world. Some of these miserable smugglers and others are, on the
whole not unhappy; we know that. We see at the same time, the money-bags
generally prospering. 1 know that workers in industries and even cinema
workers were locked out by the owners when they don't get anything like
human pay, let alone bonus and other things, while the unfettered right of
these money-bags goes on. The right to property has got to be controlled. If
you cannot control the right to property and if you cannot regulate this
matter, all this talk about socialism is bunkum. As I said earlier, let us not
perpetrate a pious fraud on the people.
I am not bringing up any allegations against the Government because it

might be that I would have to find some sort of a place outside. I still have
some faith in the bona fides of Government and I do not know that, deep,
down in your hearts most of you want the reconstruction of the country
nearer to the hearts' desire of the common people. Who does not want to
eliminate exploitation?
Jawaharlal Nehru's birthday is coming. He once quoted Tawney and said

that you cannot leap over an abyss in two jumps; you have to make one jump
to cross an abyss. He quoted another man who had said that onions could
be eaten leaf by leaf but you cannot kill a tiger paw by paw because he will
be killing first. You cannot skin a Ih'e tiger paw by paw. As you can eat an
onion by bfl'aking it leaf by leaf, you cannot do it. You have to take some
spt.·cial steps. I do not say: go ahead and cause a lot of damage to the country,
intimidatt.· l'\"t.·rybody and that sort of thing. Bernard Shaw once said: "1 am
imp,ltit,'nt for rl'\'olution; I shall be jolly happy if the revolution happens
tomorrow. But being an a\"l'rage coward, I want you to make the revolution
in as gl'ntlemanly a manner as possible." Go ahead. Make the revolution in
as gentil>manly a manner as possible but make the re\·olution. If you do not
makt.' the re\'olution-it need not be with a big 'R' ---do not shout too loudly
about it. I kno\\' that world history is much too complicated. Many things are
im'oh"l'd in this matter. But do some thing, and if you ha\'e to do that, mo\'e
in this mattl'r in rt.·gard to the right to property; you ha\'e to make a mo\'e
which I am sure I have indicated by a long enough string of words. 1 do hope
that sOIl1l'thing would be done in this regard.
I do not wish to take \'('ry much ml)re time. But I do not like this idea
of ',mti-national acti\'itit,'s' which Gm'ernment ha\'e incorporated in their Bill.
Under anti-natil)J1al .1(ti\'ities, there is no doubt, the sufferers-if our
l'xperil'ncl' is any guide and there is no other guide-would be the poorer
pl·oplt,·, ,\nti-national adivitil's are indulged in, mostly, by moneyed interests.
But they (anm)t be touc\1l'd beyond a certain limit. The poorer people are
touched all the tilllt.'. No\\' if there is a movement of some sort, it becomes
anti-national. How call it become anti-national? You keep curbs.
H,1\'l' not pl'ople responded to the Prime Minister's appeal for discipline?
Or, is it a coerced disciplines? It is a voluntary acceptance by the people after
considl'rable thought. Ewn those of us who got a jolt, who in the beginning
could not accept \vhat the Prime Minister did ",hen she clamped down the
Emergency, accepted it later, I, for one personally, did take some time to
reconcile myself to it. But when we understood the realities of the situation,
did not we voluntarily and entirely accept the idea of national self discipline?
Did not our people fl'spond magnificently when they could have acted, if
they had wanted to, in an irresponsible and mischievous fashion? After all,
they are accustomed to many things which are easy to manipulate-the hope
of those who cUt.' trying to do damage to this country in a basic fashion, We
have the wht.'rewithal for creating trouble. If only we put the match to the
cinder, there would be a flame. But our people responded. What has
Government done in order to reciprocate this response of the people? And
this is where I would say: trust your people, Surely, you do trust your people,
and if you trust people, do not put upon them the kind of clog which you
have put in this sort of way.
This reminds me of the six-year term for Lok Sabha that you have
suggested. At one time the British House of Commons had a six-year term.
Under the Parliament Act of 1911, they got a five-year term, but very generally
they have had earlier dissolutions because of their own special political
reasons. A period of fin~ years was thought to be a good enough period and
the saving provision was also there that, in case of Emergencies, the life
could be extended. But why suddenly extend it to six years and invite the
gratuitous criticism of your fear of going to the hustings? If you are not
afraid-and you should not be afraid-why have you put in this Clause
here? Why not keep the term as it is-fh·e years? If, for any special reason,
anything very emergent has to be done that is a different matter altogether.
About that, one cannot make a prognostication. I do not know why you have
put this. This suggests some fear of the people which you need not have and
which you should not have. You have the ear of the country. Whether the
country likes it or not, today, they have to give you the ear. That reminds me
of this: why not revive the Feroze Gandhi Act, so that the parliamentary
reporting can be freer than it has been? That apart you have the ear of the
country. You can tell them. Tell them with genuine sincerity, and the Prime
Minister can. With all our differences, I am sure, we have to admit this. When
she speaks, she tries to uphold the honour and the self-respect of this country
particularly when facing cantankerous foreign audiences, who though they
have an outward appearance of gentility have never forgiving freedom for
India. We know all that. Can't she go and do something about it and appeal
to the people and tell them that the curbs on their truly democratic rights are
not going to be adopted by the Government in the way that we fear, the
Constitution would authorise a functioning bureaucracy, which is a slimy
and completely disgusting apparatus altogether. You think of the kind of
things which are done for years and years, how bottlenecks in the
administration cannot be cleared even by the political leadership. Even though
there are exceptions genuine people, real good people are working in our
administrative and other services, but generally speaking, we have a
bureaucracy, which is so rooted in past practice and has certain degradations.
Unless you can supplement what the bureaucracy does by the voluntary
work of political minded young people nothing good would happen.
Therefore, in these conditions, surely you have to keep out all those curbs on
democratic rights to which a reference has been made yesterday in Shri Indrajit
Gupta's speech and also very desultorily and cursorily by myself today.
I quite realise that I am taking too much time of the House, but there is
only one other matter and that is in regard to clause 59 about which
Shri Gokhale said yesterday that this is the Henry the VIII clause, which is
there in the Statute for 400 years. Please do not revive Henry the VIII memory,
particularly in these days. I would like the Law Minister to correct, if I am
wrong, but I have an idea that it is only in regard to ordinary statutes where
this sort of a thing is put to overcome certain difficulties in the execution etc.
This might happen in the case of almost every Statute, but this is a super
Statute; this is the law of laws. One trouble with our Constitution is that it
is too long and it is based on the Government of India Act of 1935. It includes
everything. You look for a hare or a mouse, you can find it there. This is a
big document. I am not going to cast any aspersions on the document. After
all, it is the Constitution of our country. It is long and rambling and
miscellaneous and sometimes a confusing document. But still it is a basic
document, it is law of laws. If the law of laws do not put anything which
appears to give the President a special power, which he might exercise in a
special fashion. Why put it there at all? The only instance which he could
gi\·e of difficulty arising was, whether the Chief Justice should ask the
President to read out something or the President should ask the Chief Justice
to read out something. Therefore, I feel that in our Constitution, there should
not be anything which even remotely smacks of any potentially authoritarian
device. There is no reason for it. If a revolution has to be conducted, it is the
most authoritarian thing in the world, and it should certainly be practised,
but otherwise there should be no suggestion of this. On the basis of the
voluntarism, on the basis of the support which the Government can expect
to command all over the country, we can go ahead with this legislation and
after you have amended it, in certain ways, it could be acceptable to the likes
of us who are ready to help you, but who also require to be helped by
Government in order that your legislation conforms to the desires and wishes
of the people.
THE HIGH COURT JUDGES (CONDITIONS OF SERVICE)
AMENDMENT BIll, 1976*£
\'1r. Deputy-Spt'.1kt'r, Sir, I h.l\"l' bl'l'n n(ltit"in~ tnd.l~· tIll' o.;Pl·l,d with whidl
we are pa~~ing ll'gislatinn .lftl'r Il'gio.;"'til'n .\Ild Wh.lt Wl' ha\'l' ju ... t Iw.ud inlm
our friend, Shri St,lmnath Ch.lttl'rjl'l' rt'iniprcl''; m~' cpm idit In th.1 t t'n'r~' Bi II
before the Hl)tl~e must go thfl\u~h tIll' ~rillll' IIi .1 S...Il,lt CIIllllllittl'l' illr
otherwi~e in the name of l"peditinn CllH'rnnll'nt in .l hurry \\'llldd C(lllll' .1Ild
get through legislatilm with(lut .1dl'l\lhltl' ctlno.;idl'r.ltioll. I C.1I11lPt illr tlw Iiil'
of me understand hl)\\"l'\"l'r ht\\\' C;P\"l'rlHlll'nt C.lIl l"pelt hI .1I1 .. wt'r 111.111\' III'
the things which my frielld, Shri Ch.lttl·rjl'l' h.l'; jllo.;t rai"'l,d .11ld get .l\\·.1~· with
it because discussion nl'cl'ssMil~' would rt'lJuirt' mudl Illngl'r lilllt'.
Shri Chatterjee has refl'rrt'd to (t'rtain m.lltl'r.; with which I .1In in ,1gfl·l'llll'nt.
I am sure tht' House would ,1~rl'l' if it rl'.ll1~· ,lpplil'o.; ito.; mind tp 1111' Ill,lttl'r
that the allurements offered to jud~l'o.; .1ttl·r rdin'll1l'nt .Hl' "'llllll'thing llf .l
scandal. I recall hllw nearly 22 Yl·.HS .1~O I h.td to .. h,)ut in this I Illu"l' bl'l·,lU"t'
I had felt utterly humili,ltl'd at findin~ a hi~hly rl'spl,(tl'd l· ... -jud~l' pf till'
Calcutta High Court of the most indt'pl'ndl'nt di"pno.;ililln h.ning bl'l'n
constrained to tread on thl' corridors (If ppwt'r, .1S Shri Ch.lllt'rjl'l' put it. in tlw
expectation of some kind (If a (ommissi(ln dl'St'rts bl'in~ ~in'n to him. It W.\5
not that ex-judge's humiliation; it was a humili.ltilln of thl' entin' c(\untr~·. I
do not also know, Sir, how Shri Gokhall' would ~iw, but, if it is .1 f.1d Ihat
a judge of the Delhi High Court has bl'l'n dl'priwd of his (In .K(Ollllt (If ,l
decision which he ga\'e in the case of Kuldip NaY,H or wh(\l'\"l'r l'lo.;l' it m,lY
be. If that is a fact, Sir, it will take C;O\"l'rnml'nt .1 lot of timl' lwforl' it Il'.lH·S
it down. If it is a fact, as I also set'm to han' Il'.Hnt l',Hlil'r it is .1 f.ld, th,lt in
Calcutta, superseding the authority of the Chid Justin' of thl' Clkutt,l Hi~h
Court, the Governor of the State had the gumption to intl'rn'nt' ,md sack
somebody over whom he had no jurisdiction whaten'r. I do not kno\.... what
Government here was doing about this business and hm.\' il (;O\"l'rnor of a
State could have the presumption to intl'rvence wht~rt, thl' Chid Justin' was
the final authority beats my conviction .
• LS. Deb., K \1arch 1970. [Shri Mukt'rjt'l' also o;pokl' on 24 April 1'1"4, IK '-lily 1'1"4 .md 2"
Septl'mbcr 1964 on a o;imilar subjt·ctl.
( The Bill which was aimed at providing for sumptuary allowann' to tht' ("hid Justicl' (,f .IIlY
High Court and also for increase in salary of tht' Judges and pension for th(' rl'tirl'd Judgl's,
became 'The High Court Judgl's (Conditions of Scrvicl') Amendml'nt Act, 1976'.
90
Wt' ,III ,1fe intt'rl'stl'd in thl' ..,tatus of the judiciary because y,'e expect our
judkiMy to act in thl' m,lnlWr which b required by the country today. J do
not ,leCl'pt ~oml' of thl' implication~ of Shri Chatterjee's obsen'ations but at
the ~tlml' time there is no doubt th,lt judges ."hould have the independence
III which tlwy .Hl' l'ntitll'd. But here again J find, Sir, that our judges themseh'es
h,l\l' pl'rh,lp~ bl'l'n ofll'n l'n'n more to blame than the executi\'e. Thev al."o
dll tl1l'ir kind IIf lobbying in (t'rl,lin places ,md my friend, the Law \1ini."ter
\\"lIldd rellll'mlwr how ,I il'w yl'.HS ago we had to mention in this House the
(,hI' lit ,I hlrll1l'r ('hid JlI~tiCl'llf ,I SI,IiL' Iligh Court--I wodd not particularise
bl'C,llI~l' I dll IHlt rl'li~h "'l,ll1d,lb, but ,I Chid JU~tiCl' of .l particular State High
Cllurl \\",I~ ,llll'gl'dly imllln'd in ll'rl,lin acli\ities which were openly noised
,Ibpul in 1111' Prl'~"" \\hid, put i~ln\',Hd (l'rt,lin F'lau~iblt' e\'idence also in
",uppllrl pi Ihp..,l' ,llll'g,llilllb ,lI1d n'llhing (Iluld bl' done about it inspite Ilf my
h,l\ing Iried III 1,1\"'1' up 111l' 111.lIh'r nlll llnly with tl1l' Law \'linister but with
Illl' Prillll' \lini..,ll'r l1l'r"I,li. 'olhing happl'l1l'd and that particular ex-Chief
lu~li(I' gill'S ,IL~put 111l' (llunlr~' making (onnlcati(\J1 spl'edws and preaching
...
pil'l~' III Ihl' \'pung,
• ••
'II\\" pll ...... il... ll· Ihis \...ind nf judge ,Ibll gets t.'IKl)Ur.lgt.'n1l'nt under the
di"'pl'n"',llilln IIi Illd,l\'" I dll nllt \\'i ... h III bl' interpreted as making any
impugnnll'1111lt pur judil"i,lry bl'C,llN' b~" ,1I1d large llur judges are a good lot.
But Ilwr\' i... Ihis d,lIlg1'r ,lg,linst \\"hich \\'l' h,1\ t' to iight but, COH'rnment so
I,ll" h,1S Iwl dlllll' "'11, I ,11n ... un· ii Ihis Billl1.1d gUIlt' to ,I St'It'ct Cl)mmittee the
"'l'll'd CllInmilll'I' l"olrld h,I\I' bu ... il1l'sS likl' sl'ssillns and (l'rtain things could
h,I\'l' h'l'n incllrpllr,lll·d. Aih'r rl'lin'llll'nt nIl aIlUrl'l1lt.'nts <.>,cept in most
1',cl'ptilll1,11 in ... t,lI1cl'S IIi 1"lr.lllrdin.u~· aC.1dl·mic l"Cl'lIl'l1ce on the part of a
jUdgl' \\"hn (pntinul'S III rd,lin his i,Klrlt~· ,md that Sl'rt nf thing he might be
ll((,1Silln,III~' l",llIl'd uplln hI dll ,I il'w things, but snll1l' llf our judges continue
l'H'r ,1I1d l'H'r wilh ,III \...inds llf .lssignllwnts which are at the mercy of the
l'WClltiH' is ,I s(,lI1d.l1. Tl1l' jUdgl'S tl1l'111sl'1H'S haH' to bl' awake to this position
,lI1d tl1l' l''L'CutiH' ~hllltld Iwlp tl1l' judges hI that rl'alisation.
Insof.lr .IS this p,lrti(ul.lr Bill is Clll1cl'rned the main idea is that the judges'
conditions llf sen"in' should bl' impron'd. I ha\"e no quarrel with that. \Ve
should kt the judges haH' the optimum conditions of sl:'ITice for their kind
of work and ",I"It'n I find that the Law Minister has \'ouchsafed to us that the
f,Kilitil's whidl .He open and admissibll' to Class I officers are not ,n-ailable
to High Court judges, I say, go ahead. Give them those facilities, I do not
objl'ct to the Bill in so far as those particular facilities are concerned but at the
saml' time having said what I had earlier said I would stress certain things
which do not seem to be particularly necessary, Is there any special reason
why thest' ancillary benefits would take retrospecti,'e effect from 1 October
lY74? J do not know why this particular bonanza should be made avaiJable
to the judges. J do not know why a provision is made that judges of the High
Courts would have the facility of rent-free accommodation. This is perfectly

alright but where a judge does not avail of the official residence he will be
paid an allowance at the rate of twelve and a half per cent of his salary. I do
not understand it because a judge who does not take advantage of rent-free
accommodation placed at his disposal must have some special reasons.
Possibly he owns a house or houses or he may have a lot of money and that
is why he does not want official accommodation. If he does not want official
accommodation why should he get special payment for it. Is it merely to put
him at par with the other fellows? The other fellows are utilising official
accommodation. Why do you have to put them at par? Is the judge only after
money? No judge if he is worth his name should be after money. This may
be truism but we have to make sure of certain things. The Law Minister
himself had been a judge and he discovered, it was very difficult for a
successful lawyer who has proved his mettle to become a judge because his
income drops drastically. I know, Sir, that is a fact-though sometimes it is
expressed in exaggerated form. I have heard in the precincts of this House
the talk about a certain person, whom I shall not name, who is not perhaps
a leading lawyer that he would not even accept the office of Speaker because
he earns Rs. 50,000/- per month and I had intervened at that point when the
conversation was taking place with the query whether he did actually pay
income tax of income of no less than Rs. 50,000/- a month because I have
statistics offered to me by Government which showed that that kind of income
is shown by very few people and I hardly discover any of our leading lawyers
in that list.
But, Sir, money is not everything. Or is it? Is not the Speaker's job an
important enough job? Is not the Minister's job important enough? Did not
the Law Minister accept the office of Minister at a very much lower salary
not only because along with certain other ancillary advantages which all of
us get in greater or lesser measure, the Ministers more than the members of
Parliament-because of that we can make both ends meet-but also because
of the opportunity of doing some service to the country that he agreed to
become a Minister at a very lower salary than he got as High Court Judge?
The salary of a High Court Judge was considered by him, quite appropriately,
as being inadequate in so far as the ambitions and aspirations of high-earning
lawyers are concerned.
Sir, I can understand aspiration for money, but only to a certain extent,
not beyond that. Because where would you end at that rate? How much does
the Speaker get? How much does the Prime Minister get? Why should
everybody go on thinking only in terms of money?
I was reminded at one time talking of this desire for reaching out to a
higher level than the other person, that Napolean used to be jealous of Julius
Caesar and Julius Caesar used to be jealous of Hannibal and Hannibal used
to be jealous of Alexander and Alexander was jealous of Hercules who did
not even exist. There is no end to jealousy. If jealousy on the score of the
amount of money x, y or z earns is going to be the criterion, there is no end
to it. And let not judges and other people or even Ministers in our country,
let them not think in terms of the money that they get. They should get
enough so that they do not have to worry over petty, trivial things. Keep
them relieved of anxiety. But no more than that. Therefore, I ask, why should
a Judge who has a house of his own and there are Judges who own houses
in cities like Delhi, Calcutta and Bombay-why should they have this kind
of allowance?
Then the Chief Justice of the High Court is proposed to be given a
sumptuary allowance of Rs. 300 per mensem. It is very little. 5hri Chatterjee's
point is \"ery valid-how much would remain after the income tax people
really and truly get at the position? Luckily, they do not. But that is a different
matter. Why give this petty fogging amount of money, and why does he need
to hobnob perhaps with the leaders of the executive? A Judge does not need
to throw parties. What is the good of it? Let these Judges try to believe in our
old maxim:
It cannot be interpreted in literal terms, but to some extent, there is some

virtue in abstinence. Why have this petty little sum thrown to them for other
people to talk about? What is the good of it that we haw this sort of thing
given to these Judges?
I find also that it is proposed to increase the pension of the Judges by
about 40 per cent and fix the maximum at Rs. 28,000 per annum in the case
of the Chief Justice and Rs. 22,400 per annum in the case of other Judges. I
do not wish to be considered mean. I do not mind pension being given, but
should it be at this level, in our kind of country where the earnings of the
average citizen are so little? The President of this country, when he retires
mayor not an affluent person, but when he retires how much do you give
him? Rupees 1000 a month, no more than that, as long as he is alive. If the
President of India can have a pension of Rs. 1,000 per month with Rs. 10,000
year for secretarial assistance and if he has to make do, why make a fetish?
And very likely this man, this person who become the Chief Justice had been
a success at the Bar and had accumulated money, had got gratuity-cum-x, y,
z and other facilities, and has got money by the bagful. There is no doubt
about it; most of these people are not people who are in need. We are not
pleading for people who are suffering. But we are trying to make these
people live very affluent lives. So where are we going? What is our
philosophy?
If our expectation of the judges is that they must have their commitment
to the country, they must also at the same time make a commitment which
could be interpreted in terms of expenditure to the public exchequer. Why
should we do this? By all means, close the gap; wherever there is a yawing
fissure you do something about it; you plug the loopholes and that sort of
things and give the judge so much that he does not have to worry; help him
become an independent citizen of this country on whom e\"t>rybody can rely;
help him to shm\' that he shares the spirit which would animate a country
\A.hich wishes to rise to greatness, shall we do so by catering to their petty
little trivial ambitions for a little more money in their pay packet? [ do not
understand this. The entire approach is wrong and that is why [ say that this
is not in conformity with whatever we say is our ideal today. This is not in
conformity with the notion that there should be some commonality and
suffering, that there should be some kind of attempt not at asceticism but at
certain kind of living which would not be resented by the fact of inequality
staring you in the face in the most scandalous fashion; that is why, let us not
be too prodigal, let us not allow too many things.
But whom do I talk to? Government comes forward and says: this is the
legislation which has to be passed; here you are, take it or lea\·e it. What do
I do? They have already proposed; [ do not know who proposed but it was
a good proposal, that every Bill in Parliament must go to a Select Committee
so that we can discuss it properly. Talking in this manner, in an open forum
is not always conducive to the ascertainment of certain decisions which could
be helpful. Whom do I talk to? This will be passed just as it is with whatever
little amendments the Law ~inister in his condescension might chose to
bring forward. But he has not done so. Whom do I talk to? What is the point?
It is a most peculiar situation to which we have been reduced: give something
today and say take it or leave it. It is not right. It could have been different.
The Law Minister could have easily called a meeting of people and tried to
formulate something.
But as I have said earlier, I have some fundamental objections to the very
basis of this approach, even though I do not object to some little money
going to the pockets of High Court Judges or to the Supreme Court Judges
for that matter. But these matters of principle have to be given thought to
what Shri Chatterjee has particularly pointed in regard to allurements being
offered to judges, in regard to penalisation allegedly of certain judges who
did not toe the line which the Executive wanted them to toe; in regard to
those things this House must have satisfaction. We have all respect for the
judges; but the judges on their part should also behave differently. A former
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, that is to say a former Chief Justice of
India has been known to have been associated with some of the biggest
black-guards in the industrial history of this country. Nothing has happened,
not even a clean exposure of the matter by Government; only some attempt
was made from this side in order to put forward such a case. The judges also
are not beyond blame. Today everybody blames everybody else. Judges also
have to cure themselves. A national endeavour has to take place. I am afraid
I see no signs of it. We have just got a readymade Bill and all I can say is:
a few more rupees to the Judges pockets we do not mind, but certain principles
are involved to which Government must give some answer.
POLITICAL
AND
PARLIAMENTARY MATTERS
SITUATION IN KASHMIR*
In regard to the Kashmir situation we can certainly say that we welcome

the decision which the G()\'ernment have made and, as far as it goes, the
settleml'nt which has been arrived at with the Kashmir delegation is a
settlement which we can unequivocally welcome. I say again as far as it goes
because there are certain points in regard to which we would have liked the
Government of India and the Kashmir leaders to have gone very much farther.
But at any rate, a beginning has been made, a beginning in the right direction,
a beginning which is fraught with immense potentialities as far as the future
not only of Kashmir but of the rest of the country is concerned. And that is
v,·hy we welcome the decision of the Government unequivocally e\·en though
with cl'rtain suggestions of our own regarding the kind of distance which
should have been (twered by the Government in this agreement.
Now it has already been said that there are certain implications of the
Kashmir dl'cision which ha\"e far-reaching consequences. The decision says,
for l'xample, that Kashmir is not going to ha\·e anybody who belongs to the
tribe of I<ilipralllllkhs and Up-Rajpralllukhs in the rest of India and they are
going to ha\"e a Head of the State elected by their own Assembly who would
necessarily be authorised to take up that position by decree of the President
of India. Now, this is a very important departure and this shm-vs which way
the wind is blowing. This shows that in Kashmir which has gone through
firt', the people have a magnificent record of fighting against all the massed
forces of obscurantism. Kashmir which has fought e\·en after the tragic days
of partition when the people of that area were placed in a cruel dilemma,
wt'II, Kashmir is now showing the way to the rest of India and Kashmir is
coming forward to say that 'we are not going to have a Rajpralllllkh, we are
not going to have a Prince or a Maharaja as the Head of the State but we are
going to have as Head of the State somebody who will be democratically
elected and approved, necessarily, by the Raslltrapat!li of the Indian Republic'.
Now this naturally involves that certain other things are also done. I am
sure my friends of th~ Kashmir Assembly would refuse to pay the sum of
Rs. 15 lakhs which is now handed over to the Maharaja of Kashmir. I am sure
the Head of the State of Kashmir would get no more than what the Governor
of any other State in the Indian Union gets. It means also that what has
• LS" Deb", 7 August 1952. (Participating in the Motion re : 'Kashmir State', Shri Mukerjee also
spoke on 7 August 1952, 25 March 1953, 6 May 1964, 23 August 1965, 22 November and
6 December 1968 on a similar subject).
99
happened in Kashmir is a pointer to the rest of India and as has been pointed
out from this side of the House. There are certain other areas of India where
there are Rajpmmllklls and Up-Ra/pmmllklls and all that tribe who have no
right to be where they are, particularly in regard to Hyderabad. The Nizam
of Hyderabad, we say it over and over again, has no right to be where he is.
I am sorry that the other day the hon. Prime Ministl'r said that there could
be no question of disintegration of the Hyderabad State, that there could not
be a 'Visllal Andllra' or 'Samyllktll MallaraslItra' and that sort of thing because
it implied disintegration of Hyderabad. I do not know if that has anything
to do with the sacrosanctity of the Nizam of Hyderabad, but I say, Sir, that
the Prime Minister cannot do one thing in regard to Kashmir and yet another
thing in regard to Hyderabad. I admit there might be se\'t'ral circumstances
which might pre\'ent us from doing owrnight what we \\'ish, should be
done. But on this side of the House we ha\'e a sense of urgency which I
belie\'e Members on the other side do not feel. I am prl'pared to concede if
the Prime ~Iinister comes forward and says: 'Tomorrow I cannot get rid of
the Nizam of Hyderabad' but I want him to come forward and say: 'It is my
policy, as it has been the policy in regard to Kashmir, to do aWelY with this
tribe of exploiters who haw been hand in glm'e with the imperialist exploiters
of our country and who have no right to exist on the same terms dnd
conditions which they haw enjoyed for so long', It is, thl'reforl', only in the
logic of things that we expect the Nizam of Hyderabad, for l'xamplc, under
whose aegis unspeakable atrocities had been committed, to share the same
fate as the other Maharajas \\'ho are cluttering up all over the place in our
country.
The other point which has been emphasised before and on which we feel
gratification at the Government's decision, is the abolition of landlordism.
Now, I know certain members of this House perhaps would be at wry great
pains to show that they have not really abolished landlordism in the way we
wish it to be done. The hon. member who spoke a little while ago said that
we were all over-enthusiastic about it. We have no wish-fulfilling ideas about
what has happened. We know that there are certain limitations as far as the
land reforms are concerned, but they are very definitely land reforms of a
very important character and there is no getting away from this mattcr of
principle, that landlords have been expropriated of their rights without any
compensation having to be paid to them. That is the crux of the matter and
that is the reason why the fundamental rights of our Indian Constitution
cannot be applied in toto as far as Kashmir conditions are concl'rned.
Now, we all have our own view of the Constitution and we know that
even though it is a document deserving all respect there are aspects of this
Constitution against which we must raise our voice. In the chapter on
Fundamental Rights at least there is one provision which is absolutely baneful,
which is absolutely disastrous to the interests of this country, and it is a very

great thing that the Prime Minister is prepared to come forward and say that
he is ready and willing to see that that particular provision in the Fundamental
Rights in regard to adequate compensation for property rights should go. I
have appealed to the Prime Minister once before, and even though he is not
present for the time being I would make this appeal to him again. He enjoys
a position, not only in the House but in his own Party and in the country,
which is unique; if he says something the word goes. If he really believes that
he .. hould do avvay with a certain provision in our Constitution in regard to
the fundamental rights of the n'sted propertied interests in the country, he
should do away \..-ith it. He should call upon the Party without delay to take
whatever steps are necessary in order to bring about this change. Now that
he h,lS already expressed his opinion. I would say he has seen the
hand-writing on the wall. He knows how the people are mo\·ing not only in
this country but all over Asia and all oyer the world. Therefore, what is
happening in Kashmir is only an indication of what we han~ a right to expect
in till' different parts of the country also in the near future.
In rl'gard to the motion which is before us, I would like to remind the
House of the magnificent role v"hich Kashmir has played throughout recent
Yl'tUS: the fight for democracy, the fight for secularism, the fight for economic
justice that has been conducted by Kashmir in a manner which really extorts
our admiration, unstinted admiration. The people of Kashmir ha\·e been
subjected to such pressure from Pakistan. After all, the overwhelming majority
of the peopk' of Kashmir are Muslims and we know how the religious mania
has affected the minds and souls of our people in such a disastrous fashion.
We know how incidious and how very dangerous is the appeal of this religious
passion. We know how from the Pakistan side there has been this kind of
attack. The Pakistani masses will find out that in Pakistan are the Nawabs of
Chitral and Bhawalpur-and who knows how many other people-who are
merrily having their own way and that in Kashmir the Muslim peasantry as
well as the Hindu and Sikh peasantry are going to haw a new kind of
existence on account of this land reform. This is the right way, it is the only
way of tackling the problem, the only way of eradicating communalism and
that is exactly what Kashmir has done.
Then again we have found pressure on Kashmir-all kinds of reactionary
sources, communal, reactionary sources inside Kashmir as well as outside,
who have been there to raise all kinds of bogies. For example, it has been
suggl'sted from time to time that Jammu and Ladakh are areas where the
Muslims are not in majority and therefore if there is going to be a plebiscite,
let the Kashmir Valley have a separate plebiscite and let Jammu and Ladakh
have a separate plebiscite. This kind of talk shows their irresponsibility,
it shows how certain people are ready and willing in the conditions of today
to suggest that we can have unity only on the basis of religious colouration
of particular areas. It is an invitation to the formation of Statl's purely on tlw
basis of religious passion and religious fanaticism. This is the kind of
irresponsible statemt:'nt which has bet:'n madt:'o I am surl' provision can be
made in the Kashmir Constitution that the Constituent Assemblv of that
State is going to hammer out, whert:'by the ll'gitimate rights of t1w pt'ople of
Laddakh, for examp1t:', who might han' some special requirl·nwnts for their
safeguards might be recognised. But to think of a separation of .Jammu and
Ladakh from Kashmir mereh· . becaust' in the Kashmir Vallev. tlw Muslims Me
in an (werwhelming majority and in the othl'r arl'.lS non-~1uslirns ,ll"l' in
majority is absolutely disastrous to the futurl' of our country, and that shows
the kind of irresponsible methods to which ft'udal rl',lCtil)t), finding no way
out of the difficult morass to which it has been drin'n today, is taking rl'coursl'.
We find also pressure from imperialism being put upon tlw K,lshll1iri
people-not only upon the Kashrniri people but on thl' CO\"l'rnIlll'nt llf this
country. Already the attention of this I {ow.,e has bl'l'n drawn by my hon.
friend, Dr. Lanka Sundaram to the reaction of a certain ~l'ctil In of tIll' Anwric,lIl
Press to the decision made by the Cm'ernment of India in regard to K,lshrnir.
;\[0\-\', Sir, Till! Neil' York Till1t'~, for example, is t'xtrt'I11l'ly unhapp~' about the
result of the negotiations between the Kashmir dl'll'gation and the Con'rnnll'nt
of India, and in regard to the abolition of landlordism without cornpl'nsation
as also in regard to the question that the fundamental rights in the Constitution
should not be applicable ill toto to the case of Kashmir. TIzt' Nei(' Yllrk Tilll!'';
says that-"India's surrender on this question contradicts the ~pirit of tIll'
really genuine reform programme that has g(ll1l' forward in India."
Now, this is fantastic. It says, "You in India .lrt' not prl'pMl'd to ,lbolish
landlordism without compensation-you are doing the right thing." "In
Kashmir they are abolishing landlordism without comp('nsation, thl'refort',
they are doing the wrong thing." And, thl'fefore it SUggl'stS that thtlt decision
of the Government of India is soml'lhing which is bypassing till' lJnill'd
Nations, which is bypassing the interests the people of Kashmir. And it is
going to give us advice gratis!-these people are very perturbl'd; also other
organs of reactionary opinion in this country are very pl'rturbed. They say
what has happened is that India has acceded to Kashmir, not Kashmir to
India. This sort of wisecracking is absolutely irresponsible, uttl'rly frivolous
and extremely dangerous to the futurt' of our country.
What exactly are we going to do about the Kashmir problem? Are we

going to push the people of Kashmir into the arms of the religious fanatics
who are only waiting for an opportunity to grab them? Or are we going to
act in conformity with the finest traditions of the national movement in India
as well as in Kashmir? And if we do that, surely, we shall offer our hand of
friendship to the people of Kashmir. And that is exactly what is sought to be

done. I wish it were done before, I wish it were done in a more radical
fashion but it has not been done. In regard to the abolition of landlordism
thl're must bt' certain lacunae. I do not know the details of the position-
things have been kept out of the picture so to speak-but it has been said the
rdorm dOt's not apply to you if you have any number of fruit trees or orchards.
I do not quite realise the situation-there must be something wrong
somewlwre, there must be some lacunae as far as land reforms are concerned.
But \\"l' can go into that later. But the basic thing, abolition of landlordism
without compensation that is a pointer \vhich v,ill gin~ light and leadership
to the fl'St of the country.
In rl'gard to another mattN also I want to go a little further than the

Prime ~tinistl'r is preparcd to do. He has said in regard to the question of the
withdrawal of the Kashmir case from the Security Council then we really
cannot do it bl'cdust' there arc so many difficulties. He said, "How can we
withdraw tlw I.:asl'?" "We han' to face the \,,'orld we h,we to face our people,
\\'t.' han' to facl' facts," I quote his exact words-I took them down. 7\1ow, of
courSl' wt.' han.' to facl' the world-we han~ nothing to be ashamed of-we
h,l\t.' to iacl' all the pl'opll" tht' people of India and of Kashmir, and we face
the i,lets of the situ,ltion. And what do we see? We ha\'l' had this question
hanging lirl'l'll'iorl' the Security Council for more than iour years, nearly five
~'l',HS, ,1I1d what has happl·ned? Wl' ha\'e \'l'ry good reason tt.) think that the
prl'domin,lI1t forces in the United Nations-which is the Anglo-American
combin,ltion ,Kting sl.Hnl'timcs in uncomfortablt' combination but, generally
spl',lking, ,Kting in pursuance of their own "ile imperialist interests-has
bl'l'n tr~'ing ,\11 these Yl'ars tll l'xploit the Kashmir situation, to keep the question
h,mging in mid-air, to ha\'l' no settlement of the Kashmir question and if
neCl'ssary, to bl' in a position to utilise certain territories in Kashmir for their
o\\'n war-mongt'ring cUld war purposes. This is exactly what they h,wc been
doing so far. It is not only Dr. Craham-for whom the hon. Prime Minister
had many go(,d words to say-who has shm.... n patience and forbearance and
thelt sort of thing. India has shown extraordinary patience and forbearance
o\'l'r this qUl'stion. But how Illl1g is she to wait and how long is she going to
wait for tIll' pleasure of people whoSt' /1(11111 fides we cannot possibly trust?
Th,\t is l'x,l(tlv what is happening in the St.>curity Council. Why can we not
say, "We h'1\"~' given you ,1 (hance, more than a chance, all these four years
<md sen'n Ilwnths to do something about the Kashmir situation." "You han'
not dOfll' it-vou arc dilly-dallying about it." The people of Kashmir are
t'lking the rn,lttl'r into their own hands in a fashion which would soon make
it dt',lr to thosl' clrcas even which might be under the occupation of the tribal
intrudl'rs, and declare ewn to those people that they should join up with the
rest of the Kashmiris in order to build up their country nearer to their heart's
desire. That is the position which has developed today and if necessary we
are prepared for a plebiscite. I do not for a moment say that it should be said
of us that we have forgotten our promises or that we do not stand by our
declarations. Of course, we might have a plebiscite. But let us not have it as
a condition precedent to a plebiscite that plebiscite would be conducted by
some Admiral or General from America or some other satellite country of the
United States. We want the plebiscite to be conducted under conditions which
would satisfy us in regard to its fairness. If that happens, surely the Kashmiri
people would haw no difficulty at all in accepting the plebiscite.
In the course of the discussion several things were said to which I would
only make a hurried reference. My hon. friend, Dr. Khare said that if \\'e
begin with the Nizam the rest will follow. A very good sentiment. I \vish he
sticks to it. But he went on to say a little later that in the present democratic
set-up the princes simply adorn the gadi and so \\'hy should we disturb thl'ir
comforts? This is exactly the position which friends on my left are adnK.1ting.
They say in one breath that we are troubling the Maharaja of Kclshmir and
why should we not do the same thing with the Ni:illll of Hydl'rabad. Wl'say
that we want to get rid of these very estimable gentlemen from our country.
They have exploited us for too long. But then those very friends come forward
and say a little later that the princes in today's dispensation are only
constitutional monarchs and they would do no evil to India clnd tlwrefore
these estimable gentlemen need not be disturbed. We may talk to tlwm and
we shall find out how wonderful their manners are and so on. Now, I am not
going to stand this nonsense any longer. We are not going to toll'ratl' those
who have sucked the lifeblood of our people for so long il time, These
Rajpramllkhs and others have got to be got rid of altogether.
Then my han. friend, Dr. Khare said that near our frontiers situations
might be created which might be dangerous; if you do not give autonomy to
the Nagas and the Sikhs, then he asked why we give this sort of autonomy
to Kashmir? My answer to that is that it is an act of wisdom to give the
Nagas and the Sikhs. Then, he asked, autonomous rights they requirl', We
have to win their hearts. Especially in regard to the frontier areas it is very
important that the cement of friendship consolidates and binds the relationship
of India with those frontier regions. In regard to Kashmir it is clear that we
have a tradition of friendship. We have a tradition of consistent collaboration
in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle and with the people of Kashmir
today we have forged the bonds of friendship. If for the sake of that friendship
we have to allow them certain concessions we have to give them certain
unique powers, we have to take some special steps for the time being, why
should we not do so? It is in the interests of India and that is why we should
do so.
I shall now come to a question asked rhetorically by my hon. friend,

Smt. Sucheta Kripalani. She asked: Is Kashmir an integral part of India or is
it not? Now, you cannot give rhetorical answers to rhetorical questions of this
fashion. Of course Kashmir is an integral part of India who says Kashmir is
not? The Kashmiri people themselves say that Kashmir is an integral part of
India. But there are certain very special reasons which I have already tried to
indicdte why the link-up of Kashmir with the rest of India should be on a
particular principle. We can only get a really and truly consolidated India by
d union of the hearts of the peoples who inhabit the different regions of
India-regions with different linguistic, cultural and psychological
characteristics. We can only get a real union of all those areas when the
consolidation is effected with the cement of friendship and understanding
and that is where in Kashmir we have made a beginning. There remains
much to be done yet. We ha\'e to tra\'el quite a long yet. I am not entirely
satisfied with what the Covernment has done and I \,'ould like the
COH'rnnll'nt to go \'t'ry much further than what it has done, But it has made
a beginning and the beginning is in the right direction. It is a beginning
which is full of significant implications which are extremely important as far
as thl' future construction of our country is concemed.
I haH' great pleasure, tht'refore, in welcoming the motion which has been
moved by the Prime Miniskr and I only suggest that the Prime Minister, if
he thinks it right in his wi..;dom, might go a little further and decide that it
is high time we wash our hands of the United Nations as far as our appeal
is concl,rtll'd, I do not suggest for a moment that we should withdraw from
the United Nations. It would be an absolutely suicidal step, but as far as our
appl'al is concert1l'd, the United Nations has played ducks and drakes with
it for O\"l'r five wars and it is no good proceeding with it when the Kashmiri
people haH' come into their own, they ha\'e an appointment with destiny
and are marching towards its fulfilment. Why should we stand in their way
at this time? Let us do the right thing. We have already outstretched our
hand of friendship and they have clasped it. Let us not make a mess of it. Let
us go forward and let us try to cement the whole of India in such a
consolidated friendship as would really bring about a nev,,' hea\'en and a new
earth in our ancient country.
ELECTION OF SPEAKER, LOK SABHA,
SHRI M. ANANTHASAYANAM AYYANGAR*
It is customary for representati\'t~s of parties and groups in this House to

offer felicitations to whoe\·er is elected to the exalted Chair which vou
Shri Ananthasayanam Ayyangar han~ come to occupy and it is ..... ith pll'asure
that I rise to offer you my congratulations. This custom has grown because
once a member of this House is elected Speaker, he represents the dignity of
the House, and, therefore, of the country and e\"t'n more because he sl1l'ds all
partisan predilections as far as he can and conducts the proceedings of the
House in a manner which is in conformity with the dignity of the country
and the interests of the people.
On an occasion like this, it may be salutary to recall some ancient history,

and particularly, the incident in the 17th century in England when Charles J
rushed into the House of Commons and commanded Speakl'r Ll'nthall to
point out five recalcitrant members whom he wanted to arrl'St, whl'reupon
the Speaker answered pointblank: "J ha\·e neither eyes to see nor ears to hear
except what the House has vouchsafed to me."
Coming very much nearer to us in point of time and span', the l>xample
of Vithalbhai Patel of famous memory has already been recalled and I find
from the proceedings of the former Legislative Assembly that whl'n the late
Vithalbhai Patel was elected, he asked his erstwhile leader, I'andit Motilal
Nehru, to erase his name-if he had not done so already-from the list of
members of the Congress Party. Personally, I feel I have no business to ask
you to shed your political convictions or your ideological affiliations. If I
make a request of that sort, it will be neither pertinent nor possible. But I
shall certainly tell you to detach yourself from participation in Congress
Party proceedings and campaigns in which, perhaps, at the time when you
were Deputy Speaker, you have from time to time taken your share. And, I
shall add that I shall expect you in this House to be more than usually
solicitous of the rights of the Opposition. I have no doubt that you will do
so according to your lights but I say this with some emphasis because our
experience in this House is rather positive that the responsibility of the Chair
• L.S. Deb., 8 March 1956. [Participating in the Motion on 'Election (If Spe,lkl'r', Shri Mukl'rjl'l'
also spoke on 2R March and 19 July 1967,8 August and 9 December 1%9 Oil l'll'eli!," of other
Speakers of Lok Sabha).
106
in this regard is very heavy on account of the generally cavalier treatment

which we receive from the Government party with its mammoth majority.
I feel, for example, that your election to this office could have been perhaps
more felicitously pursued if different parties and groups were really and
truly consulted before the Government party made its decision and announced
it in the Press. The Minister of Parliamentary Affairs is a very pleasant man.
No wonder, for like the kas/llri deer who exudes his own perfume, he reeks
of a sense of strength and self-confidence because of the serried ranks of his
party behind him, and, of course, he told us about the fact of your having
been chosen by the Congress Party. But that was merely an intimation of a
decision and not the intimation of an intention that the Congress Party
wantl'd to discuss it with other members of this House. I do not make a point
of it because I feel that this is not a grievance which we are presenting but
I feel, at the same time, that a convention should be created whereby election
to the Chair is preceded by consultation not merely in formal sense but in
some substantial sense, between the different parties and groups in this House.
Turning to a pleasanter aspect, I should say that on account of the accident

of my happening to be here in this seat very frequently in this House, I ha\'e
had,-perhaps more than most members of this House--the advantage of
your physical and spiritual propinquity. There have happened occasions when
you have brought, perhaps, for the improvement of your own mind some
classic of our ancient literature like the B/ztlSi.l'Ild Gila and I ha\'e pounced
upon them for quotations to bolster up my presumably heretical deduction.
In my mind, myself, I feel that there co-exists a kind of fanatical love for the
culture of our country and an almost equally ferocious hatred for those
elements in our national life which have vulgarised and degraded that
inheritance. As far as you are concerned, I have found your learning and
your charming extrovertness, a great help in my understanding of our ancient
culture, but, sometimes also a hindrance in regard to the understanding of
the mind of certain sections of the community in this country. But, like the
rest of us, in spite of your foibles-which I am sure we do not dislike,-I
have grown to be fond of you like so many others of our House for the
qualities which you ha\'e brought to bear upon your work and for the sense
of humour which you have displayed so often in this House, when you say
something very acid and something which hurts and then, after that, you
make a sally and you laugh at yourself.
We rl~ml'mber today the remarkable man who held this dignified office;
we lament his loss very deeply. You are taking his place and I have no doubt
that when you are in the Chair you shall try to act up to the traditions of this
office which have already been created. I have no doubt also that we shall
have occasional differences with you-perhaps also sometimes strident
differences-in regard to the interpretation of our rights. But, I can assure

you that as far as we are concerned, we do not believe in having a trace of
bitterness in our mind over the squabbles, wrangles, contro\'ersies-whatever
you call them-which arise from time to time between you as holder of this
exalted office and ourselves. I wish you a term of office which ( hope will be
distinguished for those things which are necessary for a country like ours
where parliamentary institutions have come to be worked, where
parliamentary traditions need to be de\·eloped and fashioned in a manner
which would be in conformity with the traditions of our country and with
the interests of our people.
THE STATES REORGANISATION BILL, 1956*£
Mr. Speaker, thanks to technicality and the Government's predilection

for putting its foot into it, the atmosphere of today's debate has been somewhat
disturbed already. But, seldom have we in this House been called upon to
consider legislation of similar moment. This is legislation of a sort for which
our people have hungered and thirsted. But, this Bill comes before us with
a kind of strange and characteristic irony, for Government has done its best
to make cl mess where there need not have been one and certain incredibly
graceless, perverse, anti-people acts of omission and commission have spoiled
largely a measure which everybody was only too ready and willing to
welcome. Perhaps some of the damage may, if Government relents, be repaired
in the Joint Committee to which this Bill is to be referred. But, as things stand
today, much of the wrong done to our people by the Government's handling
of this measure will not, I fear, be rectified.
I heard the Home Minister telling us in his opening speech that in regard
to certain math.'rs, he is going to take decisions in conformity with the wishes
of the people. I take it, even though he did not positively aver it in that way,
that that was his intention. Because, when, in regard to the question of the
so-called union or merger or amalgamation-whatever way you call it, the
stink is the same---of West Bengal clnd Bihar-amalgamation is the expression
used by the Minister in the Statement of Objects and Reasons-a question
was asked from this side of the House if the wishes of the people were going
to be consulted in that matter, the Home Minister answered yes, but the
people are not tantamount to members of a particular party. I shall deal with
this matter in some detail a little later. But I do wish to pin the Home Minister
down to this formulation. Everybody would grant that people does not mean
members or supporters of a particular political party whether it is the Congress
Party or any other Party. But, if the wishes of the people are really to be
consulted in regard to the question of what the Home Minister calls the
amalgamation of Bihar and West Bengal, then, surely this suggestion should
be dropped at once without ceremony and an announcement to that effect
should be made by the Home Minister straightway.
• L.S. 01'1'.,29 April 1956, 7 August and 10 August 1956. [Shri Mukherjee also spoke on 24 April,
14 May, 6 August and 1 Septt·mber 1956 and 20 Dect.'mber 1958 on a similar subjectJ.
( The Bill which was aimed at providing for the reorganisation of the States of India and for
mattt.'rs connt.'cted thcrt'to became 'The States Reorganisation Act 1956'.
109
I am inclined to be very charitable to the Homt' Minister and I am prt'pan.'d

to concede that he is, like the Prime Minister, ('t'rtainly wl'ddl'd to truth and
non-violence. But, I suppose, like mclny weddt'd Clluplt's, they oftt'n live
apart. As far as this is concernt'd, what he has said has nothing to do eithl'r
with truth or with any other principles which ,ue so oftl'n paradl'd. Thl'
Home Minister's Statement of Objects and Reasons is.1 very politl'ly l'xprl'sSt'd
study in political guide. As is the fashion with people in powl'r today, the
principles of linguistic redistribution of States, which at one time \\'as zl,.llously
advocated as a primary factor, is obliquely and parl'nthl'tically rl'll'rrl'd to
onlv to be dismissed in favour of what is called a morl' rational basis of
reorganisation. This so-called rational basis has led him to pitfalls \'vhkh .Ul'
so numerous in this Bill. It has been said O\"l'r and O\"l'r again, but it bl'ars
re-telling that right up to thl'ir being pitchforked in 19-17 into positions of
power, and even up to the time of the last gl'nl'ral l'll'ctions, thl' Congn'ss
made no secret of its support to the linguistic principll"
In 1928, the Nehru report an'rred that the main (onsidl'r.ltions in thl'
matter of redistribution of pwvinCt's must nl'L"l'ssMily be thl' wislws of thl'
people and the linguistic unity of the ,1rl'a concerned. Thl' point l',mnot bl'
put better than by quoting the words of thl' n'port itsl'lf, thIS prl'sum,lbly
ancient document, which says:
"A democracy must be well-informed clnd must be abll' to undl'rst.lnd
and follow public affairs in order to take an l'lfecti\"l' p.ut in tlwrn. Hl'nn',
it becomes most desirable for provinces to be regroupl'd on a linguistic
basis. Language, as a rule, corrt'sponds to a spt'cial \'ariety (If culturl',
tradition and literature. In a linguistic art'a, all thl'se factors \vill help the
general progress of the province."
Nearly three decades have passed since that report, but its formulation
on this point remains indubitably valid. Those who prate wry importantly
today and talk of what they choose to call the evils of linguism, are slandl'rl'rs
of our people.
India is, as our Constitution says, a Union of States, not conflicting or
warring States which have come together, which have agreed to soml' tl'rms,
but States firmly and fundamentally akin, their unity shining in despite Cl'rtain
diversities, and their culture a beautiful and multi-coloured mosaic, which if
you breclk a piece here or crack and scratch a piece thf.'re, will damage it
dreadfully. The unity of India, and our solidarity that is with our people a
kind of categorical imperative. That is the first charge on our patriotism. But
that unity will be consolidated and safeguarded as thf.' apple of our eYl',
when the people are assured that except when inseparable conditions and
difficulties supervene, except in those circumstances, linguistic Statl's will bt'
set up as a matter of course. Now, in so far as this Bill before us helps this
process, it is welcome. But in so far as it hinders, it should be changed, and
I hope that in the Joint Committee, some drastic alterations are made.
There is no hesitation on my part to welcome the abolition of the office

of Rtl;prtll/ll/kh, or the removal of the distinction between Part A, Part Band
Part eStates. Wl' cl'rtainly welcome the formation of States like Kerala and
MY"Ofl', and the other linguistic States that are coming into being. Still, I
wish here to put in a C(1\'l.'at. Why call it Mysore? Why not Karnataka? Why
again, in thl' case of Andhra call it Andhra Telangana? Why not call it simply
Andhra? If Vi:-;Iw/ Alldhm smacks of something like chauvinism-it does not
~wrlMps rl'ally, but if it does, if it is suspected to be so--why not merely call
it Andhra? Again in the case of Madra~ State, the city of Madras is there.
But wh\' not call the State the Tamil Nad? There is no reason for us to
be shtlme-f,lCl'd about it, l'xcept on the supposition that we do not like
thl' linguistic principle. We may like it; our people may want us to like it, but
the ,1dministration fl'quires that we rather keep mum about the linguistic
principlt'.
In regard to tlw zonal councils, which have been sought to be set up, I
fed that this is a mattN which should be gone into very critically by the Joint
(\~mmittel'. The l'stablishnwnt of zonal councils by itself cannot be a way out
of till' difficultil's of tackling common problems or even mutual disputes
bl't\\'l'l'n Statl's. For example, in spite of the fact that Punjab and Delhi are in
OIW zonal council, nanwly tlw Northern Council, whereas the UP is in the
('l'ntral zonl', thl'fl' arl' perhaps more problems to be solved, and common
interl'sts to Lw pursued, between Punjab, Delhi and Uttar Pradesh than between
Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir, or say, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh in
the same zone. Similarly, there are perhaps more common problems between
Andhra, Maharashtra and Karnataka than between Andhra and Kerala or
Tamil Nad. Therefore, the establishment of these zonal councils is not the real
guarantee for the speedy settlement of mutual problems or disputes.
A solution for that lies in an integrated approach to the question of

economic development of India. That is why my feeling is that the zonal
councils can be permitted, provided their constitution is changed, provided
a d('mocratic character is injected into these councils, and at the same time,
the zonal councils should have only social planning and economic planning
to think about. Otherwise, we feel that unless we change the composition of
these zonal councils in a democratic direction, and unless we make it certain
that decisions will not be taken by majority vote, but that it would be a
consultative apparatus which would lead to an understanding of what ought
to be done, these zonal councils might be the thin end of the wedge for the
introduction of certain administrative units which may be, Government have
in mind. That is why perhaps Government are so very much against the idea
of linguistic States. In regard to this, I find that in the Madras Legislative
Assembly, an hon. Minister initi,lting the dl'bate on the Bill spoke nn thl'
zonal councils in these terms. He said:
"If these zonal councils function propl'r!y, then Wl' may pl'rhaps latt'r nn
assess the value of these councils and l'x,lmim> whl'thl'r furtl1l'r pnwers
should be gi\"t~n, and if so, what furtht'r stl'PS should be takl'n."
Therefore, the danger of t'fforts being made to transform the zon,ll (olllKils
in to mergers through the back-dollr should be spotlightl'd, and that should
be considered very cardully by the Joint CllInrnittl'l'. I hl'pl' that if th,lt
consideration is made, the whole (haractl'r of the zonal cnuncils wlllild bl'
changed in the right kind of dirl'ctinn.
~ow, I have no time to retl'r to the m,my points llf llmi~~illn .1I1d llf
commission, which COH'rnment han' dllne mis(hit'\"ousl~' in rq~.ud to this
Bill, but lea\'ing the casc llf Bl,mbay to bl' .uglll'd by pl'oplt' willi knllw it
very much better than I dn, I would merdy say that thl' dl'm,md fllr thl'
inclusion of Bombay in \1,1hJrashtrd is absolutl'ly without ,1 doubt .1 gl'nuil1l',
popular, democratic demand, and that the provision in rl'gard to Bnmbay ,1S
formulated in this Bill can havc only one objl'cti\'e, and th.1t is to kl'l'P this
as commercial capital of India, as soml' people h.1H' takl'n to dl'~l'ribl' it.
These elements have got to be ponderl'd to \'l'ry carefully by thl' Congrl'~s,
particularly on the e\'e of the gl'nl'ral l'lcction, wlll'n spl'cially till'
present-day Chief \1inister of thl' Bombay Statl' is trl'dsurl'r of the Congrl'ss
Party, with responsibilitics which appl'M to bl' pl'rh.1p" sonll'wh.lt
overwhelming in view of the genl'ral l'Il'ctions to coml',
This demand of the people rl'garding thl' inclusion of Bomba\, in

Maharashtra has been resisted in a most thoughtless fdshion by (;O\'l'rnml'nt,
and Bombay, even now, bleeds in silent agony. But I Il'a\'l' Bombay's (else to
be argued by those who are more capable of doing so, I only want to say that
in regard to Bombay, justice has not been done at ,111. On the contrary, tl1l'fl'
is a kind of mechanization behind whdteH'r is sllggl'stl'd about thl' future of
Bombay.
Now, I shall refer to one other important mattl'r. I am SUR' that the time
at my disposal will not bc adequate to discllss with any kind of <ldcquacy the
very many points which occllr to me at the moment, but I shall confine
myself to the question of the States in the North-East of India, particularly
West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
I do not understand why the case of Orissa has been compll>tely forgottE.'l1,
overborne and discarded, however you wish to put it. Is it only because the
people of Orissa are poor? But, at the same time, they have shown their
spirit, they have shown that in spite of the power and pomp of the Congress
party, thl'rc is in that State a moment which is germinating into a tremendous

power. But the claims of Orissa in regard to areas like Saraikella and Kharswan
havc simply bCl'n ignon.'d altogether.
TI1l'n ,1gain, in rt.'gard to thc questions pending between West Bengal and
Bihar, the whole story is so sordid that some kind of explanation has to come
fnlJ1l CO\'l'rnnwnt in regard to it. Between West Bengal and Bihar, there were
cl'rtain CI IJ)tru\'l'r~ics-right or wrong is a different proposition. We had gone
O\'l'r th,lt lll,lttl'r once bl'forl', and I do not want to repeat myself. But as far
,lS till' 5t.lll's Reorg,misation Commission was concerned, it reached certain
conclll ... ions; right or wrong, it rl'ached those conclusions. Some of us thought
they werl' wrung bl'c.lusl' the~' had not taken into consideration certain other
gl'nllirw dl'mands of Wl'St Bengal. TI1l'n after that, we got the Gcwernment's
dl'l·i ... illn Iln till' 5t,1tl'S Rl'llrganisation Commission's Report. The decision
\\,,1 ... l'\'l'n worSl' bt'C,lUSl' it truncated the award which was made by the
Conllni ...... ion. But in ,my caSl', the Glwernment made a certain announcement
,lbmrt till' impl'nding tran ... fer llf (l'rtain art'as from Bihar to \-Vest Bengal. And
suddenl~', fWIll out of the blm', thl're comes a notion of the merger between
till' two Statl's. After that, as I ...aid l'arlier, it has been described as a union
,md tlll'n tlw HOllw Ministl'r says it is going to be an amalgamation. But,
1l1\lrl' or Il· ... s, tlwy amount to till' same thing.
In the dr,lft pwpl1sals fl'g,uding the Bill which were circulated by
CO\'l'rnnll'nt ,1 month ago, thl're is a prl'facl', and in that preface, it is said:
"th,lt in \'il'\\' Ilf till' pwposals for the Unil)n of the two States, which is
nllw lIndl'r .ldi\'e CllI1sidl'ratil)(l, no pro\'ision has been made in the draft
Bill in rt.'gard to tl'rritorial ,llijustn1l'nts bl't\H'l'n the States of Bihar and
Wl'St Ikngal. :\ sl'p,Hate Bill will be introduced in due course to implement
the lil'ci ... ion whid, mol\' be taken about these States".
The Ilonw Ministl'r has rl'Pl'ated this same thing again. But what we feel
is this: for soml'tin1l' now, thl'rc has been carried on in the country a
propagand.l thwugh a sl'rvile Prl'ss that a \'ery large section of the people in
Wl'st Bcngal are in f,wour of the union. That is completely false; that is so
much abracadabra, At till' mon1l'nt, there is going on in Calcutta, a campaign
for the l'lection to this Hous!:" in the place of the late lamented Shri Meghnad
Saha. I was there in Calcutta till only the other day and I can say, and I can
challl'nge thl' Hon1l' Minislt'r to wait for a few days and to find out hovv the
peoplt~ vote, how the people in c1 constitut'ncy where nearly 40 per cent of the
electors art' non-Bengalis, vote. I W<lnt him to wait for <l few days.
...... ...... .. ....
In Calcutta as well as in other parts of West Bengal, there has been going
on a campaign. There were two IlartaTs all over West Bengal, and particularly
in the Calcutta region, which has the largest, numerically largest, conn'ntration
of Hindi-speaking people anywhere in India. And thl'st' two ha"la!~ werl'
bigger Izartab than any ht!rttl! held in India in the best days of the Candhi agl'.
I know Congressmen ha,·e come to me in this Houst' and told me how tht'Y
felt proud that in today's conditions in Calcutt.l, a Iwrltl! of this kind could
be held successfully, non-violt'ntly, peact'lully. For \H'eks no\\", ';tl/'lltISI"ahtl is
going on, and I find in the papers dated Ib April, that up to 12 April, a tot.ll
of 7,5-18 demonstrators were arrt'sted in West Bengal in connl'ctilll1 with tlk'
movement to protest <lg.linst the West Bl'ngal-Bihar nwrgl'r PWPI)..,.lls.
Now, this satyagmha is also conductt'd lll1 the most unl',\(eptionabll' Iinl'S.
I know the Prime rvlinister got.'s out of his way from time il) tinll'-only tllO
often-to sav that this is a kind of (Oerl.:ion l)f the admini..,trdtilln. What is
sauce for the gander is not sauce for the goose! This kind of dislTimindtory
approach to the people's pwblt'ms, this kind of failurl' to try to rl'alisl' Wh.lt
is at the back of the people's minds, is symptomdtk of the dl.u,ldl·r I if this
administration which, in spite of certdin good things bl'ing dlll1l'--gl)()d things
with which e\'el)'body is willing to collaboralt.·-dt·m.H(.ltl·S itself ,l\\"ay frolll
the people, is afraid of the pt'ople all the tin1l', is .lfr,lid Ilf the pl·Oplt .. ..,
consistent co-operation in the reconstruction of the country. And th,lt is \\'h~'
when the people practise this kind of ~atyaSrtlJIiI in the mo..,t pe.lll'ful m.lI1l1l'r
imaginable, the news of the ~alya.'\mlltl is blackt'd out in tlw .lll-[ndi.l p.lpl'r.."
as far as I can make out, and then we arl' told, "You Ml' trying il) coerce u,,".
What are we supposed to do?
I remember the Prime Minister was hl're on the d.w bl'forl' the Clkutt.l
hartat on 2-l Februal)'. He was spt.'aking on 23 rebrual)·. Smt. Renu l"h.lkr.l\·.utty
asked him a question, and he made a chl'ap jibe dt us ,1I1d ..,.lid, "Tomorrow,
we shall find out in Calcutta. You know more about hm.... 11/11"la!.; art' dom' in
Calcutta", that is to say, buses art' burnt, trams arl' broken and ,111 kinds of
enormities practised. And when the hartat continued, not in thl' Delhi f'lshion
where when we had a lrarta! against the Goa incidl'nts bust'S Wl'rt· running
all over the place in the Capital-I was amazed to set:' why-but in Cakutt.l
till midnight everything was dead in a region which ran for miles, and milt's,
when that harta! happened, not a ripple was caused in the dOVl'cotl's which
prevail in this place. That shows the kind of detachment from the people that
prevails here.
Any number of municipal elections have been held in West Bmgal-at

least ten-and in all those municipal elections, the Congress has bem noon'd,
in some of them, the Congress has not dared to appear, just as in the caSl' of
Bombay, Congress does not dare to put up its candidatl's for the bye-elections.
In regard to the Calcutta Corporation, which is a queer body, with a very
limited franchise, which is possibly unconstitutional,-because very few
pt'opll' have the right to \'ote for the Calcutta Corporation elections-the
l'Il'ctions were due this year, and Dr. Roy had said late in February, or perhaps
in March, that the ell'ctions would be held-they would not be postponed.
But they wert' postponed in spite of the open challenge given by all
non-Congre~s partil's in Calcutta and all O\'er West Bengal that these elections
would bl' <\11 acid tl'St. Those dections were postponed.
Today from Bihar, tlw Lok Se\'ak Sangh, founded by Nibaran Chandra
))<1S Cupta-I do not see my fril'/ld, Shri Satya Narayan Sinha here; he knows
more about NibarMl DelS Gupta and his character-this Sangh under Atul
Chandra Chosh-not, thank Gllli, our colourful colleague Shri Atulya Ghosh,
who soml'lin1l's o~1l'ns his mouth in this House--under Atul Chandra Ghosh,
tlw I.ok St'\'ak S,mgh is (lmducting a trek-he is 79 years of age-from
!\1,mbhulll to Clk-ulta in orLil'r to practise ~lltyllsrallll there. If you go and ask
the grl',lll'~t C,mdhi-itl's who are li\'ing, about Atul Chandra Ghosh-not,
fortun,ltl'ly, I S,lY ag<lin Atulya Ghosh-they would know who he is; and he
j-.; glljng with a lot of his o\\'n pl'llpll' in ordl'r to tell them ho", this merger
propos'll is glling to Lil) harm to l'\'l'rybody, and how the restoration to
Wl'St Ikng,ll of thosl' arl'as which indubitably belong to her by linguistic
right is tIll' only ,md proper solution (If this problem. All this is going on and
\\'l' .ul' bl'ing gin'n hllmilil'''' about ~1l'<1ce and non-\io!t'nce. Go to Calcutta
and Sl'l' how this mml'll1l'nt is bl'ing conductl'd. E\'l'ry day, e\'ery afternoon,
crowds of pl'opll' arl' going to jail. I\'opk art' enthused. EH'ry day, day after
d,lY, r,lin or ..,hinl', it glll'S l)J1 and pl'llple are going to jail. This mO\'ement is
bl'ing cllndudl'd. YllU go ,md Sl'l' tlw l'Il'ctilln l-ampaign and you will see how
the~' Ml' rl'splll1ding to this idl',l. Wh~', in that caSl', if ~'ou han' a two-penny
worth of CI)J1sidl'r,ltilln for tlw pl'llpll"s dl'sirl', are yllU going to make this
impositilll1 on Clkulta? This is political blackmail; I call it dishonesty of the
worst watl'r wlll'n Con'rtll1ll'nt (llll1l'S forward and telb Parliament that it
has gllt rl'ad~' till' apparatus fllr introducing a separate Bill for the purpose
of tlw ,lmalg,lmation llf Wl'St Bt'ngal and Bihar. But Gon:'rnment has not the
guts to S,lY on tlw 16 M,m:h-I think it was on that date-when the Prime
Minister IlMdl' l"l'rtain announcellwnts .... C('rtain definite proposals were made
about tlw boundaries of Wl'st Bl'ngal and Bihar and tht:'se proposals have
hel'n forgottl'n llr withdrawn. How this happened, I do not know.
I havl' got hl'rl' a copy of the AIII,.ita Ba:ll,. Piltrika. a stridently Congress
journal, which brings out with big headlines whatewr Shri Atulya Ghosh
has got to S,l\'. This AIII,.ifll RIl:a,. Pat rika , in its Calcutta edition of 19 Apiil,
says that M'l~lana Abul Kalam Azad, onl' of the triumvirate which rules this
country, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, a member of the Congress sub-<ommittee
on thl" S.R.e. Rt'port had, in a special interview, categorically stated that the
recomml'nded art'as for transfer to West Bengal should come under the
West Bengal region of the Bengal-Bihar union. Earlier, in a Press Conference,
the Maulana had said that the union proposal was not an alternative to
boundary adjustment. He also said in that Press Conference that in case the
union proposal did not materialise, the decision of the Central Government
for transferring the recommended areas to Bengal would stand. I would say
that if Dr. Roy was here and if he was really to speak his own mind, he
would tell the Maulana-
what is all this, reminiscent of Delhi ka laddl/?
~ CfiT ~ ~ 79fln CW~.

~ m 79fln, CW '4t ~I
What is the point of all this? Why mislead people? Why not come forward
and say, "we have got ready two alternative sets of proposals to be
incorporated into this Bill before this session is out"?
I think my hon. friend, Shri Basu put a question-I was not here in Delhi
at that time-to the Home Minister as to whether it would be done this
session, and he gave evasive answers. I do not want him to give an answer,
now. But, let him please, for heaven's sake, think of the matter; let him just
ask himself why he should be treating the people in that part of the country
so shabbily. It may be because you think that Dr. B.C. Roy is on the top of
the world? But is he?
I remember that in September 1953, when there was a discussion in this
House on the circumstances leading to the death of Dr. Syama Prasad
Mookerjee in Kashmir, I had occasion to say about Dr. Roy, that, while he
was a very eminent doctor, politically he was an imbecile. I repeat it.
Depending upon the position of this person, they presumed, supposed and
imaginary position of this person in West Bengal, you played ducks and
drakes with the destinies of the people there.
I am sorry I have to concentrate whatever I have to say in regard to
West Bengal-I had lots to say about other areas like the Punjab, Bombay,
Orissa and Hyderabad, because I do not want to give an impression that I am
a chauvinist Bengali; I am nothing of that sort,-but I want to say this.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
I do not say this as Bengali chauvinist. But I refer to this only as an
instance of the callous, anti-people attitude of the Government and also as an
instance which illustrates how Government is afraid of West Bengal remaining
as West Bengal, unhindered by the majority of Bihar, West Bengal remaining
as a bastion of militant fighters for the reconstruction of our country according
to the socialist pattern-which Congress also parades today. It is only because

you are afraid of the people's movement in West Bengal that you are taking
these measures. It is only because you have learnt your lesson from the harta]
in West Bengal. I repeat-it is in the largest single concentration of Hindi-
speaking people anywhere in India-that is, Greater Calcutta-that harta]
was declared twice. Did it happen because the Biharis just succumbed to the
coercion of the Bengalis? I have friends among the Biharis. If the Biharis
wanted to resist, they would have done it; but they kept together to the
slogan BmgaJi Bihari Bhai Bhai. We want Bihar also to be happy. We do not
want the united, merged West Bengal-Bihar to be a jumping ground for
politicians,-power-hungry politicians-trying to take advantage of this
intrigue here or that intrigue there. We do not want that. We do want the
people in Bihar as well as in West Bengal to go ahead. And, that is why I said
that this is the symptom of the character of Government and this is the kind
of thread running through this Bill. Why this distrust of the people? That is
why I do not know whether I shall laugh or I shall cry, when the
Prime Minister talks as he talked only the day before yesterday about
emotional integration. Of course, we want emotional integration. But, how is
that emotional integration going to happen? We are all Indians; we have no
doubt it. We thrilled when the Home Minister spoke of "this great country
of India". We know that the Himalayas are there as
"Iike the back bone of the world". We do not want the backbone of our
people to be crushed and mangled and battered. We want the people in
different parts of our country, who speak different languages but who, at the
same time, share in the great totality, in the great entity which is the culture
of India, to live together happily on equal terms of friendship and co-operation.
We rely on the Central Government to obliterate difficulties bet\veen the
States when they arise. That is why the Central Government is given the
charge of planning. It is argued that the refugee problem would be solved if
Bihar and West Bengal were combined; it is so much moonshine and nonsense.
Bihar has no land to spare. It is only in the Adivasi area, where other people
cannot go, that there is some land.
I have here some documents which I once passed on to Shri Ajit Prasad
Jain, when he was Minister of Rehabilitation and I think I showed these
documents also to Shri Mehr Chand Khanna, to show how the present rulers
of Bihar, particularly the Minister called Shri Krishna Ballabh Sahai, feel.
Here is a photostat copy of a letter which he sent to an organisation called
the Colonisation Society of India, which offered land to 800 Bengali families
for settlement in Bihar without any kind of trouble or difficulty. This was
resisted and opposed by the Bihar Minister only because he is one of the
ruling clique of Bihar and he did not like the idea of Bengalis settling in that
part of the country. Here, we find the statistics showing that so many hundreds
of thousands of acres are there in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and
Hyderabad. Out of that Bihar has a share of 12,000 acres and that is not
reclaimed. We cannot blame Bihar. I can say this that Bihar has no land and,
therefore, the problem of refugee rehabilitation ......
*** *** ***
I was only trying to be fair to Bihar. I do not wish to say that arguments
like the possible solution of the refugee problem by merger are advanced
deliberately in order to mislead the ignorant population of both Bihar and
West Bengal. It is not to hurt Bihar that I was saying this. I was only saying
this that it is necessary to realise that there must be linguistic States. That is
why I feel that there are some lacunae, that there are some defects and
deficiencies in the Bill. I do not have the illusion that all these deficiencies
will be corrected in the Joint Select Committee but I wish that they are rectified
as much as possible. I do wish to conclude by expressing a hope that when
the Bill comes back to us again, we shall find it in a \'ery much better shape
than it is here at the moment.
*** *** ***
My point of order is that these amendments, and particularly amendment
No. 462 to which the Home Minister has accorded his support is totally out
of order and patently ultra vires of the Constitution. I say this because the
Home Minister has said that on certain occasions Parliament can take things
into its own hands. But I would like you to please remember that Parliament
functions within the ambit of the Constitution and if there is something
which is sought to be done, perhaps with the best of motives, which, however,
goes against the provisions of the Constitution, then naturally that cannot be
countenanced. Now, the requirements of the Constitution, as envisaged in
article 3, are not only procedural but have great value from the point of view
of substance and of democratic propriety. Now, such requirements cannot be
waived either by the Chair or by a numerously signed memorandum from
the members of Parliament. My submission is that the amendments vitally
extend the scope of the Bill and it is clear from article 3 that a condition
precedent to the introduction of such a Bill is that its proposal or proposals
should have been referred to the legislatures affected for ascertaining their
views.
Article 3 reads as follows:
"Parliament may by law-
(a) form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by
uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any
territory to a part of any State;
(b) increase the area of any State;

(c) diminish the area of any State;
(d) alter the boundaries of any State;
(e) alter the name of any State;
Provided that no Bill for the purpose shall be introduced in either House
of Parliament except on the recommendation of the President and unless,
where the proposal contained in the Bill affects the area, boundaries or name
of any of the States specified in Part A or Part B of the First Schedule, the Bill
has been referred by the President to the Legislature of that State for expressing
its views thereon within such period as may be specified in the reference or
within such further period as the President may allow and the period so
specified or allowed has expired."
By "proposals" I suggest it is meant not ideas floating in their air and
being discussed by certain people, but proposals actually incorporated in the
Bill, and by the "expression of views" I mean not casually expressed views
by certain members in the course of discussion in a legislature, but views
which have been ascertained as far as the proceedings of the relevant
legislature can give us an indication of that. Therefore, I submit that the
legislatures affected-and in this case there are four legislatures affected,
Bombay, Hyderabad, Saurashtra and Madhya Pradesh-must have had an
opportunity of directing their minds to a real consideration of the proposal
or proposals. Whether a proposal is carried here in this Parliament or not is
completely irrelevant when we bear in mind the provisions of the Constitution.
I submit that this interpretation is in conformity with all rules laid dO\'\'n by
Maxwell and other authorities.
I would like to draw your attention to a matter of very much lesser
import where you yourself gave a ruling on 3 September 1953. On that occasion
the Estate Duty Bill was under discussion and Government sought to introduce
some additions. My friend, the ex-Minister of Finance was in charge of the
Bill and he defended the proposition that the addition could be permitted.
On that occasion you were pleased to point out that what the Government
wanted to do was to extend the scope of the amendment, and even though
you held that what the Government wanted to do was not inconsistent with
the purpose of the Bill, you said-I am quoting from Parliamentary Debates
of 3 September 1953:
"True, it is not inconsistent. It is in the nature of things that it could be
in the Bill. This is an Act of Parliament. All the same, technically I am
afraid it is not within the scope of the Bill. I would suggest, therefore,
that this rule may be suspended and if the hon. Minister makes a motion,
then it is for the House to suspend the rule."
This is what you said in regard to that matter, but the question before us
is very much more vital, it is very much more fundamental because there is
a definite constitutional provision requiring that the proposals in regard to
States reorganisation should be in a properly ascertainable form for the
purposes of discussion in the relevant legislatures and in the affected
legislatures there has to be discussion and the views of the affected legislatures
have to be ascertained by the President. The recent constitutional amendment
only removes the fetters in regard to the time-schedule, but as far as the
obligation to secure the views of the affected States is concerned, the rights
of the States are very much in the picture. Therefore, my submission is that
it could newr have been the intention of the Constitution that so vital a
matter as the extension of States and large-scale modification of State
boundaries and their amalgamation into a big unit could be decided without
reference-specific and clear reference-to the States affected, in this instance
Bombay, Hyderabad, Madhya Pradesh and Saurashtra.
I remember that when the question of having an amalgamation of

West Bengal and Bihar came into the picture, the States Reorganisation Bill
was introduced in this House but on that occasion the Home Minister said
in the Statement of Objects and Reasons that it was a matter which had to be
part of another Bill. It could not be brought in because it required prior
discussion and prior consultation of the legislatures concerned. Therefore, I
feel that the amendments which I am impugning are of radical nature. They
seek to replace fonner proposals in the Bill. Neither in the States Reorganisation
Report nor in the Bill as circulated by Government was there anything like
the radical alternation of boundaries which is now sought to be put in by
means of a stray suggestion which comes from certain members of the House,
worked up into a kind of artificial movement and then paraded by the Home
Minister as a declaration of national determination. I feel that is not the way
in which we should proceed. I submit that an entirely new set of proposals
are being sought to be introduced into the Bill, and if we accept it, then that
would be a process nugatory of the provisions of the Constitution. It would
not be proper for 250 members or even more ....
...... ...... . ....
...... ...... .. ....
This Bill had roused great expectations, for, the appointment of the States
Reorganisation Commission and had been itself the sequel to demonstrations
all over the country, which showed what the people really wanted. But over
a large and important area, those expectations have been dashed. Behind the
mask of patriotism which the Home Minister so impressively wears, I see
every time the Treasury Benches indicate their mind, I see a fear of the
people, sheer, insensate fear of the democratice aspirations of the people. It
is this fear which vitiates the Bill, which distorts Bill in essential particulars,
and in the setting up, above all, of the polyglot State of Bombay, in the face
of every canon of democracy and political propriety.
We have been witnesses in this House to, what I consider a dangerous

spectacle, the steamrollering of genuine public opinion in Maharashtra and
in Cujarat, by an unprecedented campaign of signature collection. Members
of Parliament, most of them far away from the scene and insensitive to the
agony of the people affected and to their deep-rooted aspirations, traded so
to speak, in the name of national unity and furnished Government with, an
excuse, an excuse for imposing a solution-if it is at all a solution-namely,
the bilingual State of Bombay. If the Government was not so bloated with a
sense of its own authority, it would have known that this was no solution at
all; and so, Government is trying to thrust down the throats of Gujaratis and
Maharashtrians, a State set-up which is very like the one which they had in
the British times and which they wanted deeply and fundamentally to change,
because now we are supposed to be the architects of our own destiny.
It has been said in this House, and I repeat it, that this is an act of
political criminality and it has been motivated by no other desire than of
appeasing the big money interests of Bombay. This expression, perhaps since
my hon. friend, the former Finance Minister used it, has become respectable,
and we have said it over and over again, but it did not seem to hit the
headlines. Incidentally, I must say that I am unhappy over the former Finance
Minister's recent political perambulations, because, in spite of his having
made one or two good statements, he has acted in a manner which has
produced a sort of Dead Sea fruit and he has done no good either to
Maharashtra or to the rest of the country.
What Maharashtra wanted has been said over and over again in this
House and in the country, and it does not need retelling. What Gujarat really
wants, however, was long sought astutely, and with discretion, to be kept
away from the House and from the country. But that discretion has been
thrown to the winds by the valour and the patriotism of the people of Gujarat
and that is why we see that they are demonstrating today. Whether we like
it or not, they are demonstrating in defiance of the bullets which the Home
Minister has in abundance. They are demonstrating for a Gujarati State of
their own. That State is warranted by history, by common sense, by social,
economic, political, cultural and by other considerations. In Ahmedabad, the
town of Gandhiji, the town of my friend the Labour Minister, we are told, the
writ of the Congress runs as nowhere else in the country. Gujarat was
supposed to be a willing party and perhaps even an enthusiastic party to this
bilingual formula which was canvassed by my friends like Shri c.c. Shah,
but now, like murder, the truth is out. It is not only that students who are
emotionally disturbed and are carrying on the demonstrations in the streets,

have got out of hand, but we hear of the Ahmedabad Bar Association and
eYen the Millowners' Association and the entire general public coming out
against the bilingual scheme. The blood of our citizens has been spilt on the
streets of Ahemdabad. Curfew darkens towns like Ahmedabad and Baroda
and other places. Let us pay homage to those who could not meekly stomach
injustice to Gujarat and let us remember, as members of Parliament that, to
our shame, we could not repair that injustice.
I know it will be said, and it has been said in the lobbies of this House,
that a handful of mischief makers-generally the expression they ilre very
much fond of is "anti-social elements"-are doing all the damage. They said
the same thing in regard to Bombay. But when challenged by Maharashtra
which felt that its self-respect was being outraged by that suggestion.
Government did not have the guts or the elementary political decency to
have an official enquiry into that matter.
There is no hyprocrisy more exasperating than the attitude of mind which

condemns the idea of linguistic provinces as being contrary to that of national
unity. How the Prime Minister who has made a serious study of history has
reached this puerile conclusion is one of the minor mysteries of our time. To
the citizens of the Union of States which India is, a most valuable privilege
is to live an autonomous life in his own lesser unit, with an intrinsic life and
purpose of its own. That is a fundamental right which nothing can take
away, and that right, that privilege, has been denied, with a vulgar fanfare
of patriotism, to the people of Maharashtra and to the people of Gujarat. And
if those people raise their hands in protest, of course, they are given a dose
of that "aggressive non-violence" to which reference was made by
Shri Deshmukh, shooting to kill and all that being part of the game.
This is not the way to build national unity; it is to provoke national

chaos. If the 200 and odd signatories who offered a spurious excuse to
Government for a bilingual Bombay could have their way, they could, with
the jubilant blessings of the Home Minister, go forward and have a merger
of West Bengal and Bihar, a union of Karnataka and Kerala and so on and so
forth. But, they have not succeeded for the present in doing so, because the
people have told them that there is a limit to their patience. But I fear that
this Government and its camp followers learn nothing and forget nothing.
Maybe they have schemes up their sleeve of which the people are at the
moment unaware. I have very great respect for my friend, the Home Minister.
But since he has appeared on the scene, in this House, I must confess I cannot
read his mind '~: ';f ~ ~ JF:FI:' That seems to be applicable to the way
in which his mind works. All the other weakness of this Bill stem from this
basic disregard for the people, the refusal, for instance, to have a boundary
commlSSlOn properly constituted-without such a provision, there will be

fostering sores in our body politic, which it is our bounden duty to remove.
But, Government has other plans and does not care.
There is again the case of Orissa. The case of Orissa was brought up over
and over again, but the Home Minister said, "It is a big problem which
cannot be tackled by a boundary commission". If such a big thing as polyglot
Bombay could be pushed through in this Parliament, why was not the case
of Orissa not taken into consideration? Then, for tribal peoples also, this Bill
is a cruel disappointment. There is not a syllable in it which suggests that
their problems even exist, though some of us have been shouting ourselves
hoarse about radical changes in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and
for special safeguards for their social, economic and cultural progress. It is a
pity that one of the principal spokesmen of the tribal people in this House-
Shri Jaipal Singh-I am sorry not to see him in this House at the present
moment---chose to lea\"e his people in the lurch and with the air of an elder
statesman went about collecting signatures for one thing or the other. We are
always delighted by the inanities which his charming accent sugar-coats, but
we are not prepared to take lessons in high politics from him. I say very
seriously, the question of the tribal people has been ignored and we have not
1ward one syllable from Gm"emment in regard to this matter and this at a
time whpn the Naga agitation is going on, an agitation which we have to
tackle in an understanding fashion.
Perhaps I have said enough, and oYer and over again; the idea of linguistic
States as the rock-like foundation of national unity has been emphasised in
this House and in the country. When this Bill was in preparation, I knew that
I would get a chance-you would be good enough to give me a chance-to
speak. I knew also that you would have liked me to say:
"Let us walk together; let us speak together; let us attune our minds
together."
But the Home Minister has done a job of work which disables me from
saying that in the context of this particular Bill, I wish we could say:
But we cannot do so on this occasion. Government has behaved in an

arrogant manner and in a shortsighted manner. Therefore, I accuse the
Government of deliberately refusing a permanent and national solution of a
national question. I accuse the Government of provoking disunity where
unity prevailed. I accuse the Government of posing in this House and in this
country controversies where controversies would have been eliminated by

the joint co-operative endeavour of us all. Government has not done it and
I cannot even say in regard to this Bill:
It is not like that; it is not that a very minor error has crept in. It is not
that only a very few bad things are here, but the generality of the Bill is very
good. On the contrary, something has happened which has vitiatt.'d the entire
atmosphere of the Bill. This Bill bristles with instances of injustice and
inequality. For the small mercies vouchsafed certain areas in the country, we
cannot oppose it outright. I repeat, we cannot oppose it outright, but we are
acutely unhappy, I repeat, we are acutely unhappy, that Government has
made such a very sorry mess of the problem of States reorganisation.
THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE
(SECOND AMENDMENT) BILL, 1956*£
Mr. Deputy-Speaker, Sir, though I have been a member of the Select

Committee, I should like to say without immodesty that the Select Committee
has done a good job of work. Thanks, particularly to its Chairman, Pandit
Thakur Das Bhargava, it could go into provisions of the Representation of the
People Act, \,... hich were untouched by the present amending Bill and the
result is that a considerable amount of ground has been covered in the direction
of making the election process comparati\"ely simple and unencumbered by
these technicalities which appears almost eccentric to the layman.
I fee\, howe\"t~r, that I must say that we have not got yet anything like a
real election code and a body of consolidated rules made thereunder. We
wanted that election code which could displace a mass of dispersed law and
piecemeal rules. And Sir, this has happened on account of the Government's
'hand to mouth' policy, if I might put it that way. This, our Parliament, the
first Parliament that was elected on the basis of adult suffrage, could have
given our country a truly and well thought out States Reorganisation Law
and corresponding with it a comprehensive election code, but the Government
wobbles and fumbles and thinks of fantastic make shifts from time to time
and the results are calamitous.
In so far, however, as this Bill improves upon the present system regarding
the regulation of election, it is welcome, and it is in the hope that the House will
further pursue the process of improvement that I am addressing certain remarks.
Sir, in our ancient republics, some of which-like that of the Lichhavis-
lasted nearly for a thousand years, as well as in organisations like the
Buddhist Sallgllas, the electoral process was well-known in our country. Perhaps,
such traditions lingered in our racial memory, for the way our mighty
electorate, 180 million strong, reacted when called upon to exercise the
franchise has been something to be proud of. We owe it to our great people,
• LS, DI'b., 15 May 1956. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 18 April, 1966 on a similar subjectl·
( The Bill which was aimed at providing for further amending the Representation of the People
Act, 1950 and Representation of the People Act, 1951, became 'the Representation of the People
(Second Amendment) Act, 1965').
125
great in spite of the sorrows and degradation we have suffered through the
ages; we owe it to them to e\'ol\'e as good an dection law as we can,
At this point, I should say also a word about the Election Commission
which, by and large, has behawd with dignity and with dficit'ncy, Its rq'lort
on our first general elections and its recomn1l'ndations in regard to the future
conduct is a \'clluable d(\cument.
I proceed now to make certain l)bser\'ations in regard to thl' way in

which I fed we should change the Bill as it has now come bl'fore us, I fed
strongly on a point, which has already had the support, happily, of my friend
Shri N,C. Chatterjee, that clause (b) of section 7 of the Rl'Prl'sentation of the
People Act 1951, should be deleted, It has been said bl'fort', dnd I nt'ed not
dilate upon it, that in the socia-political context of l)ur country, it is not right
to ha\'e a pro\'ision of this sort. It may be unfortunate but it rl'Il1.1ins a fact
that from time to time issues arise which impl'l some of our bl'st people to
face a conviction, Shri N,C. Chatterjee ga\'l' instances and so I nl'l'd not
repeat them, but actually, what has happened O\'l'r and O\'l'r again is that
some of our \'ery fine spirits ha\'e had to be cOlwicted by courb for offl'IKl's
that do not by the utmost stretch of imagination come in the category of
moral turpitude but they are offences which unhaprily happen to be
committed, That being so, I feel that Gon'rnment should gi\'l' \'l'ry serious
thought to this matter, I do not think it is divulging any secret in regard to
the Select Committee's proceedings if I say that there was a good deal of
discussion on this point. The Secretariat was of great assistance to LIS giving
us material in regard to the procedure followed in other countries about the
disqualification on the score of conviction, and it was clear to everybody that
we are following a rigid rule, a rigid rule which is by no means in conformity
with the interests of our people and with the position of affairs in ollr country
at the present moment. I therefore wish that our law in this regard should not
be harsher than what it is in the United States or in Canada or in the United
Kingdom and in certain other countries. I wish to press very strongly for the
omission of clause (b) of section 7 of the parent Act.
I wish that a slight change is made in clause 13 where it is said that the
polling date should not be earlier than the 21st day after the last day for
withdrawal of candidatures. I suggest that 30 days should be allotted for this
purpose. I say this because there are areas in our country like Rajasthan or
Himachal Pradesh or Assam where geographical, climatic and other
considerations are very serious and if you are going to have a real
electioneering campaign, it is only fair that the people should be in a position
to hear what the candidates have got to say about themselves and their
particular programmes. That cannot be done within the period of 21 days.
I wish also that in clause 15, sub-clause (3) the expression "disloyalty to
the State" which is to bring a disqualification in regard to elections should be
deleted. This expression "disloyalty to the State" might appear to be a very
fine formulation but I fear that in practical terms it would be very difficult
to apply it. I Cdn understand the law demanding that everybody should be
loyal to the country. I can certainly understand that we are all expected to be
loyal to the State because the State is the embodiment of our freedom. It
reconciles the inwardness of morality with the externality of the law. But as
a matter of practical fact, what happens is that the State remlins as a concept
and an attempted concretisation of an emotion, but that attempt has not yet
been fully successful anywhere in the world. That being so, what happens is
that the GO\"l'rnml'nt is substituted in the place of the State and for all practical
purpOSI'S, 10y<11ty to the State comes to be interpreted as loyalty to the
Govl.'rnnwnt. I can say that we are loyal to India; we are loyal to the idea of
fn.ll'dnm to the country to the last breath of our being, but if we are going to
be haull'd up becc:lusl' of something \,\'hich is interpreted as being tantamount
to disloyalty to tl1l.' G(wl.'rnment of the day, then surely we are prepared for
all hazards and I am surl.' the finest spirits in our country, on whichever side
of this Housl.' they may be at the moment, would say that "disloyalty to the
State" is an l'xpression which has been in practical life interpreted to be
idl'ntical with disloyalty ill the Government. That being so, this ambiguous
l'xprt'ssion should not be there in the law at all.
Thl'n, in rl'gard to tl1l.' election expenses, I ha\·e certain points to make.
I do not agrl'e at all v\'ith Shri N.C. Chatterjee who wanted that the ceiling
in rl'gard to thl' l'Il'ction expenses which is there should either be not there
at all or it should bl' high-lightened. My feding is that if we are going to have
dl'cl'nt political life in this country, the elections can be fought only on the
basis of \·oluntary and almost entirely honorary labour on the part of our
workers. My experience is that there are so many of us who have not got the
when'withal to finance an election even to a pettifogging little body \,,'here
you have got a few l'Iectors if the election is conducted in the rather disgraceful
way which is particularly seen in our country from time to time. Here is my
friend, Shri Maitra who made his affirmation yesterday. I know the way in
which his election was fought in Calcutta because I was there, and I myself
fought the e1l' ction in Calcutta where I got double the Congress vote. I had
no money to spend and when I got two copies of the electoral roll I was out
of pocket. Naturally, of course there was my party to finance me. I know
there was difficulty. But, at the same time, what I depended on was, and
what my friend, Shri Maitra depended on was entirely voluntary labour of
so many people whom we have never known whom we shall never know as
long as we live. In lane after lane in Calcutta there were festons, placards,
posters, done by God knows who. We cannot give any account of that sort
of thing. That happens to be so from time to time in our country when the
decencies of political life are properly respected and there is an upsurge

among the people, and if the Congress Party can touch off that unsurge, God
bless them. They have a right to the support of the people. If a real Congress
patriot stands for election, he does not have to go about spending money in
one way or the other. But money has to be spent for transport, for propaganda,
for posters, for printing, etc. But then money ought to be found in a decent
atmosphere by purely local initiative unconnected with any dictation from
the side of the candidate. I know that I would be told that you are required
by the law to furnish full particulars in regard to all the expenses incurred
on account of the election. I cannot possibly get to know what has been spent
by my friends in one part or another of my constituency. That kind of election
accounts should not be demanded of me by the law. If this is law, the law is
an ass and that should be subverted. What I am saying is that if we want a
decent political atmosphere in the country and if you have a decl'nt political
atmosphere, voluntary workers should come forward as they are ah\-ays
coming forward-and there is no doubt about it. Evcn on the side of the
Congress there must be voluntary workers. I know that so many malpractices
are taken recourse to particularly by those who are the bigwigs in our country,
and therefore the natural supporters of the Government partv. I know that
these things have happened. I know it, but at the same time, I know that
there is a certain amount of political idealism in the country which can be
mobilised, and in that case I feel that we must try to have a target, and that
is to achieve a decent political atmosphere where the candidates or his party
would not have to spend considerable sums of money out of thl'ir own
pockets. But if large sums of money are permitted to be spt.·nt by individuals
or by parties or by organisations, Big Money control over elections would
become a terrible fact.
During the last few years, or a little before that, we heard of sugar
magnates in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere being hand in glove with the
Congress Party. I am not sure and I cannot prove it for myself, but the report
was current all over the place. Shri Asoka Mehta has told us something about
the Congress collecting an election fund to the extent of Rs. 3 crores. I have
seen reports-I referred to them on the floor of the House during the
discussion on the States Reorganisation Bill-that the treasurer of the Congress
Party happens to be the Chief Minister of Bombay State and all the hullabaloo
over Bombay being taken away from Maharashtra is largely due to the fact
that the financial interests in Bombay city do not want Bombay to be given
to Maharashtra and those interests are operating as an influence on the minds
of the Congress leadership and particularly the treasurer of the Congress
Party who is worrying naturally a great deal as to what is going to happen
in the next general elections. That being so, there must be a stop put to the
kind of electioneering expense which goes on. I do not want that an exemption
is given to political parties. If the political parties are spending money for the
sake of their own candidates, they must come forward and given an account
of what they have spent and on what particular candidate. It is for Government
to work out some ways and means by which a fair apparatus of calculation
could be discovered. So, Sir, I feel that in regard to election expenses, this
matter should be carefully considered by this House.
I am not happy over the requirement of security deposits from duly

nominated candidates. Perhaps in a really socialistic society, there is no
question of this kind of deposit. I was reading the report of the proceedings
in our predecessor legislature and I found that one member had suggested
that all the expenses of candidates should be met from the exchequer. That
is a reasonable suggestion, if you think that there is a socialistic kind of
society. If you do not think that we are going to have a socialistic kind of
society, naturally you think differently. But anyhow, I feel for the time being
that the deposits should be reduced. For parliamentary constituencies, I
suggest that the deposit required should not be more than Rs. 200 for the
gl'Oeral seats and Rs. 100 for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
seats. For the State legislatures, it may be Rs. 100 for the general seats and
Rs. 50 for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes seats. I might be told
that so many people would come forward and pose as candidates and the
whole thing would be terril">ly complicated. I say that you can deal with it in
other ways I am not very sure about my recollection, but I think that the
Election Commission had suggested that you might change the rule in regard
to forfeiture of deposits. If some candidate gets less than one-sixth of the total
numbl'r of votl'S polled, then his deposit is forfeited. You might make it
one-fifth or en'n one-fourth. In this country where in 99 cases out of 100 the
man is poor, if he is a candidate for election, do not make it incumbent on
him to come forward with a large security deposit and to pay a large sum of
money for the purchase price of the electoral rolls and all that kind of thing.
I fed, therefore, that there should be a provision in our law for helping the
candidates. It is a good thing that our committee has suggested that the
Central Go\'(.'rnment should permit each contesting candidate to send free of
cost at least ont' post card to every voter in his constituency for canvassing
his candidaturt'. But, I feel that this is not quite enough. Actually in England,
I find in their Representation of the People Act, 1949-the U.K. Act--
section 79 says:
"Two ounces of papt'r can be sent post free to any voter by a candidate."
I feel also that every voter should be informed by the election agency in
advance by the issue of cards indicating his roll number, his place in the
electoral roll, the address of his booth, etc. as is done in England. That is
something which should be done at once. In my constituency, it was the fag
t~nd of the electioneering period and I was told that as far as my candidature
was concerned, cards did not happen to be distributed to so many thousands

and thousands of voters to tell them where they should go and all that kind
of thing. For the life of me, I could not understand why it should be my
business to tell my electors as to where they should go, and which is the
booth where they should vote. This is the job of the election agency, the job
of the GO\·ernment. The Government should do it. There is no harm in it; on
contrary, that is something of a provision \·vhich should be made in the interests
of the candidates.
There are certain other matters also to which I would make a rderence.
For example, the question has arisen in regard to the quick counting of \·otl'S.
My friend, Mr. More, has made a suggestion which I commend to the House
I feel that quick counting of \'otes is a \'ery important matter, because in the
absence of quick counting, all kinds of suspicion arise and suspicion ought
to be offset by whatever measures we can practically adopt. I had nn-self
suggested that there should be a right on the part of the candidate or his
polling agent to seal the ballot boxes of any candidate to his satisfaction. I
was told by some people and I ha\'e put in my minute of dissent that in
certain instances, it may be desirable to allow candidates to post their mvn
volunteers to help the State sentries, policemen and other people, in watching
the places where ballot boxes are kept for safe custody. Personally I do not
like this cumbrous procedure; on the contrary, r would support Mr. More's
idea according to which you can get the counting done almost the same
evening in every polling booth. In every polling station, the counting could
be undertaken. Perhaps this might not commend itself to many people and
some friends are shaking their heads. r feel sure that this kind of provision
should be given very careful thought by Government.
I am glad that some amendments have been given notice of-particularly,

I notice one by my friend, Mr. Deshpande, who is not here, suggesting that
among corrupt practices, the practice of Members of GOVl'rnmpnt utilising
their position when on tour for election purposes should be included. r have
read the proceedings in 1951 and I have found that the Law Minister of that
day said in answer that the Council of Ministers had always to be there
advising the President as to what he should do from time to time; they had
to go on tour and so on and so forth, and therefore, this kind of business
would be very difficult to pin down, so to speak, in legal technical terms. I
am not very expert in regard to legal technicalities and I cannot pronounce
upon it very finally. But, I Wish Government to come forward and say that
a convention is going very definitely to be created that Ministers, Deputy
Ministers, Parliamentary Secretaries and all that numerous tribe, should not
utilise their official position on the eve of the elections in order to carryon
at Government's expense, at the people's expense, propaganda in favour of
their own political parties. In regard to this also, I think we can copy something
of what is done in England. In England there are many feudal survivals,

hangowrs of the past days. There are also some very good things. I read
that-this has been referred to in Parliament in the early days of the life of
our House--when Mr. Attlee, the former Labour Prime Minister, used to go
on his l'Iectioneering campaign, his wife would drive the car and he would
go from town to town to whichever place he had to go and carryon his
cll'ctiom~ering campaign in that way even at the time when he was Prime
Minister of His Britannic Majesty. If in England they could do that kind of
thing, why could \Ne not start a convention that as far as Ministers and other
members of Government in various capacities are concerned, they would not
take ad\'antage of their official position on the eve of the elections.
*** *** ***
*** *** ***
I wish to refer to another point and that is in regard to broadcasting

facilitil's for all parties which are denied every time. In regard to this, I shall
draw the attt.'ntion of the House to the reference of the Election Commission
to till' fact that in the last general elections, the success of the entire proceeding
\VelS at least partly due to the peaceful campaigning which was done by the
political parties and surely in the period which we are looking forward to,
the chances of a really peaceful conduct of elections are \'ery much more
bright than C\'er before. This time, therefore, every opportunity should be
guaranteed to all parties in the country, especially the recognised parties in
thl' country, as far as broadcasting facilities are concerned. In regard to this,
thc Election Commission in its Report at page 194 made a somev,rhat
half-hearted, but all the same positive, recommendation.
The Election Commission writes:
"On account of the multitude of parties, the strength and standing of
some of whom were difficult to ascertain, the matter became too
controversial and the Election Commission advised Government that it
would be almost an impossibility to apportion broadcasting facilities
amongst the numerous 'recognised' parties with reasonable fairness and
to the general satisfaction of the public. The Government accepted the
Commission's advice and no broadcasting facilities were extended to the
parties for their election campaign. Now that the number of 'recognised'
parties has considerably decreased and their comparative strength in the
country accurately ascertained, it may be possible to re-open the question
and evolve a reasonably satisfactory scheme for extending this facility to
the parties for the next general elections."
This has been put very mildly in a very sedate form by an official body
and I feel that in regard to this something ought to be done by the Government.
THE NAGA HILLS-TUENSANG AREA BILL, 1957*£
Mr. Speaker, Sir, I welcome the Bill. This measurt.' is in pursuance of thl'
discussion held by the Prime Minister with the delegation of representative
Nagas \\'ho came to Delhi towards the end of Septt'mber. As far as we are
concerned, we desire that this measure is put on the Statute-bot)k as soon.lS l'\'t'r
that is possible and we wish also that the healing touch is l'ffectively applil'd
by the adoption of administratiH', and, what I might call, human n1l'asures,
which would bring about real and stable peace in this part of our country.
Sir, we are all very keen that the trouble in Nagaland should Cl'ase and
we know that it will not be possible for us to pretend that the situation is
entirely without complications. On the contrary, as the Home Minish.'r has
pointed out, there are certain aspects of the situation which would requirl'
very careful attention.
Sir, I would like to say, to start with, that the insurance in this p.ut of our
country, hO\\'ever undesirable and unfortunate it has been, reprl'sents d kind
of historic vengence for the sins of the administration and particularly the
administration in the period of British Rule.
*** *** ***
We know \'ery well that the British had their mvn plans. They isolated
Nagaland; they sowed the seeds of anti-Indian spirit in that area; they kl'Pt
it as the exclusive preserve of British political officers to administer and
white missionaries to educate. But as far as our national mon~ment is
concerned, we have never hesitated to point out that the unity which subsists
in the diversity of our India can be consolidated only if those people who
inhabit our country are given rights of which they are the legitimate claimants.
Sir, I recall a statement which was made by the Prime Minister-he was
not the Prime Minister then, it was before 1947. He made a statement on
5 August 1946 in which he said:
"Widest possible freedom and autonomy should be granted to the tribal
territories so that the tribal people may move onwards in accordance
• LS. Deb., 25 November 1957. rShri Mukerjee also spoke on 31 July 1'156 on a similar subject).
( The Bill which was aimed at providing for the formation of the Naga Hills-Tuensang Area of
Assam as an Administrative unit, became the "Naga Hills-Tuensang Area, Act, 1'157",
132
with their respective traditions and customs .... I do not understand why
an administrative and judicial system should be imported into the Naga
territory from outside. The Nagas should have full freedom to administer
themselves with the help of rural panchayats and tribal people's courts."
l\:ow, Sir, later there came up almost entirely on account of foreign

pron>eation the Naga demand for independence, a demand which has been
d quel'r pl'r\"ersion of geography and of historical development. But this
demand for indl'pendence was nurtured in a specific context ',\'hich today we
want to transform altogether.
Since 1'152, in particular, trouble has persisted in the Naga area and today
what we have to worry about is not only the specific Naga trouble, but also
thl' dismay which unfortunately more or less exists in the minds of other
tribl's in the Assam territory. Now there are dubious foreign elements which
ha,·e been fishing in these troubled waters and that is why we have to proceed
with as much wisdom as we can possibly muster. Real statesmanship is
needed, in regard to the solution of this problem. As the Home Minister has
said, and as GO\·ernment has made clear e,·er so many times, there could
ha,·e bel'n no possible truck with the separation demand. After all, the Nagas
ha,·e to m,lrch in coopl'ration with the rest of India towards a democratic
setup all o\"t:'r our country and that is why we wish that greater efforts are
undertaken to enlarge the autonomous rights of the Ndgas.
There ha,·e been many occdsions in the past when in this H(luse we ha,·e
askl'd for a real clmendment of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution. There
is a feeling that the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, as they are applied at
present, do not really satisfy the Nagas. Perhaps there might be administrative
measures adopted; perhaps the human touch might be introduced into the
situation so that e\"en the present provisions of the Sixth Schedule might be
so amplified and the demands of the people might be comparatiwly satisfied.
I say that the autonomous rights which are envisaged in the Sixth Schedule
to the Constitution should be enlarged. I say this particularly because of the
persistent propaganda which is being conducted by certain very dubious
foreign elements. In this connection I want to recall what I said some time
ago in this House in 1955. On 31 March 1955, speaking on the Demands for
Grants of the Ministry of External Affairs I pointed out as an instance the
operation of certain very equivocal foreign elements in Nagaland. I mentioned
the instance of a man called Sidney D. Ripley, who was the Director of
Operations for South-East Asia in the Office of Strategic Services during the
war and this office was later merged into the Central Intelligence Group of
the United States in 1946. Now, this particular person who ostensibly had
some qualifications as a biologist Wt'nt to Nepal and wrote in thl' Natiollal

Gt'ographical Magtl:ille an article, \'t~ry sumptuously product>d, on "Peerless
Nepal". In January 1955 he wrote again in the Natiollal GcoSrllpllh"al Masa:illc
an article on "India's Nagaland". I say all these equivocal forl'ign l'll'ments
han' been very busy for some time and we know \"t'ry well ho\\' as I.lte dS
last September the ;\;t71' York Time:> published a Il'ttl>r fwm Phizo, till' Nag.l
rebel leader, reiterating his dt'mand for an independent Nag.\l.md.
This kind of thing gOt'S on, and that is why it is wry important th.lt Wt'
proceed with as much wisdom as Wt' can possibly mobilise and the
autonomous rights of the Nagas should be l'nlarged as far as that can possibly
be done.
I wish also to say that since this Bill is now on the am'il of till' Hl)U~l', \\"l'
should impn.·ss on GO\'emment tht' desirability of making adequate l'conomic
grants for development projects, and .1lso sel' to it that the
co-operation of the Naga people is properly mllbilisl'd for the utili ..ation of thosl'
enlarged economic grants. I wish also to say that recpgnition of full right to
language, culture, customs and tribal institutions should be dkctl'd and, if
necessary, proper changes should be incorporated in the judicialmachil1l'ry.
There is another point also to which I wish to makt· rdl'rl'ncl', and th.lt
is the relations which would subsist bel\H'l'n this an'.l under Cl'ntral
administration and the GO\"l'mment of Assam. A fl'\\' days e<lflil'r, I had
occasion to ask a question of the Prime Minisll'r in which I w,mh'd .1/1
elucidation. My impression-I am subject to corrl'ction- is thdt in till' Ndg.\
area, there is, rightly or wrongly, c1 li\'e1y apprehl'nsion of the p(l~sibll'
intervention of the Assam GO\'emment and its subsidiaries in till' d((.lirs of
the Naga territory. I do not v\'ish to rdlect on the Assam Go\"t'rnn1l'nt at all.
On that occasion, [ said that nothing should be done by the Assam CO\'l'rnn1l'nt
which might queer the pitch for a really effectivl' settlement by the Cl'nlre
with the Naga people. The Prime Minister answered that it was not propl'r
to reflect on the attitude of the Assam Government. I do not wish to rl'ill'ct
on the Assam Government, but I do find reports from time to tinw from
Assam to the effect that this territory, even though under Central control,
would be part of Assam, with whatever implications I cannot quite judge.
Now there is a kind of feeling in Naga areas and also dmong certain
other tribes in Assam, that this relationship with Assam ought to be defined
more carefully so that the rights of the tribes are not jeopardised. 1, therefore,
say that Government should do whatever is necessary in order to remove the
misgivings of the Nagas, and if that is done, if administrative and human
measures are taken in order to satisfy the aspirations of the Nagas which
have gone astray, which have been distorted, which have been deliberately
deviated into certain desirable channels by hostile propaganda activity, then
we shall bring about a complete change in the atmosphere in that part of our
country, and this problt'm, which has been crying for solution since 1947,
would be finally settled.
/, then'forl', conclude by saying that we welcome this measure. We wish

this Bill to be passed into law as soon as ever that is possible, but we want
CO\'l'rnn1l'nt to come forward with some assurances regarding the adoption
of those .ldministrdtive and other measures which would allay the misgivings
of the Nagas, which would really and truly expand the ambit of the Sixth
Schl'dule of thl' Constitution, which would give some concrete content to the
rights of autonomy l'm·isagl'd in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and
which would sol\"l~ not only the problem of the Nagas in India but also the
problem of the othl'r tribal populations who come up from time to time with
certain spl'cific gric\"anct's of their own. With this qualification, therefore-
which is not rl'ally a qualification-I offer my full support to the motion
mOH'd bv tIll' flome \1inistt'r.
IN SUPPORT OF PUNJABI SUBA *
Mr. Speaker, Sir, we meet today in the context of certain en'nts th,lt have a
potentiality of political danger and are alsn emotionally surcharged, evcnts which
are serious in themselves and which, if not properly tackll'd, might produce
consequences \\'hich are terrible to contemplate. That bl'ing so,
I had expected, though it was hoping against hope thelt my fril'nd,
Shri Mathur, would speak in a temper which would contributl' to l'asing the
tension, which exists today not only in the Punjab, but also in contiguous h:'rritoril's.
The Prime Minister, is lec1\"ing tnmnrrow, but he has not, I am sorr~' to

note, ostensibly relaxed the rigidity of the stand which he has takt'n up on
the question of Punjabi Suba and Master Tara Singh's fast. It might sound
trite, but the statesmanship, the generosity and unLil'rstanLiing which it
connotes, continue to be potent and I do say that it is being gin·n till' go-by.
I notice from the correspondence which the Prime Ministl'r laid on thl' Tabll'
of the House how he has described Master Tara Singh as a pl'r~on who
makes, highly irresponsible statements. But what is more important to till'
country, whatever Master Tara Singh might or might not do, is that till'
Prime Minister shows a greater sense of responsibility in rl'gard to what is
going to happen to our country.
What everybody wants in this country is that normcllcy and h,umony

return to the life of the Punjab. But what we see from day to day, as Master
Tara Singh's fast continues-he is a very old man and one ne\'l'r knows what
might happen; even as we speak, there is perhaps an elL'ment of danger-is
that these tensions, far from being resolved, are being aggravated. We find
tensions and uncertainties are being aggravated. The situation fl'mains grave
and yet, we do not see Government displaying a real anxiety and political
prudence and that is why I am very sorry that the Prime Minister's staten1l'nt
laid on the Table of the House yesterday is so unsatisfying.
The Prime Minister dismisses the demand for Punjabi Suba. I have noticed
also a tendency in many quarters even to refer to thl' words Punjabi Suba in
a slighting manner. I do not understand it. Suba is just as good a word as
Pradesh. We have Andhra Pradesh and if the Punjabis call for a Punjabi
• L.S. Deb., 29 August 1961. [Participating in the debate on Statement made by Prime Minister
re: 'Punjabi Suba', Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 23 September 1965 on a similar subjl·cll.
136
Suba, it is a very good way of expressing their claim. But in any case, that
is not a matter about which we are quarrelling.
With regard to the formation of a linguistic State for the Punjab i-speaking
people, as far as we are concerned, our stand has been communicated urgently
and personally to the Prime Minister; and that is that we support in principle
the formation of a linguistic State where Punjabi is the principal language. In
principle, we support the formation of the State and we desire that the
Con'rnmcnt makes an announcement to that effect. I say so because, I may
tell my hon. fri('nd, Shri Mathur, the people of Punjab are keenly interested
in regard to this matter. If most of them happen to be Sikhs, it is not any
crime on t11l'ir part. I do not know; it might be found on a proper delineation
of the Punjabi-spcclking areas that the Sikhs perhaps will not be in a majority.
But majority or minority-if the Sikhs do happen to be in a majority, that is
no crime. That is not an offence on their part. And, you meet Sikhs wherever
you go, in India, in Delhi or anywhcrel'lse, you talk to Sikhs of any persuasion,
political or any otht:.'r, and you will find how deep down in their heart the
Sikhs today haw accepted the idea of Punjabi Suba as something which they
ought to haw, and I do dl'sire the Prime Minister to make an effort to get
into tIll' skin of the other fellow. That is why he has been our national leader,
not p<Hticularly bl'cause of some intellectual attainments but of a capacity
which surdy we ha'·l' discerned, of his being able to find out what the other
rna n fl'eb.
vVhat <lbout the Punjabi-speaking people? Perhaps some Punjabi-speaking

Hindus arl' opposing Punjabi Suba. I would not like to say any word which
you han' ad,'isl'd us to ,l\"oid-bccause I was going to say it is ,·ulgar-but
it is undesirabll'. Whl'l1 the Punjabi-speaking Hindus repudiate their own
language thl'rl' must bl' some peculiar communal moti,·ation behind their
repudi<ltion-of many Punjabi-speaking Hindus-of their own mother
languagl'. But that has happened. So what are we going to take as a criterion
of the wislws of the Punjabi people? Are we going to take only the opinion
of thosl' people who can go even so far as to repudiate their own mother
languagl" or arc we going to take the opinion of those who really and truly
are l'unjabi-spl'aking pl>ople? And, if the Punjabi-speaking people are asking
for sonwthing, we haw got to understand that and it is no good taking up
a bureaucratic view of the matter.
I notin:' that in contrast with the parts before independence, because the
Congn.'ss has forml·d the Covernment of the day, an executive view of the
matter is being taken about everything, an administrative slant is given to
every thing. Here is a demand. Is it going to disturb law and order of a
particular area and the Home Ministry will be up in arms against it? But it
is necessary not to pursue in this matter, not to have a purely executive and
administrative view of the matter when the sentiments, the deep emotions of
the people are involved. And, that is why I say, that if the Punjab was such
a wry happy family today, if the toiling masses of the Punjab, as my
hon. friend Shri Mathur described them, are so very happy about the shape
of things there, then surely the movement of Punjabi Suba would not have
taken on the huge shape as it has done today.
I do not like many of the aspects of their movement as it is being
conducted today, but it is neither here nl)r there. The basic demand of a
Punjabi-speaking State is a demand which is underlined with our tradition,
and that is why it is our duty, it is our responsibility, it is a matter of principle
for us to accept the idea of a Punjabi Suba. I say, therefore, accept the principle
because it is just and proper.
I say also, at the same time, that the implementation of that principle will
ha\·e to wait, and I say that because I know that for a variety of reasons
which are wry undersirable the Punjabi Sikhs and Hindus by and large
perhaps do not agree in the manner in which they should. That is why it is
necessary to have sometime after announcement of the acceptance of the
principle to say that the implementation of the principle will naturally take
sometime. The Punjabi Sikhs and Hindus have got to remain together. The
artificial animosities which have been whipped up by certain communal
organisations have got to be resolved. The Hindi-speaking areas will have to
have somewhere special provisions and they will have to have the necessary
safeguards. Naturally, this process will take some time. But the principle
should be immediately recognised, because without that you cannot win the
heart of Punjab and unless you win the heart of Punjab, all this talk of
national integration which it is going on every-where-wherever I go I am
hearing this talk-will produce a mouse, all this talk will be found to be so
much moonshine and not sunshine.
I know the Akalis who are so very much in the picture have been
communal. We ourselves, the Communist Party, have had to fight the Akalis
so many times. We are against the idea of the mixing up of religion with
politics. Like my hon. friend, Shri Mathur, we have openly come out against
the misuse of Gurdwaras and whenever and wherever communal passions
have been roused, we have tried to fight it with all the resources at our
command in order to restore the normalcy and harmony in the life of our
people. So, as far as the Akalis are concerned, perhaps we can produce a bill
of charges against them. Who does not know that the Akalis have often
behaved in a very communal manner? But is it necessary, is it statesmanship
in the year 1961 to rake up those things about Master Tara Singh and other
Akalis? Are there only Akali communalists? Is not Hindu communalism also
very much in the picture? That is why I say, let us take a principled stand
and then ultimately you will rectify these things.
The Prime Minister in his statement has argued the matter and he speaks
as if the linguistic States principle was not a national decision to be
implemented, the idea being that the linguistic States idea was possibly arrived
at in the pre-independence days for some opportunistic purpose. I do not
think so. The idea of having linguistic States in this country was a national
decision whose rationality has not gone by the wall; it continues still to be
a rational and rightful thing. And it is a pity-I am sorry to have to say
that--even from recent experience he seems to learn nothing and to forget
nothing. In 1952 he resisted the idea of an Andhra State. He said on those
days that it was not a viable State. He said that a separate Andhra State
would hurt India's unity. But he was proved to be wrong. Andhra Pradesh
was set up and it is functioning since then. Of course, Sriramalu had to die,
a grl'at many other people had to suffer and a very high cost had to be paid
for the achie\'ement of Andhra Pradesh.
Then again, only a few years ago, when \'\'e were members of Parliament,
in lY56 he was fighting to the last ditch and he was being supported by large
numbers of members of Parliament belonging to different parties in the House,
against the bifurcation of Bombay. All members of Parliament who stood by
him-they always do that-signed memoranda arguing how Bombay should
not be split lip at any LOSt. But the people of Maharashtra and the people of
Cuj<uat-whatever the memlwrs of Parliament in 1956 might have thought-
thought diffl'rl'ntly and they had their way. But a \'ery heavy price in struggle
had to bl' gin'n, a price in li,'es lost and sufferings undergone, and it was
COH'rnml'nt which was rl'spl)J1sible for this because of its obstinate resistance
which uItim<ltl'ly pro\'ed to be not only futile but foolish. Any-how,
Maharashtra and Gujarat are there today happily working and, paradoxically,
Congress claims credit for the formation of those States-Maharashtra and
Gujarat.
Now, following upon our experience in 1952 and 1956, in 1960-61 we
11<1\'e had this dl'mand for a Punjabi Suba. Again the idea is being re\'ived in
the old manner. But all means, as I said before, let us point out the wrong
way in which the Akalis pose it and fight for it. But is it because a rightful
principle is being posed wrongly by a wrong set of people we should not
accept it? Since that appeals to the emotions of our people and if, not only
that, it really and truly makes for effective administration, administration in
conformity with the interests of the common people whose language has got
to have a 'certain position as far as the Government is concerned? Now, just
because the Akalis are a kind of people whom we wish to malign, perhaps
for good reasons, we try to adopt this attitude. That is why, because of this
executive approach to this matter those who are in charge of the administration
are trying to repress all trouble. That is why the Punjab State Government is
trying only to adopt this kind of attitude which is completely wrong. I cannot
go into any detail about what the State Government is doing, but the
administration as a whole is entirely dependent on the governmental
machinery of repression. They can control the situation for a time, but they
cannot for all time heal the wound in the Punjabi heart. But if something
happens, if something tragic happens-I do not know, the Prime Minister
will have gone tomorrow, and if something very bad happens, and it might
very well happen the wound in the Punjabi heart will take a very long time
to heal, and that would be something damage which you do to the integrity
of our country. That is why I say, please do not take recourse to bureaucratic
and administrative and repressive methods in order to put down a demand
which appears from all the available facts to have captured the imagination
of the people not merely in a sentimental fashion but also from the point of
view that linguistic States are the principal medium for linking the
administration with the lives of the people. And Punjab is the only area in
the country which has been deprived of the application of that linguistic
principle. The Punjabis have a sense of discrimination, only because of that,
not because of the fatuous charge which, we think, is completdy fantastic
that Sikhs are not getting sufficient jobs. Sikhs, of course, are gl'tting very
good jobs, and why not? They are a very good set of people and they are
getting jobs also. It is not discrimination of Sikhs in regard to employment,
but it is discrimination against the Punjabi language, it is discrimination
against the Punjabi-speaking people, it is discrimination against those people
who are out of Punjab ...... .
*** *** ***
Punjabi is a major language scheduled in the Constitution, a language

spoken by the majority of the people in a certain area which is contiguous,
and this is a language which is not being given its rightful position.
*** ***
I know the Prime Minister has said "We do not have unilingual State
only". I shall come to that point. He said "We do not have unilingudl States
only". Of course, we do not have unilingual States alone; but our States are
delimited on the basis of a language being the language spoken by the majority
of the people there in that area. You make the amplest provision for linguistic
minorities, and it is terribly important, as events in Assam and other plaCl~s
have shown, but do not quible words like "unilingual", "linguism" and that
sort of thing. Do not merely say that we do not want unilingual States. Who
wants unilingual States? And where in the world do you find a completely
unilingual State? Does not France contain people near the frontier who speak
something like Spanish, a sort of patois and more or less a mixture of German
and French? You cannot find that anywhere. In our own country, in every
State naturally, there will be people speaking other Indian languages, and no
particular province will be a completely unilingual State. Punjab would not

be a unilingual State because Punjab have got a very large Hindi-speaking
minority. You must so demarcate the area that the Hindi-speaking minority
would be lesser, they might perhaps go to other areas, or there may be
special safeguards for their own language and they might remain inside
Punjab, but the point is ....... If Punjabi is not a majority language, that is a
difft.'rent matter, but Punjabi is the majority language, and, surely, Punjabi is
bt'ing kept out of the arena as far as the rightful application of the principle
is concerned.
I have seen also in the statement the Prime Minister asking Master Tara Singh
to gi\'e up his fast. We all ask Master Tara Singh to give up his fast, because
fasting perhaps leads nowhere. But the Prime Minister goes on to argue that
it is a wrong and antidemocratic method of doing things. I wish to remind
the Prime Minister of the saying that father ate sour grapes and the teeth of
the children were sitting on edge. The Congress ate a lot of sour grapes and
the teeth of the children of the Congress have been sitting on edge. You
started this business of fasts. You cannot say "heads I win; tails you lose".
You have made fasts a method of political campaigning and instrument of
popular mobilisation. I do not like it myself and you may not like it in your
personal capacity, but you haH" in your political career, over and over again
utilised the method of fasts in order to mobilise the people, until you change
this contt:'xt of things. Do not blame your political opponents for taking
rl'course to a mt'thod which you yourself were pleased in adopting before.
But I say this, we want Master Tara Singh to give up his fast, because merely
fasting is no good. Besides, the principle has to be established and propagated
fairly and truly, and that \\'ould be achiewd if Master Tara Singh ginc's up his
f<lst. But I think it is up to the GOH'rnment, at the same time, to make a
generous and statesmanlike gesture, and that is to say that the linguistic
principle, being something which the whole country has adopted, should
also be <lpplied in the case of Punjab.
In rt.'gard to the regional formula the Prime Minister has stated certain
things at page 8671 of the Uncorrected Debates where he said that he was
fully prt'pared to haw the matter of the regional formula examined by the
represl'ntatives of the region and the Punjab Government. It is a good thing,
but it is very unhappy that wisdom dawned on the Prime Minister so late.
If only he had said this thing sometime ago, some two or three years ago, the
whole face of the Punjab might have bet'n changed, but he did not do so, and
the wisdom came too late, and that too in small instalments so grudgingly,
so gmdually, that he set:'ms to be losing his grip, and that is why it is necessary
that somt,thing is done about it.
Punjabi-spt'aking people and the Punjabi language are not supplicants at
anybody's door. The Prime Minister says "We shall do these things for the
language; whateyer your claims, some of them have bet'n conceded; we shall
give some more things". They are not asking for favours, they are not asking
for a little more of encouragement and that sort of thing. They want what the
rest of the country has got, as a matter of right, and they alone cannot bl'
singled out for this kind of discrimination, and that is why I repl'at that you
ha\'e to accept the principle of linguistic States in regard to Punjab illld you
have to work out the details yery'" carefullv'" and without any hurry.
.. ..
We ha\'e to make sure of Sikh and Hindu harmony and co-operation and,
for that purpose, the Sikhs also, after they ha\'e bet'n properly approadll'd,
would haye to make the right kind of response and, I am Surl', they will, if
properly approached, generously approached, the Sikhs ''''mild make till' right
kind of response. The Sikhs and Hindus are both Punjabis and they haH' to
liye together in their own country by creating a strong Punj,lb which will bl'
not only the soul of India, as in the past, but \'ery much more, an ,1gl'ncy of
reconstruction, economical, industrial, technical, cultural and in so m,1I1)' otlll'r
ways, and that is why in our own emerald country, this wonderful country
where there is so much of distinctin'ness, we want th,lt distincti,'el1l'ss should
flourish and separation should ne\'er coml' into the picture. Let that distinct
quality of the union of this country be rl'cognizl'd, and thl'n they will C{mll'
together and integrated properly and truly, in a kind of real unity of the
whole of India. That was the kind of vision which was brought out in our
national anthem-
~ ff1~ ~ 1{'(/(ff ~
~ ;sf7rr f.sr~,;q {blfl>:jH 7.f1f7T *rr......
The whole concept of the unity of India is emblazoned in our national
anthem. That can only be achieved when you have undl'rstood the desire of
the Punjabi people and acted generously like a stah,'sman and not with a
footling little mind of a bureaucrat ruling the administration. Approach till'
Punjabi heart in that spirit and you will win the Punjabi hl'art and that will
really make a contribution to the national integration.
THE DEFENCE OF INDIA BILL, 1962*£
Normally, this Bill should have gone through without any opposition ....
But the difficulty is that perhaps our Government still continues to inherit
certain Icgacil's of the British bureaucratic regime, and when it drafts a Bill
of this dl'scription, it falls back upon the prototype which the British, in their
condes(t'nsion, haH' Il'ft to us. And here is a Bill which is almost exactly in
the same terms as the Dl'fence of India Act of the British regime used to be.
On beh,llf of our group, certain amendml'nts have been gi"en, and apart
from the points of dl'tail which are discussed there, one amendment has the
intl'ntilll1 of changing the title of the Bill, to call it the National Defence Bill,
not till' Dl'fencl' of India Bill which, eH'n in its nomenclature smacks of the
bureaucratic tradition of the previous age.
But it is not I1ll'rdv a matter of words. It is a matter of substance. This

Bill, as it is framed, so\\"s a "i"id disregard for the feeling of our people.
TIll'rl' is no questilln about the rl'surgl'nce among our people their desire to
rl'pl'l the aggression \,\,hich has takL'n place, their patriotic determination to
Sl'e that tIll' crisis is O\'l'rcome. There is po question about it. And yet, there
is such persistl'nt distrust of our people as can only be matched by the
burl'aucratic attitude of the prl'-independence days. And that is why I say
that it is l1L'cessary for Parlianll'nt to apply its mind much more carefully
than has bl'l'n suggested by the speech of my friend, Prof. Sharma, or even
by the speech of my hon. friL'nd, till' Law Minister who made the motion
bl'fore till' Housl'.
Having said that, I would like to emphasize what Prof. Sharma has
rl'ferred to, that we ha"e got in this country this unanimous determination
of our peop1L>, that we have seen reflected in this House that desire of our
peopll" that we have eVl'ry section of the House, some of which had very
serious differences with Go\"t~rnment even in regard to foreign policy, sections
of the House like the Swatantra group, whose leader went so far as to say
that a change in the leadership is necessary in times which are not peaceful,
• LS. Del>., 22 and 2R NOH'mh'r 1<)(-'2. IShri MlIkerjl'el' abo Spllkl' lln a similar slIbjt'l-t
on.J Dl'Cl'mber 14711 .
.~ Thl' Hill which was aiml'd at pnl\'idin~ tor special nll'.lSlIrt'S to ensure the public satl'ty and
inten'st, till' D.-fenct:' of Indi<l and civil defence and tor till' trial of Ct'rt.lin offences .md for
matters conl1l'ctl'd tlwrl'with and hl'(.·.lOU' 'The Dl'ft'nc(' of India Act, in 1<)62'.
143
but in spite of that kind of serious and fundamental divergence, we saw that
the temper of the country is such that it is bound to be retlected inside the
House, and here in this House, as Prof. Sharma recalled, Wl' all stood, because
it was a historical occasion, in order to give our unanimous support to the
resolution of the Prime Minister.
But, in spite of that, we find things are being done, and are being sought
to be done, which goes against the grain of what Prof. Sharma chl'rished,
namely the context of the democratic way of life. He said that this Bill has
been formulated in the context of the democratic way of life. I would like
him to go into the details of the provisions of this Bill, and find out how far
they really are in tune with the context of the democratic way of lifl'.
I do not propose at this moment to go into much detail, because during
the discussion of the amendments those details can be more profitably
discussed, but I wish to refer only to one provision, that is clause 18, where
the sentences of special tribunals are referred to, and there we find that there
shall be no appeal from any order or sentence of a special tribunal, except for
those who are sentenced to death or imprisonment for life or for a term of
ten years. This is a kind of provision which surely Parliament cannot be
expected in a hurry to say yes to.
Even when war takes place on a scale which we surely are not in a
position even to imagine, even when the Battle of Britain was going on, Lord
Atkin, Lord Chief Justice of Great Britain, made a remark which has become
classical. He said that the laws are not silent even in this clash of arms. It is
necessary to have that much of respect for the law, and we find that in this
proposed legislation there is an absolute disregard of those rights which our
people have come to expect as a matter of course. We live in a free country,
we do not live in the kind of country that India used to be under the British
domination.
We do not want legislation which is an exact replica of the British Defence
of India Act of the previous times. That is exactly what the Government is
dOing, because of its lack of imagination, because of its having inherited
bureaucratic legacies of the past.
I say this very seriously also, perhaps because I am speaking under a
sense of stress on account of certain things which have come to our notice
very recently. This morning we read in the papers about the arrests and
detention of several hundreds of members of our party, including a number
of those whose names have been mentioned in the papers, who are fairly
leading personnel. A little before I came to Parliament, actually after I had
taken my seat here in the House, I came to learn that the General-Secretary
of our party, Shri E.M.S. Namboodripad, has been arrested from his office
where he was working. It might be said that all this is being done in order
to further the defence of India. I do not know what the connotation of the
defence of India is. I am a member of this House elected by a certain section
of our people, and as members of this House, as long as we are inside the
House, we are entitled to understand certain things.
I have spoken in this House only the other day, in support of the
Prime Minister's resolution, and I said on that occasion quoting, as those
who are rather philosophically minded might remember, Kant's words about
categorical imperative. I said on that occasion that a situation has arisen
where all together to be behind the Prime Minister and his policies is a
categorical imperative. It was exactly in those words that I expressed the
support of my party to the resolution of the Prime Minister.
When the Prime Minister himself spoke in reply to the debate, he referred
to the resolution of my party's National Council as a resolution which could
have bel'n drafted by any non-communist patriot of its country, and he said
also that whate\'er doubts and dubieties there might be in the minds of
certain people regarding the Communist Party, here is a resolution which is
something to be welcomed highly, and here is a resolution which should be
utilised in our task of getting everybody to come behind the national effort.
I am not quoting his exact words, but that was the sense, very clear sense,
of what he said.
Everywhere, wherever we had an opportunity, we ha\'e stated our stand.

In the West Bengal Assembly, for instance, unanimously a resolution was
passed, and our people who spoke there made our position very clear, no
doubt about it. When I spoke in my humble way, I tried to make it very clear
that we have taken a stand, and when \'ve take a stand we mean it. We might
be wrong-headed sometimes, we might not be as intelligent as so many other
people, but when we make up our mind, we state it, we do not play
hush-hush about it, and when we pass a resolution, believing in the identity
and unity of theory and action as a social imperative, we try to execute that
resolution into action. It becomes a binding obligation on every single member
of our Party. Every single member who considers himself to be one of the
communist movement should translate that resolution into effect. We have
done it and we are trying to do it. We have been hindered by certain forces.
In West Bengal for instance we want to hold meetings and in Calcutta at any
rate we can hold meetings that would be as big as any that the Prime Minister
himself can hope to address in that area.... We were stopped there. The
police stops that: permission is not given on account of the fictious plea that
we cannot keep order in our meetings and that other people might come and
create disturbance. We are stopped from having that meeting although we
can tell our people what is wanted to be done by very single citizen of this
country in view of the present emergency. We are ready and willing to do our
bit; we are doing what we can even here in this House. I am not referring to
what we have done in our individual capacities. We are doing all we can. But
in spite of that, in spite of this categorical assertion which we make in the
highest forum of our country, in spite of the declaration which we have sent
out to all the world, this kind of a step is being adopted against us. I know
on many occasions in this House we were told about the inh:'rnational character
of the communist m(wement. It is used as an argument to prove that therdore
the communist in India would have international affiliations and would not
perform his national duty. I say categorically that a communist is only worth
his name when he can link up the sheerest patriotism with his understanding
of what should be the new kind of society for all peoples, for all nations in
the world; it is only when he can link up the two things that he becomes a
real communist. I say also that the Communist Party of India today has
passed a resolution which is not hushed up by us, which goes out to all the
world and all the countries of the world know about it. The communist
movement of the world today has come to realise how strongly the feelings
of the Indian people are represented by the Communist Party of this country.
We have done this in spite of our being part of the international mlwement,
in spite of some people suggesting that we are subsen'ient to certain
international interests. We ha\'e sent out to all the world this detl'rmined
declaration about the identity of interests of everybody in this country,
communist or non-communist. That is a step which whoever knows anything
about the international communist movement-the Prime Minister knows a
great deal about it-knows it is important and whose importance you cannot
forget or ignore. But I do not know in what kind of wisdom Government
chose to act and Government proceeds in this fashion; rounding up our
people all over the country. Do you think that it is going to help the war
effort? I do not know. When I spoke on the motion, I made a categorical
declaration; I said there was no qualification about it. I said at the same time
as I said that there could be an attempt by the Government to see that price
rises are not manoeuvered by the money bag interests. I said at the same time
that the working people in the fields and factories as far as the influence of
the Communist Party extends to them will deliver the goods. It is an
unqualified support, an unreserved statement. Naturally we expect the big
money interests would also play their role but we never made it conditional,
one on the other, because we know that today the working people have to
come forward. They are the salt of the earth and they bear the burden of life
and it is on them that the real tasks fall-not on the likes of us who live in
upholdstered comfort, sit in Parliament and get up and make speeches from
time-to-time. It is for these working people that the Communist Party tries
to do whatever work it possibly can; it is for them that the Communist Party
tries to carry on in a dedicated fashion. The worst enemies of the Communist Party
can never deny that here at least are such people; here are people who live
a dedicated life, who may be wrong-headed from time-to-time, who may not
always understand the pulse of the people but who at the same time having
made up their minds to serve the people do nothing else in this life, as long
as they live. Inspite of that we find this kind, of thing going on; inspite of that
we find this kind of legislation being put on the anvil; inspite of that we find
the Government trying to take more and more power in its own hands. Who
is it going to be used against? I am not going to speculate. We may be the
first ,·ictims. I do not know what the Government policy is likely to be. They
may push us out of the picture as far as political life is concerned. But surely
if GO\"l'rnment goes on in this way, we shall not be the only victims. The
,·ictims will increase and other people would also get it. What will happen
to the determination of our people? Why do we take such risks? Why are we
deranging the minds of our people in this fashion? Why do vve distract them
and bring in these absolutely irrele,·ant quasi-political considerations? Why
is there so much distrust on the part of the Glwernment as far as the people
of this country are concerned? Cannot Glwernment feel all O\·er the country
t1wrl' is this determination and that determination is necessarily voiced by
\\'hoe,·er is there? What is wrong in that? Is it not a fact of life today? That
is the real fact of life. But GO\"l'rnment does not realise it. I do hope that at
k'ast in this House, retlections would not be made on one another's patriotism.
Let us come to blows; let us ha,·e contnwersies but let us not blackguard
each other and behan' in that fashion. Let us not cast doubts on each other's
hllltl fides ,md let us not question each other's patriotism. I know there are
peopll' l'n the Congwss side with \\'hom I h,1\"e ,·ery ,·i,·id differences and for
many of whom I know I han.' great respect.
It would nevt:'r occur to me to question their patriotic [JOlltl fides. I know

it is cheap and l'asy to smear at communists and say they are not patriotic.
But pleasl', for Iwan'n's sakI.', let not that sort of exchange be made in this
House and let not that fl'eling be propagated in the country because there is
no qUl'stion about it; thl're is no question at all about the patriotism of our
people all sections of our people. There cannot be any question about the
determination. It is reflected in the decision of the Communist Party.
It may be said that the Communist Party was so late in finding out what
should be done. I am not going to delve into past history. I know even the
Prime Minister has been upbraided by people for having followed a certain
course of action in international rdations for years and years. I know of
people on the Congress side who have been to China and other places
personally-I have never been to China-and who have said warmer things
about the People's Republic of China than we have ever done. Is it easy to
understand the complicated world in which we live today? Is it quite so easy
to pontificate and to imagine that one is always right? How is it possible for
the communist movement in a country like India to find out all the ins and
outs of things? Even today we do not know, Government does not know,
nobody seems to know the motivation; you find a lot of speculation all over
the place but you tell us: you were so late in finding out what should be done
and therefore you cannot be trusted. We have put our cards all the time on
the Table of this House. This is not the first time that I am speaking in this
House on the India-China border issue; so many times I have spoken. I
remember two years ago I have used these words: trust in negotiations and
possibility of peace but keep your powder dry. This is the kind of expression
which I have used and honest members of the House, some of them will
remember, because after all it was a picturesque way of putting a thing. I
have said that I do not want to go into details. Here is an attack made on us,
on the eve of Parliament passing the Defence of India Bill. There is an attack
made on the principal group in the Opposition in this House, on the second
most important political party in this country on the basis of dubious attacks
made in bad taste against the patriotic bOlla fides of the Communist Party and
only in view of that certain steps ha\'e been taken. I do not know what is in
the minds of the Government. Even the devil does not know what is in the
mind of man. I cannot hope to assess what the Government really proposes
to do. But some things have happened this morning even, which have upset
so many calculations which seem to suggest that the Government does not
wish to follow in the wake of what the Prime Minister himself suggested the
other day, that Government does not wish to implement what the Prime
Minister himself proposed the other day, namely, the utilisation of the unity
of the Communist Party with the rest of the country over this effort. It suggests
that Government proposes to take into its hands certain powers and wry
likely they are liable to be abused. Therefore, I feel that very careful attention
should be given to the provisions of the law. Since we are so fond of quoting
British precedents, I shall quote to you what I have quoted before, namely,
Lord Atkin's saying that even in the clash of arms the laws are not silent. Let
not the laws be covered over by emergency provisions of a sort which would
give an overall authoritarian strength to the Government of India. We want
the Government to proceed to the tasks of national defence with all the
vigour at its disposal; the country will give it to the Government with
tremendous enthusiasm, but I do not wish that abuses take place,
and abuses have already been suggested by the actions taken by the
Government and that is why I have my misgivings about this Bill as presently
formulated .
...... .. .... . ....
...... ...... .. ....
It seems that the emergency envisaged in that article of the Constitution
is an emergency of such a sort when even Parliament cannot meet. The
emergency at the present time is one when luckily Parliament is in a position

to meet and have its deliberations. In view of that, my suggestion is-I am
not questioning your ruling; I am not even saying that the provision in the
Constitution has to be defied or anything of that sort-that Government
should take into consideration the desirability of consulting Parliament when
Parliament has actually been summoned by the President himself, and asking
the Parliament's advice in regard to a certain emergency declaration which
the President has made. That is a matter of propriety, that is a matter of
courtesy to the representatives of the people. That is the point which I wish
to convey.
*** *** ***
My point is that Parliament is not in the picture at all. The President

issues an order which surely has to be obeyed by everybody, irrespective of
the fact of Parliament having discussed it or not.
*** *** ***
Parliament cannot discuss it. But my point is that the makers of the
Constitution envisaged a period when Parliament cannot meet; it is such an
emergency. Therefore, President orders .....
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
It may be so; naturally, it has to be provided for differently, because you

have to el1\"isage the functioning of the country without Parliament. But the
country today is functioning with the Parliament very much in the picture.
Therefore, it is necessary in the interests of Parliamentary propriety, for the
Government to come before Parliament and to explain the reasons why
President has been advised by the Council of Ministers to make that order so
that Parliament may have a full opportunity to discuss it.
Sir, I support the suggestion made by my hon. friend, Shri S.M. Banerjee.
As I said when I spoke at the consideration stage, it is necessary that this
kind of an emergency legislation is implemented in the spirit of having the
complete trust and the confidence of the people. That is why the nomenclature
also has a certain significance. If today instead of having the bad old British
title of the old day regarding the defence of India, we have another title
which is more in conformity with the understanding of our people today, it
should appeal to the heart. That is why it should be easy for Government to
accept it.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. *,.*
*,.* *,.* ,.**
We shall be putting on the statute-book the Defence of India Bill in a very

short while and I wish to say at this stage that, while we would have been
happier if certain provisions suggested from this side of the House had been
agreed to by the Gm"ernment, e\"en so, it goes without saying that, in an
emergency, when extraordinary steps are necessary, the Bill should have our
entire support and the Bill, as the wisdom of the House has fashioned it, does
ha\"e our complete and un-ambiguous support.
We had sought to amend the provisions regarding the constitution of

Special Tribunals, the right of the detenu to re~"lfl'sent his case against the
charges on which he is held, his right of appeal and such other things" A
colleague of ours, Shri Nambiar, was here yesterday pressing for some of
these provisions. Today, I am told, he has been whisked off to jail. I wish he
could be told, why he is being held and he could also gi\"e his sidl' of the case
to the authorities. Anyway, we asked for certain changl's because we felt, and
we are com"inced, that national dt:'fence can best be conducted if thl' total
unity of the country against aggression can be trustl'd by the GOH'rnn1l'nt
and utilised to the maximum extent. Howen'r, since the l'mergt'ncy is \"l'ry
much there, we do not make a grouse of these things c1J1d I reitl'r.lte our
support to this Bill. We hope in its implementation, the Gm"ernment would
act with firmness, no doubt, but at the same time, with justice"
I say, I reiterate our support, advisedly because, in the course of the

debate on this Bill, our attitude has been sought to be seril)usly mis-construed.
I do not know why. The Law Minister, when he spoke, chose to say that I
spoke intemperately and raised what he called the sole discordant \"oice
against the Bill. I do not know why he did not mention my good friend,
Shri Ranga whom I heard very carefully, who was perhaps a great deal more
critical of certain provisions of the Bill than I was. I find the West Bengal
Press, certain sections of it, are trying to make out as if we had opposed the
Bill. As a matter of fact, I have done nothing of that sort. My hon. friend, the
Minister of State was perhaps not there. But, the Deputy Law Minister listened
to what I had to say. I never raised a discordant voice against the Bill. I said
categorically that it was imperative and a necessary corollary from the
Resolution that we had all unanimously accepted, the Resolution moved by
the Prime Minister. Of course, I felt strongly about certain things and I
expressed myself. I felt strongly about the large-scale arrests of Communists
which I cannot but consider extremely ill-advised. Even now, I ask the
Government to re-consider this policy of arrests. As far as we are concerned,
our decision is there. Our Resolution is there, and whatever the Government
does to us, we shall back with all our strength the national policy proclaimed
by the rrime Minister and that is why we have every hope that at least the
unanimity of the country in regard to the duty of our people at this emergency
is not disturbed in the process of the implementation of this Bill.
In regard to this, I seek your permission to refer to the report in today's

papers of a resolution adopted by the West Bengal State Committee of the
Communist Party. It is very significant and I crave your indulgence for quoting
a section of it. In one part of the Resolution it is said:
"Had we not struggled with our understanding to come to the

realization-which we have, today-and instead, made a \'olte face
overnight, that itself would have been unreal, insincere and suspect.
Mindful of the past hesitations we pledge to do all in our power to rally
the entire party on the basis of the National Council Resolution in
defending our motherland, to prove by our blood and sacrifice that the
Communists are among the best sons of the motherland."
J know, sometimes, all kinds of things have been said about us. The Law
Minister,-I am sorry he is not here; I am sorry also that vvhen he spoke, I
had some other work and could not be present in the House-quoted
something which I had written in an article in some newspaper some
12 Yl'ars ago. It is a magazine article, a copy of which I do not have e\'en with
IlW. I am not a \'ery wise man as the Law Minister said. Perhaps, I am not
a H'ry disCfl'et man either. I do not keep copies of these things. But I write
prl'tty often. I haH' written about Mahatma Gandhi, I ha\'e \vritten about
}awaharlal Nl'I1ru so many times and at least the country should know what
my position is in regard to these problems of national significance. But, I am
not rl'fl'rring to my particular case. I would ask the Gm'ernment and the
country through my position here in Parliament to ask certain questions to
thl'mseIH's. Is it not a fact of tremendous Significance that \,,,hen the Chinese
Re\'olution took place, it raised high hopes which were expressed by
everybody including our Prime Minister and so many other people? It raised
high hopes especially in countries like ours which were fighting for their
own freedom and had just emerged into freedom. But, then, after a decade
or so, dogmatism in China has led to the degeneration of that Re\·olution.
Is it not a stupendous fact of human history? Is it a fact which has to be

trifled with? Is it a fact which can be understood just like that straightaway
by everybody? We do not claim that much of knowledge that much of insight.
We had some hopes about the Chinese Revolution behaving \"ery differently,
just as the Prime Minister had hoped about the People's Republic of China
behaving differently. This kind of thing has happened elsewhere. In the French
Revolution also we have seen how a revolution degenerates. Is it not a fact
of seminal significance that the Communist Party of India asserts
unequivocally its denunciation of the cruel blow which China has dealt with
India and defamed and degraded socialism in the process. That is the actual
thing which has happened. That is why today we find so much of feeling
against what China has done. That is why the country is today genuinely
and sincerely united in its determination that what China has done cannot
and ought not to be supported. That is why we are all absolutely positive in
regard to our duty as to what should be done in the present crisis.
(do not wish to speak much more about it, but since I do not know what
might happen in the near future, and since so many of us perhaps are still
suspect, ( would like to repeat here what I once said to our former Spl'aker,
when some suspicions were voiced about the patriotism of the Communists
of this country. ( remember how even among those in West Bengal who are
arrested-my hon. friend, the Minister of State can verify it-there arc people
who have spent nearly 25 years in jail, people who went to jail in the British
times at the time of the Chittagong Armoury Raid in 1930 or even earlier.
Our patriotism is suspected from time-to-time, and I told our formt'r Speakl'r
on one occasion, quoting from the RamaYilllil when Sita's patIlt1/apral't':,11Il is
described-my hon. friend, the Minister knm\'s it so very well-that if this
was the age of miracles, ( could, by changing a few words, just changing for
the \\'ord 'Rama' the word 'dL'5lw' or 'BIlt1rat', use the yery same words, and
the earth would open to take me inside. I could very well say:
1RW ~ "C(7'T'[f GfP.iT W 'ffJ1~,

nP.iT iT 11T~ ~ fcrcIt c;JCJ/{rfRi I
( could have said that:
Gf2lTt ~ ~ -:r f.:Rri/,

nP.iT iT 11T~ ~ fcrcIt c;J(j)4efu I
( could have said that, and if this was the age of miracles, the earth
would open, and everybody would have known where justice lies. ( do not
want to press this point.
I happen to belong to a university, the Calcutta University, where Ashutosh

Mukerjee was the Vice-Chancellor for a very long time, and in <l collection of
his speeches as Vice-Chancellor, which I read a long time ago, there is a
reference to a poet; and those lines have stuck, in my Brahminic memory and
they have still stuck in my memory, and I want to repeat them to you. He
quoted these words of a poet whose name I forget. He had said at his
convocation to the students of Calcutta these words. He said, 'You take this
vow', and this was the vow:
"( vow to thee, my country,

All earthly things above,
Entire and whole and perfect.
The service of my love,
The love that asks no question,

The love that stands the test,
That lays upon the alter,
The dearest and the best,
The love that never falters,
The love that pays the price,
The love that makes undaunted
The final sacrificeo"
If we can mobilise inside of oursehoes that love for our emerald country,
then no mattl'r what danger threatens from abroad or from inside, our country
shall be on top of the world again, our country shall again reach that glory
which it has bl'l'n its tradition to achie\Oe during ages past.
THE ANTI·CORRUPTION LAWS (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1964*£
Mr. Chairman, Sir, we are discussing a matter of great importance, but I

have a suspicion that the listless way in which the House is dealing with it
is some indication of the lack of genuine seriousness on the part of Goyernnwnt
in tackling the problem of corruption. I ha\'e no groUSl" particularly against
anybody in the Ministry, but I have been noticing all day that (>xcept for
Shri Hathi who, with conspicuous conscientiousness has been here almost
throughout-he is out only for a short while: maybe, for very esst.'ntial
reason-the Treasury Benches han' been completely empty except for the
sudden emergence-I do not know for what reasons--{)f Shri Tyagi.
*** *** ***
I would like to see him as often as possible; but that is another point. I
do resent that Shri Nanda, \\'ho has made a name for himself as the paladin
of the fight against corruption-and I belieye in his sincerity; no doubt about
it-even he has been kept away by hea\'en knows what particular State
occasion. I shall not mention any other name, not even of the Prime Minister,
but, unfortunately, again perhaps for o\'erriding State reasons which we are
not in the know about, he is hardly eyer seen in the Lok Sabha these days.
*** *** ***
I say this because Shri Nanda definitely has shown genuine signs of
earnestness about this matter. He said the other day-I read it in the papers-
that we cannot afford to fail and he has put before the country a kind of
perspective. He says that in the next couple of years or so he is going to
adopt such measures as would really make a qualitative change in the
situation. I do not see evidence, factual evidence, of any serious effort to deal
effectively with the problem of corruption in a couple of years' time. I do
hope that he was not merely playing to the gallery. I do hope that Shri Nanda
will realise his responsibility to the country. I do hope that the esteem in
which he is held in Parliament and the belief in his sincerity that we all share
comes to be justified by results.
• L.S, Deb., 18 November 1964. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 16 June 1967 and 5 May 1972 on
a similar subjectl.
£ The Bill which was aimed at providing for changes in the law to ensure speedy trial of
cases of bribery, corruption and criminal misconduct, and to make<D the law otherwise more
effective became 'The Anti-Corruption Laws (Amendment) Act, 1964',
154
I do not wish to say, as perhaps some people do from time to time, that
our country is seething with corruption. I think, we should be a little more
careful about the use of words, specially in Parliament-when my hon. friend,
Shri Prabhu Dayal Himatsingka, was talking he said that we should not talk
too much about corruption-I feel, at the same time, that the problem of
corruption is at least so serious and in recent times has assumed certain
dimensions in such a way that we should apply our minds very carefully
and take some drastic steps in order to stop the rot that appears to have
emerged. And that is why a great deal of seriousness is wanted.
*** *** ***
I do not \vant to pick a quarrel but I feel that it is better in the interest
of the country that we do not exaggerate the extent of corruption and at the
samE:' time it is necessary that \\'e try to tackle the problem which has appeared
in rather extra-ordinary shape from time to time.
The appointment of the Santhanam Committee itself was e\·idence of the

fact that something drastic had got to be done. It is a pity that the Government
has thought fit not to follow up the report of the Santhanam Committee in
the manner in which it should have been done. The Santhanam Committee
has very correctly pointed out that the problem is essentially one of the entire
system of moral values and of the socio-economic structure. This means that
perhaps no basic change may be expected until the system of values and the
structure of society are changed. But while fundamentally speaking that is
so, there is not much point in our being fundamentalists in this matter. We
should take whatever concrete steps we can adopt at the moment for the
eradication of corruption from public life. Therefore, while we should keep
the ideal of a change in the social structure which Shri More was pointing out
as the most important instrumentality for the eradication of corruption, at
the same time short-term remedies have got to be adopted as quick as they
are possible. Even from that point of view, however, the Government's Bill
falls very short and the more significant aspects of the Santhanam Committee
Report are left in the lurch. That is something against which we hope this
House, if left to itself, would certainly raise its voice. I say this because a
point which has been made over and over again is that the definition of a
public servant has not been expanded in the way in which the Santhanam
Committee wanted it to be done, from Cabinet Ministers to Chairman of
Cooperative Societies who are in the employ of the Government in some way
or the other. The Santhanam Committee had recommended that they should
come under the purview of legislation. When Shri Hathi spoke yesterday he
said that certain categories suggested by the Committee were not included as
it was feared that would make those people hesitant to bear their
responsibilities. It is rather a very dubious and a dangerous proposition.
Possibly the idea in the mind of Shri Hathi-he is not here-was that when
a man becomes a Minister or something else, he should be absolved of all
anxiety on the score of attack on his integrity. I do not quite understand it.
Like Caesar's wife, somebody who becomes a high dignitary in our Republic
has got to be above suspicion. If he cannot be, he has no business to be on
the Treasury Benches. It is no reason for the Government to imagine that
there are people in this country who should adorn the Treasury Benches and
should be absolved of all anxiety in regard to any accusations against them
being put up. I do not understand this at all. I say this because it is a
melancholy fact that it is particularly Ministers of the country at the highest
level who have come in recently for adverse criticism, to put it vcry mildly,
and very serious charges have been made against them, brought out publicly,
bruited about noised and agitated all over the place. I do not say that every
charge brought against the Minister and published in some paper or other is
a correct charge. I am not in a position to pronounce upon it. But the fact of
the matter is that these charges against Ministers in the very hight'st position
in our country in the Centre as well as in the States are noised about, talked
about very freely. I was in Bombay only the other day and in the most
reputable company, company of people who had no political axe to grind, of
any sort who had no political convictions of a particular category, I heard
open talk in regard to the corruption which is reported to have been practised
very high up and the acquisition of properties by a person who was a son
of a Cabinet Minister. We have been sent documents about the veracity of
which I am not in a position to vouch in which it is stated that bodies of
Congressmen have examined these charges against the son of a very important
former Cabinet Minister in Bombay. Everybody talks about it in Bombay. As
a member of the highest legislative body in the country-r am not going to
mention the names even here-I am not in a position to know what is being
done in regard to this matter. The charges appear in the papers. The Ministers
themselves sometimes give statements to the newspapers which reflect upon
their own conduct. But nothing is done regarding this kind of a thing.
Sir, during the last session, I had the occasion to refer to some instances
of Ministers alleged to be misbehaving. I am not in a position to pronounce
upon this aspect of the matter. But these things are thrown about and it is
very unfair, on many occasions, to the persons concerned. Possibly, the charges
are absolutely baseless; possibly they are malicious. There is no apparatus for
examining those charges. And now, what is suggested is that the Prime
Minister will look into the allegations against the conduct of Ministers at the
highest level-here in Delhi. J do not know. J do not reflect on anybody. But
I am not going to be satisfied with a provision that the Prime Minister is
going to look into the allegations against any of his own colleagues. I say
this because I recall what was said by a man for whom all of us have had the
highest conceivable respect, the late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru-he was here
till the other day. When the charges against the former Chief Minister of
Punjab accumulated, everybody was shouting about it. Reflection of that
noise outside came inside the House also. It was the former Prime Minister
who got up to tell us that he had examined that position and that he had
given a clean bill of health to the former Chief Minister of Punjab. I cannot
understand it. Even earlier, the former Chief Minister of Punjab was in trouble
and the Congress appointed a committee under Shri Dhebar for whom we
still have the greatest respect. He produced a report exonerating the former
Chief Minister of Punjab. Naturally, if I have to deal with some allegations
against a colleague of mine, there are certain presuppositions, certain
conceptions in my own mind which with the best will in the world I cannot
get over.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
The former Prime Minister had told us that he had examined the position
and that he had gi\·en a clean bill of health. It was only later, when great
pressure was put upon the GO\·ernment that the Das Commission was
appointed. My point is that when the examination of the charges against a
Minister or a person in comparably exalted position is done by a colleague
of his even in a superior position, it cannot be done properly. It has to be
done on a different basis. A little over ago, Mr. Tyagi suggested that it would
mean quick results. We do not want quick results if they are likely to be the
wrong results. I want the ascertainment of facts and it is only fair to the
person concerned against whom these charges are made. It is no pleasure for
us to refer to charges made against our colleagues, whether on this side of
the House or on that side of the House, because we meet here on terms of
friendship, as much of intimacy as can grow between us, as between one
man and another. It is no pleasure for us to refer to the charges having been
made elsewhere. But these charges are always being made.
In regard to the province, the States, we have been told that the
Chief Minister of the State would examine the allegations against other
Ministers.
Now, what is happening in Orissa? The Siamese twins of Orissan politics
have created a situation in the country which is a disgrace to the entire
political structure of India. They are behaving in such a fashion, and everything
appears in the papers. The present Chief Minister of Orissa sent out a circular
for all the world to read that he and his wife could give over all their assets
to anybody for the sum of one rupee. Is this kind of joke to be practised by
people very high up in political life? And that kind of person who naturally
renders himself liable to be considered to be either an insolvent or a criminal,
that kind of person continues to be in power and that kind of person is

vested by the code of conduct suggested by Governml'nt with the powl'r to
examine allegations against his colleagues. This kind of thing goes on. It
passes muster. I cannot understand it. I am not bringing allegations against
anybody. I am not saying that X or Y is guilty. I am not in a position to say
it. Even if I feel like saying it, I cannot say it, I will not say it; it is not right,
it is not proper for me to say it. But this kind of thing is taking place. It is
complete anarchy in morals. And why should this happt'n? Why should this
kind of thing happen?
We find, for instance, Congress Party la'v\'yers going about as an

im'estigating team. They went to Bhubaneshwar, they went to Cuttack, and
God knows where else. We ne\'er heard of teams of the L.abour Party or
Consep;ati\'e Party lawyers l)r other people going round to inn'stigate charges
against their colleagues and Hinging their own certificatl's in the face of a
clamorous public. What is the good of this kind of certificate? It is only tair
that the Ministers concerned, against, whom certain allegations are madl',
sometimes may be wrongly, it is only fair to thl'm also that their caSl'S are
brought up properly and they are examined.
Now, the Santhanam Committee wanted section 21 to be amended so

that Ministers could be brought in and described as 'public sen·ants'. But this
has not been done. Then again, the Santhanam Committee had recomn1t:'nded
that if ten members of Parliament or ten members of a State Legislature
could bring charges against certain Ministers in that case they would be
examined by members of the National Panel to be appointed by tlw Prl'sidl'nt.
But that also has not been incorporated here.
I do not understand. I say this because you cannot tackle the probll'm of
corruption merely by landing small fry in your net and punishing a few
inconsequential persons who might have behaved rather badly. You can fight
corruption in two ways; but the two ways must go together. One is moral
exhortation which the Sadaclwr Committee of Shri Nanda might very well
carryon. But moral exhortation alone will not have any effect. Moral
exhortation plus some concrete action, action which would show that even
those who are in high positions would be touched, and touched effectively,
if they have gone wrong, is required.
Therefore, you have to make an example of those people who arc in

positions of high authority and who have been proved after proper
investigation to have done something which they ought not to have done.
This is the only principle on the basis of which you can go ahead. But
Government does not proceed in that fashion at all. Government brings
legislation only to bring about some footling little change in procedure.
I do not say that this Bill is altogether bad. In so far as it goes ahead it
is something which is good. But it does not go anywhere near far enough
and does not tackle the basic aspects of the problem. And I am perfectly
convinced from what I sce, from what my experience has been, even in the
time when Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister. I have seen how
when peoplc in high places are found to ha\'e done something which at least
is doubtful and which requires investigation, the lapses or the alleged lapses
hm'e <l tl'ndency to be covered up because they are people in positions of
high authority.
It gives mc grl'at sorrow to han:, to say this because I have sometimes

fl'lt, in this Houst:', in the Lobby and elsewhere, embarrassed in speaking
about them, some membl'r of GOH.'rnment or former member of GO\'ernment
with whom I ha\'e bel'n quite friendly but about whom I ha\'e heard some
i1l1q~ations, about whom ha\'ing heard those allegations I have tried to com'ey
them to peoplc higher up. But nothing happens. Shri Santhanam wanted me
to tell him something about my \'iews and I ga\'e him some details about that
kind of thing. He also expressed his complete inability to do anything in the
matkr.
But I think it is a terribly intoll'rable situation, becau~e, morally speaking,

we mect l1l're and we ha\"l' to be sure about each other's lJolla fides at least to
an l'xtl'nt which is absolutl'ly esstl'ntial. Sometimes we hear these complaints
,1gainst pl'opll'; ,1S I told you in Bombay, when somebody asks, what can I say
about this; sonwbody says "what do you think about so-and-so about whose
son ,111 till'se things are circulating?" And they ha\"t~ been printed in papers
which havc nC\"l'r been prosl'cuted so far. And why does this happen?
Thl'n again, Sir, I fl'e1 that while these allegations are made and if they
are pending in\'l'stigation, the Ministers concerned should step down at once.
In Orissa, for inst,lnCl', how can the present Chief Minister continue for so
long? Where is the morality about it? Where is the political ethics? Has it
\'anished altogdlll'r? What is the good of talking about sadadwr? What is the
good of punishing e\"L'n a Ol'puty Director-General of Supplies or someone
who was hauled up the other day? It was a good thing he was hauled up;
but what is the good of doing that when the Chief tvIinister of a State who
obviously has behaved wrongly is let off scot-free? Mr. Nanda told us this
morning in ,mSWl'r to a question that the allegations in regard to the Orissa
pl'ople run into many volumes. Here are people against whom allegations
made apparl'ntly by respectable people run into many volumes; here are
people against whom the Centrallnwstigating Bu,'eau and the Special Police
Establishment are busy ferreting out documents and finding out the truth
about them; and they are still in positions of pomp and power and they
occupy the position of head of government in a particular State.
What is the point in this? What is the point in talking about corruption?
What is the good in saying that Government is really keen on eradicating
corruption when you keep these things hanging fire, when all these reports
are there and nothing is done about it? I am \'ery sorry, Sir, that I have to
speak in this strain. And I cannot go into details in regard to this matter,
because I feel it is quite useless.
In so far as these little measures are concerned, they are all right.
Shri Hathi and Shri Nanda are welcome to them; we do not mind at all. But
this is not the way in which you should proceed in order to tackle the problem
of corruption. Let sadacllar be preached by any amount of moral exhortation,
I am with them. We are always prepared to support Shri Nanda, even against
some of his colleagues who have been reported in the papers-rightly or
wrongly, I do not know-to be rather against the idea of this crusade against
corruption. We are ready to back every effort on the part of Go\"(~rnment to
root out corruption. But we are waiting and waiting and waiting to see what
steps, concrete steps, courageous steps, are taken by Go\'ernment in order to
make an example of people in the highest places against \",hom these
allegations are made. We are waiting to see those steps being taken. They
ha\·e not been taken-e\'er since the day when the late Pandil Jawaharlal
Nehru said that he would ha\'e the hoarders and profiteers hung up on the
nearest lamp-post. Nothing was done about it. He was never stern enough
to be the real leader of a mo\'ement which could hd\·e brought about a
definite change in the socio-economic structure of our country. E\'cr since
those days we hear this talk. But this talk is never implemented. Between
conception and execution falls a dark shadow. That shadow is looming behind
Shri Nanda's exertions. Unless that shadow is remo\'ed, nothing will take
place.
MOTION OF NO·CONFIDENCE IN
THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS*
I beg to move:
"That this House expresses its \vant of confidence in the Council of

Ministers."
Mr. Speaker, Sir, this is on our part a last resort, step, but never before
since Independence has Go\'ernment so deserved from Parliament the order
of the boot. Its record of infamy has truly exhausted the people's patience
and we hear cries of anguish from all parts of the country and from all
sections of our population, workers and GO\'ernment employees and students
and othl'rs, and by this motion we ask Parliament to do its duty.
It is significant also that exactly on the ew of this no-confidence motion,

the Government has come fonvard with legislation which we were constrained
to ha\'e to oppose e\'en .It the introduction stage, because that kind of
legislation is the blackest possible which any Government which pretends to
democracy could put forward in this House.
Devaluation and other recent goings-on of Government have indeed been

the last straw on the camel's back as far as our people are concerned. They
represent the biggest betrayal up to date of India's interest and even more of
India's self-respect and dignity. This country which carries the load of the
(l'nturies could have borne much, but it cannot bear the affront to its honour
and the sell-out of our economic independence. I remember an hon. member
on the other side having said that we are too many and just cannot be sold
out. He is right, but the point is, \vhen the sell-out is attempted in the interests
of a clique that fattans on the backing of predatory international capital and
its collaborators in India, Parliament must be stem and do its duty and
punish the culprits.
The sordid story of how devaluation was decided upon will perhaps
never be told but the indications of what had taken place are dirty enough.
The humiliating dependence of those who have been pitchforked into
• /..5. V('I1" 1 and 4 August 1966. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 31 August 1961, 19 August 1963.
14 and 19 St'ptember 1964,4 and 15 March 1965,26 August 1965. 4 August 1966.27 February
and 13 NOVl'mb(-'r 1968, 18 h'bruary 1969 and 21 November 1971 during discussions under
similar motions).
161
policy-making positions in this country and cunningly condl'sl'l'nding to

American guid,\I1ce was pathetic.llly undt'r1irll'd on th.lt black Sunday in
June when in bl'trayal of t'\"l~ry dl'cent cannn nf politic.11 conduct, dl'''.lluation
was announced. Perhaps two or three indi\·idu.1Is in tIll' Cabind, non-dl'scripts
in the Congress Party. with little t:'xpt'rtise .md Il'ss politic.ll undl'rst,mding,
who had no right to commit the country .1S they ob\'iously did during tlll'ir
trips to Dollarland, had taken the initi.ltiH' in this process llf cr.lH'n surrender,
but they seem to be \"t:'ry much on the right side of the Prinll' Ministl'r ,md
the whole uneasily assorted lot of thl'm are rl'sponsibll' for this pl,rtidious
stab in the back of Indian economy and Indi.m indl'pl'ndl'lKe and the prim.Ky
of Parliament. They are unworthy and unfit to gOH'rn the country .md in all
conscience they should gd out.
How can Parliament en'r forget the sequencL' of cert.1in things which
took place? Repeatedly during the last three nllmth-Iong budget session, tIll'
Finance ~vlinister and the Planning Minister ,1sst'rtt'd that the CO\'l'rnnwnt
was not going to de\'alue the rupel' .... This kind of thing h,lppl'ns too oftl'n,
this is just one of the so many pinpricks they gin'. On 17 h'bruM~', the
Planning \linister in stentorian tone said:
"The L'nion GO\'ernment does not propose to de\'alue till' rupl'l',
speculation in the foreign press notwithstanding. There is n,) question of
devaluing the rupee so far as the CO\'l'rnnll'nt is concenll'd."
The Finance Minister piped into the same dfect from tinlt' to tinlt'.
Shri Asoka Mehta, who takes the cake in <Ill this business, dl'c\.ul'd on his
way to the United States that he would refuse, tIll' br,we m,m that Iw W.1S,
to discuss devaluation abroad. And then, a mere three weeks .lfter l'.uli,1I1wnt
was com'eniently bundled off, the Government comes hmv.ud stl'althily like
a thief in the night to announce de\'aluation. It took the country's breath
away-the matter and the manner of the decision. This Cm'ernnll'nt has not
hesitated to treat Parliament to deliberate and system.ltic falsl'hoods
persistently purveyed O\'er a period of time. The irony of it is th.1t while
many of us on this side are charged repeatedly with having no genuilll'
respect for parliamentary proprieties, Covernment POSl'S as the paragon of
parliamentary virtue. This House has recently had occasion to punish some
of us and suspend them from the service of the House on account of tlwir
resistance to the self-confessed tricks that Gon~rnmcnt had planJll'd to pl,ly
on all of us. This is a quecr world; or else, this kind of thing would not havc
happened. This House, I say in all seriousness, will be guilty of straining at
a gnat and swallowing a camel if opposition members continue to be penalised,
when Government's contumely and contempt of Parliament is condoned. It
is terrible to hear also-I wish Government comes forward with a decisive
repudiation-that while Parliament was kept in the dark altogethl'r, sev(:'ral
interested parties in India and abroad have been given prior intimation
regarding the devaluation decision. I know this Covernment will try to cover
up the traces of its crime, but it should be common knowledge here in this
House that the decision to force India down to her knees had been made by
the cloak and dagger aid-givers of America long ago. The so-called Bell
Mission, led by a man whom a knowledgeable ex-Cabinet Minister is said to
haH' described as not good enough to be a Deputy Secretary in this country,
had n.'ported at the cnd of 1964, but was for a while given a short shrift. Then
tIll' World Bank called in its ally, the IMF, which put the screw on when it got
the chance to do so (}\'('r repayment of IMF standby credits. Open tricks
followed and we wer(' ordl'red to put our economic house in order, that is to
say, in conformity with their dictates. When our problems piled up with the
Indo-Pakistan confrontation and the sudden death of Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri,
who had bel'n growing into new dimensions of understanding, they found
l'x.1ctly thl' situation they wcre waiting for, the time to apply sternly what
EUgl'I1l' l3lack, an old World Bank head, had called diplomacy of economic
dl'\'l'lllpn1l'nt. In his well-known book on the subject, he wrote:
"TIll' rcldtionship bl'twl'l'n l'conomic aid and the security of western
nations is indl'l'd a dirl'ct OI1l'. I ha\'e suggested that economics should be
thl' principal means by which the \Vest maintains its political and economic
dynamic in the undl'r-dl'\'l'!oped world."
No\\' this \\'l'stl'rn dynamic, this subsidiary alliance which the Government
h,lS enlL'red into with till' Lnited States in partinilar, impinges on our economy.
E\'l'n this Con'rnnwnt jibbed at devaluation and accepted the rest of the
pack.1gl' gin'n to the Prime Minister during Ill'r Cnited States \'isit, the package
containing rl'laxation of Clll1trols, import libl'ralisation and such things, is not
so slow and searing stagl's. The ultimatum canw, as a note circulated to
Congress members of this House puts it, "Action on de\'aluation could not
bl' postponed as all further aid negotiations hinged on it." So, the die was
cast and the Finance Minister now disht's out fairy tale economics. The
Prime Miniskr and i1l'r more valiant colleagues made putrid broadcasts and
the country knows, howsoe\'er GOH.'rnment tries to preH'nt its knowing, that
the USA comes in this manner to those who are or who will be its pawns.
Are we expected in Parliament to truckle down to the effects and
implications of this stinking story? Do we not realise that the collapse of the
rupee-mind you, this devaluation is only the beginning of the rot and so
many other steps would follow in the wrong direction-the collapse of the
rupee will lead, unless we are mightly careful, to the collapse of our economic
and eventually also our political independence? It is crystal clear that this
Government has neither character nor the capacity to rule the country. This
Government is an accessory to a crime against our people and this House
cannot forgive them.
While naturally the Cabinet as a whole, led by the Prime Ministl'f is

tarred today with the same brush, some outstanding performers <lmong them
are today particularly in the dock before the pt'ople. The first to come to my
mind is the Minister paradoxically of Planning whose book It'arning is so
formidable and who has travelled so serenely perhaps in the company of the
Prime Minister from Dogma to Pragma-I am coining words-who has been
a protagonist for years of massive food imports, since he was Chairman of
Food Enquiry Committee, who glibly said sometime ago that what we nt'edl'd
was a year's plan holiday, who has bt.'fore an audience of technicians in
Bombay twitted the public sector as a sacred cow he refused to cherish-that
same public sector to VI,'hich a nearly forgotten man called Jawahilrlal Nl'hru
had allotted the commanding heights of our economy and in an t.'lusi\'e
moment in Moscow his daughter repeated that phrase. But our friend here
has broached a new philosophy, which has tluttered e\'t'n the sedate dOH'cots
of Yojana Bhawan, the philosophy of foreign aid as the prop of our plan. He
has succeeded in nearly scuttling the Fourth Plan and he will be blessed in
some quarters for this performance. I have got neither the time nor the
inclination to give here an inventory of his recent doings, but there is one
thing which strikes me every time I see him. I am sorry, I do not see him now.
Whenever I see him it comes to my mind, here is the man who ad\'isl'd the
Americans about the virtues of back-seat driving, that is to say, using us
Indians in the role of Sltikhmldi; here is the man who so overwhelml'd by a
meeting of minds in the United States perorated that India would be opening
up her womb to foreign capital; here is the man who had offered a torn mat
to United States capital for wiping its feet on it before entering India almost
in the role of a new East India Company; he is today in the pillory and I
wonder if the country, if not Parliament, will ever forgive him.
And, what can one say of the Minister of food imports. I see him there,
Sir, luckily the face which launched a thousand food ships from the
United States. He waxed eloquent at one time, last November,-you might
have forgotten about it-I am quoting his words:
"If we have to starve we are prepared for that, but we won't go on

begging."
Despite all this-it is forgotten altogether, erased from everybody's memory

in the Cabinet-he went on to speak about a national food plan with systematic
procurement and distribution of foodgrains, when he began his somersaults,
that have not ended yet, and his assumption of shortfall has arisen from two
to eight million, then to twelve million tonne, which his American counterpart,
with whom he has hob-nobbed recently in the country, now says is eighteen
million tonnt'. In an essay which he has sent us free-I read it with interest-
on devaluation, he writes on page 14-1 am quoting his words:
"The goal in the relative long run is self-reliance; the goal in the immediate
pres{'nt is survival."
Here is .1 Food Minister who in November was talking about a plan of

self-reliance, something like a new 5ll'adcshi movement which we have been
.111 asking for in this country; here is a man who only a few months ago
writl's in his O\.... n book-which he sends us gratis, without having to pay a
paisa for it-that the goal in the immediate present is survival. We have to
sun·i\,l', that is ,,,hat he says. We ha,·e been brought down to this pass. Who
in the country is rt'sponsible for this, but the Government of this land? How
can the Government get away from its responsibility? Is it a joke governing
a country likl' India and saying all kinds of things from time to time? That
is l'xactly what is going on. There is no reason, he says, why indigenously
produced goods should go up in prices at all. He does not know. Meanwhile
ht' recomn1l'nds, what he calls, the mighty task of refashioning India's
economic structun.'; refashioning indeed, for his aim is to alter the pattern of
Indian t'conomy and to yoke it to the chariots of American free booters who
arl' now asking for their pound of flesh by way of payment in dollars. Since
his Prin1l' Ministl'r does not either know or care, Parliament should tell
Shri Subramaniam that the alternative is not that of starvation or mammoth
PL 480 imports but limited imports to be paid for and strict implementation
of acceptor policies like the intensified procurement; social control on
foodgrains trade, land reforms and greater incentive to the tiller of the soil,
stern action against hoardt'rs and profiteers, nationalisation for rice mills and
such things. The Food Minister is, of course, pursuing a policy of tie-up with
the United States, and our best economists fear the existence of an American
vested interest in Shri Subramaniam's plainti\'e yet slyly purposeful
exaggeration. What can one say. He bears the name of a God of war, but
when I think of him "Subramaniam, thy name is subservience; that is the
point to which you haYe brought this country."
I see my friend, the Finance Minister, straying into Congress from his
accustomed forensic and financial haunts rather like a man who carries the
big drum which another fellow beats. He, naturally, has not taken long to
convince himself that there is no shame in handing over the economic
management of the country to the World Bank. Politically inconsequential,
he still occupies the centre of the stage but in the wings are more powerful
people, bigger fish who flourish in deep water like my very good friend, the
Railway Minister who has an eye on the elections and, therefore, preference
for the time being to keep in the wings. And, of course, there is the
Prime Minister, sometimes slightly bewildered from the look of her but firm
in her support to new-fangled policies and more to new-found porteges in
her Cabinet. She is welcome personally to whaten'r idl',lS she has got and
whate\'er company she chooses to keep, but with that sIll' h,lS no busil1l'sS to
be the Prime r'v1inister llf this country,
:,.,1r, Speaker, Sir, I say this bt.'causl' the Priml' ~1inistl'r cannot bl' unaW,Hl'
of the nagging pressures of those who h,1\·l' l)pl'nly m,ldl' thl'ir aid, whosl'
extent is doubtful and whose quality is WorSl' as it is contingl'nt on so-calll'd
monetarv . reforms, She obviousl\- does not Sl'e the irolw. of a situation when'
,
de\'aluation of the rupee has bet'n effected not to dl'fl'nd, our l'nmlHllic fr,lIlw
by substituting trade for aid but speCifically and cll'arl~· for sl'curing l'\"l'n
more aid in order to be addl'd up to thl' load which our dl'sn'nd,lIlts in
succeeding generations would han.' to carry. Ht.'r GOH'rnnwnt h.1s l1l'ithl'r
the com'iction nor talent m'eded to nationalise b,lI1king .lOLl the l'''port-impllrt
trade two steps which could h,1\·e rendered dl'\·aluatilm unthink.1bll', TI1l'y
are incapable of taking firm me.1sures to disciplil1l' the natilln.11 l'n1l10my lin
account of dependence on \"l'sted intl'rl'sts and not on thl' masses. They 11d\"l'
not the faith and the purpose fullness nl'l'dl'd to bring about higher production
and equitable distribution through l'ffl'ctiH' Stl'PS towards slKi.1lis.ltilln of tlw
basic means of production and ,1 policy Clmtrol of the distribution machinery,
They ha\·e neither the inclination nor the equipment which is Ill'l'dl'd tll
pre\'ent prices spiralling under the m.1nipulation of big bu..,il1l''''s .1t who..,l'
mercy it has placed the economy. It can only bl' rl'frigl'r.1tl'd l'kg.lIKl', in
which the Prime Minister lives, mO\'es and has hl'r bl'ing, that is perhaps
responsible for such glib statements as "thl' rise in prices since dl'\·aluation
has been hardly noticeable", Her Minister of Commt.'rce, whosl' report for
1965-66 had explained how devaluation would not boost Indian l"ports found
himself in hotwaters the other day OH'r thl' issue of rise in prin's l'\·l~n of
vegetables, edible oils, pulses, medicines, matchl's, tobacco ,md all sorts of
things that everybody use. A post-devaluation survey reporkd tIll' rist.' to
have been between 15 and 30 per cent in seven \weks. The l~l'Sl'r\"l' B,mk is
stated to have pitched on the figure of 7 per cent as the rise in wholesale prices
in that period and I saw Congress newspapers like the AlIlrita Ba:tlr f1atrika of
Calcutta" of yesterday screeching, very rightly, about the prices reaching dizzy
heights, Of course, there has been set up, under the auspices of our good
friends in Government, a super-market, to be followed t.'Isewhere by
prototypes, where cars congregate and the prosperous make thl'ir purchasl's,
combining economy with excitement. This is a devil of a joke, but I guess the
Prime Minister and her flock do not see it.
The Prime Minister, of course, is her father's daughter, That is, however,
a meagre point of geneology hardly worthy of any special significance. But
one cannot help recalling that even in his twilight days, when perhaps he
• Now known as Kolkata

was doing ('t'rtain things under prl'ssure which he would not normally have
dorll', J'l\'vaharlal Nehru ncver swallowed certain things. He could rouse
himsl'lf to abrogdtc the VOA Agrl'l'ment once its implications in terms of the
nation's honour and indl'pl'ndl'nCl' were explained. It is ridiculous, of course,
to l'''Pl'ct anything of the same sort from thc presl'nt Prime Minister. After all,
,1S till' Inform,ltion ,md Broalkasting Minister, she permitted, so en·rybody
says, ,1 sort of modifil'd VOA Agrel'ml'nt by thc backdoor, by authorising, the
Anll'rican 1\',Kl' Corps Ilwmbl'rs to set up and work transmitters in our
l'ountrysidl" Perhaps she hds soh'ed thl' daughter's dilemma, but she cannot
ridl' rough-shod l)\'l'r things, She cannot get away with ren'r"ing basic policies
and putting till' n,ltion,ll economy out of gl'M. Hl'r entouragl" so largely
composl'd of politic,ll upst,uts and slimy bureducrats, hand in glm'e with
Indi,lIl and illl'eign money bags, may f1attl'r her in a sort of smug "anity, but
it is un\\,llrthy IIi her nllt tll realisl' stKh llb\'ious things as that dl'\aluation,
or tIll' nlltllrillUS fl'rtili/l'r deal, or limitless food impllrts are not llnly wrong
in tl1l'l1l"dn's but, being ,1lso iundall1l'ntally linkl'd, Me causing an erosion of
our indl'pl'ndl'IKl', llur dignity ,md llur plllitical morality,
rhis is Sl'l'n in such things as CO\'l'rnll1l'nt's acceptance of the Indo-

t\n1l'ric,lJ1 Fllund,ltilln, which is b,uely cOllll'aled attack on the intdlectual
,1I1d p.ltrilltic intelligl'ncl' llf Indian education and an im-itation for CIA agents,
,1bout \\'hom Shri Ch,lgla ('ught to bl' familiar with, to pl'l1l'trate our academic
and political life undl'r tIll' garb of education and rl'sec1n:h. [n'n 1l1l1re
egrl'giously it has bl'l'n sel'n in (IUr country's official attitude on the issue of
Vietnam, \\'hich on'rshadows l'n'ry otlll'r issue in the world toddY. For quite
sonll' tinll' the Prime l\1inisll'r dnd ,111 l'Ise in authority tried to keep mum
on'r tIll' issue, not daring to irritate our ",ondl'rful aid-gi\'t'rs. Then, with her
proposals, or idl',lls, or suggestions, whatl'\'t'r you may call it, about peace in
Vil'tn,lIn tIll' Prillw Minbter o~1l'ned Iwr ll111uth, only, howen'r, to disCll\'er
during her pl'rl'grinations abroad that she had put her foot into it.
So, Il'l therl' be no mistake about it, there is going on for years no\\' in
Vietnam a horror WaI', laund1l'd in ddianCl' of e\'ery d'lt'rished principle of
internation,ll conduct and l'\'t'n of humclnity by the Pt:'ntagon. Their O\\,I'lt'rS,
the American people tlwmsc\H's have raised their yoice against it. There
have bel'n giant demonstrcltillns, massi\'e indictment by intelll'Chlals and others
and C\'l'n sl'lf-immolatilll1 in prott'st by \-"hite Americans. All honour to them,
E\'l'n bl'forl' the criminal bombing of Hanoi and Haiplwng, and more recently
of dl'militarizl'd ZOI1l' bdween North and South Vietnam, which India as the
Chairm.:ln of the International Clmtrol Commission is supposed to safeguard,
Bl'rtrand Russel, one of the grl'atl'st ml'n in the world today, was so mOH'd
by United State's enormity that he made a broadcast in May to the American
soldiers fighting in Vietnam, asking them to gin' up the job and go back
home. He also proposed a tribunal of Nobd Prize winners like himself and
others, eminent and most distinguished in the world, trying those who were
responsible for, what he calls, American war crimes in Vietnam. I would like
to read to you part of the broadcast made by Bertrand Russel, which is very
relevant about which most of us in this country do not seem to be aware of.
He says in an early part of his speech-I am quoting his words:-
"When the United States first began to intervene militarily in South

Vietnam, the pretence was made that the United States is mt'rely helping
a Government in Saigon, put down subversion from outside. But you
American soldiers ha\·e seen for yourself what kind of Governments
have existed in Saigon. They are brutal, corrupt, dictatori.ll and completely
despised by the people. Why is it that these Governments have been "ble
to continue, one after another, in Saigon, despite the fact that the students,
the women, the villagers, everyone, risks life itself to on'rthrow them?
The sole answer is that the United States is using its enormous military
force to impose on the people of Vietnam puppet Governments \\"hich do
not represent them .... "
Then he talks about horrors which are being practised.
I am quoting his words again:
"The US rulers have built an economic empire which is being resisted

from the Dominican Republic to the Congo, and l'specially in Vietnam.
Could you imagine yourselves voting for Cao Ky? If a forl'ign powt'r
occupied the United States to steal American resources for itself and if a
traitor Government were established by force, would you feel it \\'as
your Government? Worse than this, because the Vietnamese people are
so determined and show such fantastic heroism that the greatest military
power has found it impossible to conquer them. You American soldil'rs
are trained to use every modern, weapon of war. Your air force is flying
650 sorties a week in the North."
-this was in May-
"and the tonnages used in the South are higher than those used during
the Second World War or the Korean War."
This is what Bertrand Russel says:
"You are using napalm, which bums everything it touches. You are using
phosphorus, which eats like an acid into those who are in its path.
You are using fragmentation bombs and lazy dogs, which cut up in
pieces and lacerate women and children in the villages hit without
discrimination. You are using poisonous chemicals which cause blindness,
affect the nervous system and paralyse. You are using poisonous gases
which are listed in army manuals of world wars as poisons, and other
gases which are so deadly that even soldiers with gas masks have been
killed by their own gas."
I could quote so much more but I have not the time. But the point is that the
Americans have been using the worse possible weapons against Asians and
they have always used it only against the Asians-the atom bomb against
Japan, the germ warfare in Korea and now in Vietnam germ warfare which
was not so effective in the sub-Arctic conditions of Korea but which in Vietnam
in the sub-tropical conditions are particularly powerful. You may not believe
thl'se, but these are statements which have never been rebutted. The Gandhi
Peace Foundation, to which sometimes I have the honour, with my friend,
i'roft.'ssor Rangel, to be im'ited, has prepared a document listing the atrocities
which Me reportedly being committed by the Americans in Vietnam. Of
course, from other sources we can get the information. American journalists,
Australian journalists have given rt.'ports which ha\'e percolated into a selection
of our press.
What is happening and why is all this happening to a small country like
South Vietnam with a population of H million, less than one-thirtieth of the
population of this country? The cost of Cnited States in South Vietnam in
1965-66 was 13,000 million dollars. They have got 270,000 American soldiers
thl're. They are saying: we shall send -l00,000. If they send -l00,000, the cost
would be 21,000 million dollars, which is a great deal more than the total
gross national product of this country, spent in one single year by the
Americans in order to crush the freedom instinct of the Vietnamese people.
This is the kind of thing which is happening.
I remt'mlwr the ()Ccasion when the House was unanimous, when the use
of napalm bomb by the Americans came into the picture, except for a fringe
which looks upon India as having a boundary on the Mekong river or
soml'wht're, the entire House was unanimous in indignation against this
kind of thing which has been taking place in Vietnam. The United States'
imperialists have challenged the world to question its divine right of
intervention. What is the reaction of our Government, a Government which
is responsible as Chairman of the International Control Commission, to report
to the world at least as to what exactly is happening in that part of the
world? I remember, the Prime Minister on 30 June made a speech in Bombay,
expressing her concern over United States' bombing which was now being
extended to Haiphong and Hanoi.
At Calicut she made a statement on 2 July giving an impression that
perhaps she should not get involved too directly in this dirty business. Then
something happened and the mystery needs to be explained. On 7 July she
made certain pmposals. Shl' SUggl'Stl'd " Illl'l'ting of tIll' Cl'ne\'d Confl'fl'nn'
unconditilll1ally, rlllt having consultl'u anyb(ldy who m,lttl'rl'd. T1wn sIll' ~,lid
on 16 July in ~hlsco\\'. "Solution only within the fr,lIlw\·... ork of the (;l'I1l'\',l
Clmferencl' of IY3-l". In Parlianwnt slw said. "COI1\'l'IW ,1 Cenl'\',l typl'
Conferl'IKe" .
She got's on making all kinds of st,ltl'nll'nts. but in the bl'ginning on
7 July she sullied thl' f,Kl' llf India by making ,1 pmpo~dl without (,udul
thought. She went to all kinds of countril's. like tIll' LJ AI{, Yugosl,l\'i,l ,1I1d the
Stwiet Cnion. and nowhere. in no Oluntry. did she gl't tlw slighlt'st support
because they thought that it was trying to prndlKl' sonwthing li"l' ,111 ,llibi lor
the Americans; except Britain \\'hich is dlways holding thl' b,lby for ,\nll'rir,l
whenen.'r America wislws hl'r to do S\l. ~o otl1l'r rountn' (,1Illl' ior\\',lrd tll
support her.
\vh" did she make this "ind \Ii a pwpllsitilln \\'ithout (art'lul thpught?
Somebody called it "kindergarten diplom.l(~'''. Who Wl'fl' tIll' ,1Lh'ist'rs whll
told her to do this kind of .1 thing? Wh~' plunge in the \\',ltl'rs. \\'hosl' dl-pths
.vou do not understand? \\'h,'. not takL' a moral stand which .VlIli haH' tdkt'n
all the time without getting Yllursdf in difiiculty ,1"; Ch,lirm,lIl lIf the
International Control Commissilln? Why could you nllt "',lY cl'rt,lin things
which could ha\'t:~ been said without any kind of difficulty? b it ,111 bl'(dlN'
the new projects loan is a sort of a Damodt's' SWllrd h'1I1ging OYl'r our Ill',ld
and the United States is re\'dling in a puppl'l show to which our fllreign
policy seems to be reduced?
Not long ago whpn the hush-hush nq~otiations with Wdshington \\'l'rt'
going on, the Prime Minister made the surprising st.1Il'n1l'nt which in l,ffed
implied that it was not possible in today's circulllstdnC('S to a~k thl' An1l'rir,lI1s
to withdraw from Vietnam. She spoke in America about tht' President bl'ing
a man of peace \vhom she admired greatly becduse of his pursuit of pt'an' at
a time when all these enormities and barbarities were taking plan'. In Moscow
when pleaded for a lenient treatment of American pilots who h.ld gonl' on'r
in defiance of every canon of international law to bomb Hanoi and Haiphong.
but she did not plead with President Johnson, at least not to the knowledgl'
of anybody, in regard to the stoppage of the brutalities which han.' been
accumulated for so many years now in this part of thl' world.
We have travelled a long way from positions built up OVl'r 17 long years,
that of standing firmly and uncompromisingly by the victims of impt'rialist
aggression. That reminds me that 'imperialist' is now a word which tlw
Prime Minister sought to define or rather leave undefined in a very, very
different way from what she had learnt in the bad old days when her father
wrote letters on world affairs to his daughter.
The Prime Minister should know that expression of platonic regret coupled
with what is virtually acquiescence in United States, barbarity in Vietnam
falls entirely short of the country's expectation and blackens India's image
l'verywhere. The Prime Minister should remember that we should think of
our fellow sufferers in countries who have fought against imperialism and
who now discover they have to fight still for the fulfilment of their hard-eamed
fn.'l'dom. It is a pity that it was left to an Indian employee of the Foreign
Office to be the first diplomat from the non-aligned world to propagate the
Washington lil' that South Vietnam was a sovereign and independent country
and, further, that United States, bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong should
induce North Vietnam to agree to negotiations. This was our man, our Consul
General in South Vietnam. When the Prime Minister was asked about it in a
prl'ss confl'rl'ncl', she hum-hummed and haw-hawed, hesitated, almost
quibbled; thl'n, of course, she had to say something. I want to know: Has he
been recalled? He Sl'ems to ha\'t~ come back. Why has he not yet been sacked?
How long are we going to tolerate such pseudo-fashionable riff-raff functioning
as our diplomatic rl'presentatin's in \'ery sensith'e areas and aJ\.vays queering
till' pitch for Indian diplomacy to function?
Ll't the '-iouse warn thl' Priml' Minister. She ne\'er e\'en whispers the
name of thl' South Vietnam Liberation Front as a factor in the situation. She
hardly l'\'l'r names who is the aggressor in Vietnam, who is the foreign
Prt'Sl'IKl' in Vietnam. She has not yet commented officially, nor her
CO\'l'rnn1l'nt-Shri Swaran Singh or anybody---on the world Court judgment
which is scandalous in regard to the case of South West Africa. The more
CO\'l'rnn1l'nt mo\'l'S away from our best traditions, from com'iction and
idealism and the stn.'ngth that it gives, to the present degeneration of make-
shift pragmatism and double-talk, we would be going from one clarification
to anotlwr, from one deceipt to another and, not too distantly, from drift to
disaster.
In regard to Vietnam I have heard my people's \'oice, not in the corridors

of pt'rvl'rted power in New Delhi, but in Calcutta's streets that have echoed
recently to the call of our poets anguished by US atrocities in Vietnam and
yet elevated by Vietnam's heroism.
"1f,fi:Rt1'Jj. 31ffm'q Fci4d1/lf, Fci4d1/lf

~ 3#r ~ ";f111, Fci4d1/lf, Fci4d1/lf
riT1m: ";f111, 3WlR ";f111, Fci4d1/lf, Fci4d1/lf ,"
(Unceaselessly our fight for freedom, Vietnam, Vietnam; It is another

name for freedom, Vietnam, Vietnam; Your name and my name is Vietnam,
Vietnam).
That is why white men in America are burning themselves to death in

protest against that barbarity. You may laugh. You may not have the sense;
some people do not have the sense to understand why white men in America
are burning themselves to death protesting against the enormity of the conduct
of their own rulers. We do not h,1\"e to think in that way, but our rulers do
not even have the desire to say something which would have been morally
acceptable to this country and to the \-\'orld.
I know I cannot call back this government to sense and sl'nsibility; I
cannot call back this Congress Party to sense and sensibility. I know that in
the mistaken hope that by playing up the danger from Communism, India
can get massive US aid on Marshall Plan scale. The Prime Minister has stn.'ssed
that the contlict with China is ideological, an approach \vhich h('r fathl'r had
scrupulously ayoided. She has e\·en talked about the containml'nt of China
and of Communism. I have heard that at the Pentagon entrance there is a
bust of a former American Defence Secretary, Forrestal, who was so bent on
containing Communism that he went off his mind.
The Government has launched, as a harrowing half-year has just
concluded testifying, a massiye attack against the people e\'l'rywlwre. In the
UP where the Congress writ ran and will neyer run in thl' future, in
West Bengal, in Kerala and elsewhere the \·oice of the people has bl'en heard.
People will fight back the dire consequences of devaluation on the life of the
toiling masses. At the last Indian Labour Conference, the working class has
giwn notice to the Minister of Labour.
This growing surrender to the United States was invariably accompanied
in every country, where this has occurred, by utter suppr('ssion of democracy.
That is why we have got the latest unlawful activities' Ordinance now
to be turned into law ostensibly directed against secessionist activities. It is
an evil omen and a child of devaluation. I find in it the definition of
'unlawful activity' including a sweeping clause-Shri Nanda should listl'l1-
regarding activities intended to overthrow the lawful Government. He is
sitting next to a jurist; he is supposed to be a jurist. The intentions of the
Opposition are to be punished. The police state mentality is growing but the
people cannot just give in.
Jobs have to be done but the Government does not do them. The Congress
is having a fight. I do not know how the Congress is carrying on its fight, but
in a dog fight every dog gets beaten. Please remember that. Look after the
hundred crores of rupees of foreign exchange secreted, that Shri Khadilkar
talked about. As a member of the Santhanam Committee he ought to know
about it. Make sure that the ministers at least turn over their foreign-exchange
assets to Shri Sachindra Chaudhuri. Stop all talks about wage freeze and the
like. Link dearness allowance to wages. You did not funk when allowing big
money to have a bounty of bonus shares and so many other things. Come
forward, Mr. Finance Minister, to catch the tax thieves and others who have
put it in the C.B. Gupta Rs. 65 lakh fund or something. This is black money
all the time. Find out the sources and punish them. Do not come and put up
a sombre face and tell us that you are doing all that you possible can. Go and
do it, catch the thieves who are operating all over your Congress territory.
Above all, remember what one of your members said in the last session:
Don't make India another Brazil. He asked: Are we to be another Brazil or
are we to be India? This was said by a Congress M.P. in the last session. Let
us be India; k-t us have new Swadeshi movement; let us have self-reliance--
not in the mad way in which Government is opening the flood gates to
imports. One ordt'r of 21 June made a staggering list of 59 industries where
imports ha,'e been rl'laxed. Of course, let us remember a thing like what
Dr. C. V. Raman has said: We stand on our own legs and let us be fearlessly
indt'pl'ncknt. If we have time, let us remember Mahatma Gandhi: Alzimsa
was a method; nom'iolt'nce was a means, method and an instrument of action
but the spirit was ANltlyll, fearlessness-shed all fear....
...... .. .... .. ....
... 1 ask you to recall the message of Gandhi; ANwya, more than Alzimsa,
ft'arlessness; ft'eUlessly proceed with your duty. I know it is a cry in wilderness
wlll'n I see the kind of audience that is before me. This Government is
inefficient, insl'nsiti,'e and corrupt. It has no moral right to stay in office a
day longer in spite of its majority in this House.
Let us ,let once in a moral manner. Let us show to the world the strength
and the reality of the kind of a feeling which is there all over the country.
This Covernml'nt has forfeited the confidence of the people.
...... ...... .. ....
...... ...... .. ....
.... 1 am sorry to have to say that e\'t:,n though I was prepared to be
disappointed; I was not quite ready to hear from the Prime Minister a speech
compounded of innoct:'nce and of confusion which might have sat very well
upon cl young lady t'ntering public life, but they are not good enough for the
Prime Ministt'r of this country.
A very conspicious feature of this debate has been that there has been
expressed an almost national consensus against devaluation which is the
biggest single economic fact symbolising all the misdeeds of the Government.
··While replying to the debate on the M(ltion llf No-('onfidence on 4 August 1%0
Those who spoke against my motion like Shri Mathur, Shri Azad and most
pre-eminently Shri Krishna Menon, pointed out arguments in their side which
amounted to an admission that devaluation was wrong and that we have
now somehow to manage a very difficult situation which has thereby been
created. They were rather shamefaced about it, even Shri Patil, and now the
Prime Minister also joins Shri Patil's appeal to us to help Government to
solve the problems which they have created by their own default. I say that
it is no part of our job at least in this debate, there would be other debates,
other occasions, but it is no part of our job in this debate to elucidate what
we ought to do now that Government has committed a criminal act by way
of devaluation. It is not for us now to pick the chestnuts out of the fire which
the Government itself has brought about. But I know they have a guilty
conscience about it.
...... ...... ......
That is why they only....
.... They tell us we should all unite in follow-up action to prevent the
situation going too disastrously downhill. What was the essence of the only
defence of devaluation which was sought to be made by Shri Patil. He said,
in complete disregard of what Shri Jawaharlal Nehru had written himself in
the second chapter of the volume on the Second Plan which I hope
Shri Asoka Mehta knows almost by heart, in complete defiance of the
principles adumbrated there, he said that our three Plans were based on
massive foreign aid, "we cannot get aid even for servicing our debts; so we
had to devalue". From this it follows that without devaluation we are not
going to get dollar aid and the entire planning was faulty, something to
warm the heart of Shri Dandekar or Shri Masani on this side. This was the
kind of thing which he said. My friend the Railway Minister is much too
intelligent to hug the illusion which he tried to spread that organisations like
the World Bank and the IMF give us purely "advice" from the economist's
point of view and have nothing to do with ideology. Our Prime Minister also
said that she had "advice" from economists in this country as well as abroad.
In regard to the role of the IMF, I have got here an extract from a book by
Mr. Schlesinger, A Thousand Days, John F. Kennedy in the White House. He
writes and I quote him:
"The insistence on monetary stability before all else received the ardent
support of the International Monetary Fund which imposed deflation on
a number of Latin American States as the condition for IMF loans.
Undeterred by past error, the International Monetary Fund in 1964-65
persuaded a complacent Government in the Dominican Republic to accept
a fiscal programme which reduced per capita income, increased
unemployment and led in the spring of 1965 to political convulsion and
United States invention ...... If the criteria of the IMF had governed the
United States in the nineteenth century, our own economic development
would have taken a good deal longer. In preaching fiscal orthodoxy to
developing nations, we were somewhat in the position of the prostitute
who, having retired on her earnings believes that public virtue requires
the closing down of the red-light district."
I would like very much to know-there are eminent economists like

Prof. Gadgil in the other House and so many other economists in this
country-the kind of economist's advice which was taken by the Government
before this very decisive step was taken. We have read about Prof. Sir Roy
Harrod; he is no Marxist, no fellow-traveller and no progressive. He has said:
"My own feeling is that the IMF advice must have been based on false
promises". That is about the economic advice which my friend Shri Patil
pointed out was the most paramount element in their consideration.
When devaluation or something like that has to take place and a crisis
arises, what is done in countries which have a more lively sense of their
independent functioning? Let us take the UK; we have a great deal against
her but she has a certain personality. The UK is trying to sta\'e off devaluation,
taking advance measures, not follow-up measures. Government, particularly
Shri Patil whose was the only serious speech on the Government side, makes
a big play of the other idl'a that we had to be very confidentially moving in
the matter; the whole thing had to be kept as a top secret decision. Of course
it had to be. But do not talk in this way; you cannot hoodwink the people.
If it was the result of your own volition, if you were not hustled into it by
the World Bank and the IMF, you should have armed the Government in
advance with proper controls to check the after effects of devaluation. Even
now, the Government has no clear idea. It is not my job to tell Smt. Gandhi,
it is not my duty in this particular debate, it does not devolve upon me in
this debate to tell the Government what they should do. But even now, I
know Government has no clear idea of how and where a sizeable export
boost is expected in which industries, tea or jute, and how and in which
period of time in the future are you going to have a sizeable export boost and
where a sizeable export boost is expected; what will be the nature of import
substitution which you are talking about; what is the extent of installed
capacity which is idle and which will now be working; how far they are
useful to the pattern of economy which we wish to see set up in this country.
So many other problems are there Government has not said a syllable so far
about these things. Of course, Government thought only of placating western
Big Money and not of befriending the fellow sufferers in the underdeveloped
world. In the underdeveloped world for the last 15 years or so,-Shri Manubhai
Shah is there, he goes and attends the international trade conferences and
that sort of thing-billions of dollars worth of advantage are gained by the
developed countries because they beat down the price of our exports .md
raise the prices of our imports, elnd as .l result of th.1t, they are getting an
advantage in comparison with which the .lid which they give is nothing at
all. They give us by way of aid very much less than what they get bl'ciluse
of this particular ad\·ilntage which they get by bt'ating down our l'xport priCl'
and raising our import liability.
Now, they are talking about secrecy. They were talking of it .1S if it was
a war-time measure and therefore one has to bl' H'ry cardul about it. I ,1grel',
you had to be very careful, but when you declare a war, naturally, tIll' news
is kept top secret, but before the elctual outbreak of hostilitil's, all nl'(l'Ssary
preparations are made, soldiers elre mOH'd up to the front, the supply Iinl's
are kept open and the entire logistics are worked out. In this caSl', my
hon. friend, Shri Patil,-whateH'r he told us, I rl'member all that-gaH' liS
very little evidence. The only logistics of which the COH'rnnwnt has giH'n
e\·idence are the super market and the All-India Radio's pricl' buiil'tins. Th,lt
is the only logistics of which they ha\·e gin'n any kind of l'\·idl'IKl'.
I am sick of hearing this talk of follow-up action which we ,1fl' supposl'd

to suggest to the Government so that they can possibly throw out sonll'thing
by way of exercising their own gray mattl'r. The only follow up ,Ktion which
is needed-people say in terms which are understandablt, to thl'm-is, ...ack
the Ministry; kick the whole lot out of the picturl'. At least It,t thrl'l' or four
Ministers most closely concerned, let them get out; let them sl'l'k re-election
when the Election Commission can be persuaded to allow this kind of thing
happening. Let them go to the country; let the three or four pt.'opll' particularly
responsible for this go and fight the re-election.
Shri Patil told us that there was nothing wrong in importing food.
Whoever said that there is anything wrong in importing food? Of course,
there is nothing wrong; but what have we done all these yt.'ars? Our food
imports from abroad, overwhelmingly from the United Stiltes, h,we amounted
from 1948 to 1965, both years inclusive, to nearly 65 million tons. Their costs
have amounted to the staggering figure of Rs. 2,667 crores. Of this amount,
payment for PL 480 supplies alone amounts to over Rs. 1,500 crort.'s, up to
1965. If you wanted to have it, of course, we have it. But what about the
promises made by Government? What was the complacent smugness with
which Shri Patil, as Food Minister, used to regale the House. He used to say
in those days-1960 or so when this business became consolidated into our
economy-that he would build buffer stocks. That was the only justification
for importing such enormous amounts of foodgrains from abroad. Nobody
likes it; of course we have to pay through our nose, and now we are going
to pay by saying good-bye to our self-respect. With this money so many
things are taking place. The US embassy has so many hundreds of crores of
rupet.'s at its disposal, doing all kinds of damage to our honour and our
intert.'sts. The peace crops-wallas are going round, and there is a paper which
rt.'prints from a Congress newspaper, edited by Shri Chaplakanta Bhattacharya
who is sitting over there-Jllllscl'Ilk and it shows how the peace crops chaps
in Calcutta-they Wl're having as we learn a wonderful "beans"-were tearing
up copit.'s of the Discoz)l'ry of II/dill by Jawaharlal Nehru .
... .Copil's of the Uiscol'cry (~r Illdia by Jawaharlal Nehru were torn up by
thl'sl' pt.'ople and thrown at passersby and they were molested and a Calcutta
caSl' is pwcel'ding. It is a \"t'ry small matter, but all this money in the hands
of f(m'ign pl'nple like thl' US Embassy and its agencies and the CIA operating
in ways which they do not divulge to Shri Chagla who is also here-Naturally
thl'Y did not tl'll him about it; they are operating, keeping this money in their
hands. WIll're is the buffl'r? Only day before yesterday, in reply to Starred
QUl'::.tion No. lOh, Shri P. Gm·inda Mt'non said, "There is a proposal to build
up a buffl'r stock of six million tnns of foodgrains". Still we have this proposal
which, in till' l'arly sixtil's, was made in this House by Shri Patil! We hear
abl)tlt thl'sl' food impnrts. Wl' know what Jawaharlal Nehru or any decent
pl'rson had thought in rl'gard to food imports. This idea of buffer stock
whirh Mr. Patil has popularised is the biggl'st bluff. There are other ways of
taking PI. -lHO assistance. Smt. G,lndhi, only the other day, saw Shri Nasser
and soml' Indian prl'ssml'n said nasty things about Shri Nasser keeping mum
about Vietnam, bl'C,HISl' he had takl'n food from America. Shri Nasser made
a spl'l'Ch on till' UAR National Day, only three weeks ago. He is not cowed
by ft.'ar. I-k says, "I would ratlwr go without food that give in on policies and
principles." There are ways and ways of acn'pting PL -l80 food also, but this
country's Cowrnment dOl'S not known how to do it. Some people, including
Shri Patil and also, of course, the Prime Minister in a different way-she does
not happen to know the kind of HKabulary \\'e specialise in; I pleaded guilty
to the charge (If being in the know of all kinds of vocabulary-they haw
made fun of our rett.'n'nce to Viehlam. She has not, but some other people
haw. From out of their own ranks, Shri Krishna Menon has answered that
charge. I say in all sinn'rity and seriousness that India has not only moral,
but a ddinih.' international, political commitment. TIll this day, the Government
of India has not protested against the violation of the neutral zone, which is
under our direct chargt.>. Why can't we muster courage and warn the USA to
keep out?
The Prime Ministl'r has talked first about a Geneva Conference, then
about something in the framework of the Geneva Conference and then about
a Geneva-type conference. Wherever she has gone-Cairo, Belgrade or
Moscow-she could not sell this idea because they knew that she ought to
have known as head of the Indian Government that this could not possibly
be accepted by Hanoi. At a time when the Americans were practising the
most egregious imaginable brutalities, to ask Hanoi to sit down without any
conditions and to have a Geneva or any type of conference with America is
something which only the Americans like, which the British seconded and
nobody else did. That is what the Prime Minister has done.
I have no time to analyse this matter, but the Prime Minister ought to
know. She goes on explaining-ewn the other day in Parliament she said-
that she used the word "imperialists" in Moscow because like a good student
in the old days she learnt the maxim. "In Rome, do as Romans do", but she
did not mean the United States-Who the devil was meant by it? In regard
to Vietnam, who else could have possibly and conceivably been meant? I am
sorry to have to say that according to the cynics of this world, Eve has a new
face for every situation, but at least two are absolutely essential for the Prime
Minister of India! I do not like this kind of thing taking place.
There is a distinct link-up between the concessions on fertilisers,

Shri Asoka Mehta's "back-seat driving" talk, devaluation and our supine and
dishonourable Vietnam stand. It was good to hear Shri Anthony-I never
knew he was so ancient; he said he was the second senior-most member of
this House--it was good to hear him about the American arm-twisting. It
was good to hear him say, we have been made to "lick the American boot"
which no self-respecting Indian must stand. That is the kind of feeling which
everybody has got. Why do I have this preoccupation with Vietnam? I have
it because if the Vietnam peasant can give a hell of a fight to the Americans,
why can't we even stand up to them? We are rightly proud of what our
people did during the days of the Indo-Pakistan confrontation. Let us have
a sense of proportion. Let us remember how Vietnamese people are fighting
for decade after decade in conditions where the mightiest country in the
world is spending in one year more than the total gross national product of
this country in war against the Vietnamese. They are fighting against them.
I take my hat off to them. I sometimes think what Shri Masani says about the
Mekong river being the boundary of India, it has some kind of relevance. It
is along the Mekong river that the fight for Asian freedom, Asian self-respect,
is being fought. And, here we are not being forthright, we are not being
straight, we do not stand up before the world and say we are not going to
tolerate this kind of enormity. And, we are Chairman of the International
Control Commission. I know some people ridicule us. The "Three Musketeers
of Devaluation", of course, they never spoke, possibly because they do not
have muskets but crutches which the Prime Minister finds it so difficult to
rely upon, but even those who spoke had the gumption to ridicule our
pre-occupation with Vietnam. I ask Jawaharlal Nehru's daughter to remember
that after Jawaharlal had returned from Europe in the days of the Fascist
advance in that continent, he went to Khali, somewhere in the Himalayas,
and wrote: "I cannot rest because I hear the echoes of barbarian feet stamping
the streets of Vienna". Here is something happening in Asia and you do not
respond, this Government does not respond. Here is something happening in
a part of Asia which is part of our country. If you know a little of Indian
history, it is part of SII'l'anzabllOomi, in other words, it is a part of Greater
India. It is here that the people of Asia are fighting, it is here that they are
fighting a war. I want the Prime Minister to remember that here in India we
have a kind of tradition which makes us take the world as our province: yatra
l'ishwam blza'l'atyt'k Ilt't'dam-all the world becomes a single nest. That is the
only justification for whatever foreign policy we try to put forward.
In September 1965 our people rose as one man to defend our country
and there was a demand for self-reliance. But we have forgotten all that. We
have forgotten the Patton tanks and we go abegging for dollars. The Cabinet
is responsible for all that. All of them are responsible. They are talking about
their joint responsibility having been performed very properly. They are
parading their unity. But there is no unity worth the name. I have no pity for
them. Acharya Kripalani wanted us to show pity to them. It is not pity;
people feel angry because the people are suffering and they are trying to
rl'press the people in blood. They shoot wherever they have an opportunity,
ewn before an opportunity conceivably presents itself. I do not pity the
pretty plumage. I pity the dying bird about which Gandhi had told Kripalani
and others that he could not soothe with a song a dying bird. Our people are
like a dying bird. I do not pity the plumage, I pity the dying bird, and I curse
those who are responsible for having roused the anger of our people. I have
no pity, I have anger, our people ha\·e anger. If they believe that by
administrative methods, by repressive apparatus becoming stronger they are
going to suppress this anger and indignation of our people, they are living
in a particular paradise about which they would soon find out.
I, therefore, say that I press my No-confidence Motion. I know I shall be

defeated by the vote, but I make an appeal to the moral conscience, if they
have any, the moral conscience of this Parliament.
ABOLITION OF PRIVY PURSES"
Mr. Speaker, Sir, I offt'r on behalf of my party full support to my fril'nd,

Shri Madhu Limaye's proposal regarding abolition of the privy pursl' and
concomitant pri\·ileges. My friend has suggestl'd what might appear to sonw
of our friends here as rather a bitlt'r pill to swallow, but if the pill is swallll\\'l'd
the body politic will imprm'e, and that is why it is \'l'ry important th,lt this
motion is supported by a majority in this Housl'.
Since the AICC has recently passed a rl'solution on this subject, this
House has a right to know whether Congrl'ss means business in rq~Md It)
this matter or whether, as certain reports which circulate appl'ar to indk,llt',
some assurances han~ bet'n gin'n to the princes, on ",hosl' support cert,lin
Congress gon?rnments depend in several Statl's, that this AleC resolution,
like the earlier resolutions passed at Avadi, Bhubal1l'swar, Nagpur llr Jaipur,
on land reforms or ceiling urban property and the socialist order of socil'ly,
like all those notorious resolutions, would be scuttled and re\'l'rsed; this
House has a right to know what GOH'rnml'nt intend~ in regard to this mattl'r.
I think in regard to the merits of this proposition the position is quitl'

plain. The privy purses and concomitant privileges are an anachronism which
should have gone a long time ago, and they should now gll, particul,uly
when the AICC has passed this resolution. I hl',m.i my fril'nd, Shri Desai put
a legalistic defence, but if the ponderous immobility of thl' law is the only
argument which is going to be advanced in this forum of Parlian1l'nt, \wll,
I can only think why Shakespeare wrote the "law is an ass" why in a particul.u
period of British history, when things had to change on a drastic basis, pl'opll'
said, according to Shakt'speare's own words, "let us go and kill all the
lawyers." If law is static, I say that nothing is going to hapPl'n in this (Ountry.
And why talk only of the promises, the assurances the guarantees which
have been given to the princes in our Constitution? Why only say that tlw
guarantee to the princes alone is perpetually binding? Is our Constitution
such that we have guarantees only to the princes? Our Constitution, if we go
into the essence of it, does not care for princes, prelates and pl'riwigged
charioteers; it cares for the people. In the preamble it says, for instance, there
is to be equality of status and of opportunity. Does our conscience go to sleep
• L.S. Deb., 13 July 1967. [Participating in the Short Durati(m Discussion undl'r Rule ]In, rai~l'd
by Shri Madhu Limaye re: Abolition of Special Privilegl's and Privy Purses of Former Rulers
of Princely Statesl.
180
and our sense of honouring the Constitution get atrophied, so far as such
promises are concerned? There is a whole chapter on Fundamental Rights.
The Directive Principles of State Policy talk about education for our people.
Is not that a promise? When Jawaharlal Nehru spoke about "promises to
kel'p", did hc think of the promiscs to the princes or the promises to the
~1l'ople \.... hich havc not been performed?
If the law h<ls to be considefl'd, \-\,h<lt is the structure and the spirit of the
Indian Constitution? Article 14 guarantees equality before the law and equal
protection of the laws as justifiable rights, and the provision in regard to
prinCl's, who have discriminatory privileges and prerogatives, that surely
gOt'S against the spirit of the Constitution. And the commentators on the
Constitution who know law, they saw that the cumulati\'e effect of
articles 14, 15, 17, 18 and 19 they are very much more powerful than what
Jefferson had said a long time ago about equality as "the denial of every
prl'-l'minl'nCl', particularly tIll' denial of pre-eminence by birth." According to
tlw law, you (annot han' pre-l'minence only on account of birth.
Sir, it is not thl' princl's' fault that they were born with a platinum spoon
in tlll'ir mouth; it is not tlw f.lUlt of till' prinCl's and, as far as I am concerned
I sh,ll1 not ,KCUSl' them of bl'ing unpatriotic. I do not wish to recall the ugly
days of British rule, whl'n prinCl's generally were subsen'ient, but even some
\If \lur grl'at 1l',1dl'rs, whose portraits adorn the Central Hall of Parliament
w\luld ,1ppl'lUd till' British Raj in thllsl' days in terms which today I cannot
re(,ll1 without sh,H1ll'. Iksides, I find, so many of the princes, present day
princes, in this HllUSl' and they are deCl'nt pt'ople, \'ery well capable of earning
tlll'ir kl'l'P by til'Ct'nt, hOlwst labour and there is no reason on earth why they
should not try to do so now that the til' is more than ripe.
TIll'rdorl', I would say that the princes can have no entitlement whate\'er
in justin', in l'quity, in good Cllllscience and in the name of hum<lnity, for cver
to earn U11l'anwd, unjust and utterly inequitous and injurious rights like
privy pursl's and associated privill'ges and prewgatives.
r would rdl'r only to the fact that articlc 291 \.... hich refers to privy purses
also indicates Cl'rtain things which are very suggestive. Some life-time
arrangl'ments were madl' ,1S in the case of the Ni:a 711 , which were liable to
change by GOVl'rnment action. That change has to a certain extent been made,
This in itself is evidl.'ncl' that the rights in perpetuity could not possibly have
bl'('n really intended.
Th('n, I cannot undl'rstand why the princes so far have never volunteered,
as my friend there pointed out, evcn to give up the exemption from income-
tax which they have enjoyed in regard to their privy purses. I find also that
in article 366 "Ruler" is defined-I am quoting article 366, clause (22)-
"Ruler in relation to an Indian State means the prince, Chief or other

person .... who for the time being is recognised by the President as the
Ruler of the State, and includes any person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the successor of such Ruler;".
It is the President of India chosen by the democratic process who retains

the powers of paramountcy; it is not the princes who have retained a shrl'd,
a minute particle, of the paramountcy which they were good enough to
concede to the British Crown and they are not good enough to concede to the
Indian State.
Therefore, all that you can say is that there is a promisl', a It.'gal assurann'.
But, of course, law is a dynamic proposition and not a static something
which we swear by all the time. All that you can say is that in so far as the
law has got always to be obeyed, there is a kind of a moral obligation but
you cannot bring in what you call a moral obligation to operate as a perpetual
blight on the country's advance and today there is no doubt about it
that the country wants to go ahead. It is only part of the parapht.'rnalia of the
country's programme for advance that the attack on the privy purses is being
made.
That is why certain other things have also to be done. They come in as
cognate propositions. Article 314, embodying the rights and privileges of the
Indian Civil Service "neither Indian nor civil nor service," must go. ICS raj
is by no means yet a dispossessed tribe of India.
,.,.,. ,.,.,.
***
,.,.,. *,.,. ***
Sir, I see a difference between the princes, who have inherited dignity
and grace for generations, between princes who are being attacked and do
not tum a hair, and certain other people who, merely because a mention is
made of something by my quoting something which everybody in this country
knows, get rattled. The princes do not mind because they have inherited-
at least, God bless them for it-a certain kind of dignity and grace. That is
not inherited by certain other people. Therefore, I would say that this kind
of a special privilege enshrined in the Constitution in article 314 should go.
Why only the princes, the big monopoly houses, when the Monopoly
Commission has mentioned ....
...... ,. .... . ....
It is a cognate matter. Here are 75 houses which makes me recall the

200 familil's of France which, before the Second World War, were responsible
for the subservience of France, the land of liberty, equality and fraternity.
...... ...... . ....
I am merely saying that when we are talking of the people's desire and
the absolute urgency in today's contt>xt of mounting attack on privilege as
reprl'sented by the privy purses and other concomitant privileges, at the
same tinw it is nl'cessary and rightful for the country and Palliament to think
of the desirability of the attack on privilege, monopoly and power in other
sections of socit.'ty which are l'xtremely important and injurious to the health
of our country and the reputation of our motherland.
THE SALARIES AND ALLOWANCES OF MEMBERS OF
PARLIAMENT (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1969*£
Mr. Chairman, Sir, I am entirely opposed to this Bill, and I can assure the
House, whatewr Shri Naidu might say, that tllt're is no double-thinking about
our position. Shri Naidu, for reasons \vhich he himst:'lf appreciatl's, \'\'l'nt on
saying with impunity that members of this House take money from X, from
Y, from X indi\'idual, from Y indi\'idual, from X country, from Y country. ~k
was indulging in conduct which is most utterly reprehensibll', but I did not
interYene because I know the House will treat that kind of statement with the
contempt v..-hich it desen·es .... I hate to have to function in this HOUSl' among
with people who have the gumption to say in regard to collcagllt's that they
take money from X or Y. They seem to think that this is a gossip chamber. I
am not giyen to gossip in the CE'ntral Hall. I can tell him--he may know
more about the Communist Party of India; he may ha\'e his own \VelYs and
means of functioning dubiously; [ do not knmv-I may tl'll him that I am the
representative of the Communist Party of India in this House and what he
has said about the Communist Party having taken a certain decisit)J1 is
complete nonsense, fantastic nonsense. But he can indulge in that kind of
thing, because of the kind of behaviour \vhich has bl'come chronic in this
House, which some members specialise in, because they have an eye on the
paper. This is how this House has degraded itself to this extent. We haH' to
justify to our people why this demand for more money is to be taken.
*** ***
*** *** ***
The Joint Committee's report is here. The Jan Sangh representatiVl', the
CPI representative, the CPM representative, the SSP representative,
Independent Members like Shri A.D. Mani of Rajya Sabha-they have
expressed themselves against the salary increase. PSP, as far as I can make
out, were unfortunately not represented on this Committee but they are against
salary increase. If the point of the Government is that in order to give the
amenities which most members wanted are to be given, a lot of money is to
be involved, let us discuss it. We need not have these amenities if they are
• LS. Deb" 5 August, 1969. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 14 May 1954 and 25 St'ptembcr 1964
on a similar subject).
£ The Bill which proposed to enhance the salaries and perks for Ml's became 'The Salaries and
Allowances of Members of Parliament (Amendment) Act, 1969',
184
to be too expensively purchased at the cost of the country. There is no reason

why we should do it. I do want to raise my voice against the kind of thing
which is being said by members, even by reputable members like
Shri Tulshidas Jadhav. We do not come into politics in quest of a comfortable
life. Some of us came into politics when the country was in the throes of a
fight for independt.·nn·, The younger people came into politics when the
country is trying for a new kind of life. We have other incentives, other than
economic g,lin or that sort of thing. We are not in politics for the sake of a
comfortable lifl'. That is why I was so astonished when one of our colleagues
in this House wrote in his paper-I would not mention his name as he is not
Iwre-'MPs on beggar's doles' and he ended by saying 'While the M.P. who
rl'prl'sl'nts one million people goes through this well-designed torture .. .' By
'tortllrl" he means the kind of life which M.Ps in Delhi ha\'e to Ih·e. I do not
know. I haH' IWH'r felt I am li\'ing a tortured life because of lack of amenities.
Anyhow this is what he said. 'The nation spends on the Minister O\'er 100,000
ruPl'l'S l'H'ry Yl'ar and pays a bureaucrat life-Rs. 56,700 on salaries and
pl'rquisitt.'s l'very Yl'ar plus anotlwr Rs. 50,000 for overseas picnics.' I am not
re,)ding the ncllnes. \1y qUl'stion to men like Shri Tulshidas Jadhav-I keep
out Shri :--.Jaidu-is : Do we not wish to ha\'l;~ some kind of austeritv ideal in
this countrv? Do we not live in a country where we have heard from childhood
such moth~s as ~"iqI1"4'*1: ~. ~:" I know it is not possible in modern
II
timl's to go dbout in loin cloth although Gandhi made that gesture because
hl' wantl'd to haH' some kind of link with the life of the people. I am not
dsking for the impossibk'. Mr, Jadha\' seems to suggest that because our
pl'ople IiH' in sunshine and rain, we should not have this kind of canopy
on'r our lwad and that we should hold our session in sunshine and rain. I
do not say that. We will have to compromise in life. Should we have an idea
that affluent conditions should be cwaiJable for us? Shri Jadhav said that big
capitalists do not carl' for us becaust.' we do not ha\'e money. Have I or you,
Sir, or any n1l'mbt.'r of the House any consideration that our people respect
us because we han' money? Is that the way in which people look upon us?
I rl'member those things in the Bible, what Jesus said about money-lenders
and that sort of thing. If we ha\'e respect from our people, it is not because
we have money. And once we begin to think in terms of money, where is the
end of it? Napoleon \-\'as jealous of Julius Caesar, Julius Caesar was jealous
of Hannibal, Hannibal was jl'alous of Alexander and Alexander was jealous
of Herculus who did not exist. It we come to this sort of a thing, there is no
l'nd to it; there is no end to jealousy. This is the world in which we liw.
I do not want to talk particularly in the atmosphere which has been

created. But certain things have been said to which a reply has to be given.
Let us remember that in this country of ours-I am quoting
Dr. Chandrashekhar, the Minister of Health and Family Planning-six crores
of our people go to bed every night hungry because they have not had
enough to eat. This is the country in which we lin'; this is the cnuntry
whose representatives we are supposed to be. Shall we bt.' denigrating
Parliament, blackening whatever the image of Parliament is, in the t.'Yl'S of
our people?
I read the other day how in the British Parliament one membl'r was
constrained to call the House of Commons an idiotic circus. Hl' said .. .l am
quoting:
"I was elected to a serious body and not to be a member of an idiotic

circus. They elected me to do a serious job, not to be part of an idiotic
circus."
I am sure, when our people watch us performing, they might be making

comments, something of that description. Are we going to aggr,n-atl' that
kind of an impression which has been produced in this country? Why do Wl'
not discuss these things?
I would say, let us have more amenities for better work. I don't object to
that. Let there be unanimous recommendations to pW\'ide amenities for better
work. If the amenities asked for inn)lve a very huge expenditure, I would
wait, I would think twice, thrice, for it. Let us have amenities for bettl'r work,
Let us not have any more money. Let us not think in terms of money, of any
more provisions of money, when people are talking everywhere how tht'se
provisions of money for members of Parliament often lead to abuses.
In conclusion, I beseech this House to take a proper view of the position

and to remember that parliamentary property requires respect to be giwn to
those understandings which are reached by unanimous discussion in the
presence of the Speaker. I would beseech this House to reml'mber, while you
are entitled to make provision which help better work, you cannot ask the
country for money in the way in which this Bill has been brought forward.
That is why I am entirely opposed to this Bill, to any kind of delay, short or
long, and I want to push it out altogether and, if in regard to amenities some
more thought has to be given in order to economise the amount of expenditure
involved, I am ready to sit with the Government and discuss it with them.
NEED FOR SOLVING PEOPLE'S PROBLEMS·
Mr. Dl'PUty Speaker, Sir, I am grateful for the charming interlude furnished
by the mellifluous Tamill>loquence of my friend, the leader of the DMK, and
I am glad he has spoken in his own language. But I would like to add that
I am waiting for the day when provision for simultaneous translation in all
the languages in the Schedule to the Constitution would be here so that we
can all spl'ak in our own languages, because otherwise, as Mr. Anbazhagan
has said, we cannot fully express ourselves. However well or badly we know
English, it is not a language which we learnt at our mother's knee, and it is
important that in Parliament, facilities for speaking in our own languages are
provided.
I haw heard the roar of the he,,,'y artillery trained on Government by the
Syndicatl'-Swatantra Sangh combine, and you know that my party and I
stand in a position which is poles apart from that which is held by that
combine. But I am afraid as far as this Address is concerned, I find little to
l'nthuse over it. Th('re is a certain element of studied buoyancy, some talk of
a new sense of direction and purpose as well as realisable goals, but it strikes
me as somewhat phoney and futile. I say it because the President concludes
with a refl'rence to "great expectations" among our people. But it is exactly
tl1l'se expectations we find little e\'idence of genuine fulfilment in the Address.
I do not mind Government determining to build "brick by brick"-to use the
President's words-a society which is democratic and socialist. I know the
task is long and hard-again the President's words-but a snail's pace
mowml'nt in this quick changing age is not the right thing.
I recall that Shri Subhas Chandra Bose, as the Congress President,

appointed a National Planning Committee and he said, our country would
have a forced march; otherwise, we cannot get to grips with the world's
problems. I remember how Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru used to say, particularly
towards the end of his life, that we have to hurry. But in the Address, there
is no suggestion of this sense of hurry, which the country wants this
Government to implement. This Government has got the support from large
• L.S. Drb., 26 February 1970. [Participating in the Discussion on The Motion of Thanks on the
Prt'sident's Addn.'S.<;.<;, Shri Mukerjt't' also spoke on 22 May 1952, 13 February 1953, 18 and 22
February 1954,23 February 1955,20 and 23 February 1956, 17 February 1958,22 February 1965,
1 March 1966, 21 March 1967, 14 March 1972 and 27 February 1974 on the Motion of Thanks
on the Prt'Sident's Addressl.
187
sections of our people because our people have got an idea that this
Government will go ahead fast enough to satisfy their expectations. And, it
is about that I do not find very much to enthuse over in the Address.
My friend, 5hri Ranga said, there is no mention in the Address of the
Gandhi Centenary, which was perhaps the biggest event from the Indian
point of view in the last year. There is a very valid reason for it-a sense of
shame. Even the provision of drinking water for our villages, which at one
time before the Gandhi Centenary Celebrations it was projected would at
least be made this year, has not been made yet and possibly out of cl sense
of shame, the President did not refer to the Gandhi name.
The Address also bristles with many statements. One of them is
"perceptible increase in the standards of living" but it is not true. Only on
25 February 1970, i.c. yesterday, Unstarred Question No. 401 elicited the reply
that per capita national income in 1966-67 was Rs. 302.4; in 1967-68 it was
Rs. 321.3 but in 1968-69 it came down to Rs. 319.3. So, this is not the right sort
of thing to say in the President's Address. In the Rajya 5abha on tht.> 21 July
last year, a question elicited the answer that the per capita availability of food
grains in 1968, the year of the so-called green revolution, 1966-67 was 3.7 per
cent less than that in 1965, when this availability was 173 kgs, cotton cloth,
edible oils and the sugar consumption fell by 11 per cent and so many other
figures were given at the same time. On the other hand, conspicuous
consumption of such things as motor cars, air conditioners, refrigerators,
confectionery and art silk fabrics has increased a great deal. That is not an
evidence of increase in living standards as far as the people are concerned.
I find again at another place a reference, which I am constrained to call
sanctimonious, to manifestations of violence. I am glad that the shame of
Ahmedabad and the communal riots which took place was just referred to in
that paragraph. But there is no indication of an attack of those nefarious
communal reactionary chauvinists who with their slogans like "Indianisation"
of non-Hindus in India are pursuing a dirty and dastardly policy of
provocation for communal riots. I say this in spite of my friend, 5hri Vajpayee,
who with his spell-binding oratory has tried to give an interpretation of
"Indianisation" to make it acceptable to everybody. Indeed, I have no
sincerometer to measure his sincerity in regard to his conception of whatever
he says. I judge people by results and I judge the Jansangh, and also their
friends of the 5watantra Party combine, by what they are doing from place
to place. And Ahmedabad continues to be a shining example of the squalor
and disgrace to which we are reducing our country, whatever might be the
high-sounding shibboleths which can be explained away in an oratorial fashion
on the floor of Parliament. There is no doubt about it.
*** *** ***
I have absolute conviction, whether you agree or not, that the anger of
our people has got to be concentrated against whatever goes against the
humanity of this country and the unity and integrity of its people. But, as far
as the President's Address is concerned, it reserves its anger not for the
communal chauvinists but for certain extremist political groups. The stress is
political rather than communal. I am quoting his words:
"While we are anxious to remove genuine causes of social discontent,

violent activities have to be dealt with firmly."
It is true that violent activities ha\·e to be dealt with firmly. But you put the
cart before the horse. Dr. Chandrasekhar, one of the Ministers of Government,
made an under-statement when he said something which was largely true.
He said that 60 million of our people are hungry when they try to get some
sleep O\·ernight. I have got here a question which was answered in this
House only on the 23 February, Unstarred Question No.5, according to which
14,000 children go blind every year in the southern and eastern regions of
India on account of deficiency of Vitamin A in nutrition. This country is still
an area of darkness and yet the Go\"ernment has the gumption to inveigh
against the poor because of violence on the part of our supremely patient
people. This is just putting the cart before the horse.
I now turn to the question of the Supreme Court striking down the Bank
Nationalisation Act which, to my mind, is not something quite unexpected
as far as the Government is concerned. Yet, Government responded to it with
a half-hearted Ordinance. In spite of today's faster changing political
atmosphere, Government is inhibited from taking any action against the vested
interests. The money-changers, far from being lashed out of the temple,
threaten to be brought in again. The Supreme Court majority, perhaps without
intending it, had on a common sense reading of its judgement, provided
Government with an opportunity to acquire for the nation the rest of the
banking undertakings in the country, including the foreign ones, but the
opportunity has been carefully thrown away. By doing only the minimum
repair essential for re-floating the boat of nationalisation, Government has
acted as, what the Americans call, the strict "constructionist", in regard to the
Constitution.
I do not know, perhaps in terms of temporary political arithmetic, in

which the Prime Minister seems to be so proficient, Government has
discovered some advantage in whatever reprocessing which the Government
is now taking,-perhaps Government's idea is to keep many options open on
many different sides; I will not expand upon it-but if that is so, it bodes ill
for the country, and if there is betrayal of the people's widely roused
expectations, it will not be forgiven.
Meanwhile, thanks to the Supreme Court, some private sharks will be

richer and immediately so by at least an extra Rs. 25 crort~S, for which the
budget will have to provide. What is \\'orse, this money will not go to the
individual shareholders but to the companies; that is to say, to the dirl'ctors
of the erstwhile undertakings who will get this bOn.lnz.l of Suprl'me Court
given funds and do what is delicately called "other business" for \·vhich thl'
Supreme Court has opened the gate wide for them.
In the meantime the country's needs cry out. I come from Calcutta, with
its city and the environs, which is India's great asset almost dying today.
They need national assistance but no, monit's with New Dl'Ihi would not bl'
a\'ailable for that sort of purpose. It will rather go to the sharks of big financt:'.
This is not merely in order to pinpoint the Government's dt.'faults that I

say this but a supremely national problem has been put on the agl'nd.l of the
day by the action of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court's intl'rpretation
of the Constitution not only in this country but particularly in the USA,
which in regard to written federal Constitutions of our type is so often quott'd,
has often been quite a hurdle in the way of action for economic dl'H'lopnwnt,
particularly economic development which is based on the pt'ople/s will.
In the United States of America, for example, from 1890 to 1936 the
Supreme Court pitted its own prejudices against all legislative attempts to
regulate the excesses of Industrialism. Our Supreme Court, with all respect
to it, is emasculating whatever looks like far-reaching socio-economic
legislation.
I recall how President Roosevelt had said in regard to the supreme Court's
striking down absolutely necessary legislative measures. He had said at that
point of time:
"We have reached the point as a nation where we must take action save
the Constitution from the Court and the Court from itself. We must find
a way to take an appeal from the Supreme Court to the Constitution
itself. We want a Supreme Court which will do justice under the
Constitution, not over it."
In regard to what the Constitution says it is not merely the judicial pundits
who will give their interpretation. Those who have a great deal more to do
with the real implementation of the constitutional provisions, which means
Parliament, must have a say in regard to it. I recall Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
having said at one time :
"No Supreme Court, no judiciary, can stand in judgment over the

sovereign will of Parliament representing the will of the entire community.
It can pull up that sovereign will if it goes wrong but in the ultimate
analysis where the future of the community is concerned, no judiciary

can come in the way. Ultimately, the fact remains that the Legislature
must be supreme and must not be interfered with by the courts of law
in such measures as social reform."
The latest decision of our Supreme Court necessarily leads to the

conclusion that in effect, Parliament has no power even to abridge property
rights in the intert'st of the people. The country is now confronted with a
dill'mma. Legislation scrapping the power of property is liable to be struck
dm... n bt.'caust.' property right is a fundamental right. On the other hand,
tlwrt.' can be no aml'ndment by Parliament of the fundamental rights so long
as thl' six to fiH' majority dl'cision of the Supreme Court in the Golak Nat"
cast.' st,lI1ds. This dilemma has got to be settled and it cannot wait upon some
futurl' ("tlntingency when the Supreme Court does or does not change its
decision. Something has got to be done.
There is a tt.'I1lil'ncy on the part of lawyers to be on the side of stability

and static conditions. The late Oliwr Wl'ndell Holmes, Supreme Court Judge,
highly cl'kbrated in American history, said that the "inarticulate major
pH'misl'" of all Judges sel'ms to be the upholding of whatever is the present
l'conomic llrdl'r. Whl'n that present economic order itself is to be changed, we
cannot dl'pend upon the good wishes, the beha\"iour of the Judges and the
country has got to intervene.
I know that GO\·ernment is trying to go slow, To a certain extent I can

understand that the Government cannot in a huff do something which might
be thought to be the people's real desire. The Gowrnment for the time being,
I can understand, is trying to avoid a certain confrontation. But the crux of
the matter remains and will have to be tackled; the sooner, the better. And
that is the Supreme Court view of socio-economic measures which must
come. Unless that matter is decided, all talk of socialism is so much
abracadabra. So, we must proceed to do some drastic overhauling of the
Constitution. Exclusion of the right to property from the Chapter of
Fundamental Rights is something which is being asked for from different
quarters today. I would say, let us get on soon as we can with Shri Nath Pai's
Bill even though I know it will be no solution of political problems that are
being shot up to the order of the day by the Supreme Court judgments. Let
us overhaul the Constitution. Let us begin the process. It is a long process of
overhauling the Constitution. Let us do away with the dichotomy between
Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles. The will of the people will
prevail or violence of a sort might erupt compared with which the violent
happenings of today would be like a tea-party.
There are so many of the constitutional problems also. Thl' qUl.'stion of

the Statehl..x)d for Manipur, for Himachal Pradesh and for Tripur'l are dl'mands
which have certainly to be conceded if justice is to have its satisfaction. There
is the question of Centre-St,lte rl'i.1tionship which \... .1S implied so Vl'ry vi\'idly
and vibrantly in the spel'ch of the k'.1der of thl' D.M.K . .1 littll' whill' .1gll. TIMt
has to be looked aftt'r. Then, therl' is thl' problt.'m of having .1 Ml'gh.1laY,l typl'
of sub-State for arl'as like thl' Nep.1l-spe.1king rl'gion in West Bl'ngal. That
kind of problem will h,lVl' to be t,l(klt.'d. TIll'rl'lorl', it is \'l'ry Ill'l"l'ss.uy that
we go to the whole question of o\'l'rh,lUling thl' Constitution.
This brings me to the qUl'stion llf the prinl"l's and their pri\'y purses ,lI1d
other pri\'ileges. How hmg, I ,lsk CO\'l'rnnll'nL bl'c,luse tIll' l"lHlI1try is
impatient, must this issue hang firl'? \vh.1t is the prl'ci"l' connotation nf
Gon'rnment's placatory aSSUr.1nCl'S regarding transition,ll arr,lIlgl'nll'nts ? I
don't understand. I he.1rd my hllll. friend, Shri Patil, N,lturally, Ill' is thl'
paladin of the Syndicate forces. Hl' dl'fendl'd thl' princl'ly ordl'r. WI..' h,l\'l'
friends, as far as princl's are concerJ1l'd, pl'rSOn.1lly spl..',lking but lln ,1 Jl1,lth'r
of principle, we ha\'e to take our stand. What is it that we an' thinking nf?
Shri Patil talked about wl1.1t Sardar Patel had dOlll' ,lIld how \\'1..' ... hnuld bl'
eternally grateful to him and how \\'1..' shnuld nnt go back on Wh,ltl'\'l'r word
was gi\'en by him. \Vith all rt.'spect to SMd.1r Patl'\' I would S,l~', it Wds ntlt
only to him that we should pay our tribute for the inll'gratinn nf St,ltl's but
much more should our tribute go to the struggling pt.'opll' nf the Indi,lIl
States who fought and gave their li\'l's and by their own blood, they cl'Jl1l'ntl'd
the integration of States. It was bl,(",lUse of till' n10\'l'nll'nt of till' pl..'opll's in
different States and not becausl' of thl' diplomatic n1al1l'UO\'l'rs dt thl..' top that
the princes had to agree. Otherwise, thl'Y would nl)t ... url'ly h'l\'l' dgn'l'd.
Take, for instance, TravancorE.'. They wanted to h,l\'l' d sl'parall' independent
State. Hyderabad took an attitude which Wl' cannot t.'asily ftlrgl't.
Let us not talk too much about the pdtriotism of till' prinn's and till'
supreme wisdom of Sardar Patel. Let us talk more about whdt our pt.'ople did
at the point of achievement of freedom and what their l'xpecldtions W('rl'.
Why should this anomaly of princely privileges and similar things contillul'?
I take it that the princes, born princes for no fault of thl'irs, Me proud pl'opll';
I take it they are self-respecting p('ople; I take it that they should be ft.'d up
with the endless goings-on between them and the COVl'rnment. Why Cdn't
they tell the people that they have had their innings for a long enough period
and that now they are bowing out and would no longer cost a penny to our
poor country? On the contrary, some of them would prefer hanging about in
the corridors of the Prime Minister's Secretariat or at a later stage of thl.'
Supreme Court for justice. It is a foolish proceeding that is going on. I ask the
Government: How is it that Government is not fulfilling a promise given to
Parliament after the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) resolution? I think,
it is more than two yt.>ars old and nothing has been done in the meantime.
Thl' Govl'rnment must mo\'e at once. The privileges of the ICS must go just
as the privilt'ges of tIll' Princes must go. Article 314 wherein the appointees
of the St.'crl'tary of State are singled out for a very special treatment also
should go.
The ,lbolition of thl' pri'"y purses is a symbolic gesture. It does not involve
a Illt of moncy but e\"l'n so it is important and, therefore, it cannot be delayed.
But I think CH'n mnre important is the detcrminl'd attack on monopoly an
l'colHHnic pri,"ill'gl' which mu..,t be bl'gun at once. The recent concession to
tIll' Birl.1S owr the eoa fertiliser plant will need a lot of explanation from
Dr. St'n and his dlid, tIll' Prime Minister. It looks something of a sell-out
bl'causl' Birl,ls hold a I1ll'rl' Ih pl'r Cl'nt in terms of the ilwestment and the rest
is illrl'ign c,lpital fmm tIll' Lnitl'd Staks Stl't.'1 Corporation routed thoroubh
an innocuous-looking subsidiary. The claim that the managl'ment will be
l'ntird~" with till' Birl,ls hardly c,lJ1llmflagt.'s the fact that United States pri,'ate
capit'll h,lS l'niL'rl'd ,1 ,"ital sl'clor in a big way. Sir, it appears that the re,'ised
pl,m illr tIll' !\1ithnapur il'rtili..,l'r plant will be okayed soon and with 15 new
krtili..,l'r pl,mb ClHning up. tIll' big busilwss houses-Tata. Birla and all-will
makt' up with the <. ;lIVl'rnll1l'nt .md lin~ happily e\'l:'r afterwards. It is some
ho~1L' indl'cd, But they .lJ"l' forgetting l)nC little factor, namely, the people.
I\'rh,lp'" this l"pl,lins what my fril'nd, Shri Ranga. said ~'l>sterday with that
cry..,t,ll c1.1rit~· llf n'.lltion.1ry singll'-minLicdness that hc wanted a Government
of ,111 I',lrtil's l"Cl'pt thl' C(lmmunists. \'ny gllOd, Sir, let him han' it as soon
,1S l'\"l'r Ill' c,m. But wh,liL'n'r tIll' big idl'allJ1 Shri Ranga's part, the Gt.wemment
is on h'..,t. TIll' C(I\"l'rnll1l'nt must rCIlll'mbt.'r that it has got a rt>markable
,Kcrdion llf popular SUppllJ"t (In ac(ount nf a singularly courageous breaking
away from tl1l' nlll<;t l'grl'gious ,md n'actinnary dements in the Congress. But
it is llJ1 tl'St bccausl' nf thl' pOWt'r llf tIll' people ,md it will be judged on the
basis of its re,ll work. It must nllt cnntinue tn be only the It'sser evil to be
toll'r,ltl'd-tlll' It.'sst'r c,'il than the pt'llple represented by tlw SYlldit'tlft'-
$.Ptlftlllf1"ll- SllIIS" ,,,is towards which Sllmt.' of my friends form SSP after their
nmfabulations ,lt till' Sorwpur fair appt.',lJ" to be gr.n-itating. If that happens,
tlwn it will forft'it ,111 pt.lpular suppnrt, and I gin~ this warning to the
go\"t.'rn nwn t.
I sh,lll rder onlv \"t.'rv briefly to a few aspects of our foreign policy. At
pagl' 1h of the Prt'sidl'nt's Addrl'ss, I find that it notes about Vietnam:
"In Vit.'tnilm, the hostilities still continue. My Goyernment haye
consistentlv advocated the withdrawal of all foreign forces so that the
people of Vietn.tm are able to fashion their own destiny without any
outside interferenCt.'."
Again, how judicial! How terribly judicial! And how insensitive to the
deepest human impulses, which today have produced an upsurge even inside
the United States of America for the denunciation of US depredation in
Vietnam. Jawaharlal Nehru's heart bled for the destruction of Guernica in the
days of the Spanish Civil War. But Jawaharlal's daughter has not said one
memorable word about the "My Lai" barbarity, not even about the American
use of bacteriological and chemical weapons in Vietnam about which you
can see evidence in the Manchester Gllardian of the old days and now the
London Gllardian which is a pro-West newspaper. Since even over Vietnam,
Government prefers diplomatic discretion to any kind of moral valour, it
only follows that it hesitates owr the full recognition of the German
Democratic Republic and almost forgets that the Democratic People's Republic
of North Korea is heroically fighting for years the United States' imperialist
attack, attack which is against all of us, 'Gooks' because they call us 'gooks'
of one kind or the other. To them whoever is an Asian is a 'gook' and,
therefore, is not entitled to human treatment. I know India need not speak
overmuch particularly when her capacities are limited. But, as a country
which has known and experienced imperialist subjugation, we should not be
petrified by fear. There are certain categorical imperatives of our foreign
policy of peace and freedom which, unfortunately, find nl) place in the
Address.
Sir, it is a pity that Government has not utilised the Address to concretise
its programme for the people. The people have welcomed their breaking
away from the more rapidly reactionary elements which used to compose
and bring about the decomposition of the old Congress party and to that
extent it has a tremendous responsibility. If, in all honesty, the Govl'rnment
seeks to bring some solace and relief to our people and some hope for the
country's future, it will have our support. But if the Government fails, if the
Government refuses to take the necessary steps, the position will be entirely
different.
The Government have a good deal of the people's sympathy today,

because, we all see how the Syndicate-Swatantra-Jan Sanxh combine waits
avidly to pounce upon power. But let the Government read the writing on
the wall. Let the Government realise why it was that in the days of bank
nationalisation, when Morarji Desai was pushed out of the Cabinet, the people
come over enthusiastically to support Indira Gandhi. It was not merely a
hallelujah for Indira Gandhi as an individual. But it was the desire of the
people for something new, something which would break fresh ground which
would make something which would put an end to the rot and the corruption
which has percolated into every aspect of our public life. It is that expectation
which remains to be fulfilled. That is the writing on the wall. Let Government
read the writing on the wall so that our people really and truly can turn over
a new leaf in India and its history. In the meantime the President's Address
is here, by no means an inspiring document, sometimes trying to be very
buoyant, but it does not satisfy the people, and I do not think it would satisfy
Parliament unless Government comes forward and gives some evidence of
its real, tangible desire to do something objective for the good of our people.
STYLE OF NAMES OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT*
Sir, with your permission my friend, Shri St.'zhiyan ,lI1d I wish to raisl' a
matter under Rule 377 relating to the publication in the list of qUl'stions for
Lok Sabha, which is a public document .l\'ailabll' ttl the prl'ss ,1I1d pl'ople
outside, of the names of certain n1l'mbl'rs in d peculiar nwthod of
nomenclature. Fin~ of them, we disCll\·er, are describl'd in a H'ry pl'culi.lr
way-Smt. Gayatri De\·i to whosl' name "of Jaipur" afl' added; Smt. Krishnd
Kumari, to whose name "of Jodhpur" clre dddl'd; Shri Marthand Singh, to
whose name, "of Rewa" are addl'd; Smt. Vijaya Rajl' Scindia tt) wh()se name
"of Gwalior" are added and Hon. \-taj. Narl'ndr,l Singh who is contl'nt with
the \,·ord "Panna" within brackets added at thl' end of his naml'. It ,1ppe,lrS
to us to be an indirect way and rather laughable way, of circunwl'nting the
result of the abolition of pri\·y purses and tIll' abolition of discriminating
descriptions of citizens of this country. The more prominent of the nwmbl'rs
of the princely order do not seem to have adopted this particular b,lCk-door
method of self-nomenclature, but some others ha\·e. We haH' also Il'arnt-I
am speaking subject to correction-that the Ministry of Honll' Affairs in its
wisdom has decided that this kind of self-discriminating nomencldture can
be permitted to certain members of this House. You, Sir, h,lH' to dl'cide tIll'
legality or propriety of this kind of measure. I consider this laughabll'. It is
an indirect but peculiar way of circumventing legislation which has for its
object the establishment of the equality of status of all the citizl'ns. It will be
peculiar if Shri Sezhiyan adds the words "of Madras" at thl' end of his name
or I add the words "of Calcutta" at the end of my naml'. It is rt.'minisCl'nt of
those days of the Earl of something or the Baron of somewhl're who used to
have the latter part of their names in a different way to distinguish themselws
from the rest of the citizens. I wish, therefore, some steps are taken. But the
Home Ministry should be whipped up and told that it is none of their business
to practice by the backdoor this sort of discrimination, particularly through
the instrumentality of the Lok Sabha Secretariat. How did it happen that the
Home Ministry's intervention took place over your head, behind your back?
...... ...... .. ....
...... ...... .. ....
We raised this matter on a question of principle. I did not raise it to get
a decision. I could have gone to your room if I wanted to know your reaction.
·L.s. Deb., 7 May 1973. [Speaking while raising a matter under Rull' 377).
196
I came up to this House because I want to be satisfied that the House wants
to be satisfied that the people know the mood of the House on a matter of
principll'.
Hl're is the Home Ministry intervening in a matter which suggests
discrimination in tl1l' description of certain persons which goes against the
l'ntirl' idl'a of legislation which we ha\·e passed recently. The Home Ministry
kl'l'PS mum. And you take the consensus of the House.
THE PRESIDENTIAL AND VICE· PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
(AMENDMENT) BILL, 1972*£
I haw had only a cursory opportunity of looking at the Bill as reported

on by the Joint Committee and the predominate impression in my mind is,
that this is a gratuitous piece of legislation with which unfortunately our
Parliament has occupied itself for quite a considerable period of time, and
the result is, legislation which is completely uncalled for.
I really find it very difficult to understand the motive behind such
legislation unless it be, as my friend, Shri Chatterjee suggested a little while
earlier, that it is to put curbs on the normal decent democratic way of securing
elections, even to the highest offices in our country. I have no manner of
doubt in my mind that when the Constituent Assembly was in session, they
gave a great deal of thought to the dignity and the supreme importance of
the office of President and also of the essentially of the office of the
Vice-President and they set out a certain mechanism for the election of these
two of our foremost dignitaries.
But, perhaps, when after the election of our President last time, there
were certain legal proceedings, and the President did appear before the
Supreme Court, it may be that some sticklers for the ceremonials in
Government, got an idea that there should be efforts made to put the President,
and to some extent also the Vice-President, in such a very separate category,
shrouded in some kind of oil paper which should be absolutely beyond the
ambit so to speak, of normal legislative principles of selection.
I do not know why it is that because of the likely appearance of a few
people with frivolous intentions of self-publicity-we should try to shroud
the office of the President and the Vice-President in this particular manner.
As a matter of fact, it was only in the Committee that the number of
electors required obligatorily by the President for the purposes of his
nomination for selection is brought now to 20 instead of 40, as said earlier.
Why on earth should it be obligatory for a citizen of this county to be
nominated by as many as 20 people and not less, and they have to be members
of the Legislature? What harm is there if in a country where certain minorities
• L.S. Deb., 19 February 1974. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 29 April 1974 on a similar subject).
£ [The Bill which was aimed at amending The Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elections Act,
1952, became 'The Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elections (Amendment) Act, 1974).
198
which are not represented in the legislature even to any extent do get an
opportunity of contesting the office of a President? Why should not even
symbolically the office of President be permitted to by contested by
individuals? Is it because we think some cranks would get into the scene?
The cranks can get into the scene in this country even though you make
provisions of this sort. We should have no exaggerated idea of our own
legislators, including ourselves, that if we put the number at a very high
level. Then, of course, nothing wrong would happen. We see what sort of
things take place. Parliament is now in possession of the Defection Bill, which
again is another example of the kind of degeneration which has overtaken
the legislative life of this country, where you find legislators, elected
representatives of the people behaving in a manner which is most dastardly.
It is no good merely adding to the number of likely nominators of the

President, to make sure that only very serious nominations for Presidentship
would take place.
I do not know why one has to go on motive-hunting of a motiveless

malignity, as somebody said about a Shakespearian character, in so far as
Government's legislation is concerned; What is the reason for it? What is the
provocation for it?
What is the reason for limiting the right of the electors to propose
somebody for the office of the President and Vice-President? The experience
of the last four or fi\·e elections has not been so dismal and disastrous and
all that. TIle elections had proceeded in a very smooth and harmonious fashion.
One or two candidates had appeared when nobody ever knew. Their names
appeared in the papers for a few days. And everybody laughed oYer them.
So, please let us not put this legislation in our Statute Book. I do not see any
reason why we should try to limit the rights of the electors in so far as the
proposal for Presidentship and Vice-Presidentship is concerned. I find it almost
impossible to accept the idea of the change which has been suggested by the
Joint Committee in so far as the grounds for disqualification of the returned
candidate are concerned.
Instead of 'connivance', the word 'consent' has now been put in. What
difference does it make? Shri Chatterjee was arguing quite convincingly. I do
not see what Government can say in justification of removing the expression
'connivance' and putting in the word 'consent'? Is it not an implied reflection
on the character of a person who gets himself returned as the President of
this country? After all, if connivance charge is made against him, he could
get away with it but, if he had consented to it, then, of course, he cannot get
away. I would not even remotely think of casting that kind of indirect reflection
upon a person whom I consider to be capable of getting himself elected as
President of this country. What kind of political life are we envisaging? Do

the Government not have other jobs to pre-occupy themselves with? Is the
condition of the people not an enough assignment which they have got to
ameliorate earlier than anything else? Why do we busy ourselves with this
kind of gratuitous legislation which means nothing to anybody in this country?
Is it because we haw this feeling that the President's Office is a high one and,
so a very special legislation of this type is necessary? It is about time that this
country sheds the feudalistic idea about the position of the President and
Vice-President being in the clouds, so to speak.
We are suffering on account of the hangover of this mentality which
continues to plague the political morality of our lives. Why the President
should live in Babylone on splendour in a country like ours where depri\'ation
is the destination of e\'ery single individual. In our country, we keep the
President in a condition which is a sharp contrast to the living conditions of
our people. Here, in our country, where perhaps hundreds of millions of
children go to sleep every night hungry, we keep our Prl'sident and other
ceremonial heads of the country in a peculiar), affluent condition. This is a
continuation of the feudalistic tradition which should go,
Only yesterday, we had the repetition of the Cl'remonial ritual which has
been performed only because the President, according to the constitutional
connotation, appears to be a successor to the Viceroy \,,,ho was the
representative of the King and, therefore, should ha\'e the regal kind of
paraphernalia of beating of the drums and sounding of the bugles, the
procession and all that sort of things. This is a reminiscence of the Mumbo
Jumbo of the feudalistic period.
I refer to all this because the Government of this kind also appears to
think that the President is something out of the blue. We seem to put him on
a pedestal as if there is a link between him and everybody else in this country.
Mahatma Gandhi had talked about the President being a pl'rson and
perhaps, an untouchable lady should be installed as a Presidt'nt in this country.
He was symbolically trying to give expression to something of the Sl'a change
which this ancient country of ours requires to have or wants to have. If that
is so, then our people are going to have nothing at all. I know that perhaps
the Law Minister would say that all this is not relevant to this Bill. It is
absolutely relevant. I say that there is nothing in this Bill which affects the
interests of our people at all, and in so far as it affects the interests of our
people, it affects prejudicially the right of our people to nominate anybody
whom they like whatsoever for election to this office, but because of our
conception of the President's office as something very peculiar, very sacrosanct,
we get into this kind of absolutely unnecessary legislation.
I have made a very quick and cursory study of the provisions here. I find
that there is no need whatever for this.
In regard to the office of the Vice-President also, I agree with what

Shri Chatterjee has suggested about this office. If not the very existence of
this office, the very connotation of the office and its duties will have to be
thought over much more carefully than this Bill seems to do. The
Vice-President more or less is here as someone tagged on to the office of the
President. That may be more or less the position as it is in our country today.
The Vice-Pn.'sidents have normally very little to do except to preside over the
Council of States or the Rajya Sabha, and then, if something happens to the
President, step in into his shoes. Otherwise, the position of the Vice-President
rt'ally needs examination. Even in the United States, for instance a
Vice-President is more or less non-entity unless for some very special reason
he can push his way to the fore front. There used to be a saying that in a
family there \-,'ere two sons, and one went to the sea and the other became
Vice-President, and neither of them have been heard of ever since. But that
apart we ha\ e in this country the office of Vice-President which we consider
to be a dignified enough office. Why potter about with the manner of election
to the Vice-Presidentship. It is a good enough mechanism what you ha\'e got
aln.-ady. Why ha\'e this kind of additional legislation? Why curb the right? If
we are going to think of the position of the Vice-President, do make some
dl'ep l'xamination of the position of the Rajya Sabha which some people,
when our House of the People was called the Lok Sabha, described as Para/ok
Sabha, but since that time, insistently, but from different angles, the position
of that House continues to be ,1 matter for examination. Examine it properly.
I find here Shri Samar Mukherjee's note of dissent, also seconded by
Shri Chattt'rjt'e's speech, where references are made to the whole idea of
n.'-examining the l(lclIS stalldi or the raisoll d'ctre of the Rajya Sabha and to
bring about whatever changes might be necessary in a Union of States which
is the Republic of India, I can understand that this is a matter which requires
examination but I just do not understand this sort of thing at all.
I could understand if for example Government came forward with

It'gislation which was suggested after some events when the President's
Address was disturbed. I was suggested that we should have a change in the
Constitution which would make it unnecessary for the President to come in
a peculiarly Ct:'remonial atmosphere and make an Address to Parliament which
is absolutely of no moment whatsoever in so far as our parliamentary and
public life is concerned, that there should be in all conscience and in all
reason an effort change the Constitution, so that the obligation that he has
unfortunately to come here and Address both Houses together is gone, so
that at least the seemingly unnecessary and uncomfortable events can also be
avoided at the same time, I can understand some sort of practical legislation
to get more time for parliamentary work and less time for unnecessary
ceremonial. I can understand that kind of legislation. But why this legislation?
Will you save money? Will you save time? Will you bring a better moral
atmosphere to play into the office of these two dignitaries? I do not think so
at all.
We have had very fine people as our Presidents and Vice-Presidents

elected by the processes envisaged in our Constitution, which do not require
any change whatever. The changes which have been suggested in the present
legislation are changes for the worse, because they fetter the right of the
citizen. They fetter also the right of the judiciary to examine cases of
misconduct. By changing 'connivance' to 'consent', there is an open invitation
to misconduct and in a manner which retlects so terribly even on the office
of the President. If the Government could envisage a returned Presidential
candidate to be capable of connivance but to be clever enough to avoid being
caught on the ground of consent, then I say, to hell with the ideas which this
Government has got about a parliamentary system of administration, to hell
with whatever ideas this Government has got about the office of President in
at least a civilised, ancient country like ours. Our experience so far has been
such that this kind of legislation which is self-defeating, which is something
which is a slander on the character of the people of our country, should go,
should not be proceeded with. No harm would be done, no prestige would
be affected. I am not asking him to ride a high horse. I do not think he wishes
to ride a high horse in this matter. He could very well come round and say:
Look here, after some cogitation, we discovered that this Bill need be
proceeded with; let the Presidential and Vice-Presidential election be conducted
in the manner it has been so far; no harm would result.
Therefore, I would suggest very seriously that he withdraws this Bill.

There is nothing in it which requires to be adopted by the House.
ON SITUATION IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR*
Mr. Deputy Speaker, Sir, on behalf of my party, the Communist Party of

India, I welcome the Prime Minister's Statement and the new agreement on
Kashmir.
I hope that this will be a blow to the conspiracies of imperialism and

other hostile groups against our sub-continent. This opens up a new chapter
of progress for the people of Jammu and Kashmir and also the rest of India.
It is a happy thing that the issue had been resolved after a fairly long
endeavour on the basis of secular and democratic principles. And I am sure
the House will not grudge to our Prime Minister and also Sheikh Abdullah
genuine congratulations for their achievement.
Sir, the fundamental framework of the agreement is to my mind, the

reaffirmation by Sheikh Abdullah of the finality of the accession of Jammu
and Kashmir State to India, and the re-iteration by the Prime Minister (without
,'l1Y equinKation) that Jammu and Kashmir enjoys a special status by virtue
of Art. 370 which will not be eroded. Undisputed leader of Jammu and
Kashmir as Sheikh Abdullah is,-he has reaffirmed the fact of accession after
long but mutually understanding dialogue with the government of India. For
reasons-good, bad or indifferent-a somewhat rigid stand was taken for
years by both sides and since the dark days of August, 1953, many things
ha\'e happened which ,,,'e would like to forget. Sheikh Abdullah at any rate
has refused to be permanently soured by long years of detention and he has
taken the genuinely statesmanlike view which was expected of him. And, the
Prime Minister-I don't mind repeating-has shown imaginative
understanding by reassuring Kashmir of its special status.
A Muslim-majority State, further even to the north of India than Tibet

is,-which is in the mainstream of our national life and culture,--out of its
own free-will, acceded to the Union and in fact and in law this matter is now
without question. This is a tremendous thing and we are happy that this
agreement has come about.
Sir, I cannot help recalling a debate in this House some 23 years ago .
• LS. [)(,/1., 3 March 1975. (Participating in the discussion on Motion re: Statement of Prime
Minister on Jammu and Kashmir, Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 7 August 1952, 25 March 1953,
6 August 1962,6 May 1964,23 August 1965, 22 November and 6 Dect'mbt'r 1968).
203
I see to my right my good friend, Shri Shyamnandan Mishra who spoke

on that occasion and my friend, Com. A.K. Gopalan also spoke. I had also an
opportunity in participating in that debate. It was on some date in
August 1952. Jawaharlal Nehru had placed the agreement before Parliament
and we ratified it. I remember very distinctly how Shri Mishra had given a
fine reply to the late Shri Syama Prasad Mookerjee who as you know, was a
highly distinguished member, but on Kashmir and related issues, he took a
certain communal and chauvinistic attitude. I hope, when Shri Mishra speaks
today-I know that he would say many things-will apply the same attitude
to the hon. member sitting on his right. I looked up the record to refresh my
memory. On that occasion, Jawaharlal Nehru had said:
"In law and in fact, accession of Kashmir is complete. We had agreed to
some slightly greater measure of internal autonomy and in the full frel'dom
of friendly discussion, we had arri\"t:~d at certain agreements."
He had also said that Kashmir and the Sheikh Abdullah administration had
done a good job of work. He said in the course of his speech:
"I look with some envy on the speed and celerity of land rl'forms already
implemented. "
It was rather go-ahead compared to the India of 1952. He had rl'ferred to the
matter of no land acquisition by outsiders, a genuine step in the interest of
the people. He had said:
"I hope, this great Republic of India is a free, \'oluntary, and affectionate
union of the States of India."
Repeatedly, he reiterated that Jammu and Kashmir in most difficult
circumstances had shown in action their friendship and their intimate links
of comradeship with this country.
Sir, it is, therefore, rather melancholy to remember that the agreement
which we ratified in August, 1952, had led to certain communal and
chauvinistic element setting up disorderly activities in Jammu and Kashmir
in late 1952 and early 1953. And I am afraid, Sir, that the agret'ment just
concluded has already been followed by certain activities which are
particularly pernicious and it is a disgrace-nothing to be short of it-that
when Prime Minister, Bhutto of Pakistan, poking his nose into our garden
declares a hartal against the agreement that we have entered into between
ourselves, certain elements in this country, in Jammu and elsewhere-they
can operate with certain degree of freedom-have joined hands in order to
register their objectionable temper and in order to distort the atmospht:.'re of
friendship which this agreement is trying to create. Over the years, the
progressive forces in this country, particularly my Party, have striven to bring
closer the secular and democratic forces.
The friendly atmosphere was lacerated in the Kashmir valley when

Sheikh Abdullah had to be unseated from power some 22 years ago.
It was an unhappy chapter which followed since then and Shri Jawaharlal
Nl,hru himself wanted, in the last days of his life, to put a final stop to this
Chapter and to re-construct the process of friendship which had been distorted
and disclosed for a certain period. It is a good thing that after the confidence
generated by the statesmanlike handling of the Bangladesh liberation crisis,
New Delhi rightly turned its attention towards mending its fences in Kashmir
,md Jawclharlal Nehru's unfinished task was taken up with patriotism and
with a st.'nse of realism on either side and the settlement before us is the
result.
[ want to make a special mention of Sheikh Abdullah. I came to know of
him since IIJ51 and [ continued to count him as one of the more remarkable
men of our times. It is a good thing that he has been restored as one of the
senior leaders of the entire nation.
As far as Kashmir is concerned, whether he is called 'Wazir-c-A.:all/' or
whatt~\'er l'lse, wherever he sits, he is the head of the table. If he comes here,
he might sit anywhere but he is a head of the State. The irony of
SI1l'ikh Abdullah, ha\'ing been in the fight for freedom and having dreamt
tIll' \'isions of India which was ne\'er going to be distorted and having dreamt
such drecltns and ha\'ing seen such visions had the blow of partition which
W,15 something which was almost impossible to get over. Living in a Muslim
m,ljority area, leading the people of whom 85 per cent or more were Muslims
,m(\ who were giving the most crucial and cruel dilemma had no choice
bdwel'n joining India and Pakistan made up his mind to be with India and
not with Pakistan because secularism, democracy and socialism can be
comparatively safe in India but ne\Oer in Pakistan. This sort of decision has
been pilloried in some quarters in Pakistan. Imagine the agony of partition
felt bv"' Sheikh
. Abdullah more than many. others, more than many.. of the
younger gl'neratilll1s today can imagine. I saw some debate where I sa,\' the
quotation fwm the poet Meer Taqi Meer which got stuck in my memory.
I quotl':
En>n if the House of God is built on the ruins of a heart, what good is
it? In this countrv ever since that freedom came, so many of us died. So
how do we react to what has happened? It was a problem for the sensitive
people in Kashmir. Look at the dilemma with which Sheikh was
confrontt.'d. But, Sheikh Abdullah, as Jawaharlal Nehru said, in the 1952
debate, is no God. He commits many errors: he will commit many more.
But, he is a brave man and a great leader of his people. Bigness is bigness
in spite of a hundred mistakes. Kashmir question was a big question

which could be solved by a big man and a big leadership and big people
of whom Kashmir is a part in spite of whatever differences we have
where there is a multi-national configuration. There is no doubt about it.
There is unity and diversity-not merely diverSity and unity but between
all of us.-I hope we shall make a very good job of it regarding Kashmir.
We haw yet to do something else. What I look forward to in Jammu and
Kashmir is an advance of democratic life. How far that would happen I
do not know. I share some of the misgivings in the mind of my
hon. friend, Shri Samar Mukherjee in regard to certain things that may
develop. But, still, I would like to be an optimist in this rq~cHd at Il'ast
now that the settlement is before us the advance of the democratic life in
Jammu and Kashmir will take place and this will have its repercussions
not only on the so-called Azad Kashmir held by Pakistan but in Pakistan
itself. Progressi\·e forces in Kashmir have now the task of bringing about
cohesion and advance. A new dynamism must appear in tIll' st3gnant
society of the valley. A certain deprivation of democratic rights of which
Sheikh Abdullah has been complaining for years will nov\" gl), I fed, and
with popular support, the Centre will not find it a self-defeating and
onerous job to bear the mantle and administrati\"l~ burden it has done in
regard to Kashmir upto today. A great deal of subsidisation had taken
place but along with corruption, it has appeared as if water went out of
the jug and nothing yet genuine happened as far as the people were
concerned. But now that the people are likely to be happy, now that
political tensions are removed, the GO\·ernment would not havl' the urge
of having to perform the self-defeating task of pumping money into
Kashmir and not either get benefit to the people nor any kind of
recognition of India's Constitution in Kashmiri life.
Sir, I do not share the fear that there would be similar autonomy demand
from other parts of the country. The position of Jammu and Kashmir is again
something very special, very unlike compared to what it is elsewhere. I am
not afraid of principled discussion of Centre-State relationship. That should
never be unwelcome. But as far as we are concerned, in a country like ours,
we need a plan, and the importance of Central direction is also extremely
important, is extremely valuable. I am not here to barter away the centralized
direction of our planned economy, because, howsoever Government does its
muddled job with the plan, we have to depend upon planning for the progress
of our people. Since Sheikh Abdullah has given assurances regarding
Jammu and Ladakh which are regions which have to be better looked after
in the present context of things and since the main irritants in the way of
administration of Jammu and Kashmir are being removed, I am looking
forward to smoother sailing than in the past.
Prime Minister Bhutto of Pakistan is very unhappy and has poked his
nose into our affairs. I shall be happy today if Shri Vajpayee says that he has
nothing whatever to do with any kind of collaboration with this game. I say
this because this is happening at a point of time when the United States is
bolstering bellicose hardliners in Pakistan in order to destabilise condition in
other parts of the world. The United States has always helped Pakistan with
irredentist talents on Kashmir, on purely communal grounds. Behind the
imbroglio of 1953-5-1 there was the United States-Pak Pact-the idea of
Asians to fight Asians, Asian hordes to do the fighting for Americans who
were too costly to transport to other parts of the world; and Pakistan after
1953-5-1 according to CENTO and SEATO, destroyed even the formalities of
an old democratic Government. But the 20th Century bourgeoisie in
Washington and Islamabad learn nothing and so they did nothing.
The State Gon'rnment, the Pentagon and the CI.A. cannot adjust
themselves to IW\,\' winds blowing, the winds of thought, the winds of dialogue
for settlement, the winds of development, of people wishing to find fulfilment
of their frl'edom. This is seen in the fact that the clients and beneficiaries of
tlw L'nitl'd States, from Saigon to Tel Aviv z'in Islamabad and Tehran are now
having pumped into their systems billions of dollars worth of arms. But
thesl' billions of dl)lIars worth of arms cannot put back the wheels of history.
.... The laws of artillerv cannot defeat the laws of history in other parts
of the world. Things are happening \vhich not all the confabulations and
conspiracies l)f the reactionaries at home and abroad can stop. This is right,
the idl'a of c1 new Kashmir which is a pillar as I have said, a new Kashmir
which will be a part of a new India, the idea that will enthuse these people,
of an India that extends from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, a unity cemented by
blood and fril'ndship, unity cemented by understanding that comes of a
dialogUl'. If on the basis of that new India we cannot build our future, to hell
with all hopes. These gentlemen specialise in pessimism and that is why they
peddle the ware supplied by the Pentagon and other agencies. My point is
that we have to say good-bye to that kind of activity on the basis of things
like the Kashmir agreement and rebuild our country nearer our heart's desire.
Prof. Hiren Mukerjee : A Prolific Writer in his Study
With c. Hari an hrai Bachchan. a r nowned Hindi Po tan

hri Uma hankar . rut, form r Union Mini ter in a m ting
f th pan I of judg for' vi t Land hru A ard'
With renowned Soviet Film-maker Pudovkin and actor Cherkasov, famous Indian
Painter Jamini Ray and Poet Bishnu De in Kolkata in the 1950s
In Soviet Union in 1978. Also seen in the picture is noted

Film actor, Shri A.K. Hangal
- .,
.- ~
With Shri Jagjivan Ram, former Deputy Prime Minister of India
Addressing a meeting. Also seen .in the picture is Smt. Aruna Asaf Ali,
a noted freedom fighter
In Soviet Union, Shri A.K. Hangal, noted film actor is
also seen sitting on his right
With a Cultural Delegation from erstwhile USSR during his first term in Lok Sabha.
Also seen in the picture are Shri v.P. Nair, M.P. (first from right), Smt. V. P. Nair,
(first from left), Smt. Sushila Gopalan, (third from right)
and Smt. Shanta Basu (fourth from right)
With Sovie t Prim e Mini s ter, Bu lga nin (Second from Right) in 1954.
Also seen in the pi cture are Shri A.K. Gopa lan (first from left)
and Shri N.C. Chatterjee (second from left)
With Hungarian Ambassador in 1982
On the occasion of the release of his book "Hungary : Past and Present"
by the Hungarian Ambassador to India in New Delhi
Laying Foundation of 'Vidyabhavan' in Kolkata on 27 April 1986
ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ISSUES
THE ESTATE DUTY BILL, 1952*£
As far as this Bill is concl'rnl'd, I was reminded of an experience which

many of us used to have \·vhen we were at Oxford. I had a tutor--quite a
famous man whom I need not name-who would sit down typically puffing
his pipl' as Wl' read out our tutorial essays and after I had finished he would
say "It is \'ery good-this essay-", and then he would add, "as far as it
goes" I knew that that "as far as it goes" meant the final decision on the
papt.·r I had submitted. Neither I nor any of my friends who had this
l'xpl'ril'nce v\,ere happy about it by any means. Similarly, I should say that
this Bill is a good thing. There is nothing wrong about it. It is a step in the
right direction. It is more than overdue. But what we fear is this. It does not
go far t.·J1()Ugh and the Government shows no inclination to bring forward
those other pieces of legislation v.hich are absolutely necessary if the declared
objecti\'t~ of this Bill is truly going to be achieved. As a matter of fact, what
we find is that behind the introduction of this measure there is a story-I
would not call it sordid, because I ha\'e no knowledge of the facts-but there
is certainly a story of shilly-shallying. It seems that the Constituent Assembly
discussed this Bill in 1948 and even before that, in 1946, a Bill for le\'ying
l'state duty had been introduced and the Provisional Parliament had referred
it to a Select Committee. The Select Committee duly reported on it, but all
that lapsed on the dissolution of that Parliament. Quite a long time, nearly
six years, have passed since the first effort was made to introduce a legislation
of this description, and so, I would say it is more than overdue. It is a good
thing that the Con'mml'nt at last have come forward to propound the Estate
Duty Bill. But bearing in mind the character of this Government and our
t.'xpectations of its administration, we have very serious misgivings.
I remember the Finance Minister saying during the last session when the
Budget was being discussed that granted capitalism, he could go that far and
no further. He said once that he did not even understand the language that
we talk, that our idiom, sociologically speaking, was something which he
could not take in. Now it is a good thing after all that he has realised that
even within the ambit of capitalism certain steps can be taken, and it is there
that I must rl'fer to the rather enthusiastic speeches which were made about
• L5. De/,., 10 NOVl'mbl'r 1952. [Shri Mukl'rjl'l' also spoke on 12 August and 9 St>rtember 19.53
and 6 May 1968 on a similar subject)
t: The Bill which was aimed at rroviding for the levy and collection of estate duty, became 'The
Estate Duty Art, 1953'.
211
this Bill, particularly by my hon. friend, Mr. Gadgil. Now, hearing Mr. Gadgil
one would have thought from time to time that he was another addition to
our ranks. But then again I found him pronouncing certain views which
showed that we could not quite welcome him with open arms into our ranks,
because he has not got the idea of the forces which are operating in society.
He seems to have a notion that socialism is a matter of sympathy, that if only
you had a sort of emotional exuberance and you wanted to do something
good, you could call yourself a socialist.
Now actually socialism today is a power, not because certain people are
sympathetic to the idea of an equalitarian society, but because large masses
of people have become conscious on account of the change in the material
environments of their lives. They have become conscious of their rights and
they are coming forward not to accept the charity of the philanthropically-
minded, not to accept the fruits of the sympathy which my \'ery estimable
friend, Mr. Gadgil has in regard to the poor people, but to take away the
sceptre from the princes and the thunderbolt from heaven, because they are
sure of their own strength. They have confidence in their own org.misation
and that is why today they are not merely the Cinderella in society. The
working class is not the Cinderella; it is the pretender to power. It is asking
for seizure of power, in the interests of the working people, of every
community in the world.
So I find a good deal of misunderstanding in regard to the nature of
socialism and I would say that this measure is as far away from socialism as
you wish it to be. That is why I found it is rather delicious to listen to the
somewhat tight-rope performances made by my hon. friend, Mr. Chatterjee,-
who is not here at the moment,-whom I could not quite make sure about,
because at one go he was saying that he was very much in favour of this Bill
and at another moment he was suggesting that he was not in favour of this
Bill. He was actually tom between two worlds; but ultimately he could make
up his mind about it, because he knew that this was a capitalist measure-
"granted capitalism", to quote the Finance Minister.
That being so, I would refer to certain points which were raised by my
hon. friend, Babu Ramnarayan Singh whose views I always listen to with
respect, because he was drawing the attention of the House to a very major
point, namely the record of this Government and its inability to create in this
country the kind of atmosphere which would be favourable to the efficient
administration of a Bill of this description.
There are many lacunae in this Bill. I am not very confident that they
would all be filled in. But even if they are filled in, the record of this
Government is such that there is every reason to be apprehensive about the
administration of this measure. What he said was that he wanted an
atmosphere to be created in this country whereby people would feel of their

own volition like offering money to Government. He referred to the
exceptional case of the Maharashtrian citizen who sends five rupees every
year to the Finance Minister. But he wanted an atmosphere whereby the
generality of the people come to realise that after all this Government was
their own and, therefore, funds in the hands of Government were going to
be administered properly. That is a very important point.
The record of this Government in regard to comparable legislation, the

income-tax, for example, and the sales tax, as far as the States are concerned,
is by no means creditable. Besides, what exactly does the Government intend
to do in regard to the achievement of its objective which it says is to reduce
the existing inequalities in the distribution of wealth? Now, I am not \"ery
sure about the contribution which the Estate Duty Bill is going to make
towards the real reduction of the inequalities in the distribution of \"ealth
which exists in this country. I say so, because as has already been pointed out
clnd as every body knows, the number of people who pay income-tax in this
country is infinitesimal. Now, even assuming-as it was assumed by
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee the other day-that double that number are
people who ought to pay income-tax, but do not, even then, the proportion
would be very minute. Now, the Estate Duty Bill would, therefore, operate
in the case of a very few people. Judging from the record of the administration
of income-tax legislation, we fear that evasions would be conducted on a
large scale by people who can afford legal assistance for the purpose of such
evasion-legal assistance in a very euphemistic sense, I should say-and
evasions and all that sort of thing would be the luxury of the prosperous,
while those who are the least able to bear the weight of this kind of taxation
would have to bear the brunt of it.
That being so, you are not going to get in amount, in the quantum of it,
a very considerable amount of money. In that case, what should we do? Why
do we not try to find out ways and means of doing away with latifundia big
landed estates? Why do we not try to find out the hidden wealth in this
country-hidden wealth which is stowed away from the eagle vision of my
hon. friend, Mr. Tyagi? This hidden wealth is stowed away from the eyes of
Government in such a fashion that I think Mr. Tyagi once wrote in a foreword
to a book on income-tax and cognate matters that his idea of income-tax was
that it was something in the nature of a charity, something which the individual
comes forward as being willing to pay. Actually in conformity with his very
euphonious name, he permitted large numbers of people to come forward
after a lot of cajoling, after a lot of intimidation and pressure being put upon
them, and say: "Oh, we have much more income than we are showing;
anyway, we are going to pay this much; you be satisfied." And the Government
had to be satisfied with that. This sort of thing has happened. If that is
so, what is our mechanism for finding out the hidden wealth of this
countrv?
Now, speaking on this point the name which comes first of all to our
mind is the name of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Now, Sir, he has the reputation
of being perhaps the richest man in the world. Now the usual computation
of his 'wealth is in the neighbourhood of Rs. 500 crore. It may be very much
more--we have no means of finding out. Now, I do fear that in this Estate
Duty Bill there are loop-holes which are going to enable persons like the
Nizam of Hyderabad to run away with their money. There is a provision for
the making of trusts, etc. for one's relatives. This provision regarding trusts
is utilised even in a country like England, where there is supposed to be a
certain standard of morality in regard to this kind of tax payment, for evasion
on a very large scale.
About the Estate Duty, Col. Josiah Wedgewood, Labour Member of

Parliament said in his book "The Economics of Inheritance":
"It is highly probable that, on the average, persons with large estates, of
say over £50,000, give away to heirs and others during their life-time not
less than a quarter of their property. Many convincing solicitors will
probably consider this a serious under-statement, since the evasion of the
Death Duties seems now to be one of their principal functions."
The evasion of the Death Duties is one of the principal functions of the
legal profession! This is going to be on a larger scale in this country. There
is no doubt about it, because the practitioners are few and the magnates also
are few in number and they can commandeer their services for concealing
their incomes as they have been doing so long. How are we to proceed in this
matter? Here I am reminded of certain very important points which were
raised by my friend, Mr. More. We are not very sure, from a reading of the
Bill as it is presented to us now, as to the exact position of the rulers to whom
we have given privy purses to the extent of Rs. 58 million. It seems that in
the merger agreement with people like the Nizam of Hyderabad and the
Maharaja of Mysore there are certain very important provisions. There is one
clause for example which says: "The Dominion Government guarantees the
succession, according to law and customs, to the gadi of the State." The
Dominion Government guarantees the succession of the State. Now, we are
going perhaps to have a terrific amount of learned, legal disputation in regard
to the interpretation of the expression "succession to the gadi of the State".
And I fear that it is in order to grant some kind of protection to these interests
that there is a very specific provision in clause 32 of this Bill entitled
'Exemptions, reductions and other modifications'. It says:
"The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette,

make any exemption, reduction in rate or other modification in respect
of estate duty in favour of any class of property or the whole or any part
of the property of any class of persons."
Nmv, vve do ha"e a "ery serious fear that this would be a loop-hole
which would be utilised in the interests of the most undesirable people. We
do feel that there \vould be efforts to exempt people like the Nizam of
Hyderabad. If we are really serious about the proclaimed objective of this
Il'gislation, if we can catch the Nizam of Hyderabad it will be the biggest
\'vindfall for the treasury. If you can get taxation on, let us say, Rs. 500 crore
or so naturally that is going to be a terrific amount of money which could be
utilised for purposes of nation-building.
I h,1\"e referred already to the Government"s record regarding income-tax

and sales Tax and similar impositions, and I have said that the Government's
record is by no means good enough to inspire public confidence. Actually, I
think the Income-tax Inwstigation Commission once had to remark that they
h,1\"e not got adequate pm-vers to catch the thief. In regard to the administration
of income-tax we find the evasions are practised on a "ery large scale by
mainly two classes of persons: first, the foreign capital interests which are
l'ntrenched in this country, thanks "ery largely to the financial policy of our
Gm'ernment, and secondly, there is the class of magnates, some of them
industrial magnates, and others-they are hang-overs, so to speak, from the
feudal sd-up in our country which has not yet been eliminated. Now, these
two sections of people are specialists in the art of evading payment of Income-
tax.
*** *** ***
In any case I think there should be discussion by the Select Committee

when this Bill is under consideration, of ways and means of filling any of the
lacunae. And when there are exemptions gr,lnted to the foreign capitalists we
should remember that the foreign capitalist in India evades income-tax by
referring to all kinds of payments--entertainment allowance, family allowance,
marriage allowance, nursing home allowance and so on ,md so forth-and I
can give the Finance Minister or the Minister for Commerce and Industry
facts about these kinds of things, how the tea industry magnates, European
magnMes, by all sorts of subterfuge refer to all sorts of payments to their
white employees all the time and get away from the obligation of paying the
tax. If we look upon these foreign capital interests in our country more or less
on a par with, let us say, foreign capital interests in other countries, we shall
be making a tremendous mistake. My friend, the Maharaja of Bikaner was
complaining that the French Ctwernment has not pt:'rmitted him to take
pl)ssession of his fatlwr's residential property in FrelJ1Cl'. Now, the French
Gm'ernment has c1 ct'rtain criterion regarding its notion of propl'rty intL'fl'sts
establislwd on the soill)f France by foreiglll'rs. Now, internationally s~'ll'aking,
there is e1 certain criterion. But in our country we han' to look upon thl'sl'
fl)reign capitalists in a \"l'ry differt:'nt way, because they hen'e l'ntrenclll'd
themsel\"l.'s and because toda), they rl'quirl' to be taught a 1L'sslm that tlll'y
ha\'e exploited l'ur country long enough and, tl1l'rdorl'. they t1I"l' not going to
get from us any kind l)f prl'terential tre,ltnwnt on the spl'cious pIL"l that they
should not be subjt'cted to double taxation. Tlwy claim that they should han'
certain ext'mptions not only in regard to income-ttlx but ,1lso in regt1l"d to
estate duty. I slwuld say hert' is ,1 pl)int which h,lS to bl' gOI1l' into \"l'ry
carefully and in regard to these foreign intl'rests Wl' ought to m,lke a special
pro\·ision.
*** ***
While I elm happy that GOH'rnnwnt h,lS come forward with this Bill. I ,1111
b\' no means enthusiastic o\"l.'r it bl'c,lllSe I find that tl1l're arl' a Il)t of lacun,1l'
which haw to be filled in. Besides, I do not find, as far ,1S this Bill is concerJ1l'd,
any serious intention on thl' part of COH'rnn1l'nt to t,1:\ thosl' sources of
untaxed wealth \\'hich ha\'e got to be takcn O\"l'r if \\"l' cHI' going to makL' any
progress in this country. In that conl1l'ction I referred to till' wealth of tIll'
feudal hang-m"ers mentioning in pt1l"ticul.H the \lizdm of Hydl'rabad and I
referred also to thc foreign capitalists who haH' bel'n bttening on till' reSOUlh'S
of our country and \.\"ho should Ill)t l'xpect any further concessions that undl'r
the international law they should be immunc from double t,lxc1tion. The fOI"l'ign
capitalists in this country \\'ho are in a \'cry spl'cial category ha\'e bl'l'n
beha\"ing in such a fashion during the last 200 ycars or so that they should
not expect any preferential treatment but I find that thl're arl' \"l'ry serious
loop-holes that the foreign capitalists could takl' ad\"antage of.
I{derence has also been made during this debate tl) thl' effect that this
legislation is likely to have on the system of inheritance which is prl'\'aknt
among sections of the Hindu community in particular. Now in regard to this
I should say that there is in our Constitution certain specific dirl'cti\'l's which
point out that it is important for us to have a uniform system, a uniform
Code and a uniform Law of inheritance. I know that there is a great dl'al in
our ancient traditions which has to be cherished. I yield to nobody in the
homage I pay to the magnificent achievements of our ancestors. I know that
in many respects we can continue to be extremely proud of our country's
civilisation, but at the same time I feel that sometimes we overdo this
admiration for the past. Sometimes I feel that we are carried away by this
admiration for the past into a general frame of mind where we do not accept
certain modern sociological facts merelv because they are modern. Thev
impingl' upon our living conditions and" therefore ha\'~ got to be accepted.
Take for l'xample the Joint Family. The institution of joint family has performed
grpat service in the past-and may be for the present, perhaps also for the
future it may ha\"(~ a contribution to make towards the progress of society,
but tlwre are Cl'rtain ineluctable facts of social and economic life which are
militating against the institution of joint family as \...·e understood it. So,
howe\'l'r much we might wish to resist it it will be necessary for us to come
to tl'rms with tIll' facts of present day life and in connection with this I would
like to n'fl'r to what I fl'e\ is a rather dangerous habit of mind on our part,
naml'l~' to take some flattering function to ourseh'es, to take refuge in our
past trelditions elnd our P,lSt achie\l'ments and I fear that we do so because
our l')~o \\',1I1tS Sl)llll' Sl)rt of outl'r cm'ering against the cold blasts of misery
and dl'gr,ld,ltion, I am sorry to say that we are trying to take shelter behind
a sort ni idl',llisation of our past traditions, I do not say that I wish to do
,lway with all our past traditions, I do not think of it in the least. On the
contran', I would SelY that it is only on the basis of the adjustment of the
tl-'lditions of till' past to tIll' urgent needs of today that we can build a future
which is \\'l)rtl1\\'hik, So, I would sa~' that in regard to institutions like the
joint f,lmily, in rl'gard to our la\\'s of succession, etc. they must come to terms
\\'ith the rl',llity of the prest'nt day and it \\'elS because those who made the
Constitutilm for this country rl',llisl'd this that they put article -t-l under the
Iwading oi Dirl'din' Principks l)f Steltl' Policy which says that the State shall
endl',l\'our h) Sl'curl' for the citizen a uniform ci\'il Clxie throughout the
territory l)f India. Our Constitutil)Jl, of Cl)Urse. guarantees freedom of
conscit'IKl' and of rl'ligion but it is possibll' at the same time to din'st religion
from personal 1.1\\' and social rl'lations and from laws gO\'t:'rning inl1l'ritance,
sucCl'ssion and marriage. This has bl'l'n dl)IW ellready e\'en in the \1uslim
countril's likL' TurkL'y and Egypt and I do not see why we should not h,1\'e
a uniform law of inlwritallCl' which would simplify many of the absolutely
UI1lWCl'SSMY probll'ms which arl' harassing the Finance l\iinister, fl)r e\.ample,
dS f,H as tIll' progn'ss of the Estate Duty Bill is concernl'd,
No\\' I would like to refer to another point, nan1l'ly that this kind of
legislation has bl'l'n ,lttackl'd by some hon, members on the ground that it
will militate against capital formation and therefore, in the present posture of
our l'conomic lifl', it is going to do damage. Actually, I should say that all
rt:'putabll' judgments based on experience of those countries where dt:'ath
dutil'S h.1H' bet:'n necl'ssitall'd pl)int to the fact that capital formation is by no
n1l'ans jt:'opardist:'d, is by no means prejudicially affected by this kind of
legislation. But hl're I would like to utter a word of warning to the FinanCl'
Minister in particular because he wiII have the lion's share of the work of
putting this law into operation. Now, unless we make sure that by putting
this law into operation, we do not harass and harry the already harassed
middle classes, unless we make sure that we usc our axe against those who
deserve it, unless we make sure that all the loop-holes or advantages enjoyed
by the prosperous section of the country are going to be absolutely remoH'd,
it is going to be disastrous. In regard to income-tax in particular, our l'xperience
is that big shots always get away and the poor peopk' who h.l\"e \"t.'ry limited
incomes that are more or It'sS easily ascertainable art' being subjt'ct to all
kinds of impositions. So when the St.'lect Committt>e goes forward in its
consideration of this measure and perhaps dl'cides upon a cl'rtain minimum
which would be the criterion for the application of the death duties Act, then
I think this ought to be kept \'ery carefully in mind. If th.1t is kl'pt cardully
in mind then we shall see that honest pt'ople will not suffl'r. It is only those
who engaged in speculati\'e enterprises, it is lmly that particular unsanmry
type which tries to e\"ade taxation payment, which dOL'S all sorts of damage
to the community, it is only that section of our prospl'wUS classl's which is
responsible more than any other section for the present postUfl', thl' prl'<.;ent
unhappy posture of our economic life. So, I should S.l), that if good CMl' is
taken that the poorer sections of the community do not suffer, if good carl'
is taken that those who are best capable of bearing the brunt of this taxation
are not permitted to escape, then and then alone we shall make sure that
capital formation in the present posture of society will not be jeopardised.
Now another point has been made in the course of this discussion ,1I1d
it has also been referred to in the Statt'ment of Objects ,1nd Reasons. That is,
that the money which is expected out of the imposition of Estate duty would
assist the States towards financing their den'lopnwnt schemes. This is .111
\"ery good so far as it goes. But, here again, I want to utter a n'ry serious
word of warning, and that is in relation to the foreign octopus which is
trying to eat into the vitals of our country's econom~'. I SelY this becallse, on
6 September 1952, at the Press Conference held in Calcutta, which was reportl'd
in papers like the Statesman and Hindustan Standard, the United Statl's
Ambassador to this country is reported to h,we said that our Planning
Commission had drawn a detailed plan and America knew wlwrl' and hm.\'
their aid would be 'ipent. Further in the same Pn'ss Confl'rl'nce, the
Amba'isador of the United States said that the US CO\,l'rnml'nt Wl'rl' taking
steps against any misuse of its financial and other assistance to forl'ign
countries. This kind of statement suggests very clearly how these forl'ign
interests are trying to keep their stranglehold on our economy. They know
where and how their aid would be spent. And their aid is one of the basic
factors in the development schemes which we are going to take. Unless we
revise our whole idea in regard to these development schemes, unless we
stand four-~quare to all the winds that blow and say, we are a frl'e country
and we are not going to subordinate our freedom and self-respl'ct to the
dominant claims of a very strong power like the United States of America,
surely, our development schemes will come to naught. Estate duty or no
Estate duty, nothing will come out of it. I would say, it is very necessary for
us to take a wider view of the situation which prevails in our country today
when we take a matter like the Estate Duty Bill. It makes us realise more
acutely than ever the needs of our country. If we are going to satisfy the
needs of our country, we have to move in a \'ery different manner, in a very
different spirit than what we ha\'e displayed so far.
I shall conclude. Before I do so, I would only refer to one last point. After
all, capitalism pure and undefiled, has no room for such kinds of things like
the Estate Duty Bill. A man under a pure capitalistic order has every right to
do whatever he likes with his own property. There are certain "natural rights"
which vvere inevitable concomitants of a capitalist system. Just as hypocrisy
is the last homage which \'ice pays to \ irtue, social sen'ice legislation is the
homage which decadent capitalism is bound to pay to the ideological and
technical superiority of socialism. I am sure everybody will have to admit
that; support has come to this measure from every section of the House
bl'cause it approximates to socialism. My hon. friend, Mr. Gadgil so eloquently
talked about this measure, because he thought-and I highly respect his
thought-that we arc making an approximation to socialism. Every time any
capitalistic economy makes this kind of concession, we ought to remind
ourselvt:'s of the basic canker of the capitalistic system which can never deliver
the goods as far as the interests of the common people are concerned. In spite
l)f Death duties and all sorts of impositions, advanced capitalist countries
have not been able to provide for the common working people of their
rl'specti\'t~ countries, the amenities of civilization, and there is in this fact the
admission of inferiority. From every section of this House has come a repetition
of this idea that after all, a socialist ideal is something worth stri\'ing for. If
we accept that proposition, surely, I hope that my hon. friend, the Finance
Minister will revise his ideas. He has been saying, "granted capitalism", he
can do only this; he must say, capitalism or no capitalism, this is what my
country needs, this is what my people are prepared to fight for; I am going
to mobilise their resources and their enthusiasm, and all together we are
going to go ahead. That need not be a copy book variety of socialism
elsewhere. Socialism through experience is something to be achiewd in this
country. We do not carry revolutions in a suit case; we do not have to import
socialism or communism or any other commodity into this country. It has to
grow out of the experience of our country. The experience of our country
shows that our people require a different standard of life altogether. When I
say this, I speak on behalf of those disinherited people, the overwhelming
majority of the population, who are not interested in the Estate Duty Bill.
Most of our people have nothing to do with the Estate Duty Bill.
Death is respecter of persons. In spite of the poets saying that death does
not respect anybody, death does respect persons. This is warranted by certain
facts and figures that I have got. In Manchester, for example, in the richer
districts of the town 10.5 persons per thousand die; in the poorer districts, the
death rate per thousand is 16. Coming nearer home, in Bombay, the infant
mortality rate in 1926,-these figures have not changed appn.'ciably since-
as far as residents of one room tenements are concerned, was 577 per thousand,
and in the case of residents of two room tenements, it was 254 per thousand.
In hospitals, the infant mortality was 107 per thousand. Death is a respecter
of persons. Death respects prosperity. You ha\'e greater chanel's to li\'c if you
have a certain amount of the amenities of civilization. This death duty, afh'r
all, is going to affect people who are leaving tht:.'ir legacit:.'s to vcry adult sons,
who naturally do not require to be molly-coddlt:.'d and fed with all sorts of
special appurtenances in order that they may be able to keep up tht:.'ir standards
of life and luxury. As far as the disinherited people of this country are
concerned, their demand is that they want a new life. There is no reason why
their demand should any longer be resisted. If that is so, surely we ought to
revise our whole conception and we ought to find out that the sort of mixed
economy which we are striving for does not work. I am sure my hon. friend,
the Finance Minister himself will admit that he has to take some \ erv drastic
steps. I am sure he has a list of people whom he would like to see no longl'r
functioning in their present position because he knows that they stand in the
way of the economic development of our country, which he also, in his own
way, has at heart. But, he does not know that if we are going to bring about
a basic change in our situation, we have got to mobilize th(' resources and
enthusiasm of our people. Even for a very matter of fact Bill like the Estate
Duty Bill, we ought to recall these matters of principle, which you also, Sir,
referred to earlier. If we do that, then, surely, we shall try to bring about a
really fundamental change in our situation and not merely tinker with a few
high-sounding pieces of legislation which, I am afraid, are going to be worked
in a manner which will be detrimental to the basic interests of the common
people of this country.
NEED FOR PLANNED DEVELOPMENT*
We elre discussing the Five Year Plan under the shadow of a calamity-
the death of a Il'adt.'r of the people in Andhra desa (presently known as
Andhra Pradesh). I refer to this incident, because I know that if the future of
our country is to be secured in the interests of the common people, then the
economic unity of our country will have to be broad based upon the voluntary
accession to that unity by the different linguistic regions of our land. I see
this view sl'conded in the Tata-Birla Plan for this country which was put up
in 1944. It made two political assumptions as an indispensable preliminary
to the success of any Plan, and they were that there should be a National
Gowrnn1l'nt with full freedom in economic matters and that there should be
regional groupings-but not such as to disturb the economic unity of the
country. Therefore, when we remember the event that has happened-the
melancholy event that has happened-I hope that we would rise to a gra\'er
sense of our responsibility in regard to the linking up of our country by that
silken cord of friendship and cordiality \\'hich alone can bring about the
success of our Plan.
It is good that we han> got from Government an admission that we have

to plan or we perish, and that planning is the only thing which will help us
to get out of the morass in which we are living today. But it is not enough
only to say that we must plan our civilisation or perish. Today, the condition
of things is such that we cannot escape the responsibility of trying to make
the dream of freedom which our people had dreamt so long come true. But
as a matter of fact the promises that the Government makes through this
Plan, the prospects which are offered through this Plan, are-I should say-
a shameful deception of the millions who have felt in the dark hour of agony
that by going through their struggle for freedom their endurance might gi\'e
promise of a better dawn. They have not got that promise today, and the Plan
itself is strewn with the wreckage of the hopes that were raised in the hearts
of our people, and the ideas they had formed in regard to the concretisation
of their independence have been thrown to the winds. I think that we must
realise that we need very much more than mere goodwill and a mere
understanding of the difficulties of the situation. We need a philosophy which
• L5. Oel1., 15 and 16 December 1952. [Participating in the Discussion on Resolution re: First Five
Yl'ar Plan, Shri Mukerjee ,1lso spoke lln 17-19 December 1952, 8 September 1956 and on
23 August 1960 on a similar subjectl.
221
is proportionatl' tll the problems of today, We m'l'd f.lith th.1t will m.1kl' th.1t
philosophy the urgent dynamic of our lin's, But Wl' IMH' not got that yl't,
And I say that on account of what is happt'ning today, our country will
perhilps be subjt'ctl'd to years of distrl'ss and damnatillll bl'C.1USl' thl' l'conllrnic
prejudices which my hlll1, fril'nd, thl' Fin.mce \Iinistl'r imbibl'd .It C.lInbridgl'
ilre supposed to be part of the la\\, of naturl', Thllsl' l'Ollllllllic prl'judicl's h.l\'l'
to be thrown O\'erblldrd altogl'thl'r, bl'C.lUSl' today he is pkdgl'd to pl.1I1ning
clnd if planning is to be .t success it h.b got to bt' l"llllductt'd lin n'rt.lin lilll's
which I do not see at all in the \'l'r\' m.bsi"l' dllCUIl1l'nts which h.l\'l' bl'l'n
gh'en to us,
I heard with much inkrest, thl' Spt'l'l,'h m,ldl' bv tIll' hlHl, Il'.ldl'r Ilf the
Hlluse when he prl'sl'nted his Resolutillll, Hl' l'\l'n oit't'rl'd ,1 dl.1I..1cit'ri ....llillll
of himself whl'n he s.lid that .1 rl','olution.H\' of \'l'skrd,l\'. is .1 l'lllbl'r\,llin'
"
of today, O\'er and O\'er again 11l' was indulging in "'Udl Clllllr.ldillilllb lh,lt
I could not make eitht'r hl'ad llr t.lilllut of wh,lt Ill' \\.b "',l\ing, I It' ....lid, (llr
example, that it is the jllstificatillll to dt'mOtT.Ky-,-th,lt ,1 dl'IlWlT.llic ..,l'!-lIP
should promote wh.1t we dl'sire, But he \\'l'nt lln to ... ,,~, lh,lt tl1l'n' .nt' ... l'It-
imposed limitations as br as the pl.m is COllCl'rI1ed, If our dt'llllll'LIl'\' is glling
to justify itself, it is necessary to go ahead, Planning is Illlt .1 pr.m\-': pl.1I1ning
is a high adventure, Planning is to bl' foundt'd on a philosophy which .llollt'
can transmute the conditions of life of our pt'opll"
Then the Prime :vIinister said that political dt'mocracy without economic
democracy was no good, And tht'n he went l~n talking about friendly
cooperative way of removing hindrances, I suppose fril'ndly co-opt'rati\'l'
way of removing hindrances, when you come down to brass tacks, mt'.1n th.1t
you fleece the common people that you impose upon the pe.1sant .md tht'
worker and that you allow the sharks, the tax thieves, the industrial barons
who are now wallowing in a kind of prosperity which they think is going to
last for ever,--You allow them all the rope in the world and in the meanwhile
you do not look at all at the interests of the common people, He talked about
the need for control of the private sector. We know how this plan is based
upon a very emphatic idea that the private sector is the most important and
that we can at best influence it, but can not determine what the private sector
is going to do, In Chapter XXIV in paragraphs 26 and 27 it is said that
Government can influence, but cannot determine the actual course of
investment. Now, if you have this kind of attitude, if you allow those people
who alone should be requisitioned for the purposes of financing our national
plan to go scot free, if you allow yourselves to be tied hand and foot to the
interests of foreign capitalism, which you vainly seek to deny from hOllse-
tops, then this Plan is by no means going to be a success,
Now in regard to the tax thieves, I find that in the Tata Birla Plan there
was an estimate that the volume of hoarded wealth in this country was about
one thousand crort'S of rupees. If there was a national Government trusted by

the ~")t'ople, we could get about thn.'e hundred crore from this source. That
was what was estimated by the industrialists in lY44.
Tlwn in rt'gard to the tax thieves again, we find that the Income Tax
Inn'stigation Commission have Tl'ported very openly that influential persons
hold largl' numl'll'rs of ~harl's in many companies, in fictitious names and
tlwy han' depo~its and loans in the namt'S of fictitious persons. Now we are
rl'il'rring not to black-m,ukl't profits, but to a big chunk of ll'gal profits over
whkh t.1,atil)f1 is L'\'adl'd and should be impost'd. My hon. frii-'nd, Mr. Tyagi,
whom I Jlli~s in his 'l'at at the prl's('nt monll'nt, admitted in Parliament that
thl'n' Wl'rl' .lTrl'.lTS of income-tax amounting to Rs. 127.2 crort' at the beginning
oi \l60-S 1 .lI1d it mSl' to Rs. B7.2 at till' l'nd of that year. Again there was a
qUl",tion .lskl'd in this HOUSl' some timl' ago about the amount of
mllIW\'. disdosl'd St.ltl'-\\'isc as a /"l'sult Ilf \'oluntarv- disclosurl's dri\·e. Till
1\ :\ugust \Y=;2, \'1r. T~·.lgi rl'\'l'aled, the amount disclost'd was Rs. 72 crore
pilI' R.... 2 CI'IlI'l' irom tlw Bombay city making a total of Rs. 74 crort'. 1'\ow,
this i, .1 kind Ilf thing whit'h gIll'S 1m. This is the way in which those who are
best .1bll' ttl be.IT tIll' brunt IIi nur (l1untry's t'cnnomy, try to shield their own
intl'rl'st. As i.u a ... our CO\'l'rnnwnt is concerr1l'd it is not coming forward
with any plan in Ilrdl'r to gl't these top-dogs to 11l'lp us in assisting the
n'cllnstruction of t1w l'CnI10111V- of our countr\'. .
Nnw as far ,1S this PI,lI1 is COllet'rIll'd, it says hardly any industrialization
w,lrth Illl'ntioning is going to bl' done. As far as production of food is
concl'rrwd \n' hllpl' to bl' sdf-sufficil'nt. It says-though it does not put it
down in so many wnrds-that our depl'ndence on foreign capital would
continul'. As far ,1S the intt:'rests of the common people are Cll/lcerned-the
interl'sts of the peasantry, the interests of the working classes-those intl'rests
arc not going to be looked after at all. Now that is the sum total, really
speaking, of what the Plan amounts to. We are going to have double our
national income in twenty-seven years. Now, if you compare it with other
plans-the Tata Birla Plan, the National Planning Committee's Plan, even the
Plan adumbrated by my hon. friend on the other side, who is not here at the
moment, 5hri Agarwal, the Gandhian Plan, even there we find very much
bcttcr prospects being put forward before our country. Now doubling of the
national income in tWt'nty-se\'en years will not arouse wild enthusiasm. We
find that in view of the increase in the population which would be about one
and a quarter per cent, the prospect of eleven per cent increase in the national
income would be eaten away. There might be a very slight net improwment
in real income. But if the Finance Minister indulges in some little arithmetic
he will see that the change would be more of words than of substance. Now
that is the only thing which you are putting forward before the people-in
twenty-seven years' time you would be more or less where you are and in
certain respects go back to 1938-39! I did not know till our great planners
came into the picture that we lived in Ram Raiyll round about 1938-39. That
is the discowry we have made, thanks to the ideas of those who are ruling
the roost as far as our country is concerned.
Now, some people have said that this is planning without tears. Now, I
would say that it is planning without tears only as far as the upper layer of
society is concerned. As far as the common people are concerned they are
going to suffer tremendously. Now, as far as the upper layer is concerned, I
would like to point out that it is important that we tap all the resources that
are available. If we make up our mind that we are going to have industrial
de,·elopment, without which we cannot go forward in this world of today,
then surely we have got to tap those resources. But we are not proceeding
with it.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,."
But I would say that we have got a plan of non-industrialisation. In this
case I say that we can link it up with the recurring American theme, since
Dr. Grady made his speech at the ECAFE Conference at Ootacamund in 1948,
where he said to all intense and purposes that it was foolish to think of
developing heavy industries in India, that India should concentrate on
agriculture, mining and communications and it is only on those conditions
that America would help in these projects. Now this has also been the
fundamental approach of Point Four to India and that is why if we compare
the present plan with the Bombay Plan, or the Visveswarayya Plan or even
the Gandhian Plan, we find how very little money is allocated for the
development of the industries of this country.
Now, as far as the money available in the country is concerned, I have

referred already to what is being done by the tax thieves, and then I would
try to point out how the industrialists have lately claimed that they have
actually invested during the five year period 1946 to 1951 some Rs. 450 crore
to build up new manufacturing units. If you deduct from this figure certain
items which ought to be deducted, then the figure comes really down to
Rs. 263 crore and not Rs. 450 crore. If we take as a rough average the
calculation which was made by the National Income Committee for the year
1948-49, then we find that after meeting all costs, even paying dividends, the
amount which was available for ploughing back was Rs. 137 crore. And if we
take that as an average for a five year period, for five years Rs. 685 crore
could have been available as far as the country's interests were concerned.
Now if we go deeper into this report of the National Income Committee, and
if we examine also the figures given in a publication of the Indian Chamber
of Commerce, Calcutta, called "The Role of Private Enterprise in India-
Retrospects and Prospects", then we find that in every year, on an average,

if we take 1948-49, we might have Rs. 137 crore as our investment possibility.
[n the last five years, instead of Rs. 685 crore or so, the business community
in India has reinvested about Rs. 263 crore. The rest has gone elsewhere.
And it has gone where? Well, as far as that is concerned, the Planning
Commission gives its own idea. It says that particularly at the time, that is
1950-51, on account of the Korean War, capital became very shy. They
boycotted even the plan of borrowings as far as the Government was
concerned, and hoardings of commodities became a feature of the economic
life of this country.
Now, this sort of thing has gone on. The Tata-Birla Plan, as I have already
said, points out that Rs. 300 crore can be had from the hoarded wealth of the
country. That is in terms of the value of the rupee much earlier than today.
Now we can have a lot more if we set about it properly. As far as the industry
as at present constituted is concerned, we can certainly get a ,·ery great deal
more than the figure mentioned, about Rs. 137 crore every year.
Now, this calculation has been made without reference to mining, trading,
building, banking, insurance, operating of transport and plantations. Only 63
groups of industries have been covered in this calculation. Now if we take
all that into account and if there is a possibility of mobilising the patriotic
zeal of our industrialists, thl'n truly we can get a great deal more money than
comes out into the open. We do not get it because speculative pursuits are
very much more to the interests of these industrial magnates of our country,
and our Gm·ernment is not in a position, is not desirous of touching them
because our Government depends for its own existence on the support
particularly from those sections of society.
[ shall refer also in this connection to v.hat was said, for example, in a
journal which represents mainly British commercial and industrial interests,
the "Capital" of Calcutta which said, in 1951 of course, in regard to the jute
industry that in one full year the jute industry can make cl profit nf
Rs. 50 crore, which will work out to more than 150 per cent on the paid up
capital of roughly Rs. 30 crore. Here is one example of mainly foreign capital
in this country which has got back what it invested many, many times over.
But we do not dare touch foreign capital in jute, tea, mining, plantations and
all sorts of other enterprises like banking and international trade; we just do
not dare touch them. That would require guts; that would require
constitutional adventure. That is why we do not go forward. We try to amend
the Constitution. The Congress Party whips up all its members to get 350 to
attend because you want to take away the franchise from a certain section of
our population. But you do not amend the Constitution in order that we can
get rid of these foreign capitalists who have ruled the roost in this country
so long to the detriment of our country and who even today are having a
most wonderful time.
In regard to that, if we are at all serious about the possibility that we

have of confiscating foreign capital. ... (/Ilterrllptitl/l) ... on the point of fort.'ign
capital in this country I would say that in the annual report of the Ministry
of Finance for 1951-52 which was circulated to us there is a statt.'ment
which says that inwstment of foreign capital in India to the l'xtl'nt of
Rs. 15.08 crore was apprtwed by the Controllt.'r of Capital Issues of the
Central Gowrnment during 1951. 81 applications covt.'ring Rs. 15.0H crore
were sanctioned. Now between August 19-t7, the great day of our
Independence, and 1950, about Rs. se\·en crore of foreign money ha\"l~ bel'n
invested in this countrv. From 1951-52 it was double what it was in the last
three years. If we take the earlier a\·erages-I am quoting from the Midland
Bank returns-we find that during 1925 to 1927 the amount of British capital
exports to India and Ceylon was Rs. 2.R-t crore (at Rs. 13.H to the pound);
during 1932 to 193-t British Capital exports to India and Ceylon amounted to
Rs. 5.67 crore; and during 193-t to 1936 it amounted to Rs. 1.35 crore. Now
India today is a halcyon land, a paradise as far as the inn~stml'nt of thl'se
foreign capitalists is concerned. And compared to 1925-27, 19~2-3-t and 193-t-
36 we are getting now ten or eleven times as much foreign capital as we had
in those days.
Only the other day when I was mooching about in the Parliament Library,
I found a statement in the London" Economist" of 29 November 1952. It says
in pages 628-631 under an article "Foreign Investment in India":
"The atmosphere for foreign investments is unusually favourable in India.

It is not a colony like Malaya or most of Africa. So there are none of the
risks of independence to come." (Mark the words, Sir) "It does not suffer
from xenophobia, like so much of the Middle East". (I do not know what
flag is flying over our head!) Its government is stable and democratic,
unlike much of Latin America. Its policy about repatriation of capital and
remittance of profits is liberal. Taxation is not, in general, discriminatory,
and only recently the Finance Minister has removed from his Income-tax
Amendment Bill those provisions which foreign capital found particularly
deterrent; fiscal concessions for new enterprises are considerable.
Nationalisation is not an immediate threat, and the Constitution provides
for compensation for anything which may eventually be taken over. There
are no compulsory percentages of Indian capital or managers laid down.
Strikes are rare and judges in labour arbitration cases more reasonable
than they were a few years ago. For foreign capital there is in India not
only a warm welcome, but even more important, ample opportunities
for making a profit."
This is what the London" Economist" says in its issue dated 29 November
1952 at pages 628-631. This is the way in which we are opening the flood-
gates of our country for foreign infiltration.
My hon. friend, the Finance Minister went the other day to a conference
of Commonwealth Prime Ministers and others. There the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Mr. Richard Butler, said :
"There arc threc cardinal propositions for the economic recovery of the
Commonwealth.
Number one: Individual Commonwealth countries must put their internal

economies in order;
Number two: There should be consultations with European countries

bl'c(luse of their trading links with the Commonwealth;
Number thrl'e : No long-term plan for expanding world trade can be

l'ffecti\'c unll'ss the economic dnd financial policies of the Commonwealth
and Europe had the co-operation of the United States of America."
ThesE.' are the three cardinal principles on which you were trying to put
our House in order and that is \\'hy today we are slaves to the Mutual
Security Programml'. That is why our Plan contemplates industrialisation
only to the l'xtent that it is permitted by the big-wigs of American capital
which are now leading international reactionarism. That is why the Mutual
Security Programme literature comprises such publications as the United
States Government's Note which pointed out that these countries in Asia,
Africa and Latin America "constitute, in terms of population and land area,
the largest part of the 'free' world. [where profit still has a free run]. They
contain a large proportion of the world's industrial resources. In these are
found all the world's natural rubber, all of its jute, two-thirds of its soil
reserves, most of its tin, manganese and other strategic materials. Technical
and economic co-operation is offered to help necessary advances in the basic
fields of agriculture, education, health and transport." So, Sir, for agriculture,
education, health and transport, they were going to do something. What
really is going to happen? Pandit Nehru talked about the set-up now. When
we talk about the set-up, let us ask: what is the condition of the people, how
are you going to help the people? What about the production of food? What
was the target? I find in the Tata Plan the target was that we must haw for
our population a balanced diet which would amount to about 2800 calories
per day. Now I find from an estimate made by the Economic and Social
Council of the United Nations, 1950-51, that Indian and Pakistan pre-war
food energy content was 1970 calories, in 1949-50, it was 1700 calories, in
1950-51, it was 1598 calories and now the Planning Commission are going to
give us 13.5 ozs of cereals after 1956-57 and we shall live perhaps-perhaps
some of us will live-to see what kind of cereals we may have when my
friend, Shri Deshmukh has his way. That is a dangerous situation as far as
food is concerned. The GOYernment are fighting shy of land redistribution.
What has happened to the abolition of Zamindari? I ask the Finance Minister
and his colleagues to go to the U.P. and find out what is happening as far as
the condition of the peasantry is concerned. Let them find out all about
Sir and KIlIIdkas!tt lands.
...... .. .... .. ....
Government is the guarantor there of feudal exaction. You go and find
out how evictions have taken place and compensation is being paid in
enormous quantities to those people who do not deserve it, who do not need
it. You see the condition of the agricultural worker.
...... ......
...... .. ....
I will refer now to cloth. After all food and clothing are the two most
essential things of life and what do we find? We find as far as doth production
in our country is concerned, according to the Fact Finding Committee's Report,
hand loom cloth production in 1938-39 was 1703 million yds. The Report said
that this figure did not include Sind, NWFP, Gwalior, Tra\'ancore and some
other areas and if those were included, the total production would come to
1,800 million yds. The Committee emphasised that the total number of people
dependent on handloom industry was about one crore. Now the total cloth
produced in 1938-39 was 5,700 million yards 3,900 million yard. being
produced by the mills and 1,800 million yds. by the hand looms. Of this
quantity only 137 million yards were exported. This was the position in 1938-
39. Now if you take the population figures of those days and compare them
with the population figures of India proper today in 1950-51, we shall find
that there is not very much of a difference. So, the needs of the people as far
as cloth is concerned, are surely not very different. Now, in 1950-51 the mill
production was 3,718 million yards and the hand loom production was 810
million yards and according to the Planning Commission, even this latter
figure was a gross exaggeration. So, the total production for the entire
population is only 4,528 million yards of which 1,283 million yards, one third
of the production, were exported, leaving a total of 2,245 million yards for
the people as against 5,523 million yards in 1938-39. Sir, this is very, very bad
as far as the interests of the people are concerned. Now, instead of 5,523
million yards, we have about 2,245 million yards. Why do you allow this
export? You allow this export because this money goes to the capitalists. The
money which goes to the capitalists as a result of the export is terribly
important. Textiles worth in India 15 annas per yard was sold at Rs. 1-12-0
abroad and that is why you permitted the export of cloth in order to allow
these capitalists to make more money.
As far as the condition of the peasantry is concerned, there is an attempt

to beat down the idea of agricultural indebtedness. You know very well that
thl' Reserve Bank of India itself had calculated that 1,800 crore of rupees was
in 1938-39 the volume of agricultural indebtedness. Since then, of course,
Government seems to imagine that the volume has come down. But, the
Kumarappa Committee appointed by the Congress, the Agrarian Enquiry
Committee-reported unequivocally, the continuation of agricultural
indebtedness and my friend, Shri Agarwal's book on the Gandhian Plan also
says that indebtedness continues. They want to beat down the whole idea of
indebtedness and they say this is what is happening. The people are no
longer in debt and we are abolishing zamindaries and therefore everybody
is happy, everything is IO\"ely in the garden and, therefore, the Plan can go
ahead. This is a false and disastrous picture. This is an approach which is
absolutely callous and insensible, this is unashamed indifference towards the
interests of the people. There is no doubt about it.
In regard to the foreign aid also, we have got about 165 crore of rupees
in the Plan and more-we do not know how much more-will come. In
regard to this point I will quote what Shri K.G. Mashruwalla, who was a
gn:'at disciple of Gandhiji, said in regard to the Indo-American Technical Co-
operation Agreement:
"The Indo-U.s. Agreement is virtually a Charter to the U.s. to establish

herself in India, first as a trading concern and then as India's political
boss. The Government of India has agreed to place at the disposal of U.s.
all its administrative machinery and to become her advertising agency.
......... It is clear that motives of U.s. in aiding Europe and Asia are not
so altruistic. They are frankly made for organising an anti-communist
front. ... "
In regard to the great river valley projects about which so much is made,
I will quote-because I have no time to elaborate my ideas-what the Modem
Review of November 1952, a \"ery respectable paper which often attacks us
and is friendly to Government said:
"Hundreds of millions of the hard earned money of our nationals were

poured into the schemes and by the same token-quite a few score millions
were wasted, embezzled or spent to fill the insatiable maws of the
dependents, flatterers and political henchmen of the mighty".
This is the perspective which you are putting before the people: fleece the
common people, keep the agricultural labourer in degradation, and ket:'p the
working classes under manacles. You ha\'e said in the Industrial Rl'lations
chapter that you will only recognise the Trade Union which has the largest
membership, meaning therefore that you will send thl' INTUC to do \-vhat it
can and flourish in that area. You ha\·e said that. You ha\·e said all sorts of
things in order to beat down the whole idea of strikes altogethl'r. As far as
the working classes are concerned, you fleece the agricultural labourl'r, you
keep down the working classes and you do not take any notice of the intl'rests
of the common people and the Middle class employees and people in the
lower rungs of the ladder of our society. But, as far as those who Ml' at the
top are concerned, those who have already t:'ntered into a charter of slan'ry
with foreign capitalists, you have the amplt:'st consideration for tlwm; with
them you have "a frit'ndly and cooperative" spirit. For Ill'an'n's sakl', why
don't you, for once, change your \·iews? Why don't you try to mobilisl' till'
enthusiasm of the people? What is the point in Pandit :\;l'hru (l)ming forWMd
and saying that we want to mobilise the l'nthusiasm of the pl'opll" but till'
people are inert? Is it the fault of the people? Would a grl'at pllpUl.U kalil-r
in any country of the world ever say that the people Me inert, that ~wople arl'
like lead, that they do not mon~? If a popular leader is a real popular Il'adl'r,
he will go to the people and tell them, here is my Plan, come and takl' it O\"l'r.
He will say as the Chinese leaders said, take it on'r and work thl' Plan
according as you like; out of your own productidty, new capital formations
would come and then we can run the Plan in thl' only way in which it ought
to be worked. There is bankruptcy of leadership, (/l/tt'''''lIpti(lI/~) bl,tray,,1 of
the patriotic hopes and aspirations of the pl'ople. TIlat is vvhy Wl' gd in tIll'
shape of a plan a document which may look \'l'ry maSSi\·l', but which is
really very little more than scraps of paper joined togdhl'r .... holding out
illusory hopes to the common people ....
THE INDUSTRIES (DEVELOPMENT AND REGULATION)
AMENDMENT BILL, 1953lt£
The Bill before the House goes to a Select Committee and so it is better
to confine oursl'ln's to certain more or less general ob:;ervations. I must
confl'ss that when I read the Bill I was prepared to offer a few bouquets to
the hon. Minister. But ha\'ing heard the speech v\'hich he has just made. I am
constrained somewhat to change my opinion.
[ found him, quitl' unnecessarily to be \"t~ry apologetic about character of
tIll' measure which has placed before the House. He has said that Gm'ernment
would not interfere \'ery much with the state of things as it is, that he does
not likl' to disturb what he chosl' to call the 'equilibrium of our economy' in
this country. I should think that in this State which professes-quite
hypocritic,lll~,-to be a Wl'Ifare State, equilibrium is something which at any
rate \\"l' do 11llt find in l'xistence at the present moment. Ofcourse, the
hon, Ministl'r \wnt out of his way, I fed, to placate those interests, vested
interests-that was the l· . . pfl'ssion which he used-which beh,wed in such a
manner that two Yl'ars ago the principal Act was absolutely necessary I fear
that the hon. Ministl'r in l·xpounding his proposition wht'n he put forward
his motilln has made (l'rtain observations which strengthen the suspicion
which, I shall say opt'nly, we han' about the intentions of Government in
regard to this kind llf legislation. We do not say that straightaway in this
country \\"l' can gl't large scall' nationalisation but I do not see why the hon.
Ministt'r should assure H'sted intert'sts. He said: "If \'ested interests want an
assurarlCl', tht'y will ha\'e it now, that this is no step even in some future
towards the nati(lJ1alisation of the industry". This is a kind of thing which
suggests which way the wind is blowing. This shows how \,,'e are even
sheering away from the problt.'ms placed before the country in that by no
means revolutionary document, the Industrial Policy Statement of 1948 .
...... ...... ......
. , I feel that ever since the promulgation of the Industrial Policy Statement
of 1948, Governmental action has gone in such a fashion that suspicion has
grown in the minds of people that there is no real intention to reshape our
• L.S, Dell. 22 April 1953. (Shri Mukl'rj('e spoke on 5 May lQ53 and" December lQi3 on a similar
subjectl.
(The Bill which was aimed at amending The Industries (Development and Regulation) Act,
1951, became The Industries (DcVl'lopmcnt and Regulation) Amendment Act, 1953.
231
economy. It is only on the basis of Governmental detl'rmination to reshape

our economy that we are prepared to welcome the Bill which is bdore the
House.
We know that this Bill is very important because the Planning Commission
has pointed out very clearly that one of the principal instruments which it
shall use in order to ensure that the private sector of industry carries out the
programme of development laid down before it is the Industries (Dcwlopnwnt
and Regulation) Act and therefore it is very necessary that this Industril's
(Development and Regulation) Act is tightened. Insofar as thl' tightening of
the Act is done by means of this amending measure, insofar as it gOl'S, we
are prepared to welcome the measure but I fear, as I said before, that whaten'r
Government does is vitiated by its general approach, its dqwndence on the
private sector so that even when it docs a good thing it benm1l's son1l'thing
like the proverbial curate's egg which is good only in parts and thl'reforl' not
particularly palatable. We find again that while on the onl' hand this Bill is
certainly a renewed recognition that iai:,:,t': Jilirt' economks is rl'ally and truly
played out, we do not find any intention on the part of the em'l'rnment
towards going a little faster, a little more effectiH'ly towards impll'nwnting
the desire of our people for economic betterment. For l·xamplt·, I would say
that we have not a limitation on the profits of industries which was in a W<ly
proposed by the Congress Government in the Industries Bill of 19-18, If that
Bill was properly worked-a big 'if' under the presl'I1t displ'nsation-perhaps
some Rs. 200 crore could be realised for our plan en'ry year but in any caSl'
we get in this measure some attempt to tighten the Bill of 1951 and to that
extent, I am prepared to welcome it.
I would like to point out to Government, however that it is wry necessary

that efforts are made to expand the sector of State-trading, of dircd
participation of the States in industrial pursuits. In regard to this I would
quote certain figures from China where all observers, hostile or fril'l1dly,
point out that a sea change has happened and the condition of the people has
been transformed beyond recognition in China. We find from their figures
regarding the annual financial revenue and expenditure since 1950 that if we
take 100 to be the basic figure for 1950 in regard to the reVl'l1ue from State
enterprises, it grew to 351.20 in 1951, to 535.71 in 1952 and to 804.92 in 1953.
Now these figures are very eloquent. They show how the st:~ctor of State
trading, State participation in industrial pursuits is a very important sector
and that we should no longer go on depending upon the private sector. The
Plan, however, has made it very clear that we largely depend on the ability
of the private sector to implement programmes scheduled, and throughout
the Plan as well as in the general policy of Government, we find this softness
for the private sector. I do not see why we should be so particularly favourably
inclined towards the private sector when actually the behaviour of the private
sector is by no means commendable. For example, take the story of the

development of the iron and steel industry. It is a private sector. It has
impinged on the position in such a way that the development of basic
industries in our country has not progressed. In 1949, the Ministry of Industry
had issued a statement which said:
"Government intend to set up new v.'Orks by increasing the indigenous

steel production by one million tons. Two alternative schemes are under
considl'ration, th(, establishment of a unit with a capacity of one million
tons and the setting up of tv.,.o plants with a capacity of half a million
tons l'ach. Three engineering firms of international reputation have been
obtained to make a rapid sun·ey and gi\·e a technical report to
Covernn1l'nt, with respect to the types of works to be installed and they
are actually working. The consultants have completed the survey.
COH.>rnn1l'nt expect to take a decision in three months."
This was said in 1949. The plan was completed for two factories in
Madhya Pr.ldl'sh and in Orissa. The sites were chosen but nothing was done
for three yt.'ars because the private sector came into the picture and from the
private Sl'ctor it was representl'd that Glwernment should do nothing of this
sort and the profits which \\"l're being reaped by the private sector should not
be disturbed. This kind l)f thing shows that the private sector has behawd
in such a fashion that we could not go on depending upon them in that
hopl'll'ss mal1l1l'r which was confessed in the speech of the hon. Minister.
Now, in regard to the Development Councils, we know they have a very

big job. I hope the hon. Minister conducts them in such a fashion that they
pt>rform the job efficiently.
The two main purposes of the Development Councils would be to develop

productivity. In this regard, I would like to draw the attention of the hon.
Minister to a report which his own Department issued last year regarding the
production and installed capacity of Indian industries in 1951 and 1952. In
this report we find that in as many as 27 of the industries listed, installed
capacity had been augmented during 1952 while production had declined.
This is a most unsatisfactory state of affairs. We find again in this report that
there were unsatisfactory conditions in the manufacture of agricultural
implements indicated by the statistics and this deserves \'Cry serious attention.
In view of the emphasis justly laid upon improvement and increasing the
production of agricultural implements, that is a matter of very great moment
to our country but this disparity between the production and installed capacity
of Indian industries in 1951-52 gives us very serious food for thought and I
hope the hon. Minister will take note of it and see that the Development
councils really try to develop productivity.
Another purpose of the Development Councils is to settle the location of

sites as far as industries are concerned. Here again we depend on industrialists
to such an extent that some very fantastic things happt'n from time to time.
I think a case was referred to by an hon. Ml'mber of this Housl', Dr. Mt'ghnad
Saha, regarding the peculiar policy followed by our pri\'att:' Sl'ctor industrialists
in regard to the location of industries. The inst,lnn' was gin'n of till're bl'ing
two aluminium factories, one in Tra\'anCl)re and the other nt'ar Asansol. Thl'se
two factories, the Tra\'ancore Aluminium Co. Ltd., and the Aluminium
Corporation Ltd. were functioning in a n'ry peculiar fashion, functioning
under the direct control of the Canadian Aluminium Co. Ltd. The\' \\'l'rl'
functioning in a peculiar fashion which is shown particularly by thl' location.
The chief item in the manufacture of aluminium is t.'lectric powl'r which costs
1/8th of an tllllltl per unit in the Tra\'ancore factl)ry. Till' AS.lnsl)1 f,Kh)ry
charge four times that of Tra\'ancore though till' f,Ktory W,lS 10l',lk'd in ,1 CO,11
area and there were no distribution problems .lnd its elt'ctricity cost should
not be more than 0.2 tllllltb per unit. :'\:ow, ,1 loan ()f Rs. :;0 lakhs W.lS gi\'l'n
by the Industrial Finance Corporation to this nln1p,1Ily. Wh.lt was h.lppening
in connection with the work of this company was, that the Tr,l\",lIlCOrl' factory
was drawing raw materials from a place in Bih,u and prl'limin,uy procl'ssing
was done in Bihar. Then it was sent to Tr,l\",mCOrl' wherl' pig aluminium W,lS
produced. To convert that into utensils, the wholl' thing W.1S ,1gain Sl'nt to ,1
factory at Belur near Calcutta. From Bih,u to Tr,l\',lncore ,md from Tr,l\',mcorl'
to Calcutta, railway freight alone costs more than Rs. 600 pl'r hm. All thl' timl'
Government was paying a subsidy of soml'thing like Rs. -too pl'r ton so f,u
as the production of the so-called Indian aluminium was concl'rJ1l'd, bl'causl'
it could not compete with aluminium coming from Cmad,l. This shows how,
if we leave it to the private sector, they bt:'llc1\'e in cl fashion which is mainly
intended to ensure maximisation of their profits. If we go on depl'nding on
the industrialists, if we do not function our Dl'\'l·lopml'nt Coundls
independently, with a view to the real economic development ()f our country,
surely, the Development Councils would come to naught.
The industrialists are today very jubilant at our Plan. Our COVl'rnn1l'nt's
policy, as it is also illustrated in the Bill before the House, is such that the
people are more or less petering out of the picture. I was reading in the
Eastern Economist, the other day, where it was said E.'ditorially that it is no USE.'
Government spokesmen beating the air with appeals to the pE.'ople bE.'CaliSe
it is the private sector which has taken charge of the Plan. It said that it was
no good asking the people to feel enthusiastic about the Plan because it was
really the private sector which was going to work it.
The same note is found in a speech which was recently made by the hl'ad
of the house of Birla at the annual meeting of the United Commercial Bank.
Therc, Shri G.D. Birla made certain observations which make it clear that he
envisaged that in the near future the entire control and direction of the
country's economy would be determined by those who are leaders of the
private sector. He said, the Plan is here, let us all work it; it is the private
scctor alone which could undertake such a task. I am quoting:
"It is .1 challengl' to the private sector ...... to plan for themselves and
show and pw,·c by actu.,1 achievement their importance and usefulness."
He said that in the private sector, the work of studying, surveying and
planning should be undertaken by the leaders of large-scale industry. He
said again:
"They should sit down, l'xamine the import list and determine what
categories of goods imported by India could be produced within the
Clluntry. They should tlll'n estimate the quantities needed in the next five
Yl'ars .1Ild thl'n prepare plans for producing them in the country."
Shri Birla h.1s taken owr the Plan so to speak and it is not for the people
to work it. You ha\'l' yoursl'lH's said that it is not necessary to appeal to the
pl'ople and that you are le.n-ing it to the private sector. This is a question
which has to bl' takl'n into consideration \"('ry seriously. The record of the
pri,·atl' sedor bl'ing what it is, we cannot leave the right of determining the
l'(onomic policy of the country and the methods of working that economy to
the privatl' Sl'ctor. If, thl'rdon', \\"t' ha\'l' to make our Development Councils
rl'al, Wl' must h.1\'e .1 \·... idl· association of the people and the rt.'presentati,·es
of thl' people in thl' differl'nt industrics in the working of these De,·elopment
Councils. Thl'rl' is, of courSl', some pw,·ision in the Bill for representatives of
the l'mployl'l's .1Ild also of the CllnSUn1l'rs. But, knowing the working of the
(;O\'l'rnml'nt as Wl' do, we fl'el that this is by no means enough. I hope the
Sl'Il'Ct Committl'e will try to find out ways and means of associating larger
(hunks of pe(lpll' with l'\'l'ry layer of the work llf the Development Councils.
I wish that S(lml' ml'Chanism is devised by means of which these Development
COllncils ((luld bl' \'l'ry many in number and distributed all over the place.
Thl'rl' is, of courSl', thl' objedion llf tht' powers that be, the objection of
the Vl'stl'd inteft'sts that the Devl'lopment Council require a high standard of
efficiency .1Ild tlw re fore, Governmt'nt perhaps would not be able to run
thl'se Dl'wlopml'nt Councils and therefllrtl, ultimately ewrything would be
lett to the private sector. I do not believe in that sort of objection at all. I feel
there is l'nough tall'nt in our county, if we tap our resources properly. If we
send out a call to our pllople that we wish to see these Development Councils
working on a large scale everywhere. If we ask for their participation, we
shall find a v(:'rv substantial contribution towards a constructive re-fashioning
of ollr economy.
In regard to this, I am quoting what Sidney and Beatrice Webb, who, as

long as they were alive, were perhaps the greatest sociological investigators
in the English-speaking world, wrote about the conditions that they found in
the Soviet Union in 1935. They wrote in their book SOl'ict COlllllllmislIl that:
"Apart from salaried staff as exists, as many as 50,000 citizens are at any
moment participating in the administration of Moscow and nt'arly as
many in that of Leningrad:
That 70,000 village councils are enjoying 'an unprecedented freedom
without such safeguards as prior enquiry and sanction, a statutory
maximum for local expenditure and limit to local taxation.'
That besides the salaried staff, 3 million trade union members are at any
time engaged in the 186,640 factory committees and shop committees
and their sub-committees, so that, apart from the officers paid and unpaid,
at least 15 per cent, of the trade union members are actively engaged in
committee work."
I know that this cannot be duplicated here because the conditions are
very different. But at any rate, we can mobilise the resources of our people
for a large number of these Development Councils at different layers and
then co-ordinate them at the Central level. Then and then alone can we
enthuse the people and also get that kind of suggestion for industrial
development as would redound to the basic interests of our country.
I have certain charges regarding the very soft attitude which the
Government have shown, particularly towards the managing agencies. Even
in the Plan while note is taken of the very cogent criticisms made in regard
to the work of these managing agencies in our country, there is at the same
time a confession that the managing agencies have to be entrusted with the
real job. These managing agencies have generally behaved in a fashion which
does not entitle them to this kind of very special consideration. I shall refer
in particular to the British managing agencies who rule the roost in Calcutta,
who have lately, as the hon. Minister may be well aware, entered into so
many amalgamation enterprises that their power today is a colossus: the
amalgamation of Bird with Heilgers. Jardine Skinner with George Henderson,
McLeod with Begg Dunlop, McNeil and Barry and Kilburn Begg Sutherland
and B.I. Corporation-these show how giants have become super giants.
I will give one example of how it functions. There is Andrew Yule Co. in
Calcutta with a paid up capital of Rs. 18 lakh. It manages 57 companies, jute,
coal, tea, engineering, sugar paper, transport, rubber etc. which have more
than Rs. 11 crores as paid up capital. One of Andrew Yule's Coal companies,
the Bengal Coal Co. has a paid up capital of Rs. 110 lakh and it has permanent
rights over 90,000 acres of the very best coal land in West Bengal. In the
period 1945-49, they made a net profit of Rs. 310 lakh. We find again Burmah
Shell and Standard Vacuum coming together in order to set up refineries
near Bombay and Calcutta. We find such organisations as the B.I. Corporation
whose profits as managing agents went up from Rs. 39,28,193 in 1945 to
Rs. 105,76,358 in 1950. We have again Bird and Heilgers. They are managing
agents for 57 companies. They have got the largest lime manufacturing factory
in India and they are the biggest suppliers of coking coal to steel industries.
The Indian steel industry has really to wait upon the good pleasure of Bird
Clnd Heilgers. This is the sort of thing that is going on all the time. If we are
really interested in the development of our country, surely, we must take
very good care about these managing agencies, specially these foreign
managing agencies, who have for so long ruled the roost in our country.
In this connection, I also want to say that a few days ago, a question was
answered in this House, the exact details of which I cannot recollect; but it
left the impression in my mind which, if it is wrong, I would like to have
corrected, which I am trying to indicate. It referred to Caltex and its setting
up of a refinery at Visakhapah1am. We understood from the tenor of the
answers givt'n in this House that Caltex was assured by Gowrnment against
nationalization for a period of 25 years or so, that there was an agreement
entered into with that company-which, of course was not laid on the Table
of the House iI/ ('xtel/so; llnly a summary was given-and the idea that we got
WClS that this company was exempted, practically speaking, from the operation
of sections 15 to 18 of the industries (Development and Regulation) Act of 1951
which is now going to be amended. I do not want to say anything positively
about it, but if there is any such concession in the mind of Government, then
Government should come out and make its position clear. There should be
no loophole left so that this kind of foreign concessionaires can come into this
country and exercise powers which are by no means warranted.
I should, therefore, say that this is a measure which we are prepared to

welcome from our side because it tries to tighten up somewhat the Act of 1951,
but we would say at the same time that this is a measure which leaves most
things to the private sector of industry, and that is a policy which will be
disastrous as far as the interests of the country are concerned.
I would also refer to one other matter, and that is the absence from the
Schedule of any mention of such industries as tea, for example' ... I know that
the Tea Bill has been reported upon by the Select Committee, but actually
there was a feeling-I do not think I am revealing any confidences-that in
regard to the misbehaviour of those who are in charge of the management of
the tea gardens, Government has not got ample provision which is comparable
to the provisions which are now incorporated in this amending Bill. In order
to make things clear. I should think that tea might perhaps be included in the
Schedule. If it is not proposed to do that, I would like to have from
Government some kind of explanation regarding how such industries as tea
are going to come within the purview of the kind of legislation which we
have before us.
I would say in conclusion that we wish Government to go ahead with

courage, we wish Government to shed its pusillanimity, we wish GOVl'rnn1l'nt
really to try to transform the economy of our country for the welfare of our
people. We are prepared to help Government, in so far as it is possible for us,
in so far as the achie\·ement of these objectin~s is concerned. But we want to
be sure that Government is really on the right track. We feel that G{wernment
with its record, and Government with its present formulations of policy are
sort of accentuating the mistrust which we have in regard to the real intentions
of the administration. If our mistrust can be rem(wed, \.... e surely would come
fonvard and we shall try to help Government its much as is possible for us
to do.
SELF-SUFFICIENCY THROUGH PUBLIC SECTOR*
Mr. Speaker, Sir, we are discussing the draft outline of the Third Five
Year Plan, and I wish to say at the very outset that the country has a stake
in the Plan which is much greater than the Government's, and if the Minister
\-\'ould belie\'e me I would also say that as far as we are concerned we care
for the Plan, a lot more than our detractors can ever imagine. Except at our
peril there can be no scaling down of the rate of dewlopment which has been
modl'stly envisaged in the Plan. I am sure that if we really pull together on
the basis of rationally e\"olved policies and if we have the spirit of what
Shri Asoka Ml'hta called, "determination and dedication" then, surely, we
can incrl'ase the size of this Plan which has been sought to be whittled down
by ~ome of my hon. friends in this House.
Sir, actually, when it is remembered that there has been a 20 per cent rise
in prices, the size of the Third Plan compared to the Second Plan is not very
much to write home about. As a matter of fact, in the First and the Second
Plans there has happenl·d altogether an increase in the national income at
constant prices of about 42 per cent, the per capita income has increased by
about 20 per Cl'nt and consumption per capita has increased by about
16 pl'r cent. This annual increase of 2 per cent per capita income and about
1.6 per cent per capita actual consumption is really no great achievement so
that we can be too happy with the laurels that we have won already. And,
actually we have to remember that these average figures of increase which
has taken place in the last two Plans are only average and the beneficiaries
of the period which has just passed have been mainly, according to an
economist like Dr. B.R. Shenoy, "traders, businessmen and industrialists, the
middle and upper sections of society, their benefits being at the expense of
the fixed-income groups-the worker and the poor sections of the community."
Therefore, the progress which has happened so far is not really something
on which we can plume ourselves and that is why it is extremely important
that we take special note of "the anti-socialistic shift of income"-this is a
phrase used by Dr. Shenoy who is by no means a particularly go-ahead
economist. But this anti-socialistic shift of income is likely to continue.
• L.S. Deb., 23 August 1960, [Participating in Discussion on the Motion re: Draft Outline of Third
Five Year Plan, Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 15-19 December 1952 and 8 September 1956 on
a similar subject I.
239
Yesterday, we were glad to notice that the Prime Minister promised a

probe into this matter but I do hope that something comes out of that probe
and the promise does not remain in mid-air as so many governmental
assurances have done so far.
I am sorry, I do not see the stalwarts of the Swatantra Party in this House
at this present moment. Sometimes I have a feeling that Shri Masani's frit'nds
are still so powerful and so intluential in the economy of our country and the
socialism of the Plan is so diluted that I sometimes wonder that the
performance put up by the Swatantra people, who are tilting at the windmills
of Congress socialism, is a put-up show. That is a suspicion that I sometimes
get when I find that the Government is not at all serious about its socialistic
pretensions. I was quite interested to notice how in YOjt1llll, a Gon'rnment
publication, Dr. Y.K.R.Y. Rao has written n'ry pointedly about the absenn'
even for one single instance of the word "socialism" from the draft outline
of the Plan. Dr. Rao seems to have made a special note of this wry significant
omission of the word "socialism", he says. Of course, the objectin's of the
Plan are good enough but, may be, there has happened a sort of an idt'ologcial
shift that \\'e are "going into battle without a battle-cry."
And he concluded his article, where he rather regretfully pointed out the
absence of the word "socialism" from the draft outline of the Plan, by saying:
"We must add to the per capita income figure, the figure of a national
minimum wage." Unless that also happens at the same time it would be
very difficult to make the people understand that this is a Plan which
they can really and truly take to their hearts."
In any case, I am prepared to concede that if the substance of socialism
is sought to be achieved by the Plan it is surely something to be happy about
and in so far as, specially, in the direction of industrial developml'l1t, the
development of basic industry, the draft outline givE'S some indication of
progress we are happy to welcome it. But I aver that acceptance of the socialist
implications and pre-suppositions of the Plan have to be very much more
unequivocal on the part of Government and when that is done we shall be
able to mobilise to the maximum degree the enthusiasm of the people whose
lack has been noticed by my hon. friend, Shrimati Renuka Ray who spoke a
little while ago. And, in that case we shall discover that the Swatantra Party
which repudiates the Plan and all its basic assumptions will have no room
in the caravan which will go ahead inspite of the barking that can take place
from the quarters inhabited by the vested interests in this country.
Yesterday, the Prime Minister in his speech referred to the fact that
sometimes the pitch of the Plan is sought to be queered by some people
drawing the attention of the country to local problems, local troubles and
local quarrels. We all regret that so many times in the country the objective
situation happens to be such that these local troubles and local tensions get
into the forefront, and they surely do a certain amount of damage to the
potential of our country and the actual development of our country. But the
fact is that there is tension and tension has got to be met. The fact is, for
example, that it needed a Central Government Employees' Strike, rally and
truly to high-light the question of a price policy for the Government of India.
It is most unfortunate, but it is a fact that in spite of all the talk-the Prime
Ministl'r also said something about price policy yesterday--it does not appear
as if Governmmt has anything like a policy in regard to this matter. The draft
outline almost dismisses this matter of rise in prices and tries to teach us
some economic lessons by saying that perhaps it is a good thing and in a
den'loping economy there has to be a rise in prices. We all read about that
in tt'xt-books when we were students, but it is better that the draft outline
says son1l'thing more to make people understand how the calamitous sky-
rocketing rise in prices have got to be checked and what the Government is
going to do about it. On the contrary, what we find is a very delectable
spectacle of the National Development Council piously arguing for State
Trading and the Food and Agriculture Minister, Shri Patil, actively \\'orking
against it which shows that as far as the price policy is concerned, Government
has no mind at all; it has not applied its mind to the question at all. It is
ml'rely taking shelter bl'hind a lot of mumbo-jumbo, a lot of sentimental
l'ffusion, from time to time, calling upon the people to mobilise for the sake
of the Plan, but in actual fact, in regard to the price policy, no thought has
been given, and that is why my hon. friend Smt. Renuka Ray pointed out
that something very tangible has got to be done before this draft outline is
sent to the country in the shape of no longer a draft but of a finished article.
I say that if people are hungry and unemployed, and if they find no link
between themselves and their Government, then naturally from time to time
situations arise when they cannot embark actively on the great adventure
that a National Plan should be. But the tension is there; and the tension has
got to be taken note of and fought and the Government can surely try to do
it. I do not see the bonafides of the Government in this regard. Let Government
come forward really and truely to mobilize the enthusiasm of the country
and they can do so only on the basis of certain things which are tangible
which can be understood, by the people. If we just try to recall the slight
improvement in the standard of our national income and that sort of thing,
if we compliment ourselves and flatter ourselves on the achievements, then
we shall be making a very bad mistake.
It has already been pointed out how the Plan might founder. We all wish
the Plan to succeed in spite of its limitations, but the Plan might founder on
the rocks of agricultural production which is one of our weakest aspects of

work, and the resources for the implementation of the Plan. These two are
the problems. In regard to agricultural production, yesterday a great deal has
been said particularly by my hon. friend, Shri A.K. Gopalan, but it has to be
remembered that this matter of agricultural production has bt'l'n neglected
much too long and all kinds of confusing statemt:'nts ha\·e b('en made which
at least I cannot straighten out. I cannot for the life of me underst,md, for
example, why there does not happen to be any concrete liaison bl'tween the
working of the Food and Agriculture Ministry and the Ministry of Community
Development. We read in the papers about nearly half the country having
already been covered by the Community De\"EO'lopment Projects and the
national extension blocks. But neither in regard to the increase in th('
production of food nor in regard to the increase in the numbl'r of schools and
the provision for the education of our children han::' the assets of tlw Ministry
of Community Development properly been brought into the picture.
We are all happy about whatt~\·er is sonw times paraded to h,1\"e been
done. We are all happy about the Palldlilyafi Raj concept which has come into
the picture and the self-respect of our people which has bel'n roused. Thl'ft'
is no doubt about it. But we want some tangible realisation of the fact of the
self-respect being tacked on, so to speak, to the ideals of the PI.lI1. That is not
being done.
We notice also a kind of continuing and happy depl'ndence upon foreign

imports for the sake of satisfying the hunger of our peoplt'. Only the othl'r
day, we read that the United Nations reported that out of 40 countries which
had supplied statistics, India was the worst fed of all and her condition was
even worse than it was in 1937-38. That was what the United Nations reported.
We know this: our hunger is such that it cannot be satisfied unless we bring
food from outside, but there must be an end to this kind of thing. I cannot
understand the gloating which takes place over the food which is coming
from America. I am glad it is coming, because for the time being we are in
trouble. But I cannot understand the gloating over it and I do want to say
that this question of PL 480 has got to be tackled very seriously. Let us not
think that merely because it is PL 480 transaction, everything is lovely in the
garden. It is not: it is not so in the least. As a result of this PL 480 transaction,
tens of crores of rupees accrue every year to the United States Government
as their portion of the PL 480 counterpart funds which is reserved for use by
the United States for its own purposes in this country. It is dangerous: the
infiltration by a country which has unashamedly declared its intention of
dominating the whole world in a variety of ways. The infiltration by that
country not only physically but also into our economy, into our universities,
into our administration, which is taking place because of the PL 480 mechanism
is something against which we have to be very careful.
I wish, in view of the lack of time, to turn to the question of resources.

I am particularly disconcerted by the fact that a gap in our resources, to be
met by external assistance, in the Plan is to the extent of something like
Rs. 3,200 crore. This kind of dependence upon foreign assistance for the sake
of our Plan is something which we should avoid if we possibly can, and
there, I say that not much thought has properly been given to this matter;
l>xcept for the aid which we get from socialist countries, the interest in regard
to this foreign assistance is very high and the return on equity investment on
forl'ign capital which is now being welcomed by and all and sundry in the
CO\"l'rnml'nt is higher still. The other day, when there was a very innocuous
rl'solution asking for the proper implementation of the Industrial Policy of
1956, Shri Manubhai Shah went out of his way, to my way of thinking, when
he said that he was welcoming private capitalists in this country and abroad
to come and do whatever they can do for the economy of this country. This
sort of welcome, open, loud-voiced welcome is gh·en to foreign capital. But
we newr know that the return on equity investment is higher than the interest
4 to 7 pl'r (t'nt, which is charged by the capitalist agencies in the international
sphl're which are supposedly assisting us in regard to this Plan. There are
differt'nCl's as far as Socialist aid is concerned and it is good to remember that
it is largt'ly on the basis of aid, friendly fraternal aid, from the Socialist
countries that we are now being able to tackle the question of machine-
building industry, and that kind of heavy industry which alone is the
foundation of a sound, independent whose importance has been stressed by
the Prime Minister l'very time he opens his mouth in regard to this subject.
That kind of hea\·y industry has been really assisted by the aid which we
ha\·e got from thl' Socialist countries, while the assistance which we get from
other sources, l'xcept for minute instances here and there, does not really
touch the basic aspect of the matter.
I do not hiwe much time to refer to it but I was very glad to notice that
a member of the Planning Commission, a former member of this House,
Shri T.N. Singh, has written in the Yo;alla, to which I made a reference a little
while ago, asking for a new Swadcsllism in this country. I am sure what he
meant was that the dependence, the loudly advertised and happy dependence
on foreign assistance to the extent of nearly Rs. 3,200 crore in the course of
the Plan, this happy dependence, must be put an end to, and there must be
a new Swadcshislll, and that we should try as much as possible to get out of
all the possible clutches of those people whose background we know very
well.
The menace of 'India Limited' at one time used to be placarded all over
the press, our patriotic press, but now we are inviting and welcoming foreign
equity capital even for purposes of private investment and we are allowing
the private sector of this country to get hold of foreign exchange by hook and
by crook, to impinge, so to speak, on the total availability of our foreign

exchange and to tum off production for purposes which bring profit to them
in a maximum fashion and divert the stream of productivity which is the
objective of the Plan. We are assessing the private sector in alliance with the
foreign capitalists to get loans, to secure foreign exchange, and by all kinds
of devious means to find out better avenues for improvement of their interests.
51l'adesllism is very necessary and we should try to stand on our feet as much
as is possible. In trying to stand on our feet, naturally the question would be
asked, "Where do you get our resources?" I know it is a difficult qUt.'stion.
I know that nobody here can answer it off-hand.
I know it is very necessary to have a long discussion on the basis of
documented information. There are certain things which come to our mind
very spontaneously almost, I should say. I do not know why Government
should not go ahead after having nationalised life insurance. I do not see
why there is any reason, any the slightest reason, for not nationalising generdl
insurance. Only the other day, two companies, Ruby and some other company,
were sho\vn, in answer to a question in this House, to h.1\"e behd\·ed in a
most shabby fashion, most disgraceful fashion. General insurance can be
nationalised here and now. But the question of the Palai Central Bank and
the Lakshmi Bank and so many other things come up from time to time, and
we know very well that banks, especially those banks which haw something
to do with our foreign trade, can easily-all of them--be taken over by the
Government as soon as ever that is possible. We have got our mint'S. Perhaps
steps can be taken here and now to take over these mines as soon as that is
possible.
I know that the private sector has always been saying that the Public
Sector has not been showing up very well and it is behaving rather inefficiently.
I know that we occasionally have criticised the working of the Public Sector.
But after all, the Public Sector has the redeeming virtue of being always open
to the criticism of the country, criticism by Parliament, investigations by
committees of Parliament and that sort of mechanism, while the private sector
has a merrily independent existence altogether. Whatever we say, Chittaranjan,
about which in regard to its Trade Union Policy I once had a good deal of
conflict so to speak with Shri Lal Bahaduur Shastri when he was Railway
Minister, has behaved a hundred times better than TELCO.
There is no comparison between the private sector industry and the Public
Sector industry, specially when you keep in mind the interests of the country
at large. Therefore, we can expand the Public Sector a great deal and we can
get a lot of money also for the sake of implementing the Plan.
We find there is this question of income-tax arrears-quite apart from the
evasion which takes place, which may be about Rs. 100 crore or more-
which is terrible. I do not understand why when we are discussing the Plan
and the resources for it, we do not get answers from the Government in
regard to such questions as this. Income-tax arrears were declared to have
been Rs. 287.32 crore and then a few months later, a new expression 'effective
arrears' was introduced by the Finance Minister and the figure came down
to Rs. 174.73 crore. Ineffective arrears take up more than Rs. 100 crores.
If we go into all these matters, surely, without laying further burdens on

our peopll>, which has been hinted at by the draft outline, we can do a great
deal.
shall mention only one other matter and that is, the Prime Minister
naturally and rightly emphasized the question of education. But I was told
in the education panel of the Planning Commission-Dr. Khosla told us there-
that the target of compulsory and uniwTsal free education for the age-group
(, to II, which was to ha\·e been completed by 1966, will not be reached. This
Inatter was also mentioned by Smt. Renuka Ray. Therefore, I feel if education
is nl'glected in this malUler, surely we are not proceeding in regard to planning
in the propl'r fashion.
In conclusion, I would like to say, in 1956, when the Second Plan was
bl'ing discussed, we had a great deal of opportunity for members of Parliament
to find out facts and to gi\·e their ideas. I remember ha\·ing asked the Prime
Minister many times in this House as to whether comparable opportunities
would be gi\"en to membl'rs of Parliament before the third Five Year Plan is
pfl'pared. Before the draft outline of the third Plan has been prepared, an all-
party committee of Parliament has functioned in some kind of a mysterious
way. But as far as I know, it was a fake. As far as all-party participation is
concerned, it has been a complete zero.
I wish to appeal to the Speaker of this House at least, if the Prime Minister
will not listen to us, that he might ask for all the documents in regard to the
draft outline to be placed before members of Parliament. He might ask that
as in 1956, committees of the whole House might sit from day to day with
officers and the Ministers and they can talk informally, but very effectively
participating in the work of fashioning the Plan. I do hope that this suggestion
which I am making in all seriousness and not in a spirit of captiousness will
be considered. I want that there should be co-operation from all sides in
order that the Plan may be strengthened, in order that its negative features
might as far as possible be eliminated. I want that co-operation to take place,
but in the meantime, I am very sorry that the socialistic character of the Plan,
which was expected by the country, has been diluted and watered down. I
am very sorry that the private sector, in spite of certain hard words which the
Prime Minister uses about Shri Masani and his friends, in spite of all that, is
getting all the concrete advantage which it can possibly hope for, in the
context of a country which is trying to rebuild its future in a way which is
very different from that which is in the ken of the Swatantra Party.
DISPARITY IN DISTRIBUTION OF NATIONAL INCOMP
Mr. Deputy Speaker, I am very happy that Dr. Lohia has gi\'en notice of
this subject for discussion in this House, because the problem of poverty is
of such massive dimensions that unless the Government really and truly
resolves to remove it there is no future for our country. I have no time to go
into a lot of statistics. Besides, I remember the saying that there are three
kinds of lies: lies, damn lies and statistics. And probably statistics can be
cooked up, as they obviously are, in certain Government departments. So,
we cannot very much rely upon them.
Sir, it is a sorry state of things that we do not yet have a complete set of
national accounts of the sort which was recommended by the United Nations,
and the Bombay cost of living index dispute has shown how much of our
data are unreliable. In any case, the other day, the Prime Minister referred to
an economic expert \vho had gin'n him a note, which he read out, in
which it was said that Dr. Lohia had confused the per capita income of
Rs. 25 pt'r month with the family income and based all his deductions on the
simple fallacy, drawing naturally absurd conclusions. I do not know who this
economic expert is, I do not care, but the figure as given by the Planning
Minister later on is very much nearer to the figure given by Dr. Lohia than
the Prime Minister's, and it is a pity that the Prime Minister himself was led
away so pathetically by the advice of his economic experts. The least we see
or hear of them, the better for this country, and the kind of economic expert
whom he quoted should not be seen anywhere near in the precincts of the
Yojana Bhavan or in any of the other government departments.
There are certain indisputable facts, however, namely, that 60 per cent of
our people earn much less than the overall a\"t?rage per capita income of
Rs. 25 per month, It'sS e\'en than the minimum standard of Rs. 20 per month
per person and two-thirds of our people are below starvation level. Only
recently there was a national sample survey effort and they found that
60 million of our people Ii\'e on as low as five annas or less a day, 40 million
live on four annas or less a day and 20 million live on two annas or less a
day and these conclusions were substantiated by the Working Group set up
by the seminar on some aspects of planning which was held in New Delhi
in 1961. I give some of these figures, because it is rather important that we
·LS. Deb., 6 St'ptember 1963. [Participating in the Short Duration Discussion Under Rule 193
re: Distribution of National Income rai~>d by Dr. Ram Manllhar Lohia).
247
remind ourselves that very important Congress rt:'presentatives have stresst.'d

this point. Our good friend, Shri Dhebar, whom Wt.' miss in this House very
much, wrote an article in the Khtldi Gmmodyog of April 1%3, exactly \".. hat I
haw just quoted:
"Over 60 per cent of the heads of the f.lmilil's cannot fulfil thl'st'
necessi ties."
They cannot get for their children food, slll'lter, educ,ltion, nll'dil'ine and
other reliefs. Then, he added:
"According to a recent survey, it is l'stim.ltl'd that a man nt't.'ds .t minimum

income of Rs. 35 per month to be "bit> to consume nutritivl' fOlld. On till'
other hand, in India the monthly per c.tpit.l innlOll' llf till' six pl'r (l'nt of
families in the lowest income bracket is Rs. h.hO, whl'rl'as th.lt llf thl' 11l',t
ten per cent of population is Rs. Y.60, those in the third ell'cill' Rs. 11.70,
the fourth decile Rs. 13.26 ...... "
I would go on quoting, Sir, but I am prl'ssed for time and I t ..lI1nllt lin Sll.
Now, it remains a fact, therefore, that the condition of our pl'llplt' is

nothing tn brag about, nothing even to try to COH'r up \\ ith son1l' kind of
excuse which the Government tries to do fwm time tn tinll'. Onlv. .l few .\"l'<HS
ago, the Food and Agricultural Organisation llf the CnitL'd Nations put it in
their report that India had the lowest calmit' intake and that it h.ls the poorl'st
diet of all countries listed in their year book. TI1is kind of thing gOl'S on all
the time. And when our economists try to go into mort.' det.lils about it, to
get the kind of break up which is necessary to undl'rstand thl' (llllliition of
the lowest rung of the social ladder, then we find such findings .lS I not in'
in the Economic Weekly of 15 June 1963, an article on tht.' origin and distribution
of rural income in India 1956-57 vvhere all the latest techniqul's of st.ltistical
computations are employed, and there it is found that agriculturall·mploynwnt
brings to landless labourers and people with very little land in thl'ir possl'ssi(lIl
an average income per earner of Rs. 113.27. It is income pl'r L'arner, which has
to be divided into several units because several mouths han' to be fed in
every family. I have so many other things to quote. Prof. Gadgil himself has
remarked in his note to the second volume of the Report of the Study Group
on the Welfare of the Weaker Sections of the Village Community how,
particularly because of the manipulations of statistics, this fact has not bl'Come
very clear from time to time that the condition of our people in the villages
is not only stagnant but also, in many cases, even deteriorating in the present
day conditions. We also notice how the Government's own efforts through
such organisations as the Second Agricultural Labour Inquiry Committc('
have brought about the finding that the landless agricultural labour
households in 1956-57 accounted for 57 per cent of all agricultural labour
households as against 50 per cent in 1950-51. Then, a Study Group appointed
by the Covernment of India has estimated that about 45-50 per cent of the
rural households have an income of less than Rs. 500 per annum, about
80 pt'r cent less than Rs. 1,000 per annum, and this is far lower than the
misl'rable low average 1't'Y capita, which stood at Rs. 232 for 1960-61. I would
go on adding to these statistics, but I suppose it will not be necessary.
I would like to draw the attention of this House and of the Government
to certain mattl'rs which arc perhaps sometimes overlooked. I know the
cnnditions in tlw countryside are worst of all that we should have such a
Sl'nSl' of shame about it that we cannot go about the world with our heads
in tlw air. Wl' haw to han' a sense of humility which must be translated into
positin' terms llf action. But en'n in those areas of our country which are
SUPPl)Sl'd to bl' compar.ltin'ly well off-takt.', for instance, West Bengal-
rl~'l'ntly tlwrl' WilS.l repllrt made by thl' National Council of Applied Economic
Rl'sl'Ml'h that in Wl'St Bl'ngal, the per capita income was the highest in the
wholl' llf till' country, but tlw n'ry sanw organisation has remarked in its
rl'pllrt that the higlwr Stall' incollw and also a\'erage per capita income are
.. a h.mdsoll1l' though illusin' facade bl'hind which lurks extreme misery"
bl'C.1USl' of such treml'nd()us disparities which hardly bear talking about.
,\nd that is why from Wl'st Bl'ngaL supposed to be the State which has the
higlwst pIT (Ill'illl iIKOIl1l' in the (ountr~' tl1l're Clmles news reported in the
AlI/ril,1 B,DII/r 1'IIIrika oi tIll' 2H August 1963 that a family of four had a suicide
p.Kt, thrl'l' of thl'm dkd but tlw fourth man, the hl'ad of the family, lost his
Iwrn' .It till' last mOIl1l'nt ,md Iw has bl'l'n arrl'sted lm a charge of attempted
.. .. .,.,.
suil"idl', ,1 suil"idl' p.Kt bl'c.msl' they did not han' anything to lin~ on .
,. ,.
Dr. L()hia rl'fl'rrl,d to what hl' has Sl'l'n in ct.'rtain parts of the country. I
(,m sa~' this and I put it down l)f1 record in a copy of the journal, Kllntk~'ICt1"tl,
of till' month l)f Jul~' 196J-in the same jl)UrnaJ, the hon. Prime Minister also
has written an artide. I had iln experiencc in Calcutta in latc Mayor June. I
Wl'nt to a placl' WI1l'fl' I was il1\'itl,d to have dinner-therc was some kind of
il (l'fl'monial-and wlwn I was coming out of the place I saw with my own
eyes till' Il'.wings of rich (l)od scrn'd inside being dumped on the streets and
a number of dl'stitues fighting with dogs in order to get some part of the
food. I hild scen this kind of thing before but in my wishful ignorance I
thought that perhaps that kind of thing did not happen in this country now.
But they do happl'n still. I do not know how the hon. Prime Minister or any
of his colll'agues can have a clear conscience about it. HO\'Il can they come
and say that morl' or It'sS conditions are impro\"ing? They haw to have a
very vivid and persistent and pt'rmanent sense of humility about what has
not been achieved in this country as far as the condition of living of our
country is concemcd.
I say so because Dr. Lohia has quoted Gandhiji. If one single pil'ce of a
literary or emotional pronouncement had an impact on me, which pushed
me into the arid regions of politics where I do not belong, it was the statl'ment
made by Gandhiji before the court which tried him on the 18 March 1922.
Shri Tyagi perhaps will remember it. I read about it and it thrilled my whole
frame and has stuck in my memory. He said on that occasion in his statl'ment
before that court in Ahmedabad where he was tried by Mr. Bloomfit.'ld, the
English Judge :-
"No sophistry, no jugglery in figuTl>s can explain away the e\'idl'nCl' tl1.1t
the skeletons in our Indian villages present to the naked eye."
He said further :
"I ha\'e no doubt whatsoe\'er that the gon'rnment l'stablishl'd by law in

British India is carried on for the exploitation llf the m.l~Sl'S and thl'
miserable little comforts of the town-dwelll'rs rl'prl'~l'nt tilt' bwkt'ragl'
they get for the work they do for the foreign exploitl'r and the pwtits and
the brokerage are sucked from the masses. I han~ no doubt wh.lboen·r
that both England and the town-dwl'llers in India will han' to answer, if
there is a God above, for this crime against humanity which is pl·rhaps
unparalleled in history."
This was the statement which, at least, in my humble case has ch,lIlgl'd the
tenor of my life. I am sorry to have to say that, But it did, This is the kind
of thing or emotion with which our people came forward. When Candhiji
talked about Harijmls as people of God or Daridrallaraytlll, as Cod coming in
the garb of the poor did he mean that the people who are under-privik'gl'd
are to be kept in a special enclosure so that the comfortable votaries of Cod
can look upon them and exercise their philanthropy and earn some virtue?
He did not mean that. He said, on the contrary, that God comes to the poor
in the garb of food. That is why the kind of ugly, barbaric disparity which
continues in our country today cannot be tolerated. I do not know what the
hon. Planning Minister has in view-he is the Home Minister also today-
and I do wish he tried to do something about it.
The day before yesterday in the Rajya Sabha in answer to a question, the
hon. Finance Minister said that there are eight individuals in this country
from whom income-tax arrears to the extent of Rs. 1 crore and more are still
to be collected. There are here eight individuals so rich that they can keep a
crore of rupees or more as arrears of income-tax. We have read in the papers
how CD cars, Pontiac or some other luxury cars, are sold for Rs. 80,000. To
whom? To what kind of people? Who are they? We know what kind of
people they are.
We read in the papers elbout a film star in Bombay who had her house
burgled. How much did the thief take? Rs. 2,20,000 b~rgled out of a house!
Obviously, it was black money, kcpt therl'. But monies of that dimensions
scem tn be kept at cl'rtain plan's by certain people. On the other side of the
picture Wl' find people trying to get food by picking crumbs out of whate\'er
is dumpl'd on the streets.
I remember, in the old days, hadng read about the 5abarmati Ashram
wherl' l'\'ery morning the people who li\'ed there would go round. What did
the~' ~.1y. They changed till' ~h/(lkll from A111rklllldcya PUn7llil \'·:hich said:
=1 rqi ~ 7F"1 =1 ~ =1: TF~

~ ~:@(fC(jHi !J/foHI4If,q;1I~~
"[ do not want a kingdom or to go to hcaH'n; [ do not want to be born

.1g,1in. What [ W,lI1t is that tlll're should be eliminiltion of the misery and
till' pain of (lur pe(lpll'."
Th.1t was till' ide,]1 un ~\'hich is based e\'erything that we are fighting for.
When \\"l'.He asking for soci,1Iism, do we dll so only because \\'e wilnt to li\'e
.1 life of !tn.ury and ostl'ntatillJl? Do we want socialism bccduse we want
. We want a non-
afflul'IKl'? Oh! no; \\l' do not \\',1I1t a l11erd\". afflucnt society.
,Kqui ... iti\'l' ~llcid~'. \\'e want a socidy \\'hcre nwre possession is looked down
up(ln, wht'rl' the good things of lifl' arl' pwpl'rly and truly respected. That is
why [ fccl that too often we conll' l1l're and go back and make speeches-
footling littk things, jobs which need not be done, occupy all of l1ur time. I
til 1 not know.
[ am reminded of the Biblical story about the King coming out and asking
the w.ltchman of the tower, "Watchman, what of the night?" and he replies,
"The night is \'l'ry dark," \Vhen will the people of India be able to tell
tlwmsel\'l's thelt the dawn is breaking? When will the dawn break? When will
the CO\'l'rnml'nt aw.lke to its responsibilities? It is not doing so. That is why
there are footling little cfforts, pettifogging efforts to deny the fact of the
situation '.vhich is that our pcople han~ no food, that the people li\'e in the
depths of degradation which misery has brought. If this misery is not
eliminatcd, there is a \'ery thin line between hunger and anger. If in the
countries, like India, this misery is not stopped, if the \,,'orld continues half-
privileged and haJf-starwd then there would be upsurges not only in other
countries of Afro-Asia but in India also beside which the Russian Revolution
might look like a men' tea-party. That is the perspectiw in which planning
has to be done in this country, If you really and truly want to change
qualitatively the character of the life of our people do behave more sensibly-
it is my appeal to the Government-do not fly in the face of fact which show
that our people are in their utterest sloughs of despond and degradation and
do adopt some measures in order to change the present position.
FOOD SHORTAGE IN WEST BENGAL *
\'\fe have recei\'ed an inH'ntl)rv of thl' so-called acts of \'iolenCl' comittl'd

by our people. The fact of the matkr is th,1t the kind of frustr,ltl'd lifl' ,1I1d
desperate situation in which the people of \Vest Bengal lin', ,1 ~t,lte with 50
lakhs of refugees-most of them unrl'habilitated-tl1l' kind of fru~tr,ltion in
which they li\'e has been aggravdted by ,111 acutl' shortagl' of fo\)d .utiries
and of such essential things ,1S kl'fl)sl'l1l' in .1 way in whil-h the ~1\'\lpk ,1fe no
longer in a position to tolerate them. It is s\m1l'thing like what the '\!'//zl//>/il/rlll,/
said:
"!v1allllrtam /mlitiwl/I ~hrt'yllh 1/,/ dill dhllll/tl~/il"'//11 (hiram"
"It is better to bum up in one single moment th,1I1 10 bl' ~mouldering ,111
the time". This kind of feding is there all O\er Wt.,~t Bt'ngal. I was Ihert'. I
spoke to the Prime Y1inister; ~he had the goodness to rl'cein' me. I h,ld a
telephonic conversation with the Chief Minister and the only' Ihing 111.11 I
could get out of the West Bengal Con'mnwnt was Ih.1t they were unwilling
to meet any of those leaders in the legislature and ouhidl', who h,lH' been
clapped into jail by the Gon'mment under the D.I.R. which, \\'l' ,1fl' told in
this House, will be used only for ...
When I suggested that there should be a meeting bet\\'l'en the Chief

Minister and other people.
***
In a State of the Indian Union where day-to-day life has become a
nightmare, the terrible bungle in regard to food administration, thl'
disappearance of food, particularly from what are known as the modified
ration areas, and the disappearance also of kerosene created a situation which
already has exacted a toll of human life, and recently in the district of Nadia,
the Army has had to be called in. It is not a question of our being in favour
of whatever is happening there, but it is a question of the people's anger
having been roused on account of the terrible incapacity of the Government
to do anything to solve their problems. I know I went to Calcutta and I
• L.S. Deb., 8 March 1966. [Participating in the discussion on the Statement on 'Food Shortage
in West Bengal', Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 11 and 13 September 1954, 30 March 1966 and
30 May 1967 on a similar subjectl.
252
remember how my hon. friend Shri C. Subramaniam had one day told me
that he was himself going to Calcutta on the 11th and that he would like us
all to try and help in the matter of restoration of order. Our object still continues
to be the restoration of order in spite of the inefficiency of the Government,
and for that purpose, the first step which could pOSSibly be taken is that the
C(l\'('rnnwnt of West Bengal sits down together with the Leaders of the
Opposition in tl"\(' Assl'mbly and outside and discusses this matter. What has
h.lppl'nl'd is that the Chief Minister of West Bengal offered to meet them, and
thl'n later bl'cause cl'rtain incid('nts took place, he said '1 would not meet
tlwm at all', and now he makl's it a condition precedent that unless the lIartal
on the 10 \1.uch is called off and all \·ioll'nt acti\·ities are abjured, he would
not sit with anybody .md discuss the mattl'r at all. \1y point is that this was
tlk' kind o( languagl' which \\"(' used to hear in the worst days of British
irnpl'ri.llisrn wlwn \\"t' wen' told to abjurl' \·iolence and all the rest of it.
...... . .... .. ....
I .1m ml'fl'ly suggl'sting that on .Kcmmt of the ineptitude and the arrogant
attitudl' llf tlw Co\"('rnnwnt of West Bl'ngal which is now in such straits that
it has to ask ior milit.uv assistann' l'\"l'n from the GO\·ernment of India the
(ood situ.ltion is being aggr.l\·atl'd, and the law and order situation also is
bl'ing .1ggr,l\oakd bt'C.lUSl' tlwn' the impossibility of the conditions of life and
Ilw dl'spl'r.ltion in which pl'opk' Ii\"(' fwm day Il) day han~ found expression
in ways which \\(' e.m n'gret but they han~ to bl> understood; it is no good
gi\Oing an inn'ntmy of what the pl'ople h,1\"e donl', but that is what the Home
Minisll'r h,lS tried 10 d(l.
I am, therefon', suggesting that we should have an opportunity for

discussion of the inefficil'ncv of the CO\Oernment and the failure of the
administration, Cl'ntral as well as Stah.>. In \Vest Bengal, the legislature does
not pr<1(tically function because of the suspensions of Members etc. which
haH' been taking plan' all along. We want to discuss that.. ....
...... ...... .. ....

...... ...... .. ....
Mr. Spl'aker, Sir, it is a sickening and sordid story which over and over
again we have to refer to in this House, the continuing and callous inefficiency
of this Government which has forfeited all right to the respect of the people.
The inability of the Central Government to make food available to different
States has become such an egregious feature. The Ministry of Food and
Agriculture has become today nothing else but the Ministry of Food imports,
the Minister being good for nothing else than the task of manipulating food
imports. That is a picture too dismal for words. In West Bengal, following
Kerala, there has arisen a situation which could ,1I1d should han.' bt.'l'n ,l\'oidt.'d
which llOly the callousness of the CO\'t.'rnment, which only thl' attitudl' of the
"public-be-damned" feeling, which tht.' Chid Ministt'r of Wl'St Bl'n~al
repeatedly displays can .Kcolmt for.
Sir, in West Bengal-we gan' notice of it in this House durin~ 1,1st session
and even before, since September-in thl' nllldified r,ltillnin~ ,1fl'dS, the
situation had already bt.'gun to dett:'riorate most serillusly and till' rl'sult is
that today in those areas you cannot ~l't rice at Il'ss th.lI1 Rs. 2.,,0 pt'r kg. And
sometimes it is e\·en more than that. For wt.'l'ks llO l'nd, the sitU.ltilll1 W.1S so
bad particularly in the area known dS Basirhat, in thl' 2-l-PM~,1I1'lS District,
that the people, of all sorts, Congressll1l'n included, nmlbinl'd to stMt Wh,lt
they considered the legi tima te type of food agi ta til)l1. A nd till' rl'sult W,lS th,l t
demonstrators, including some schlllli children, were shnt at. \:urul ["'[,lm, .1
15 year old child, the bt.'st students in his sciwlll, ,lbout whosl' C.lp.Kit~· his
Headmaster, himself a Congressman, has testifil'd, was Shllt thrnugh tIll' ill',ut.
Similar incidents took place in otlll'r art'as of tIll' 2-l-I'Mg.1I1,1 ... Di ... trict, like
Sarupnagar and Baduria, where abo the pl'oplt' were killl·d.
It was at that point of time that thert.' was a dem.lIld, pMtindMly in

Calcutta, \·oiced by the students and dlso by all politil,ll p.Htil· ... in the
Legislature, including some Congress \-ft'mbt.'rs, who wantl·d that tl1l're should
be a judicial inquiry so far as the shootings were concl'rned and who w.lIltl'd
also that the Chief \1inister of West Bengal should condt'sn'nd to lllL'l'I otl1l'r
representative people and discuss the matter and find (1 way out if that \\ (lS
possible. At that point of time, a bus was burnt-Cod knows by who--in
Barasat and that was put forward as an excuse by thl' Chief \-1inister of
West Bengal and he said, "I am not going to sit with (lIlybody .lIld discuss
this matter because this kind of thing is taking place." I am si(k of this.
Shri Nanda comes today and in a tone of voice whi(h was nothing short of
hectoring tells us that all these things were taking pl'Ke be(,llIsl' thl' people
were running amuck. If the people are running amuck, you ha\·e to undt'rst,md
why such things are happening. Why do you always take your reports from
the footling officials who are there trying to defpnd themselves when the
people are in agony and when all kinds of peopl(', including Congrl'ss
representatives, are coming forward to express their indignation with what
is happening in West Bengal; "Our place is with the people; we stand by
them; we want some explanation from the Government."?
It would be news to you that even a very large numbl'r of Panchayats

dominated by Congress in this area, in 24-Parganas, as wdl as in Nadia
District, have opposed the Government food policy and criticized the
Government food policy and have wanted a settlement of that matter. The
24-Parganas District Congress Committee had a meeting with
Shri Hansadhwaj Dhara in the mair and there they passed a resolution
criticizing the Congress food policy, the failures of food policy and wanting
a settlement. It was at that point of time, when the Opposition leaders in the
Legisl,ltun,' and outsidl' were only trying to sit with the Chief Minister and
find ,1 way out of the difficulty, that the Chief Minister took up that high-
h()fsl' attitude and opening statl'd that he was not going to talk to anybody
unlt-ss the~' behan'd, unless they appeared before him in sack-cloth and ashes
and unlt'ss tlwy said, 'Tl'ly,wi-I helve sinned", But we are not going to
bdl,l\'l' in tlut fashion, No self-respl'cting people are going to beha\'e in that
f,lShion merely because ,1 particular Chief \1inister arrobates to himself a
position \\'hich exists some\\'here in his imagination, That refusal of the Chief
Minister to sit with lhe rq~H'sL'ntatin's of the people and to discuss the
matter cllntinues e\l'n today. \VI1l'n I nwt the Prime \1inister, I discO\'ered
th'lt she \\',lS helplt'ss in the matter bl'c.Hlse the Chief Minister had taken a
mo"t ,lli.1m,1l1t ,lttitudl' and L'\t'n though the situation was going from bad to
\\'ofsl'-and th,lt \\'ould be the responsibility of the Cl)\"('mment and of nobody
else--1..'\t'n thllugh till' situ,ltion "'dS menacing the Chief \1inister was not
read\' tt) mel'! others ,1I1d to discuss this m,lttt'r. In the meantime arrests were
t,lking pl,let' under till' D,I.l\, This is d mattl'r on \\'hich we ha\'e to han'
s,ltisf,Ktilln! Shri :\and,l has come forward in this Hlluse and L'lsewhere to
S,l~ lh,)t I),I.R. \\'Iluld nl)t be employed and it would be employed, if at all,
inC,lSt'S "lwJ'e "L'curity of till' countr~' is in question, But in this kind of thing,
I),I.R, is being uSl,d L'n'n in rcgard til the egregious instance of the Secretary
pf till' Pr,lj,l Spcialist Party of West Bengal who had an appointment with the
Prime \fini"tl'r; bl'fl)rc he could kcep the ,lppointnwnt, the Police came and
\\'hiskl'd him .1\\,(1)' bdtl!'L' Ill' could gl) and SL't' Smt. Indira Gandhi, This is
llw kind of thing which has takl'n placL" All parties, including a large section
of tIll' Congress I"lrty in \Vcst Bl'ngal do want a settlement, but because of
the ,lrl"llgant ,1I1d insoln'nt attitude (If the administration, particularly of the
Chid Minister, \\'l' find the situation Cl)ntinuing,
I h,lH' reicrrcd to 24-Parganas district, In Nadia, abtlut which some
ins\,H)ct'S wcn' gin'n by Shri Nanda, what happened was this, We ha\'e to
rl'n1l'mbl'r, fLlr one thing in thl' bt'ginning, that Nadia is one l)f the most
distressed districts in the ",hLlll' country; Nadia has the largest concentration
of refugees who h,l\'c not been rehabilitated; in Nadia district the army is
,llready tl1l'rt' and tlwre wht'n till' food was unayailable, when the people
h,wl' tl) cry ,ll1d go from door to door in search of food, then surely tempers
cannot always bt' kept in control. But {'\'en so, what happened? There again
a tt'n-Yl'(lJ' old schonl child, Anand Hait, as in Basirhat, was shot through the
Iwart;'lw \'vas killed and tht' body was taken to the morgue for examination,
Whm th{' people of the hlCality wanted that the body be handed owr after
what{'vt'r analysis and examination were necessary, then they were refused
and on refusal, naturally they felt very bad about it and they stormed the
morgue and they got possession of the boy and they took out a procession.
At that point of time some people may have done a few things, about which
Shri Nanda makes a song and dance, but as a matter llf fact, the wholl' thing
has to be put in its proper perspective. I say this bl'Cdust.' whaten'r flare up
took place in Krishnagar and othl'r .1redS of Nadia district was due to the
callous conduct of the Government; wh,lten'r tIll' pl>ople did \\',lS in sl'lf
defence against the kind of thing which Governnlt'nt was so shamt.'lt'ssly
perpetrating. I say this not mert.'ly bt'cause I .1m here with a particular political
ideology.
In the headquarters of Nddia district, in the town llf Krishn,lgar, tIlt'
Krishnagar Bar library, which represl'nts all the I.Hvyt.'rs llf till' district, pdssed
a resolution condemning the pl1lice action on the studt.'nt community. I ,1m
quoting from the AII/rilll BIDlr PIllrika, a Calcuttd p,lper, which is ,1 right wing
paper, e\'en more so consen'ativl'ly attached to thl' Cllflgress. It repl1rts also
that different political parties in Krishndg,\r, including tht.' Congrl'ss "difil'rl'nt
political parties called upon tht.' pt.'llpll' to llbst.'n'e Itllrlal toddY (th,lt W,lS
Saturday) in protest against the alll'ged pl1lict.' atrocitil's". This is till' kind of
thing which happened in Nadia and we art.' told thdt in :\adi,l pl'opll' r,m
amuck. Of course, the people ran amuck. Why did they run ,WHIck? They ran
amuck because life was dt'spl'ratt.' and difficult .lIld impossibll' ,md this is tilt.'
condition of things which has bt.'l'n continuing from month's end h1 month's
end. How long are people glling to sufft.'r? That is why I s,lid t'.ulit'r,
"MlIlwrlam Im/ill/am sltreya/l /la (Ita dl/(lomaiyilltalll (ltiram". Wh,lt is tilt' good
of smouldering all the time? Sometimes a man's emotions burst and thdt is
why this kind of thing is taking place.
Our colleagues, Smt. Renu Chakrdvartty, was in Cllcuttd ,lIld sht' trit.'d to
go to Krishnagar. Our friend, the Finance \iinister, trawlll'd with nw tn
Calcutta in the same plane; I had the pleasure nf his l'llmpany. f fl' went to
Krishnagar and he had offered to take ml'. Of courst.', hl' \wnt in his own
way; he had a jaunt in the official fashion. fll' could go but my frit'nd,
Smt. Renu Chakravartty, who held go Ill' all thl' wily from Cllcuttd to
Krishnagar in a car was stopped at the district border and shl' was told tll.lt
she had to go back; she wanted to get the permissinn of thl' Distrkt Magistrdtt.'
according to whatever formalities were rl'quirE.'d of hl'r and l'n'n S(l, ~hl' W,lS
rcfuM.'d permission. This is the kind of thing which is t'lking plan',
Shri H.P. Chatterjee, who represents that area in Parliaml'nt, wishl's to fly
to Krishnagar now, but he would find his road blockt.'d because these pl'(lpl~'
imagine that they are lords of creation and they can do whatcV('r they Iikt.'.
My point, therefore, is that provocation has come consistently from the
district authorities, from the local authorities and from the State Government
and particularly from the Chief Minister. The adamancy of the Chief Minister
is a phenomenon of which I hope the Prime Minister has taken note; I do not
know, I had an impression, it may be that I am wrong, but I had the impression
that possibly she would have liked to have been of some assistance in the
matter but she notiCl'd that her Chief Minister, her strap in West Bengal
thought so much of himself and his authority that he was refusing to sit with
anybody; in the meantime he is putting en'rybody in jail. This kind of thing
cannot possibly continue.
In West Bt·ngal, the Il'gislaturc is not functioning for a variety of reasons,

one main reason being th.1t large numbers of the oppcsition are being
suspt'nded from day to day and the proceedings are conducted in a peculiar
fashion, thl' budgl't Dt'mands being pushed through in a most extraordinary
mdJ1lWr, and they arc bt'ing put in jail, everybody including Congressmen, is
bt'ing put in jail; the l1l'admash.·r of the school where Nurul Islam was the
bl'St studl'l1t in his dass, is also doing a tl'rm in jail. That is the kind of thing
",hkh is taking plan' in Wl'St Bmgal.
TIll' COH'rnn1l'nt of India has ,1 rt'sponsibility for making food a\'ailable

to thl' peopll" Wl' hear so many tinw about food being available and all the
rl'st (If it; it must bl' m.1dl' available, and we ha\'c a right to require of
(;o\'l'rnnwnt th,lt in rl'gard to the distribution of the fnod, in regard to the
impll'ml'lltati(ln (If all till' assuranCl'S that are made from the Central
Iw,lI.iquartl'rs in regard to till' distributil)J'\ of the fl)od, some genuine steps are
t,lkl'n in nrdl'r th,lt till' pl'npll' gl't tlwir sh.ne ()f food.
In thl' 1)ld d.1~·S whl'nl'H'r <l tt)()d difficult~· aroSl" P,mdit Jawaharlal ~ehru
w(lldd sn (lftl'n (omt' and S,lY 'Ll't us sit down together and discuss the
m.ltll'r .md at l'H'ry It'H'1, Il't therl' be a fOLK"! committee'. I know that much
of it was a fakl'; till' fOI)d committees hardly l'\"l'r functioned, but at least it
W.lS ,l hUI1l.m gl'sturl', .It \t>,lst it was an offl'r tn pel)ple to come and sit round
tlw t,lbll' and tlwn form an organization at cH'ry level. But now in
Wl'st Bt.'llg.11 tl1l'rl' is nn f()()d nlll1ll1ittl'l' at ,my nmceivclble len'l, because the
COH'rnml'nt illlagint's that it is lm top of the world; Covernment imagines
th.lt this is <l mO\"l'llwnt ",hosl' aim is to ddl'at; Congress at the next elections
and, tiwrl'tort', thl'v IMH' run amuck; it is not the penple but the Government
of WI'St Bt'ngal th,~t has run dmuck, th.lt is the primary fact of the situation,
.md th.lt is tlw fart which the country cannot toleratl'.
That is why I S.lV that thl' Cl'ntral GOH'rnnwnt is rt'sponsible; the Congress
leadership is r;'splm~"ible. If the Congress satraps in West Bengal are permitted
to act with impunity in this manner, tht'n good-bye to all hopes of national
inh.'gration. It is not only in the Mizo area, it is not only in the Punjab area
when Governmt'nt plays with fire in regard to the Punjabi Suba question, it
is not only in those art'as but it would be in areas like West Bengal and Kerala
and elsewhere, wherever people suffer, in Rajasthan and elsewhere where

you might imagine that reaction is in the saddle and it will continue for ever
and ever; when the anger of the people is roused then you do not know
where it will lead to. The line between hunger and anger is very thin and the
Minister of Food imports if he is going to retain not only his position but the
position of his party in the set-up of the country, has to remember it, has to
bear it in mind, and he has to fashion his policies accordingly, and, therefore,
we require an adaptation of Government policy in that direction, in
West Bengal proper, a judicial inquiry into the firings which have taken place
and meetings of all parties and groups in order to settle the matter, immediate
demands without which the country cannot go ahead.
In the meantime, if the Chief Minister demands that the call for the 11I1rtai
is withdrawn, then he is asking for the moon; that kind of talk will satisfy
nobody; that kind of talk V',e used to hear in the British days, but we are not
going to stomach it today. The Izartal will take place, and the people of
West Bengal vvill register their anger and indignation at the utterly inept and
criminally callous policy of Government, and here in Parliament we are trying
to retlect that desire of the people to see that something really and truly
effective is done in regard to this kind of food bungling that is going on with
impunity.
NON-FULFILMENT OF PROMISES*
The Finance Minister Shri Sachindra Chaudhuri as we know, is noted in

this House for his politeness, the kind of pleasant individual that he is, and
to me he has been a friend of long standing. But in public life, he has been,
I am sorry to have to say, pitchforked in peculier circumstances into his
present position. And because he has been known for a long time by the
company which he kept, the company of tycoons, Indian as well as foreign,
it has not been unexpected that in the budget which he presented the other
day, he has sung in dull and dismal tones dirgo to planning and to all that
Government has proclaimed so far howsoever hypocritically, about its objective
of socialism.
I do not know how our good friend, the Minister of Planning, who can
look after himself as far as parrying the trusts of his old time friend,
Shri Masani, is concerned, feels, as he takes his seat in the wings, when the
Finance Minister occupies the center of the stage. The Minister of Planning
said at Sagar-where we spoke of nationalization of banking and on that
account has been whipped by his bosses very soundly and today by Shri
Masani also into the bargain-something which was very unexpectionable. I
am quoting his words:
"Our economic and social foundations are straining at the leash, to be
metamorphosed into something which they are not at present namely,
institutions of a socialist order."
It is a basic statement, and Government, if not entirely hypocritical, which I
am afraid it is, about its professions of socialism, should do something about
making sure that institutions which at least partain to a certain extent to the
socialist order, would be there, so that some progress, real sizable progress,
could be made. But disregarding all that kind of basic assumption, which is
the only redeeming feature of Congress philosophy, disregarding all that, the
Finance Minister has presented the budget, a budget welcome only by the
people whom his predecessor had described in a picturesque phrase, as man-
eaters who stalk our economy, a budget which is thoroughly reactionary,
which does nothing more than merely perform a very temporary holding
• L.S. DelJ., 10 March 1966. [Participating in the General Discussion on General Budget,
Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 3 and -I June 1952, -I March 1953, 16 and 23 March 1954,
19 March 1955, 13 March 1956, 15 March 1961, 9 and 10 March 1964 during Discussion on
General Budgetl.
259
operation, a budget which is entirely out of keeping with the spirit which has
to be injected into the mind of the people, for otherwise we cannot survive
in this world of contlict and difficulties.
This is a budget which is not only conservati\·e and drab, but it is a
defeatist budget which brags of production-orientation, but forgets the people
who are our greatest capital, and it makes concession after concession to tIll'
top dogs in our economy.
In this budget, I find not the slightest suggestion of succour to an agoniZl'd
and angry people, not even the most meagre of hopl's for holding the priCl'-
line; even Shri Masani has to talk about it, becaus(' our people are in such a
mood that \".. hate\·er politics is professed, Sil'tltalltrtl or Partltalltrll, you han.'
got to do your duty by the people. In the budget, whaten'r indications arl'
available show that there is virtual abandonment of den'lopnll'nt, a dl'cision
in the convenient disguise of pragmatism, which may mean all things to all
men and nothing in essence, to gi\"(~ up serious efforts to build the growth
potential of our economy. Moreo\·er, there is in the budget not the
remotest hint of any democratic social change about which the heMt of
Shri Asoka Mehta really aches but he can do nothing about it, being in thl'
company which he has chosen to keep. There is no remotest hint of any
democratic social change, but clear indications of persistenn' in the ugly
process of assisting the advance of Indian capitalism which is top-Iwavy in
structure, which has beha\·ed in the most immoral fashion which is always
ready to sacrifice India's interests for the sake of its own profit.
More than 10 years ago, Prof. D.R. Gadgil, in his note to the Panl'i of
Economists, said about the fundamental inconsistency of our industrial policy
which had been that it had sought on the one hand to lean on modern
private enterprise for capital formation and, on the other, to set its goal of
preventing concentration of wealth and economic power. This is something
which cannot be done. You cannot ride two boats at the same time, when
they might veer away in different directions. [ know the ruling party has a
massive majority in this House. But the country will course this budget. If
this budget indicates the shape of things to come; than good-bye to all that
the country has been hoping for.
As I said a little while ago about pragmatism, it is the fashion these days
in Congress circles to be pragmatists. The silly fad of ideology, in which
Shri Asoka Mehta rejoices according to his very good friends, must go; a
break with socialism must take place. Indications have been given by the
Finance Minister in that direction which is why, in his own sophisticated way
Shri Masani has patted him on the back. To symboJies this, he has taken a
serious step. The expenditure tax has been abolished, and gift tax is further
attenuated. True, given the blackguardly character of class forces in operation,
the yield from expenditure tax has declined in recent years, but the Finance
Minister has thought fit to kill it outright. Business tycoons at home and the
World Bank abroad-questions that the Finance Minister answered during
Question Hour this morning-made it quite clear that the world in this country
as far as its financial authorities are concerned, is the World Bank! And the
World Bank has to be satisfied that we are reforming ourselves, that we have
to got rid of the ghost of Nicholas Kaldor; that we go in, not even for what
the former United States Ambassador, Prof. Galbraith, has described as India's
most negligible post-office socialism. We are forgetting even that and we are
resiling even from that and naturally the hearts of the like of Shri Masani are
very happy.
It is egregious that the tax on bonus shares has been killed along with the
capital gains tax on bonus shares.
I am afraid \,,'e speak very different languages. I learnt the language
perhaps in the wrongest way. I am H'ry sorry. It is egregious that the tax on
bonus shares has been killed along with the capital gains tax on bonus shares.
Aln.'ady, the Ecollomic Times of -t March speaks of the spurt in bonus issues
and there are a large number of companies with free resen'es and surpluses
disproportionatdy high in relation to the paid-up capital. They are going to
han' a \"l'ry Ilwrry time, because of the advantages which the Finance Minister
has chosen to offer them. To gladden the heart of the money-bags, the tax on
equity di\'idends has been modified, on account of the susceptibilities of
those who hate bl:'ing botl1l'red by what they call these miserable psychological
irritations." Our tYCllons are irritated! The people might be angry; they might
take recourse to all kinds acti\"ity and they would be suppressed and
condemned in the House by CO\·ernment. But when the tycoons are irritated,
the "psychological irritations" must go, because the future of our economy
is to be moulded and fashioned by these people who have betrayed the
deepest intert:'st of the country and who, over the last 15 years, when the
Plans have been in operation, have behaved in a manner which has disabled
any kind of progress and their whip-hand on Government has brought about
this vpry sorry state of affairs.
An amount equal to 10 per cent of the paid-up capital has been exempted
from the tax and what would remain would be chicken-feed as far as they
are concerned. The rate of surtax on company profits has been brought down
from 40 to 35 per cent, a most unusually generous treatment. A development
rebate scheme is proposed for tea, newsprint and printing machinery. Private
shipbuilding also finds its share of the Finance Minister's bounty.
Only in order to modify slightly the shameless glare of such a surrender
to private business, marginal upward adjustments are mentioned in the rates
off tax on corporate incomes. But this could hardly be avoided, given the
parallel increase in tax rates on individual incomes. Even this mild little blow
has been softened. For example, the definition of closely held companies has
been tinkered with in order to provide relief to some more injured tycoons,
whose "psychological irritations" create so much worry in the minds of the
Finance Minister and his friends.
Except for a slight concession to a section of the lower middle-class,

namely, the raising by Rs. 500 of the existing limit of personal incomes not
chargeable to tax, there is nothing whatever in the budget for which a good
word can be said. This gesture has cost the finance Minister an infinitesimally
small amount and let not my friends on the other side, the Congress Members,
make a song and dance abut this particular concession! This trivial little
benefit will be more than wiped out by the rise in prices of sugar, tobacco,
cloth and other essential commodities and a flat surcharge of 10 per cent, a
device which will hit the budget of lower-income groups much more sharply
while for the higher brackets, they are a flea-bite, and they are specialists in
evasion. Shri Masani was asking about money being found by collecting the
arrears of income-tax and other taxes. We know very well who are the people
who evade taxes, who do not pay even when the ascertainment of the tax
due from them is made. They know the ins and outs of the matter, and on
top of it they are getting all these concessions.
Of the total sum of a little more than Rs. 101 crore which the Finance
Minister has proposed as additional taxation, more than half will be from
indirect taxes which hurt the people. These aggregate proposals ha,·e a
repressive character, which must be roundly condemned. By such impost
which I can only call cruel as the duty even on khandsari, the Finance Minister
has made excise duties the biggest source of additional revenue. It is ridiculous
for him to claim piously that inflation was a major threat to the economy.
Government is not sure it it can for long avoid decontrolling sugar, and
changes in excise rates threaten escalation of prices, which a sorely aggrieved
people can hardly suffer.
The Finance Minister has said in his speech that he wishes to make the
excises as economic regulator on consumption on the model of purchase tax
in the UK. Apart from an increase in inter-State sales-tax-perhaps because
the Centre is doing the taxing for the State Congress bosses in a pre-election
year-he has empowered himself to impose a regulatory duty upto
15 per cent by Gazette notification. The inevitable result of all these will be
a general rise in commodity prices and not merely of those subjected to
increased duties. A case in point is the enhanced tax on finer fabrics, as a
result of which not only finer fabrics, but all kinds of fabrics are going to
have their price rise. Another instance is light diesel oil, to which reference
was made of Shri Masani also.
While the suffering of the people is ignored, the Finance Minister boldly
makes concessions to his friends and patrons. In the financial year 1965-66,
big business was able to bring down the tax revenue expected from them to
Rs. 330 crore against the estimated Rs. 372 crore. This was a sort of "tax
strike" by big money interests and this "tax strike" has been largely effective.
The Finance Minister expects now in his latest budget the natural increase in
tax revenue from them to be only Rs. 10 crores! From those who have brought
down the collection by a sort of tax strike by more than Rs. 40 crore, he
expects an increase of only Rs. 10 crore and by accustomed tactics they will
nullify much of the expected accrual from additional taxation.
The Finance Minister's heart bleeds for what he calls the "malaise in the
capital market", but not once in his budget speech he makes a reference to
the Mahalanobis Committee's report nor even to the report of the Monopolies
Commission. They have no relevance, as if the economic situation in a budget
speech like this could be described without reference to the findings of these
committees! He does not mention the fact that two big houses control
44 per cent of the total shares in the corporate sector and three top producers
control more than 75 per cent of the total production in certain sectors. All
this kind of thing has no relevance for him! He favours, of course, as he is
naturally expected to do, new concessions to foreign monopolists. The British-
dominated tC'a industry, fl)r example, will be given a larger developmental
allowance. In deference to the wishes of US big business, the World Bank, the
lMF and such other contraptions he launches what he calls a "more liberal
import policy". So, import restraints will be reduced, when our foreign debts
are already in the neighbourhood of Rs. 3,000 crore and interest charges on
them account for Rs. 1,500 crore in the next five years! This is the kind of
melancholy picture with emerges out of the Finance Minister's statement.
The Finance Minister is almost apologetic that he could not further chop
plan expenditure, for which Shri Asoka Mehta possibly had pleaded, but
ultimately he had to be satisfied with certain things; but it was quite clear
from the way the Finance Minister talked that he wanted to chop plan
expenditure a great deal more than he has done. He says in sorrow:
"Expenditure on continuing schemes have to be provided for in the interest
of speedy implementation."
They have to be provided for; there is no way-out and I am very unwillingly
allotting something as far as plan expenditure is concerned-that is what he
says. As it is, he has taken enough care to ensure that not much remains of
planning and the plan. I would like to hear the Minister of Planning later in
the course of the debate, because whenever my friend Shri Bhagat has given
some answers about planning, I feel the whole picture of the plan is going
to be not only distorted but destroyed altogether. It is very necessary that the
Country is reassured on this point. But if the Finance Minister's budget,

which is the basic thing, the most important statement made on behalf of the
government in this regard, is any indicator, the position is very dismal indeed.
As I said, he has taken enough care to ensure that not much remains of
planning and the plan.
In contrast to increase in defence expenditure, the total capital outlay in

1966-67 will be only Rs. 1,952 crore, less by Rs. 296 crore as compared with
the current year. Insofar as the plan outlay goes, the proposed figure is
Rs. 2,081 crore, Rs. 1+l crore less than the curent year's budgeted plan outlay
of Rs. 2,225 crore. The Finance Minister should rejoice that after 16 years of
planning, this will be the first year when the plan outlay in a subsequent year
has been deliberately pushed below the actual outlays of previous years!
Even this truncated figure seems somewhat doubtful. The magnitude of
expenditure on the plan during 1966-67 will be contingent on the availability
of external aid of the order of Rs. -l90 crore. This is apart from PL -l80 accretions
which ha\·e flown into the budget structure. This is something which has
never happened before. This should be specifically investigated by a
parliamentary committee or some body like that, because an enquiry into the
impact of PL -l80 transactions has been called for a long time now. And, now
the PL 480 accretions are being made part of the budgetary structure of our
country. It is a very dangerous symptom and we ought to have satisfaction
in this regard.
Apart from this Rs. 490 crores foreign aid, a sum for which the Finance
Minister takes credit, if in spite of our docility, in spite of our Prime Minister
going to Washington, in whatever mood they want her to go there like, if in
spite of our Minister of food imports, Shri Subramaniam, running with his
begging bowl from one place to another, if inspite of old America hands like
Shri S.K. PatH, this aid, suppose it does not come through or it does not come
through in the stipulated quantity, there would be corresponding curtailment
in the plan operations. Can it be, therefore, that in the name of "difficulty"-
the situation is difficult and if there is difficulty it has to be faced and
overcome--the battle for the annihilation of all our efforts for economic and
social progress has finally been joined? Is it that in the name of holding the
economic structure somehow, because otherwise it might collapse, we should
say, oh! We are in such a bad way, we do not have food, our industries are
collapsing and all that sort of things, we are entirely dependent on foreign
support, by exaggerating this picture of dependence which is not true, which
most of our economists consider to the an utter exaggeration and a most
purposeful exaggeration? But I fear in this kind of wayan effort is being
made to wipe off whatever even in a very humble way, was sought to be
done in the last few years.
At a time when the idea of self-reliance was verv much before the country
the idea of a new Swadeshi movement was before' the country, the idea th~~
the patriotic feelings of the people could be mobilized, when you could tell
the people that we were going to have a self-reliant economy and for that
purpose, since sacrifice will be equal, we shall be even ready for self-denial,
at a time when we could go to our people and tell them, show them, how
foreign aid implied all kinds of most objectionable concomitants, at that point
of time, specially after the experience which we had in the last year when the
Indo-Pakistan confrontation took place, when our difficulties became so
tL>rribly acute, it was at that point of time that we could start a new Swadeshi
mon:'ment.
But, instead of that, what do we find? Shri Masani talked about American
aid, how they would examine eyerything and all that. Even this morning the
Finance Minister said that the World Bank if it is to giw us a loan, after all
thl'y are creditors and they would examine what are the projects we are
<lsking the loan for. When I ask a loan from somebody, if that somebody
insists that he should examine whether I spend it in drinks or anything, I
v·;ould not ha\·e that loan from him, I would go to somebody else. It is not
that our hands are not clean. Our hands are clean. You may feel that we can
show en'rything to the world. But we are a sovereign country. We knO\\' how
the United States operates. We know how the Central Intelligence Agency
<md other instruments operate from the United States. We know how they
say that they make and unmake governments. We know how they are
suspl'cted to be behind what is happening in Indonesia, in Ghana and God
knows in what other country. We know how these people can operate. And,
if apart from the grip which they have in the normal course of things, they
have an additional grip over our own country, they have the power of
supervision OH'r the projects which they are so magnanimously assisting in
their own way, then good-bye to all hopes not only of a self-reliant economy
but good-bye even to honour.
I know I shall be attacked as a person who is exaggerating things, but

this is the kind of behaviour on the part of the Government typified by the
latest budget which says that the government of this country is almost shutting
up shop as far as our independent economic development is concerned and
it is behaving in a manner which no self-respecting people can tolerate.
I am sorry, my hon. friend, Shri Manubhai Shah is not here. He said a

little earlier, defending imports and exports, that last year only Rs. 200 worth
of cosmetics came to this country. But look at the way things have gone on.
I am quoting from the bulletin of the Controller of Trade (Imports and Exports).
In 1963-64 after the emergency, after the Chinese incident, chemicalised soaps
and medicinised cosmetics of the value of Rs. 8.8 crore were imported into
this country. Luxurious cars of the value of Rs. 2.8 crore were brought into
this country. Food commodities of the value of Rs. 66.96 crore were imported
into this country. Radiograms and cameras of the value of Rs. 12.06 crore
were brought into this country. Now we are going to have television and
God knows on what other contraptions we are going to spend money. We are
going to spend money on these and things are to be brought from abroad
affecting the entire economic struchlre of this country. Is this Gandhi's country?
Is this the country where we can appeal to the patriotism of our people and
ask them to put out \vhatever they can for the sake of the country? At a time
when the new exigency came into the picture though at one point of time
some of our Congress friends said that we should go ahead with the sil'ndt'shi
movement, nothing was done.
...... ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
We have heard repeated promises about foodgrain self-sufficiency and

all that kind of thing. Of course, I need not go into that; there will be hardly
any time. In regard to foreign investments, Shri Masani was saying how
foreign investors are very shy of coming into this country because this country
has very rigid restrictions and regulations. But it is seen that apart from the
foreign investments which is in this country, which is coming, apart from the
fact that Sir Norman Kipping, the British representative to whom he referred
has said in a report today that Indian conditions are very good for foreign
investments to come in, the fact is that against the average investment of
about Rs. 30 crore from abroad per year in the Third Plan, remittances abroad
in the shape of profits, dividends, royalties and technical fees in the period
1959-1965 came to Rs. 281.3 crore. The break-up of figures is also there, but
I cannot quote them. They have the run of the land. They get all the honey
out of it and in spite of it they talk about restrictive regulations. You can go
ahead, restrictive regulations notwithstanding. If we really and truly stand
on our feet and face the world, they would come because they have to come.
It is in their own interest to come and help us. They help us not for the good
of our souls but for the benefit of their own pockets. And, this is the kind of
thing to which this country's government does not seem to give much
attention.
This morning there was a question about foreign exchange transactions

of a most dubious order by private tycoons who were going abroad. Nearly
Rs. 1.83 crore in foreign exchange were given. Do we calculate the amount
of benefit which we get as a result of the peregrinations of these globe-
trotting tycoons of our country? Foreign exchange leaks to the order of
Rs. 93 crore have taken place. But we do nothing about it. What have we
done to secure from Indian nationals abroad remittances of foreign currency?
We can do it. Even from Hongkong we have got a very sizeable amount-
a petty little spot on the map. But we have Indians all over the world who
can, if their patriotic feelings were appealed to, send us money in order to
help us. How can an honest appeal be made? There is a fig-leaf of morality
on the activities of the Government. But corruption is rampant everywhere.
In regard to such things as prohibition for instance, it is a fig-leaf of morality
sought to be thrown upon Government and its policies. There is no dearth
of people who thrive on what they call "a spot of Tek Chand" for what the
Tek Chand report itself calls rather endearingly, "Battle of Waterloo". All this
goes on merrily. We cannot collect money for the country and in the meantime
corruption and inefficiency is the order of the day. This inefficiency and
insensitivity to decorum is seen in such things as the gubernatorial lapses as
wh(:'n Shri A.P. Jain continued his membership of the AICC and functioned
as the \'oting instrument in Congress elections, while remaining Governor of
a State. Tlwre is the case of the Governor of Rajasthan who in the presence
of the Speaker of the Legislati\'e Assembly asked members of the House to
be puslwd out by the Marshal! This kind of incident takes place only because
of the prevailing atmosphere of indecorum. Do not please blame only the
pl'ople for some time running amuck. The Government has run amuck. The
ruling party has run amuck and the ruling party depends on such things as
the OIR and the operation of the emergency. The result is corruption, which
is an inevitablt' consequence of degeneration of power in the hands of
Con'rnment, as is happening in our country.
I will finish in a couple of minutes. Today the conditions are such,

particularly after Tashkent the conditions are such that there might very
conceivably be settlement with our bordering countries. We could on that
basis proceed en'n in regard to the settlement of the question of Kashmir, as
far as Pakistan is concerned, we could try, as the President himself suggested
some possible methods-it is not for me to say what those methods are to
be-for a settlement with China. On the basis of the hopes engendred by the
Tashkent agreement, we could go ahead and secure for ourselves a certain
respite and during that period we could proceed with economic development
much more efficiently. We could also make a better assessment of the
possibilities of trade with the Socialist countries.
I need not mention it in detail, but I consider it a scandal that a country

like the German Democratic Republic, which has stood by us in every crisis,
is still treated by us almost in a manner which from the point of view of
international courtesy should be very sternly condenmed. We do not even
have a Consul in the GDR and the GDR Missions have made at least some
kind of opening so that the kind of economic co-operation which she wishes
to have with us is made possible.
From the point of view of rightful economic policy, land reforms are not
pursued and the appeasement of big money interests, foreign and native,
continues merrily. But I must stop.
Therefore, I say in conclusion that this is a pernicious budget with the

stigma of despair writ large on it, a budget which makes a fairly unashamed
surrender to money bags and vested interests, which utterly repudiates the
publicly proclaimed Congress policies. But, on the other hand, the people are
on the move, in West Bengal, in Maharashtra, in Kerala and elsewhere out of
a sense of defeat and desperation. These are the things that disfigure the
budget. I am very sorry that the Finance Minister, for whom personally I
have great regard as a long-standing friend, has thought fit to bring before
this country a budget of such a dismal and sordid character.
NATIONALISATION OF INDUSTRIAL HOUSES·
I beg to move:
"This House is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken for the
nationalisation of the seventy-five leading industrial houses specified in
the rl'port of the Monopolies Inquiry Commission."
Wl' have been treated lately to the slogan of Caribi Hatao, but that would
remain a picturesque make-belie\'e if the real road-blocks in the way of our
prosperity are not remm·ed.
""" """ "" ..

If we do not remove these road-blocks, Caribi would never go. Our
economy requires rapid growth and at the same time social justice and this
integration must happen, or else all talk about socialism would be hypocritical
humbug. That is why in the context of the kind of thing which is being said
wry widely in these days, I wish to remind this House that the first and last
point which is strl'ssed not merely by full-fledged socialists but also by genuine
dl'mm:rats like the late Prof. Gadgil who was shooed out of the Planning
Commission is that unless monopoly capitalism was abolished, we would
ha\'l~ no real and rapid progress for the people.
As early as 1950, Prof. Gadgil, and I think that at that time Dr. Y.K.R.
Varadaraja Rao also joined with him, criticized the half-hearted and piece-
ml'al measures which were being taken and asked for a clean sweep of
monopoly capital, and he said words which I am quoting before the House.
He said:
"The only real solution to the problem in the long run is that the whole
of the division at present occupied by monopoly capitalists should be
transferred to the public sector."
These words are even more valid today because the years of vacillation are
at last to be left behind. Little can be done about poverty and unemployment,
• 1..5. Dt'll., 5 and 19 May 1972. (Participating in the discussion on the Resolution re:
'Nationalisation (If Industrial Houses', Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 16 and 30 March 1973 on
a similar subject).
269
this country is desperately poor, little can be done about poverty and
unemployment unless revolutionary changes in property and power
relationships are achieved.
But we get something of a farce these days. We get meetings where

capitalists pass resolutions in favour of socialism, perhaps laughing in their
sleeves all the time. I say this because very recently there was a meeting of
the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) which
was inaugurated by the Prime Minister, and there were many pleasant
exchanges. The economic papers run by the big bourgeoisie referred to a
more cheerful note of co-operation between Government and business.
The Prime Minister \.... ent on giving assurances that there was no threat
intended to big business, that big business had a very useful role even in the
"core" sector of our economy. These are rather surprising formulations. I can
understand her desire to have some concrete results in fairly quick time, at
least before the next election. I can understand that her advisers-my
hon. friend the Minister is there and he must be telling her-telling her now
it is better to seek shelter in pragmatism. I find her fortifying herself with
economic ideas even from very dubious anti-socialist sources. But in any
case, Big Money responds and the stock-market cheers up and the price of
shares rises. That is what has been happening lately, and I am perturbed, and
I am sure the House also would be perturbed.
I feel that just as after independence foreign capital quickly became keener
on collaboration with Indian capital as the safest form of investment in the
new context of things, Indian capital today is beginning to see the virtues of
the so-called joint sector which till lately was being cursed as backdoor
nationalisation. There is a vile conspiracy at work and if it is not scotched,
the country is in for much trouble and sorrow.
We are also witnesses to such simplistic phenomena as the West Bengal

Chief Minister, Shri Siddhartha Shanker Ray, appearing in an attitude of
supplication to monopoly houses asking them to surrender 51 per cent of
their shares to Government. Here is a Kutty cartoon showing Siddhartha
Shanker Ray asking the bloated capitalist: Please be good enough to give the
State 51 per cent of the share so that everything could be lovely in the garden.
It is something nearly enough to make a cat laugh. If that is the expectation
of Government, I do not know what to say about it.
Since the Third Plan ran into difficulties, virtually we have had no
planning in India. Must we not draw the necessary lessons? Should we go on
doddering? Should we not try to set our sights straight? So much water has
flown down our rivers and we have had recent constitutional amendments
enabling us, if we wish it, to seek and achieve radical economic change. Or
is it that those amendments, 24th and 25th are also an elaborate make-believe?
I prefer to try to be an optimist even in circumstances which are not
particularly optimistic and that is why I have brought up this Resolution.
I say that these monopoly houses are the source of all evil and corruption
in our socio-economic life. They have made this country vitiated by the
dominance of black money and because of the poor performance of the public
sector, they have been furnished with a heaven-sent opportunity an excuse,
for parading their own excellence, which is a complete myth. If the essence
of the Industrial Policy Resolution is not to be given the go-by, all big
enterprises owned or controlled by the monopoly houses should be
nationalized straight away; individual monopoly houses may be allowed to
hold companies, the assets of which do not exceed a certain specified limit,
and ancillary measures, which need not be specified at the moment, will
have to be adopted.
It is only thus that the "commanding heights" of the economy can be
held by the community and not as they are today, by the money-grabbing
section of our people who are indifferent to the people's welfare, are cynical
and cruel in the bargain.
What is the record of these paragons of economic virtue who are running
these monopoly houses? Volumes would be needed to speak of them. But
I may give a very summary statement of facts about it. The assets of the
companies belonging to the 75 houses were in 1963-64 Rs. 2,609.9 crore. It
rose in 1967-68 to 4,032.4 crore, a 54 per cent increase.
Birlas recorded an increase of 96.6; Shriram 96.4 per cent; Mafatlal,
95.9 per cent; Parry, directed by a former Governor of the Reserve Bank,
recorded an increase of 360.5 per cent. The share of 75 industrial houses in
terms of the assets owned by them work out at 53.5 per cent of the total
indicated for the entire private corporate sector. It shows how the power of
monopoly capital is growing.
Out of 101 top companies, the total equity dividend in 98 companies was
Rs. 137.7 crore in 1969-70 against Rs. 99.5 crore the previous year. It meant
rise of 38.4 per cent. A foreign giant, Burmahshell, got the highest return of
the total capital employed-36.9 per cent, followed by another foreign concern
Pfizer, with 34.4 per cent. Almost all the Indian big business houses are
linked with foreign counterparts: Tata, with Diamler-Benz in automobiles;
Harmisschfeger in engineering, ICI in chemicals, etc.; Bida with studebaker,
and Nuffield in automobiles, Babcock and Wilcox in boilers; Howa Machinery
of Japan in textile machinery, and Mitsubishi in electricals.
A Bombay industries association reported sometimes ago that between

1957 and 1964, almost two-thirds of the capital raised in any year went into
foreign collaboration ventures. On 31 March, 1967, there were 579 companies
operating in India, and as many as 180 to 200 firms in India with fOf('ign
investment. This is seven per cent of the total number of companit's. These
are much more significant because they are subsidiaries of giant forl'ign
monopolies.
In 1955, the Tariff Commission found Fire stone and Goodyear with a
paid-up capital of Rs. 20,000 and Rs. 15,000 respectin.'ly and haYing an annual
turnover of Rs. 7 crore and Rs. -1 crore respectively. The United Kingdom
Board of Trades calculation has been that India offers British capital the highest
profit after Malaya and South Africa. There is a total lack of policy in regard
to Government's sanctioning of collaboration .1gn.'ements. FOfl'ign
collaborators ha\·e been permitted, and Indian and Wt'stern monopl,lists
together ha\·e got now a very terrible foothold in our economy. Local
capitalism has got stronger and gets itself linked with a new form of
international capitalism which exploits the Indian market, clnd there is a new
form of exploitation which we have got to contest. This is what we discoH'r
is happening today.
The Minister has given an answer to Unstarred QUl'stion 1\:0. ·l933A on

3 May 1972 and he said that "the total number of forl'ign collaboratillll
proposals approved in various fields during 1971 was 2-15 as compared to
183 during 1970". We are going downhill all the time.
The Minister of Industrial Development, in anSWl'r to Starred Question

No. 663A on 3 May 1972 admitted how production of torchl's by Union
Carbide had been permitted beyond the licensed capacity even to the
detriment of Indian manufacturers in that line. These are typical conn'rns
which thoroughly and systematically cheat the country. With few exceptions,
they indulge in over-invoicing and under-invoicing practices, denude us of
earned foreign exchange, and rob the country of its legitimate revenue.
Nationalisation of foreign trade is the only way out of this terrible mess.
All these foreign concerns are hand in glove with Indian monopoly
interests who are trying now to control our economy in a more serious manner
than they have done so far. These monopoly houses have begun a new
gimmick which Government seems to applaud, namely, export of Indian
capital. In relation to this, I find that 33 joint ventures have been approved
by the Government of India during 1970-71 joint ventures abroad. These
ventures have not brought us very much; since the beginning of this
process they have brought us in foreign exchange Rs. 49.27 lakh, not more
than that.
As a matter of fact we discovered how in this department of Indian

ventures abroad, the Birlas are in the first category and as usual they are
behaving so badly, I have here, sent by a friend of mine, a copy of the
"Ethiopia/l Herald" dated 2 April 1972 which I would pass on to the Minister
for whatever action he chooses to take: The Addis Ababa High Court ended
a 2 year and six months wrangle over the Palodia-Gupta case-Palodia and
Gupta, both being Birla's stalwarts, performing whateYer functions they do
in Ethiopia in tt.'xtile and other operations~ach received two years of rigorous
imprisonment plus 2,000 dollar fine. Two others accused were acquitted and
thl' prosecutor had appealed for an increase. This case has caused such a
scandal in Ethiopia that not only has the Indian image, bad as it is in Ethiopia,
been tarnished but \ye are also getting these Indian capitalists aping the ways
of foreign monopoly capitalists in our country going broad and behaving in
such dastardly fashion that they ha\'e to be sent to jail and the prosecutor has
to ,1sk for increase in their sentences.
This export of capital is dangerous for India as well as dangerous for the
rl'cl'i\'ing countries in Asia and Africa. I do not know what schemes my
frit'nd Shri Kumaramangalam has up his sleeves. I read only the other day,
on 3 May lY72 in a Calcutta newspaper a report about the giant holding
company for iron and ste('1 which he is proposing. This kind of a giant
holding cumpany for iron and steel can comprise all the operators in this
\'l'ry stratt.'gic and important area of our economy. I do not see why the
Ministt'r of Industrial Dewlopment, assisted by the other Ministries, given
some alh'ice by the Ministry of Company Affairs, can not do something
about a giant holding company in regard to many of these monopoly uperators
who are beha\'ing so badly.
I say this because these monopoly houses have been treated with so
much kindness and yet they go on behaving in the shabby fashion that they
have been used to. The Dutta Committee has reported that no further
conCt'ntration of economic power should be allowed and large industrial
houses should not be allowed to expand their empires any further, and the
new licensing policy should be used as an instrument for curbing the growth
of monopoly.
But as a matter of fact the Minister, who, I am told is very friendly with
the Birlas and other industrialists I do not know why this sort of thing should
be alleged about a Minister and these allegations are made openly in this
House and elsewhere-and the Government, we find, continue to give licences
to the large industrial houses. Since 1 January 1969 a total of 286 licences
have been issued to industrial concerns belonging to or controlled by the 75
big houses listed in the Monopoly Enquiry Committee Report. I cannot give
more details about it for lack of time. It is really very peculiar that in 1970
out of -17 licences issued, 20 have gone to 20 large industrial houses in the
group of 75 mentioned in the Monopoly Enquiry Committee Report. In 1971
out of 159 licences, as much as 11-1 have gone to those large houses and Birlas
and Tatas have got the largest number of licences in this period-29 and
26 respectively. My reference for this information is the unstarred question
No. 1-166A dated 1-1 April 1972 and 22 March 1972 in Lok Sabha. We find also
that many of these monopoly houses are permitted to carryon tht:'ir nefarious
practices by escaping the Monopoly and Restrictin' Trade Practice Act.
Big business houses are making an attempt to start collaboration hotels.

Tatas, of course, are already there-the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay and
elsewhere. Kirloskars are starting hotels. Alok Udyog and Delhi Cloth Mills
have applied for permission for starting hotels and they are going to get that
permission; there is no doubt about it. The result is, en>rything is getting
confused.
They are getting money from Gon~rnment sources and financial

institutions paid for by the country and that money is being diwrted to all
kinds of uses which are absolutely illegal. The estimated figures of outstanding
advances by scheduled commercial banks to industries including the wholesale
trade at the end of March 1968 were 2,608 crore and at the end of March 1971,
these figures rose to Rs. 3,422 crore. Assistance from the State financial
institutions to the private sector is growing. In regard to the advances made
by nationalised banks to 75 big business houses and 20 larger houses among
them, the figures are available from July 1969 to 26 March 1971. The amount
outstanding from 75 business houses on 18 July 1969 was Rs. -140.28 crore. On
26 March 1971, the figure was Rs. 491.73 crore. The share of the 20 larger
houses is also mentioned here, but I am not referring to it because it is the
same story. The Industrial Bank of India, the Industrial Finance Corporation
and other institutions are giving money to these people. In 1967-68, 1968-69
and 1969-70, they have given Rs. 97.59 crore. Of this, Rs. 16.80 crore went to
the 20 larger industrial houses mentioned in the report.
There are so many other figures to which I can make a reference, but
must mention at least the investment by the LIe. The total investment of LIC
in the first ten business houses in the form of debentures, shares, loans to
companies, etc., as on 31 March 1969 was Rs. 8313.31 lakh, i.e. 37.12 per cent
of LIC's total investment in the private sector. In the remaining group of
75 houses, LIC invested Rs. 6085.63 lakh upto 31 March 1969. If we take the
total investment in the 75 houses, it comes to Rs. 14,398.94 lakhs. The total
investment of LIC in private sector is a little over Rs. 22,000 lakh. This means,
64.29 per cent of LIC's investment in the private sector has gone to the
75 houses mentioned in the Monopolies Enquiry Commission's report.
The holdings of public sector financial institutions including LIe, Unit

Trust of India, General Insurance Companies, etc. in TISCO, TELCO and
Indian Iron and Steel Company....
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
LIC is the biggest subscriber to Tatas. Next comes UTI. So far as TISCO
is concerned, the total subscribed capital is Rs. 3858.02 lakh, while the capital
subscribed by financial institutions is Rs. 1230.25 lakh. Government as a
pwminent shareholder in the private sector could do a very great deal in so
far as disciplining these concerns is concerned, but we have it from one of the
fornll'r Chairmen of LIC that GO\·ernment could not find people who can
man these organizations, and therefore, Government hardly does anything
about it. Besides, the Government is suffering from the handicap that in the
top bureaucracy, then' are people \'\"ho hobnob with leaders of business and
who are hand in glove with these giant monopoly houses.
We notice also how in regard to a house like Bajoria-Jalan, about which

.1book entitled TI,e Mystery of Bajoria-/alml House has just been published,
similar to Tile Mystait's (~f Birla HOllse, which come out some twenty years
back but which was suppressed by the conspiracy let loose by Birlas. Details
arc given here of moneys given to concerns run by this monopoly house for
some specific purPOSl" may be for remwating and replacement of machineries,
for the efficient running of concerns, but the money is used for other purposes.
The Finance Ministl'r has said in this House that inter-locking or diwrsion of
capital by companies will be considered as criminal offence. But, in many
cases, companies under the control of Bajoria-Jalan clan and of their like have
diverted, according to allegations made in this book, which was referred to
in this House the other day, they have diverted Rs. 2237.57 lakh in order to
obtain control of various companies, issuing fictitious loans, creating fictitious
debtors, transferring money to liquidated concerns run by sons-in-law, sisters,
sisters-in-law and that sort of thing. This kind of thing goes on all the time
and that is because of a liaison with the top bureaucracy of income-tax and
Central Board of Revenue bigwigs, with even ex-Chief Justices of the Supreme
Court, with political leaders in government. This is the kind of trouble in
which we are living in this country today. Here is monopoly interest hand in
glove with foreign monopoly, trying to exploit this country, trying to pooh-
pooh whatever performance the public sector wishes to make, trying all the
time to secure control over our economy and to prevent any thing like even
a welfare state, let alone a socialistic kind of society. And these are the people
who are coming forward now, producing victory volumes in honour of Indira
Gandhi-Mohan Breweries people publishing their pictures along with Indira
Gandhi and Indira Gandhi's children's picture'S dedication to L.N. Mishra
and all that sort of thing-and advertisements form many big industrial
houses for this kind of putrid publication. And the Prime Minister has time
to go through this sort of thing when she should have the decency to throw
it into the waste paper basket. This is the set up in this country today, the
Indian monopoly houses hand in glove with foreign monopoly, trying to do
exactly what in British capitalists and other foreign capitalists did at the time
of independence and throwing on collaboration. Now they are trying to get
into the Government concerns also. There is some talk of a joint sector and
that sort of thing. They want to control everything. I ask Government: 00
something; start thinking seriously. Have you no idea about your own
confidence? If you do not have sufficient self-assurance that you can run the
public sector properly, than give up the game, renounce the job of governing
this country, for you are not up to it.
The other day I read in a Calcutta paper a statement by the Chief Minister
of West Bengal, Shri Siddhartha Shanker Ray that he had got letters from
several thousand young people, officers in the private sector organizations,
drawing salaries between Rs. 2,000 to 8,000 offering to work at lesser pay in
the public interest. Ha\·e you not got people in this country who can work
in the public interest? Are there not people in the private sector who are
ready to work for the public sector also? If you have got that confidence, why
can you not take courage in both hands, why can't you do the same thing
which Professor Gadgil, by no means a form-at the-month revolutionary, had
recommended in 1956? Here is a region where monopoly is in control, and
that region has got to be freed of monopoly. Can't you do that? That is the
sort of job which has to be done, and that is why I say that this must stop.
This book presented to Indira Gandhi, edited by a man called Ourlab Singh,
a notorious person convicted for pornography and that sort of thing, these
are the people getting together, Mohan, Ourlab Singh and God knows who
else, trying to flatter people in the political field and with their favour that
is the sort of thing which is taking place. That is why I say that real democracy
is needed in the running of our economy, and that would require
nationalisation of the import and export trade, nationalisation of the monopoly
houses, nationalisation of foreign concerns. Whether we like it or not, we
have today to face this question-transform pre-capitalistic formations through
capitalism, even a "regulated" capitalism, or through the fullest development
of the various forms of State co-operative sector, like in G.O.R. where it
seems a private employer can function only when employees number no
more than 100 or so. You have absorbed Shri R.K. Hazari in the administration;
you have Shri Chandrashekhar sulking in the Rajya Sabha, and you think
you can carry on in the way you are in the Ministry of Industrial Development,
in particular, is answerable for the kind of degeneration that is taking place,
the kind of sliding away from anything like a near-socialist programme in
the country. We hear all types of allegations. I am not interested in personal
things. At the moment, we are interested in the performance that he puts up

before the country; we are interested in what concrete steps he is going to
take in the direction of socialism. He should tell us in regard to these monopoly
houses how he is going to be stern and strict and how he is going to take
concrete steps to see that our country really gets going on the road to socialism.
Mr. Chairman, you wiII permit me if I begin by saying that during the
last two days in this House certain goings on have put me in a mood of the
utterest gloom. I was trying to find some cheer from the fact that virtually
every member who participated in the Resolution had supported my
Resolution. But I am sent back again into the vortex of gloom by the speech
made after ob\'iously very careful preparation by my friend, the Minister of
Industrial Development. It is time we heard less about Government taking
credit for having nationalized whenever they have wanted to do so, as in the
case of banks and general insurance, because you, Sir, would remember how
for many long years so many of us in this House and outside had to carry
on an agitation in order to make the Government change its attitude, which
was one of the utterest hypocrisy, an attitude that social control was adequate.
Even the present Prime Minister was very much in favour of social control
rather than of nationalization. And, it was on account of the pressure put
upon the Government by the organized movement that there is in the country
and by whatever opinion we would muster inside Parliament that bank
nationalisation could come about and even that is not giving satisfaction,
because the real democratic process of implementation of a policy of
nationalisation has not been started and it is not going to be started, because
this Government does appear to be committed to a status quo policy of keeping
things as they are, a policy of safety first. If that is moving towards socialism,
God help us! If this snail's pace advance is moving towards socialism, I am
not sure whether they have any sense of direction at all. If we are going to
perpetuate the power of the money-bags who by various ways, subtle and
unsubtle, try to control everything in this country, if we do not break the
power of money bags, all this talk about garibi hatao and moving towards
socialism is so much abracadabra, sheer moonshine and nonsense unless we
make up our mind here and now to take some drastic steps, even if that
might mean some difficulty. Are we going to achieve socialism without going
through a difficult, process, without austerity, without real national discipline,
without calling upon our people to face all kinds of difficulties? Of course,
not. The movement towards socialism is not a walk along a bed of roses. A
movement towards socialism is not going to be conducted in a manner which
has been given any indication of by my friend, the Minister. He referred to
the Pilodia-Gupta case in Ethiopia. I have already given to the Minister of
Foreign Trade a copy of this extract from the Ethiopian Herald dated 2 April
1972. I do not know why the Ministry of Foreign Trade has not told him more
about it. But since I have no more use for it, I am going to pass on to him
this extract from Ethiopiall Herald with regard to Pilodia-Cutpa case, after this
debate is oYer.
My main point has been; these monopoly houses, 75 or 73 or more, let
us not fight oYer that sort of thing, they are the grievances of all grievances
as far as economic disparity and economic decline of this country is concerned.
On the face of it, they may point to certain things which they are telling in
regard to industrial growth. There are foreign collaborators who are assisting
them to do so. But deep down, they are eating into the vitals of our system,
making it impossible for any advance towards socialism. They are trying all
sorts of ruses like that poster business. I am not going to refer to it to get
control of this kind, and Rs. 7,000 crore, according to the Wanchoo Committee
estimates, is the black money, and it is flourishing. It is more or less opl'nly
in the picture.
Only day before yesterday my friend, the senior colleague, the Finance
Minister, talked about black money in language which, I hope this Covernment
would have the sense of shame to acknowledge, should never ha\·e been
pronounced in this House. He said this black money is not hoarded money,
it is actiYe money, it is productive money, it is dynamic black money. Sir, you
have been in this House long enough to remember Jawaharlal Nehru used to
be very fond of this expression "dynamic". Dynamic is an adjective which
has come to be used by the Finance Minister of India in regard to black
money, if you look at the records, he said: how can I get hold of it; because
it is not functioning in a secret way, it is open. If it is open, why can't you
get hold of it, why can't you catch it? Because, Covernment is hand in glove
with the leaders of industry. That is why JRD Tata can talk about twentieth
century socialism, and he says he is even willing to participate in the twentieth
century socialism. I do not understand this kind of thing going on. It is a
little beyond me.
My friend, the Minister, was angry with a colleague Shri Jharkhande Rai
because he had suggested that before the second world war the 200 families
of France had brought about the decline of that country and its defeat by
fascism. Here are the 75 odd families who cannot function in the old way
because fascism has been exterminated and the world is a very different
place from what it had been in 1939. But, in a subtle way, they are going to
maintain the control over the economy. They are making it impossible for a
country like India really and truly to get into the socialist camp. That is why
I want something definite to be done, something vital to be done, something
which would appeal to the peoples' imagination.
I am sorry to hear the Minister and his like referring to these election
results and saying that "the people have supported us; therefore, all of you
keep quiet". Why did the people support you? Because the people believed
you. Do not go on saying "you do not have the trust of the people, because
they support us". No, it is not true at all. The people supported you, not
because they liked to look at you; the people supported you because they
liked the policies which you announced; the people supported you because
they found you had brought about some changes in the constitution which
shall enable you to take over this kind of concerns without any kind of an
overwhelming burden on the national exchequer. The position was, before
the recent constitutional amendment, nationalisation has become an almost
impossible proposition because compensation would be of such a quantum
of money that this country would never be able to afford it. But now we have
got constitutional changes with which we can take over concerns and the
question of the compensation did not bother us very much. The people heard
you. We had to go alongside of you in the last elections to point out how !n
this Parliament Congressmen and other people joined together in order to
bring about the right kind of change in the Constitution. We told our people
because of these changes in the Constitution today really basic economic
measures can be implemented by India. That is why the people gave you
their \·ott', because the people believed Indira Gandhi and all the others
going about saying that they have really genuine intention of garibi lzatao.
If that is so, why don't you do something about it? Why are you attached
to the ~tatll~ qllo business? Why do you want the private sector still to
command the heights of our economy, large parts of our economy except for
a non-profit-making part of our economy, the private sector still controls the
heights and non-heights of our economy; and all over the place they are in
control. And e\·en our public sector is run in such a bureaucratic fashion that
nothing properly and truly can be done, and indirectly an argument is giyen,
supplied by the public sector itself, against the public sector.
That is the kind of thing which goes on, and that is why I say you have
to do something drastic, if you want the removal of disparities, if you want
the genuine implementation of the near socialistic policies-we have not got
anpvl1l're near socialism-take hold of these monopoly people, take the
moneyed people who are controlling everything, because of whom the other
genuine, honest, patriotic-minded people who are in industry are not able to
~)ffer examples. Why don't you take a lesson form countries like Chile, or the
German Democratic Republic? Why can't you have a law that no individual
industrial owner can have a concern in which more than 100 people or so are
employed? Why don't you start with something of that sort that the State
and the Co-operative Sector must be extended. There must be a ceiling on
income, a ceiling on property, a ceiling on salaries and if that is so, why can't
you move ahead? Your own people, like Shri Siddharatha Shanker Ray-I
said on the last occasion-has declared in Calcutta that several thousand
people who are drawing four-figure salary have offered to work for the
public sector at lesser salaries. That is the spirit of our people. Gh·e them an
opportunity and do not go on saying that private sector has the know-how.
A friend there, Prof. Mahajan or somebody was saying that private sector has
the know-how. But it is the people, who work by hand or by br,lin, people
like you and me, who have the knO\'v-how. It is not the Tatas, Birlas, Mafatlals,
or the Dalmias, or whoever might be at the top, who have the know-how. It
is the people who help them. They are the people like you and me who do
not need any fantastic salary every month. That is why you can take this
step.
It is not an enterprise ""hich is too H'nturesome, too risky. It is a stl'P

which is absolutely implicit in the country's pledge that it has advanced
towards socialism and we ha\"e to do something drastic. Unless you do
something striking, you do not strike the imagination of thl' Pl'llplt'. That is
why, even though, there may be difficultit.'s, you should take-l)\ er the
monopoly houses and do something in regard to that. I do not say
nationalisation by itself is the final and ultimate remedy, but you haw to
work for nationalisation in a democratic manner by getting the p,uticipation
of large number of workers, involving them in tasks of production and giving
them a sense of comradeship and a sense of participation in the best sense
of the term. Then and then alone can you tackle all the problems, tackle the
problem of black money, tackle the problem of disparity, tackle thl' problt.'m
of industrial growth, tackle the problem of inequality and tackle the moral
problem, which is so important today and which comes to our mind eVl'ry
time when we find these tycoons wanting to worm their way into the favours
of the Government by the kind of activity to which reft.'rence has been made
in this House so repeatedly during the last two days. I say, therefore, th,lt I
am very unhappy with the reply of the Minister. I had a \"l'ry rt.'mote
expectation that possibly the Minister would make some kind of a gl'sture,
but this gesture made at the very end has been completely vitiated by the
statements which have preceded in a very carefully prepared speech.
I cannot accede to his request that I withdraw my resolution. As for

myself, I can accept the amendments moved by Shri S.M. Banerjet.'. That is
the utmost I can go. He asked me to add at the end "within the Fourth Plan
period". That is the only amendment which I can accept. Otherwise, I would
not say that I withdraw my resolution. I press it.
NATIONALISATION OF FOREIGN OIL COMPANIES·
Mr. Deputy-Speaker, Sir, I beg to move:
"This House is of the opinion that Foreign Oil Companies and other vital
industril's under the control of the 75 monopoly houses be nationalised."
I h(1\'e no illusions about the fate of this Resolution because I have a long
experience of Government's allergy to the subject and its pusillanimity in
rl'spect of big money, both native and foreign. I see my friend Shri Dharia,
the Minister of Statt:.'. I do not see the Minister of Planning ""ho must be busy
with more fashionable jobs. I see the Deputy Minister for Industrial
Dt..'vclopment. I was only hoping to see again the face of his senior Minister
that in 1%6 had launched c1 thousand American ships to bring food to our
famishing country. Of course, he is not here, perhaps, too pre-occupied with
'Small Car' and other gimmicks.
Happily, my long-timl' friend, the present Minister of Petroleum and

Chemicals, has made it a point to be present. I came to know him during the
days of the first Parliament and, though I ha\'e no hopes in this regard, I shall
ha\'(~ an l'xpectation that he would like to do something to change the line
which cl team of previous Ministers, no doubt, under the guidance of the
Prime Minish.'r, the relay team from Shri Asoka Mehta to Shri Gokhale, had
takl'n l'gn.'giously in regard to this country's oil policy.
In one part of my Resolution, I am repeating a demand rejected a few

months ago by Government in this House though it had secured the support-
almost univcrs.11-from e\'l'ry part of this assembly-and that is, in regard to
thl' nc1tionalisation of the 75 monopoly houses. I shall not spend much time
o\'cr that aspect of the Resolution.
We all know that the Mahalanobis Committee reported in 1962; the second
part of the fl'port never saw the light of the day. Then the Monopolies Inquiry
Commission was set up in 1964. Dr. Hazare's celebrated reports exposed the
phenomenal growth of monopoly. The Dutt Committee reported in 1969 on
the opt.·ration of the infamous licensing system. Then the Sarkar Commission
was set up to report within six months, but unassisted by Government, it
got..s on desultorily for more than three years now.
• I.S Pi'll., 2 March 1973.\partil'ipating in the discussion on the Rt.'Soluti'ln re: 'The Nationalisation
of F(lreign Oil Companies'. Shri Mukl'rjec also spolt' on 16 and 30 March 1973 11Il a similar
subjcdl·
281
This process of endless inquiry inhibiting action is a deliberate mathe'r. It

shows the present power elites, disbelief in the very process of planning, let
alone socialism. Thus, a Tata goes on heading Air India, and one of his
employees selling soaps and shampoos tops the giant Government-owned
steel holding company. The Chairman of IFe, lOBI, ICICI, LIe, UTe, State
Bank, and so on and so forth hold strong pro-private sector, anti-licensing
and anti-nationalisation views and even air them in public. Far too long has
this game continued. Let there be some finality and let the issues be faced
squarely.
How long shall we go on seeing, as we did in the Exhibition, Asia 1972,

Indian economy being represented by Philips, Indian Oxygen, Gust Keen
Williams, Remington Rand Automatic Tyre Industry of Dunlop and Firestone
and so on and so forth, then by Tatas, Mahindras, Kirloskars and otht'rs,
proudly advertising their collaboration with foreign giants? Can people be
left unaware of Tatas and Birlas growing stupendously not only before, but
also after, the present Ministry took charge-the Tata increase in assets being
from Rs. 505.36 crore in 1967 to Rs. 638.50 crore in 1969, while Birlas grew
from Rs. 457.84 crore in 1967 to Rs. 629.60 crore in 1969? The FICCI and Tata
memoranda make clear their offer to come to terms with GO\'t:'rnment provided
it gets a free hand to dominate the economy in a different way. No wonder,
our most eminent living journalist, Chalapathi Rao, wrote lately \\'ith irony
and pathos that 25 years ago he was writing articles for the nationalisation
of the then decrepit sugar industry and today also, 25 years afterwards, he
is continuing to write articles for nationalisation of the even more decrepit
sugar industry. The only way is to take the plunge, take over the monopoly
houses and the key areas of the economy. But with its fatal fascination for
soft options, Government blunders on and hoodwinks the people with
hypocritical humbug.
Foreign oil companies not only in India but anywhere else, are
meddlesome and rapacious instruments of international financial capital, its
octopus grip strangulating the freedom and sovereignty of less fortunate
countries-a grip which has begun to loosen with the advance of national
liberation and socialism and will soon be shed. Mossadeq in Iran had to pay
heavily for the first attempt at nationalisation in 1951. Since then, a dozen or
more countries--Ceylon in 1961, Egypt in 1966, Burma, Bolivia, Venezuela,
Peru, of course, Cuba and Chile, and then, Algeria, Iraq and Syria-have
then nationalised foreign oil companies outright or taken positive steps in
that direction. It goes without saying-and cruel experience underlines it-
that jf a country is to mobilise resources for economic development, if the
strategic importance of oil in the development of other industries is kept in
view, if national defence and security is to be safeguarded, the Government
of that country must have complete control over management and ownership
of petroleum resources potential and actual, under-ground or over-ground,
off-shore or on-shore. And the only thing to do in regard to foreign oil
companies is to take them over. That alone is consistent with the interests of
our people and the honour of our India.
There is a celebrated report of our Estimates Committee which in 1967
pinpointed the evil role of ESSO, Burmah-Shell and Caltex. Our free country
got into an agreement with them between 1928 and 1953, assuring that for
25 years, they should not be acquired or their operations taken over by
Government and if after 25 years we acquire them, we must pay them all
'reasonable compensation'. If there can be an agreed infraction of a country's
sovereignty, here it is indeed, and we must wipe out this shame and ignominy.
Fantastic preferential terms were given to these foreign tycoons and I
quote the Estimate Committee's ,,\"ords:
"An assurance was given that in the matter of taxation, the Indian
Company will not be treated less favourably than if it would have been
operating in India as a subsidiary of the parent foreign company."
Further:
"Among the various assurances and concessions the following two are
very important:
(i) Rights of the oil companies regarding import of crude oil; and
(ii) Pricing of the Petroleum products on the basis of import parity."
Anotht.·r stipulation was that they would be allowed to bring in crude oil
from sources of supply of their own selection, charging therefore for intlated
transport and other additional costs. India \\'olild compulsorily release foreign
exchange acquired for such imports. It must always be remembered that
these three are subsidiaries of the eight big international oil companies, in
whose interests, in fact, is neo-imperialist foreign and military policy largely
moulded, as witness the frantic effort to use Israel against the emerging
freedom of Arab peoples who own the world's most valuable strategic area
in terms of oil and other things, as witness also the desperate drive to dominate
Africa and South-East Asia and the illimitable riches of Latin America.
We must not any longer truckle down to these powerful vampires, and
we can stand up to them, particularly since the Soviet are our friends and the
new wave of friendship for India is blowing over the oil rich Gulf States and
especially states like Iraq, a situation of which we should take advantage. But
I fear our Foreign Office is nearly illiterate in so far as the links between
economic and foreign policy are concerned.
According to figures given in Parliament last Yl'cU, the foreign oil

companies remitted abroad in 1969, a total of Rs. 81.91 crore, Rs. 72.6ol crore
in 1970 and Rs. 9ol.-l9 crore in 1971. This comprises payment for import on
crudes, products, coastal freights etc., for dividends, profits and loan payments,
and also for royalties and office expenses abroad. In three yt.'ars, they han'
taken away nearly Rs. 250 crore in foreign exchange from us.
The Ecol/omic Times of ol April 1972 rt:'ported that in the last fourtt'en
years, these companies han' remitted Rs. lOol0 crort' from India, mllrl' than
70 per cent of which was on marh'ting and the rest on rdining. Di\'idends
declared by them on paid-up capital ha\'e bl'en of tht' ordt:'r l)f olO pl'r cent per
annum. It is known that they are using eVt'n their accumulated rl'St.'r\'l'S tll
payout such large dividends. E\'ery year, they remit 2.5 times tlll'ir irwested
capital on marketing account and a sum equal to their inn'sted capital on
refinery account. Their assets in India ha\'e not increased. In fact, they dl'C\ir1l'd
by 5.8 per cent to Rs. 6ol.6 crore in 1%9-70 and furthl'r by 2.7 pl'r cent to
Rs. 62.8 crore in 1970-71, and this is in spite of the expansion of their rdinl'ril's
without the necessary appro\'al of Gm'ernment, as thl' Estimates Committt'l'
noted in 1967. Gm'ernment have been allowing this l'normous loot in till'
name of the 1951 agreements.
On 13 November 1972, Shri Gokhale told the other HOUSl', 'Tht'se drl'
refinery agreements which are international agreements.' So, hl' concedes
that the companies are like sovereign States, and hl' cldded-
"I am not saying that we do not have sovert:'ignty to overrule tht'se

agreements, but delicate issues are im'oh'ed clnd hc1\"e to bt' takt'n into
consideration."
Somewhat more important than nursing the delicate plant of Indian

sovereignty into strength and splendour is to Government the task of delicate
negotiations with the world's oil sharks. But Ceylon and Egypt and Cuba
and Chile and Algeria and Iraq have done this, which this old country cannot
do because this Government is timid and halting.
The sordid story of these foreign companies black-mailing us on prices

must be remembered. Till Soviet help came in the sixties, we hardly knew
how much we were paying for British and American oil. We know how in
1969 they refused price reduction, when Government wanted them to do so.
After a long tussle, they agreed to five cents per barrel reduction on crude,
but this did not last long. Between 1970 and 1972, they have asked five times
for price increase. Often they blamed the fact of increased taxes payable to
the oil-producing countries being the reason for the increase, but this is very
often phoney. We should of course, do away as soon as possible with this
middlemanship and the oil sharks from abroad and have direct contact which
we can if we will, with the oil-producing countries, the OPEC and all that
sort of thing.
Pending that, the exorbitant claims of the foreign companies have to be

disciplined. Unfortunately, Government always succumbs to their
blackmailing. Their latest claims h,1\"e not been conceded by the Government.
Covernment ha\"l~ had to release foreign exchange to the new companies at
thl' new r,ltes demanded. They behaved shabbily, no doubt about that and
thl'ir bl,Kkmailing has meant our foreign exchange bill on crude oil leaping
from Rs. 102 crore in 11J70 to Rs. 138 crore in 1971 and an estimated Rs. 144
cron.' in 11J72. These international exploiters may further increase prices as a
rl'sldt tlf the rl'cent American devaluation.
It is notorious that people in high places in the \1inistry, in the Planning

Commission, in the higher ranks of the cidl sen'ices, and of course, in the big
mOI1l'Y circh.'s art' linked with these dastardly foreign interests.
WhL'n Shri KD. fV1al,l\'iya tried with Jawaharlal Nehru's blessings to go

ahead, hL' met with hurdles which are still \'ery much there. In spite of so
much talk about s()ci,llism, do we not hear of the recurring Bechtel scandals?
Do we not know how the T,lkru Commission is being disabled from proper
dischargl' of its task by the lIl'liberate bargering by high-ups in the Ministries,
in fact, in more than one Ministry?
THE FINANCE BILL, 1974*
Mr. Deputy-Speaker, Sir, you will permit me to say that never in my

experience of this House for the last 23 years have I seen a Budget Session
like the present one. There is unrelieved tension in the country and there are
unpredictable bust-ups in Gujarat and Bihar and else-where. And this I find
reflection in the working of our Parliamentary System; we are letting go of
the Budget so to speak without anything like adequate scrutiny. I think, Sir,
there is very urgent need for an effective Committee System to supervise the
Ministries, or this kind of a make-believe of a Parliamentary democracy will
collapse.
I do hope that the Speaker and other persons in authority concerned will
apply their minds to this aspect of the crisis of the Parliamentary System so
far as its working is concerned.
The Finance Bill is a symptom of the declining economy which we see all
around us today. There is what need not be repeated but is an acute fact of
life, the mounting suffering of our people. More than two years of the Caribi
Hatao campaign has seen an absolute growth in terms of the numbers of the
population below the poverty line. The Finance Minister's own State of
Maharashtra has 60 per cent of her people living below the poverty line. A
question was answered in this regard the other day, Unstarred Question
No. 4871. In West Bengal more than 70 per cent of the people live below the
poverty line.
At the same time, vulgar ostentation and conspicuous consumption goes

on. The Finance Minister tells us without turning a hair that there is a parallel
economy, black-money economy and he cannot do much about it.
Toy money bags are in league with Government leaders and powerful
bureaucrats. Government is unable or unwilling to demonetise, to seal vaults
to curb vulgar and conspicuous consumption, to increase production of articles
of mass consumption by the masses of our people and produce articles of
luxury only for exports. Government are unable even to collect arrears of
taxes, let alone stopping downright cheating of the revenues by the very rich.
I saw recently some very revealing figures how very little is being recovered
• L.S. Deb., 2 May 1974. [Participating in the discussion on 'The Finance Bill', Shri Mukerjee also
spoke on 10 April 1954, 18 and 22 April 1955,28 August 1957 and 5 May 1965 on the Finance
Bills of respective yearsl.
286
from the 25 top assessees including Dharam Teja and Mundhra and others
from whom a total of Rs. 31.25 crore are still due and there is a case, a very
delectable case-Sita Ram Durga Prasad Limited, who owes Government
about Rs. 320.23 lakh out of which they have only paid Rs. 3 lakhs. They are
paying their arrears at the rate of Rs. 5,000 per month at which rate it would
take 500 years to pay up. This is the fashion in which the Government is
trying to mop up the arrears due to our country. In Shri Chavan's own city
of Bombay, [ saw the other day and I was disgusted not only with the
discovery, that almost everyone there, in various strata, are fed up with the
administration, also the sight of the skyscrappers was really disgusting. They
are the symbols of the power of black money, the hoarders and
blackmarketeers who lord it over our country while the people suffer and
economy seems in collapse. Such things happen as the one to which Shri
Bibhuti Mishra drew attention to a little while ago, namely, that the Central
Government Officers' organisation buried a capsule recording, the
Government's broken promises and wasted words.' I expect that on the
Government's rhinoceros skin, criticism, universal ridicule and slander slips
off. This is the Rhinoceros' skin of Government which the Finance Minister
seems to wear.
In April 1973, the Task Force of the Planning Commission warned no

progress in land reforms was possible in the absence of what they call in their
own words 'the requisite political will'. Our country is a "soft" and flabby
State. The most egregious example of this condition is the Gowrnment's
failure to take over wheat trade, inspite of the progressive but puerile prattle,
which some of them indulge in. This has been found to be so because no
Congress Ministry was considered safe as long as wheat wholesalers remained
disgruntled and were ready to invest in Congress disunity and go on
subverting the Congress, its own organisation. This Government has its
scandalous dependence on callous, conscienceless profiteers in human misery
and it is through the operations of these people, the Finance Minister tries to
serve. That is why in the taxation proposals in spite of the present day
conditions of distress, the Finance Minister declares a war on the people. In
North Korea, practising !lIche (self-reliance)-they have achieved a taxless
economy, while our burdens are impossibly increased. And the Finance
Minister came forward with some generous amendments. But they do not
mean that the post card will not cost more. In spite of the rise in prices he
has given some more concessions that what the proposals originally had
offered. It has been already pointed out how the index numbers of prices
have risen from 100 in 1948 to 316 in 1973. National income actually fell in
1972-73. Unemployment over the last 12 years has increased by almost
400 per cent and social justice is a forgotten concept as far as Government
thinking concerned today. On the other hand we find the authoritarian manner
and the method of Air Marshal P.c. Lal of lAC, again in the Railway strike
which is going to be discussed a little while later. But political ambushing of
one of the principal leaders of the Railway workers is a form of banditry
which even the Madhya Pradesh operators would have perhaps felt ashamed
of to practise but Go\·ernment did not hesitate to do so. The Railway Board,
if I may use the term is the most discredited Single body of powerful
bureaucrats in India today. What right does this Government have to call for
labour discipline?
Despite the austerity resolution of the All India Congress Committee in

December 1969 not even one carpet has rolled out from the offices and
bungalows of a single Minister. We were told the other day about the State
Bank of India Chairman's office in Bombay having supra mughal luxury
fittings in the SBI building in Bombay. We find Ministers grovelling before a
money flinging Mohite or a Bombay tycoon who gets hairdressers from
London at an expense of Rs. 50,000 in foreign exchange to doll him up for his
wedding and the State Ministers go to the marriage to guzzle rich food. How
can they talk about austerity and labour discipline? Gunnar Myrdal, a friend
of this country has written as to how corruption could be stopped. He says
before the power structure has been changed by evolution or revolution it
will be difficult to decrease corruption or even hinder its continual increase.
We know the first Prime Minister of India had expressed a wish that the
blackmarketeers should be hanged on the nearest lamp post and we have
lived to see who hangs whom. Even an honest individual in the Ministry or
in a position of authority finds himself compelled by the pressure of
circumstances as they prevail, to patronise the enormous empire which rests
on corruption, and these are the people who swear by the name of Gandhi
and all that sort of thing. What right has this Government to call for labour
diSCipline when this is the way in which they behave?
The Finance Minister should also be warned that the continued reliance
on aid, above all from the United States, is a road to re-colonisation. 'Aid to
re-colonisation' is a title of the book written by Tibor Mende who is a very
distinguished French publicist. Our external liabilities in March, 1973
amounted to Rs. 7161 crore. Our public debt, that is to say, at a percentage
of national income at current prices, has risen from 35.8 per cent to 42.8 per
cent between 1960-61 and March 1973. In this context of our financial condition
the impertinences of Moynihan and the dance poses of Kissinger are
considered to be a boon from heaven by the Finance Minister and his friends.
There was no discussion in Parliament on the new PL 480 agreement. It is a
surrender to U.s. blackmail and that is why our Foreign Minister plays down
the Diego Garcia business. He does not have the courtesy of meeting the
widow of the martyred President of Chile, Madame Allende. In contrast
there is the Prime Minister of Sweden, Mr. Olof Palme, who himself presented
to Madame Allende a large sum of money as a contribution of Sweden to the

fighting fund of anti-fascist freedom fighters in Chile today. But of course our
External Affairs behaves very differently, and perhaps in expectation of some
leavings from the rich laden table of the Shahenshah of Iran. Government
deports Iranian students from India. The External Affairs Ministry is unaware
that we are living in a world where even Portugal shakes and Thailand, the
unsinkable aircraft carrier of the United States gives signs of an explosion,
but our External Affairs Ministry arranges the official visit to India of so
called Crown Prince and Princess of Spain. I was mystified. I did not know
who it could be. They are representatives of the derelict Hapsburg Dynasty
kicked out of history by the Spanish people a long time ago and they were
given a right royal reception because our Government has to follow a policy
of appeasing certain interests on the world scene. And perhaps also to be in
the good books of Iran and Japan and the United States, this country prepares
to denude herself of treasure, which is not inexhaustile, like iron ore and
such wealth which we do not know how to prepare to use for our economic
strength and political influence just as the oil-rich countries are using their oil
resources for their own political purposes. This is the sorry story-I shall
conclude as quickly as I can-about a sorry and sick country which India is
today.
That is why to keep this country in leash, there is an apparatus of coercion

in the hands of this GO\·ernment MISA and all, 10,000 and more political
prisoners in West Bengal and Andhra, many of them so-called ultra-
revolutionaries, unspeakable jail conditions, crimes galore in police custody,
all this being conducted perhaps under the direction of the top people in
Delhi, the Research and Analysis Wing, a mysterious engine of oppression
which is the Prime Minister's particular pigeon costing God knows how
many crores of rupees, all forming a paraphernalia of coercion which is needed
in order to keep this country in order.
I have warned this Government before, ascent is slow, but descent might
be steep. Fallen from people's affections you can also drop off from power.
I do not wish them to be replaced here and now, because we have not been
able to set up a viable alternative. But let no one imagine that because of the
fear of Rightist intervention hoping to exploit a Chile-type situation in this
country, since already Shri Masani is asking the Army to take over and offer
him and Jayaprakash Narainji jobs to do which the people won't trust them
with, the country cannot just go on propping up the present leadership if it
performs in this wicked fashion.
I was astonished the other day to see about this Government which ask
the working people to tighten their belts, that according to the reply to Starred
Question 867" on 26 April, 681 officials of the Ministries of the Central

Government, apart from the Ministries of Defence, External Affairs, Commerce,
Industrial Development, Information and Broadcasting, Tourism and Civil
Aviation, Food, Atomic Energy and Health, went abroad costing more than
Rs. 73 lakh of rupees. One official went 17 times abroad in the same year.
Another official went 13 times abroad. Eight officials went 10 times abroad
in one year; 179 officers went more than once abroad during the year. And
they talk about corruption elsewhere. They talk about austerity, they talk
about people tightening their belts. I am not surprised to find this Government
fail; I am not surprised to find government leaders sometimes behaving
wickedly. But I am surprised that they are so shameless; I am surprised that
they do not come before the country in a sack cloth and ashes, I am surprised
to see that they do not even have the grace to apologise to our people. They
do not tell our people that these mistakes have been committed for perhaps
unavoidable reasons. They never try to put up a case. In Parliament, we ha\'e
to shout ourselves hoarse, \vhich I personally never enjoy, because I cannot
afford-I have not that kind of voice to throwaway. But we ha\'l~ to shout
ourselves hoarse. They never come out; they never tell our people. This is the
only forum where our people have to be convinced and something is being
done.
They talk about the right danger. Very well. I agree with them there. I elm
ready and willing to help them to the extent it is possible to fight the right
danger. It is not enough merely to talk. It is necessary to begin to implemt>nt
things. That is why I say that this Government requires discipline for itself.
If it cannot acquire that discipline before long, it will go the way of all flesh.
It is necessary therefore that something is done drastically, immediately,

faithfully, sincerely and genuinely to have land reforms properly implemented,
to have progressive elimination of industrial monopoly, to have measures for
plugging national drain by stopping or at least minimising the outflow of
national resources in the form of high dividends, royalty and debt charges
abroad. There must be steps immediately taken for the elimination of black
money by outright confiscation of illegal holdings and compulsory
imprisonment of guilty persons. There must be efficient democratic
management of the public sector enterprises, not like the Moghul style
management of the State Bank of India Chairman, Bombay. Drastic reductions
in the present high defence and police budgets could be achieved by
introducing appropriate changes in foreign and internal policies. All this
could be done but the Government is not doing it. That is why the Government
comes with taxation proposals embodied in the Finance Bill. The concessions
he offered are footling little concessions and prove his concern for the affluent;
• The question was about foreign tours of officials of the Union Government.
they are a further proof of his complete negligence of the common people.
The common people are the salt of the earth. If you do not have common
pl'ople on your side you must beware of the consequences; you cannot go on
talking n1l'rely about Caribi Hatao, you must do something for the Carib masses
of our country. You cannot be merely talking of this; you cannot deceive all
our peopk' all the timl'. That is the warning I give to the Government. I told
thl'J1l l'arlil'r: Ascent might be difficult; descent can be easy and the descent
can be such that if you fall from power it will be a fall from which you will
not rl'CO\·l'r.
Receiving Smt. Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister, at Parliament House
Annexe. Also een in the picture is Shri Vasant Sathe, the then Minister of
Information and Broadcasting
With Smt. Indira andhi at the inauguration of Exhibition of B k at Parliam nt

Hou Anne e. Al 0 n in the picture are Dr. Balram Jakhar, th th n ak r,
Lok Sabha, Shri Va ant athe, th th 11 Mini t r of Information and Broad a ting
and hri Avtar ingh Rikh , the th 11 cretar -G neraL L k abha
At an Appreciation Course for 'LAS. Probationers organized by the BPST,
on 15 February 197
Addressing a Seminar on "Social Legislation and Problems of Its Implementation", organiz d

by the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training (BPST), 12 0 cember 19 O. Also se n
in the picture are Shri Shyam La! Yadav, Deputy Chairman, Rajya Sabha; Dr. Balram Jakhar,
Speaker, Lok Sabha; Shri G. Lakshmanan, Deputy Sp aker, Lok Sabha
arasimha Rao, Dr. Balram Jakhor, the then Speaker Lok Sabha and
hyam La) Yadav; the then Deputy Olainnan. Rajya Sabha
Addressing a m ting organized by th ICPS to remember Dr. B.R Ambedkar

Distributing certificates to the participants of the
BPST Training Programme in 1981
At a Certificate Distribution Ceremony

EDUCATION AND CULTURE
THE ANCIENT AND HISTORICAL MONUMENTS AND
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES AND REMAINS
(DECLARATION OF NATIONAL IMPORTANCE) BILL, 1953~£
I \vill confine myself to certain general observations which I feel are

really important to consider when we are having this Bill before us. I was not
surprised, Sir, that my friend, the Deputy Minister made very short speech,
suggesting that it was ml'rely a technical matter and that much time of the
House should not be spent over a consideration of this Bill. I take it, Sir, that
is only one instance of the step-motherly attitude of the GO\'ernment towards
archaeology. I think, Sir, that this is a \'ery serious act of omission and
commission on thl;' part of our Government because, if vve try to examine our
ancient Il'gacy, perhaps I should say our archaeology comes first. It may be
that some of us might think that the gift of India to the world is the gift of
philosophy. But, I am sure if we ha\'e eyes in our heads we can see these
stu~1l'ndous piles which confront us in so many places. At least I for one am
cOI'\\"ilKl'd that architecture is the greatest thing that we have got as the
Il'gacy of our country's civilisation. But this Bill, Sir, is one instance of how
in a most (,walil'rish fashion the Gon'rnml'nt proceeds. I know that there are
cl'rtain difficulties: as far as the Constitution is concerned it requires certain
things to bl' done and so on and so forth. But, I wanted the Government to
come forward with a definite and positive scheme in regard to the ways and
means which it is going to adopt about the maintenance of our ancient and
historic mOnUll1l'nts and archaeological sites and remains. As far as the Bill
gOl'S the only siln>r lining in the cloud I han? been able to find is in the
amE:'ndment of which notice has been given by my friend, Shri Gadgil where
he says that authority should be gi\'en to declare ancient monuments, etc. to
be of national importance to the Government, because, Sir, I do not understand
how Government can go on from time to time with schedules amended
overnight so to speak. Only last night or perhaps this morning we were sent
this document by the hon. Deputy Minister. It said that there would be certain
changes in the schedules that had been presented to us already.
...... . .... .. ....
I am very happy that my friend went to Ajanta, but the fact remains that
as far as our archaeological treasures are concerned, they are not being looked
• L5. DI'/I., 19 NoVt'mbl'r 1953. [Shri Mukerjl'l't' also spoke on 5 April 1974 on a similar subject I.
0: Tht' Bill whirh was aiml'd .It dl'Claring cl'rtain monuments, sitl'S and archaeological n'mains
as national monuml'nts, bt'Caml' 'The Ancil'nt and Historical Monuments and Archaeological
Sites and Remains (Dl'Claration of Natiomll Importance) Act, 195tf.
295
after with that much c,ue which it is our duty to show towards them, and
that is why somebody remarked in the other plan.' that Curwn in 190-l had
more re\"erence for our antiquities than most of us in Swadeshi India have.
This is the kind of statement which V,las made in the otlll'r place. It is on
record.
I want to ask the Deputy Minister as to what plans he is making regarding

an integration of the knowledge which we are acquiring in thl' maintl'nance
of these archaeological monuments and sitto's and rt'mains, and it is thl're that
I ,.... ould like to ask him wh,1t is being done regarding kL'l'ping up a liaison
with the Archaeological Department of Pakistan. I say so, bl'causl'-whateH'r
might ha\"e happened lately in n.'gard to the Statl' structure of India-our
country is one, our culture is one, our traditions ha\Oe lllll' uniform origin. As
far as the most ancient part of our history is (onn'rIwd, we know it is thl'
period of the Indus Valley CiYilisation, as far as our prl'Sl'nt knowll'dge gOl'S.
Now, Mohanjodaro and Harappa are both in Pakist,l!1. In Indi,l also thl're arc
certain places like Bikaner, like Himachal Pr,ldt'sh, likL' areas of Rajasthan,
which also can gi\·e us a lot of relics in regard to the Indus Valley Civilisation.
I want to know what is being done in mdl'r to pursue furtlwr rl'sl'arch into
the Indus Valley Civilisation and what is being done in lm.kr to kl'l'p up a
liaison with the Archaeological Department of Pakistan. I do not know what
they are doing on that side, but I saw ,1 book publishl'd undl'r the auspicl's
of the Pakistan Archaeological Department, edited by Dr. Mortin1l'r Whl'l'I('r-
5000 Years of Art in Pakistan. Naturally, it is necessary for us to h,1\"e some
sort of liaison, because our tradition is one; our culture is one; and therefore,
as far as our past is concerned, we should try to reCllllstruct it as wt'il as we
can possibly do.
In regard to certain other points aiso, I would like to know mme about
what is being done. I am sorry J miss the presence of thl' Father of the House
Shri B. Das, but I remember him getting up several times to ask what happened
to the recommendations which were made about the Konark Temple. There
was a committee appointed some time in 1949 or 1950, but it seems that its
recommendations are not being implemented properly or if they are
implemented, they are implemented with such protracted delay that actually
the results are not very satisfactory. If the Konark Temple, which as you all
know is a gem of architecture, one of the loveliest which we have, if that
temple is damaged, then that would be a tremendous calamity for our country.
I would like also to know what is being done in regard to the excavations in
Nalanda. I see that the Pataliputra University's Vice-Chancellor is sitting
here. To Pataliputra, of course, we have given the go-by. Dr. Jayaswal tried
to do something about it and after that, hardly anything was done by our
Archaeological Department. There again, I cannot blame the officers. They
have not got the money. Maulana Saheb is not here. He says, jeb khilli hili-
there is no money in my pocket. This is the kind of pretext that he puts
forward. This is the kind of thing that is going on. A stop has to be put to
it. The Nalanda excavations have stopped for some time; at least, that is the
report. If I am wrong, I shall be very glad to be corrected. There are so many
lltlll'r places to which a reference may be made, say, about Kausambi. I think
in Kausambi, there is a very promising area for investigation, but that
in\'l'stigation, is not properly proceeding. What about Mahabalipuram? Are
we undt.'rtaking really serious stt.'ps to preserve the rat/Is of Mahabalipuram?
Art.' Wt.' trying rl'dlly to preserve these temples from the effects of the sea
wakr? H,1\'e Wt.' any ided in rl'gdrd to the transportation of these by hydraulic
l'ngil1l'l'ring methods-tht.' buildings which are right on the sea-and put
them backwards so that no harm is done to them. I don't think any ritual
worship got'S on there from day to day and there wiII be no religious
sllsCl'ptibilities in this respect. These are days when buildings can be
transplantl'd ,md I say thdt these buildings are facing the danger of continuous
damagt.' on'r Yl'ars from Sl'a wdtl'r and the effects of likely erosion and surely
we must san,' these monuments.
I nlUld rl'fl'r to so many other instances where greater care ought to be

takl'n ,md where furtht.'r investigations should be taken in hand, but I am
afraid I would not han' the time to do so. I don't wish to take too much of
tlk' timl' of the House, but I am H'ry sl'rious on this point, because speaking
as a communist, one belonging to a group of people who are accused of
h,1\'ing no reH'rence for the past, I would say that that is a calumny. We do
not acn'pt such accusations which are completely out of tune with the real
facts. I would tell you that in the magazine Peoples Orilla-you may happen
to rt.'ad it, it is available in Pdrliament Library-you will find that a large
numbl'r of t.'xpl'ditions have been made to many of their old sites and they
haw discowred certain hills which are sculpted almost in the same style as
our Ellora and they are popularising this matter, because they know that if
they are going to build the future, they have to think of the past. The past,
present and the future are all linked up in a golden thread and it is necessary
for us to undl'rstand our past and appreciate the treasures of the past and
find out what l'xactly our civilisation was in the past. As Indians, we are so
proud that we have wondl'rful archaeological traditions, unparalleled in the
history of civilisation. As compared to the Indian examples of architecture,
and sculpture, the Chinese or any other people cannot claim anything greater
or even equal in artistic quality and excellence. Here is something of the
great achievement of our people, but this achievement is now being lost sight
of, because our Government is not taking any precautions regarding the
maintenance of these archaeological remains.
I shall refer to one other matter which is agitating the minds of many
people in this country at the present time and that is in regard to the
Nagarjunakonda remains. I happened to attend the other day a meeting of
the Central Board of Archaeology as a nominee of this House. I think it is my
duty to refer to the Nandikonda project, which is absolutely essential to the
welfare of the Andhra Desa presently Andhra Pradesh. I am told that this
project has been held up because there is a danger of Nagarjunakonda remains
being washed away if the Nandikonda project is allowed to proceed. So tlwre
is a kind of stalemate and the Archaeological Department says "we note with
great dismay that this has happened, but we cannot stop it." A suggl'stion
has been made that perhaps those remains which han:, bel'n found in this
place should be collected and put in a museum as the site may bl' washed
away. Archaeologically speaking, if you want a museum which includes the
relics found in a particular place, the museum should be situated in that \'pry
place; that is an elementary archaeological rule. Besidl's a number of relics
that have been found there, the disClwery of a v.. harf is most important as far
as Indian archaeology is concerned. I do not think we ha\'e m,lI1Y other
similar extant instances of a wharf and this would help us to find out
something about Greater India and about our contact with further Asia.
Therefore, Nagarjunakonda is very important as a treasure nf this country-
it is so not only on account of the memory of Acharya Nagarjuna, but also
the remains of the civilisation of his times. Let us not take a frivolous view
of the matter. The Central Board of Archaeology was told by people high-up
in the Education Ministry that if only the Finance Ministry loosens its purse-
strings to a certain extent and spends a little more money, certain modifications
might be made in the Nandikonda project so that the Nandikonda scheme
could go ahead without delay and at the same time the Nagarjunakonda
remains might remain untouched. Both these things are very important and
one should not suffer at the cost of the other. Let us spend some more money
on the Nandikonda project so that Andhra Desha presently Andhra Pradesh
can get whatever good emerges out of it, but at the same time the
Nagarjunakonda remains are not damaged in the way it has already begun
to be damaged. If I had my way, I would tell the Deputy Minister to go up
to the Prime Minister and say "This can't happen. How can our treasure in
Nagarjunakonda be allowed to be washed away? It is a slander on our people's
sense of values." I think this matter should be taken up at the highest possible
level and I ask that Government is in a position, before we pass this legislation,
to say something about it.
I would then mention only two other small points which relate to treasures
taken out of our country by foreigners. I know, Sir, at the present moment
there are some restrictions as far as the export of artistic treasures is concerned,
but there are many of the artistic treasures which are already abroad and
which have been taken away from our country. I don't see why we should
not negotiate with foreign governments to get back those treasures. We know
that there are so many good things which belong to our country in the British
Museum and so many good things, for example, in the Boston Museum in
the U.s.A. Should we not use our good offices with at least the Common-
wealth which, we are always told here, is such a wonderful organisation.
Should we not try to have some kind of negotiation with the British
CO\·ernml'nt rt'garding the return to this country of her own treasures? That
is most important. Why should we not also use our good offices with the
American Government, with which my friends on the other side are so \·ery
friendly, in regard to the return of our treasures from Boston and other
museums and make them disgorge our treasure in their public and semi-
public colll'ctions. I want some kind of assurance in the matter.
There is another point and that is in regard to certain relics \\'hich are still
here-all OH.'r the place-statues of British Viceroys and Commanders-in-Chief
and that kind of thing. They are found for example, in Rashtrapati Bhavan
wlwre I happl'ned to go for listening to some musical.
*** *** ***
A wry sensible suggl'stion. In Rashtrapati Bhavan I saw an array of

paintings and statuettes which were only illustrations of our shame-a shame
which we h,n-e not sucCl'eded in effacing. Let us do something about it now.
So far as the Archaeological Department is concerned, let an assurance be
gi\'l'n to Parliament that this calumny would be effaced as soon as possible.
I shall conclude by saying that archaeology is a matter of the greatest

national importance and that if \-ve are going to build our future, we have to
enthuse our people and they will really be enthusiastic when they know how
great the country has been in the past and how much greater she can be in
the future. That is why archaeological excavations, maintenance of
archaeological sites and remains are of such great national importance. That
is why I suggest that there ought to be a positive plan for further exploration,
for the kind of discovery which has been made in Orissa lately cannot be an
accidental phenomenon. Let money be found for this and let the Government
come forward with a positive plan and I can say, at least on behalf of a very
large part of the Opposition, if not for the entire Opposition, we shall certainly
vote larger grants of money with pleasure.
THE UNIVERSITY GRANTS COMMISSION BILL, 1955*£
As I rise to speak on this very important measure, I am very ready and

willing to concede that the Bill has emerged from the Joint Committee in
very much better shape than when it went in there. But I fear that there are
still some very serious lacunae in this measure and I would ask Parliament
to consider the character of these lacunae remove them.
I think we are all agreed that what is wanted most of all in our country
today is not only more education but also better education at every level
including the highest. In this Bill which has higher education in view we
find, however, a certain emphasis which is to be found even in its title which
I consider to be rather wrong and dangerous. I say this because I have noticed
pronouncements by people in Authority with a big' A' which seem to indicate
that there has come about in our country a very serious deterioration in the
standards of university training and research and that therefore what is wanted
today is merely a rectification of those deficiencies. I do not wish to deny for
a moment that for certain reasons that we need not discuss at the present
point of time there perhaps has happened d certain kind of deterioration. But
when we find emphasis in official pronouncements merely on this point of
deterioration, when we find that Government's mind is working more in
regard to the mere rectification of this deterioration, then I have a sense of
apprehension. I do want to see that there is no deterioration in our standards,
that there is an improvement in our standard of work; at the same time I do
not want any narrowing of the opportunities of education even at the very
highest level. What is necessary is to have more and better education at every
level.
I find that in the Bill there is emphasis on its title on 'determination of

standards'. This, I consider to be rather dangerous. I say so because as far as
the determination of standards is concerned, I feel that such determination
should normally be made by the Universities concerned or whenever necessary
the determination of standards should be done by such agencies of inter-
university consultation as the Inter-Universities Board. I want the
determination of standards to be made at an academic level. I fear that this
• L.S. Deb., 23 and 25 November 1955. (Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 4 and 5 May 1956, 11 August 1960,
7 August 1961, 30 May 1972 and 20 November 1973 on similar subjects).
;: The Bill which was aimed at amending the provision for the coordination and determination
of standards in Universities, became the University Grants Commission Act, 1956.
300
Commission as it is going to be constituted, inspite of the eminence of the

members, who, I hope, are going to be chosen for it-inspite of all that, it will
have a certain kind of official savour about it. And that is why I want that
the determination of standards should be done by the Universities themselves
and whenever necessary by such organisations as the Inter-Universities Board.
I do not say this because I happen to have a certain conception of

university autonomy. I know that in an integrated society, there can never be
anything like an absolute autonomy for Universities or for any organisation.
I certainly would say it from the house-tops that there is no such thing as
absolute university autonomy. But at the same time I am convinced that in
practice this Commission is going to be endowed with powers so temptingly
wide that in the context of bureaucratic functioning which persists in our
country today, I have very serious apprehensions as to how this University
Grants Commission as envisaged in this Bill is going to function.
I know that this kind of apprehension has been expressed by people who
would be considered unexceptionable by even the Government of the day.
For example I find in the report of the Sixth Congress of the Universities of
the Commonwealth, published in 1948, a reference to the danger of political
interference or interference ensuing out of a sense of "tidy-minded
administration", the passion for standardisation and that kind of thing. This
is something against which I wish this House to be on guard. There should
not be the kind of standardisation which I fear is for all practical purposes
envisaged by the terms of this Bill. In the name of co-ordination and
determination of standards, there may be a kind of stereotyping of university
courses and university policies. If that happens, that would be a very
disastrous thing because our country has a multifarious character. In different
regions it has a richness of culture which has got to be nurtured and developed
and it is through the instrumentality of the universities that we are going to
have that kind of cultural development.
I wish also to bring to the notice of the House the fact that this Bill
envisages a body of 9 and they are to dole out at least Rs. 5 crores to some
35 universities. Therefore, I fear that in the present context of things, unless
we expand the composition of the Commission, unlest we change the manner
of the constitution of the Commission there would follow subservience to
Government. I said this because in today's context subservience to Government
would be most undesirable. I know that it shall be said in this House that
today's context has changed entirely from what used to be the case before;
but in certain regards I am not so very sure. For example, I find that this
question about standards is coming from Government sources a little too
dangerously often. It was exactly on this question of deterioration of standards
that in the British days governmental interference in the universities came
about. I remember very vividly something which was said by the gn'at
Ashutosh Mukerjee when the autonomy of Calcutta Univcrsity was in dangl'r.
On that occasion also the charge made against the University was that the
standards were deteriorating. Ashutosh Mukerjee was the man who put India,
so to speak, and unin'rsities in India particularly, on the resl'arch map of the
world. That was his greatest title to eminence and at that time he was a Judgc
of a High Court; he had not en'n retired. He had made a spl'l'ch some parts
of which I remember even to this day. He said to a meeting of the Calcutta
Unh"ersity Senate: "Forget the GO\"ernment of India; forget the Gm"ernment
of Bengal; do your duty as senators of this University. Frl'edom first, freedom
second, freedom always." He said that when he was a moderate of modl'ratl'S
on constitutional matters or political matters and vvhen he was a Judge of ,1
High Court.
".".". ".".".
Now, I know freedom has come to this country. I know the context has
changed but in the same way there is a likelihood-I have that apprehension
because our Government functions in the same way and has not changed in
essentials--of interference in regard to university autonomy. Again, there is
no reason why universities should be absolutely autonomous. Universities
have to subserve the objectives of the nation; there is no doubt about it. But,
at the sametime for purpose of determination of standards autonomy should
be given to the universities. Why this emphasis on merely determination of
standards? Why not on expansion of education? Why not on the improvement
of the efficiency of our educational apparatus? I know there was an effort
made in the Joint Committee as well as in the House when it was discussed
at the first stage to bring about a change in the long title of the Bill. But that
change was resisted by the powers that be and that is why I suggest this is
something which we have to look into very carefully.
Then, with regard to clause 2 relating to the question of affiliated colleges

the Joint Committee has certainly made an improvement upon the original
formulation of the Bill and it has been now made possible on the
recommendation of the university concerned to grant monies out of funds at
the disposal of the Commission to affiliated colleges. But, as will be noticed
by members of the House from different minutes of dissent appended to the
Report, many of us felt that this was not enough. Many of us felt that these
affiliated colleges, which have been the Cinderella in the realm of education,
have got to be looked after a lot more solicitously by Government particularly
today. I say this because, if we look into the history of most of those affiliated
colleges which were started by private agencies, by individuals or by small
organisations, you will find that this is an example of educational idealism
of which our country should be proud. These colleges have carried on far a
long time somehow. It is a miracle how they have conducted themsel\'es for
so long. It is really a miracle how they have produced the alumni that have
coml' out of them. These affiliated colleges prepare students for the basic
factor in education, namely the degree. In universities like Oxford and
Cambridge it is the Honours Degree which is most important. You ha\'e to
go through the grind in order to get your B.A. Honours Degree and generally
speaking, in Oxford or Cambridge a good Honours Degree is considered a
great deal more estimable than a doctorate in Philosophy or in any other
subject because in order to get your Honours Degree you pave to go through
the grind of uni\'ersity education which is supposed to develop character
and to l'ngl'ndl'r in your mind a kind of idealism in regard to the things of
the spirit. Now, these private colleges which are in charge of Honours
Education have done this type of work from year to year and they have been
treatl'd in a most step-motherly fashion by Government. Even today we find
there is no pro\'ision for support to the affiliated colleges. We have been told:
"There are 900 pri\'ate colleges. How can we assist them? We have no money."
Now, if I were to ask for money I may be considered to be a subversive
character and therefore my appeal may be of no effect. But, the Radhakrishnan
Commission has said that it is about time we shed this repetitive emphasis
on the lack of monetary resources on the part of Government; it is about time
\'\'e came forward and said that education at allle\'els, the lowest as well as
the highest, has the first priority on the finances of the country. Therefore, at
this present stage I shall certainly suggest that more is done in order to assist
the affiliated colleges.
Now, in regard to the allocation of money so far made by the Uni\'ersity
Grants Commission I find certain indications which gi\'e rise to apprehensions.
For myself I am certainly very happy that for scientific and technical education
large sums of money, comparatively speaking, are allotted by the Commission.
But, I find that as far as the humanities are concerned the expenditure is by
no means satisfactory. So far as the figures supplied to us are concerned we
find that the expenditure on humanities is very much lower than what it
should be. It is a very good thing that we see in the notes of dissent a fairly
well-known oriental scholar emphasising the desirability of spending more
money on scientific and technical subjects and perhaps, along with the kind
of pleasure that we get from reading that particular note of dissent some of
us might be happy that I, who am supposed, perhaps, to represent a very
material and sordid point of view in regard to the things that are important
in life, am championing the cause of the humanities. I do not say that you
beat down the amount of money which you have allotted for scientific and
technical subjects. I only say that you spend more, but, at the same time, for
humanities you spend a little more.
And, that reminds me of what is going on in the minds of many members
of this House and that is about the position of Sanskrit and all the classical
languages. There was ,1 question today also in rt'g.1rd tn ,1 cnnfl'rence of

Sanskrit Scholars held somewhere in our country. I do teel that toddY the
emphasis on dassi(,ll IC'lrnin~ is 'llmost Pl'ing hlrgllttl'n. I fl'l" that, if Wl'
really want the cultural de\'eh)pml'nt of our country thl'rl' has to be ,1
realisation that these things of the spirit ha\'t~ to be treasured and at least onl'
classical language has to be learned fairly well by whol'\'er is going in for
university education. I knLHv there is a mO\'e now to make Hindi the really
effective State language of our country. I wish Godspeed to that l'ffort. I hear
the kind of Hindi spoken sometimes by Hindi enthusiasts; I see the kind of
Hindi which is written in Government publications which haw the objective
of making Hindi understood in different parts of the country. I may ha\'t~ my
own \'iews in regard to how this kind of Hindi is going to help or hinder the
development of Hindi as a literary medium. I am not in .1 position to
pronounce on it, because I did not learn Hindi at my mothl'r's knel'; I It>arnt
Bengali and I cannot talk about Hindi in that way. But I feel that if this kind
of Sanskritic Hindi is really and truly considered to be acCt.'ptable mort' readily
to the different parts of the country, then it is all the more reason that you
also emphasis the study of Sanskrit for certain purposes. Without d knowledgt"
at least in a certain measure, of Sanskrit, you cannot undl'rstand mdny of the
Hindi words which are now being sought to be made current. Quite apart
from that, there is the wonderful heritage of the Sanskrit litt'rature and there
is also the great Arabic and Persian literature which mingle in the common
stream of Indian culture. I wish the Ministry of Education comes forward
with a really well thought out plan regarding support to tlwse classical
languages. But Sanskrit is now almost being ignored. As for Arabic and
Persian, I know certain universities where there is hardly any dfort to teach
Arabic and Persian, and now Sanskrit is going down the drain in mort' or
less the same fashion. That would be a terrific damage to our cultural life and
I feel that in regard to the humanities more money ought to bl' spent by the
Government and the Commission's attention should be drawn towards it.
I shall now refer to clause 5 which refers to the composition of the

Commission. I consider that the composition of the Commission as l'nvisaged
in this Bill is open to very serious objection.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
I shall tum to other aspects in this Bill which are very important. I find
that clause 5 is rather objectionable and requires to be changed rather basically,
because I do not wish that this body of nine controls so much finance and has
the means of calling the tune on the principle that it is paying the piper and
therefore, there is a very serious danger to the entire academic life of our
country. I consider that the number of members of this Commission should
lw l.'xpandt.'d and Wt.' should havl.' the elective principle introduced much
morl' into this. I say, this bt.'GllIse I feel that todav
,. we hear from time-to-time
from high-up Spokl'snwn of Co'.'t.'rnment that big things are happening in the
country; tlldt tlll're is .l rt:'\'olution from below and the common people are
coming fOf\o\'ard and sharing the resurgence of life, and so on and so forth.
If there is going to be an educational reconstruction, it is necessary that
educatiorldl l'Xpl:'rts, those who cUe in charge of teaching and research work
in this country should tht.'msel\'es feel that they are participating in the
direction of rl'search, university teaching, and all that kind of thing. Therefore,
it won't be too much trouble-and if it is trouble, we should not mind it-
but tlll're will not be too much trouble in ha\'ing a kind of set-up where
pt.'ople l'ngagl'd in tt.'aching and research in the different regions have certain
constitul'ncil's of thl'ir own and they elect some people. The vice-chancellors
also can sit round the table and elect some of their number to go and work
on the Commission. If, therl'fort', we enlarge the number of members of the
Commission and if we pro\'idl:' for an apparatus of election of members of
thl' Commission by differt.'nt individuals and different agencies, by \'ice-
chann'lIors or by those \,\,ho are engaged in teaching and research in different
unin'rsities, that would certainly be something which would give us a great
deal of l'ncouragl'mt.'nt as far as the formation of the University Grants
Commission is conct'rned.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ",.,.
I know that tlwrl' is some objection on the part of some people to the
wholl' idl'il of l'il'ction; they hold the idt'a that nomination by Gl)\'ernment
would pl'rhaps be in keq..,ing with the dignity of the \'ice-chancellors and
that Sllrt of thing. But I am placing my feeling before the House and that is
that it would redound \"l'ry much better to efficiency and the purposes for
which this Bill stands if Wl' introduce the elective principle. I wish also to
point out that the Radhakrishnan Commission had suggt'sted the formation
of regional commissions, because our country is so large that it is very much
better if we get the work of this nature done through the instrumentality of
the regional commissions, but there is no reference to regional commissions
as far as the Bill is conct'rned.
I would refer again to clause 12. This has raised some misgivings in the
minds of many Members of this House in regard to the position of regional
languages in higher education. I wish to refer in particular to the minute of
dissent given by my friend, Mr. Avinashalingam Chettiar where he says that
the expression "national purposes" is rather vague; it is rather undefinable
and it is necessary that there is in the statute itself some provision safeguarding
the interests of regional languages. I support this idea, because I feel that
what we need is the planned growth of our regional languages as well as of
the State language. In the universities of the different regions, naturally the
regional language would be the medium of instruction. Therefore, we shall

want publications in different departments of knowledge. It is \'cry difficult
to bring out really good publications unless they are organised propl'rly with
adequate financial resources at the back of th'lt effort; and it is only
Government which can do it. Therefore, I fed that in regard to regional
languages there should be a n'ry dear provision in the Bill, quite apart from
whatever assurances Gm'ernment mayor may not gi\"t~ in this House. I wish
Government at least repeats the assurance alrl'ady hinted at in rl'gard to tIll'
nurturing of regional languages. Apart from this assurance which I hope will
be forthcoming, I wish there is some actual statutory pro\'isil)[l rl'gMding the
safeguarding of the position of these regionallanguagl's. Wl' want publications
in different languages and unless COH'rnnll'nt comes forward with spl'cial
assistance for the sake of publications in the different langlhlgl's on different
aspects of knowledge, we shall not get the kind of Iitl'rature thdt we nl'l'd for
purposes of our higher education. I also feel that what is pointl'd out in some
of the minutes of dissent is quite reasonable, namely, that block grants should
be made to the uni\'ersities for a specified period of time. If )"l'arly grants are
made and if there is a feeling that grants ' .... ill be rl'newed lln wndition of
good behaviour, and if good beha\'iour is to be defined by gon'rnn1l'ntal
agencies, then naturally the position would be rather undl'sirabll'. In this
connection, I find from a brochure supplied to us by COH'rnml'nt-brochurl'
on "Financing and Control of University Education"-a rdl'fl'IKl' to the
position of uni\'ersities in Latin America. It says:
"In Latin America, one comes across a method of financing unin'rsities

by allotting to them automatically a certain percl'lltage of the total revenul'S
of the State and not demanding any account of how the money was
spent."
In Latin America they do this. If we can be more generous in regard to

the provision of money to the different universities, that would be a Vl'ry
good thing and perhaps block grants for a specified period of time would be
extremely helpful to the cause for which this Bill stands.
I feel, therefore, that it is very important that we are passing this Bill, and
it is very important, at the same time, that we pay attention to those very
serious omissions in this Bill which are still there. And I am sure the other
Members of the Joint Committee, particularly those who have given notes of
dissent, and other hon. Members of this House would make their contribution
in order to make this Bill very much better than it is at present.
What we need is a thorough overhaul of education. And, as I said before,

we want more and better education at every level. What I find is from time
to time the Govt:'rnmt:'nt trots out apparently impressive figures regarding

expt:'nditure on t:'ducation and other things, but in effect little is done.
Last year a very t:'minent scientist, Professor Bernal came to this country
on his way back from China and he gave talks, and he wrote in some
periodicals in England, like the New Satesmall and Natioll. And he appeared
to think, after his inspection of what was being done in China, that in China
the quantity and quality of work that is being done for the encouragement
of higher education \'\'as better than in our country. Now, why should we lag
behind China? There is no reason why we should. I have not myself been to
Chirl<l. I cannot gi\·e my own impressions of what is happening there, but
hert' is a scil'ntist who went there and who also advised our country in
regard to scientific education. He told us, for instance, about a geological
unin'rsity in r\'king. Today there was a question about a geological map of
India. I do nnt think we haH' yet got a geological map en'n of such a very
rich region, as Dr. Saha once pointed out, like Orissa. We ha\'e not got that.
In China, I do not know what the actual position of their geological studies
is at thl' moml'nt, but Dr. Bt'rnal wrote in the Nn/' Statc~lI1al1 and Natioll that
tl1l'y haw gnt a geological university. In Peking they ha\·e prO\·ision of an
l'normous uniH'rsity town wl1l're students reside; there are residential
institutions. The,· arl' thl're in tens of thousands. And the number of teachers
is also H'ry high. The pwportion of teachers to students, the ratio, is very
high cnmpared to ours. That is the kind of thing being done in China.
But, Iwrl' in our country we find things are proceeding not only at a very
slow P,Kl' but in ,1 mal1lwr which is deleterious to tht:' interests of higher
education, to the intl'rl'sts l)f e\"l·rything. We, thl'refort.', do not want ding-
dong doings; \\"l' want a purposin~ atmosphere, a basic understanding of the
l1l'l'ds of the country and a plan to satisf~' the needs of the country.
Therl'forl', it is ,·ery important that we imprlwe upon the prlwisions of
the Bill as it is and get to start to do whatewr job wt:' art:' capable of doing
at this particular moment. I IWl,d not enlarge upon the importance of this
measurl" because it is very nl'c('ssary that we throw open the spiritual \".. ealth
of our country-and not onlv of our countrv but the wealth that has ensued
out of the intellectual achie~·ements of oth~r countries-it is necessary we
throw open that spiritual wealth to as many of our people as we possibly
can.
That is our objective, and it is with that objective in view that I have
suggested certain very serious changes in the form of the Bill as it has been
presented to us today. I, therefore, support this Bill; but I do wish that some
basic alterations are made in this measure before Parliament passes it.
*** *** ***
.... .1 need not take the time of the House because it has already been
pointed out that we are going to have this Bill for certain very definite and
specific purposes. As far as the central universities are concerned, their

maintenance is a headache of Government in terms of certain statutory
provisions which are already there. I do not see why in a roundabout fashion
the question of expenses in regard to the maintenance of central universities,
which is the responsibility of the Government to maintain, is being brought
in. The object of this legislation is, \"ery obviously, to see that there is co-
ordination and determination of standards in universities and for that purpose,
Government is supposed to be generously allocating certain funds for certain
very specified purposes-for laboratories, for equipment, for libraries, for
hostels, for play-grounds and for Hea\·en knows what other educational
amenities. Therefore, this way of introducing the question of the central
universities appears to me to be extremely improper and particularly in \·iew
of the decision of the Joint Committee, the way in \,,,hich Gtwernment has
come forward somewhat surreptitiously appears to me to suggest also that
something is wrong ....
...... ...... .. ....

This BiII, which is going to be passed in a short while, is a limited measure
and, like the pro\"erbial curate's egg, it is good only in parts. But I hope that
its results may be better than I fear they will be.
I have several regrets in regard to the form of the Bill as it passl's this
House. One is in regard to affiliated colleges, whose condition I am very well
aware of on account of close association. I know they have got very scant
mercy under clause 2 (f) of this Bill, which provides that at least a very few
and select affiliated colleges might be chosen by the University Grants
Commission for its benevolence. But I wish that the recommendations of the
Radhakrishnan Commission were taken more earnestly into account by
Government when formulating this Bill. I know that the Radhakrishnan
Commission, of which my friend to my left, Shri Meghnad Saha, was a
distinguished member, went round the country, visited most of these affiliated
colleges and recommended that some very definite steps in regard to financial
assistance to these colleges should be adopted. I thought that when the
University Grants Commission was being set up on a permanent foundation,
some measures would be adopted by Government in this direction.
I have another regret and that is in regard to the fact that determination
of standards is a job which has been foisted upon this nine-man body, the
University Grants Commission. This, again, is, I feel, against the spirit of the
Radhakrishnan Commission's Report. In Chapter XIII, section 19 of its Report,

the Radhakrishnan Commission recorded a clear finding. It said:
"We have considered the pros alld COilS of prescribing additional duties
for the Commission besides the allocation of grants, and we have decided
against it".
I feel that, as in England, the University Grants Commission should have

trusted our academic institutions a little more and should have left the
determination of standards to be done by the universities concerned or by
such agencies of academic consultation as the Inter-Universities Board.
I have another regret, and that is that in the long title of the Bill as well
as in the formulation of the Bill. I find that there is no emphasis-which was
very necessary-on expansion, as against the other aspect, determination of
standards. Now, I say this because when this Bill was first presented to this
House, in the Statement of Objects and Reasons there was a statement 'that
the problem (of higher education) has become more acute recently on account
of the tendency to multiply Universities'. According to the Directory of
Uni\"t:'rsities, 1953, published by the Glwernment, I find that the present
number of Universities in India is 39, while there are 17 Universities in the
UK, which is of the size of one of our bigger States. I feel there is ample scope
for the establishment of many more Universities. In this connection, I want
to refer to a math:.'r which I mentioned earlier in the course of the discussion,
and that is the report given by Professor Bernal in regard to the position in
China. He wrote in the NCil' Statcsl/IIl1/ and Ntltillll, a British periodical, on
26 March and 2 April 1955. He said that in Peking there are Universities of
Al'ronautics, Agricultural Engineering, Geology, Mining, Petroleum and
Metallurgy, and he found also that there they plan according to what the
country needs. Uni\·ersities have to subserve the interests of the country and,
theft'fore, the country has to find out how many engineers, how many
technicians, how many academicians in different spheres are wanted and on
that basis, you go ahead. How many of them we want has first to be
formulated, and then we can go ahead. There the emphasis is, on the one
hand, on the \"t:'ry highest quality, of top-class education, and on the other, on
the production of qualified people as engineers, as doctors, as technicians of
varying descriptions who would not be truly top-class. For example, a medical
course of four years instead of six years or more would perhaps produce in
this country a sufficient supply of people who can go into our villages and
man our essential medical services. A similar proceeding can be adopted in
regard to the other technical courses necessary for us. Therefore, what is
wanted is a kind of plan where there would be a co-ordination of very top-
class high quality higher education, and at the same time, the production of
cadres of our people who would be able to go into the country and carryon
the work of educational reconstruction or of health recreation and all that

sort of thing.
I have no time, because of the limitation of our schedule, to go into

detail, but I find that in Peking there are three great collegl's of Gl'ology, and
also--they han~ set up a Geology Ministry under a Geologist-a whole
Ministry under a Geologist. And Prof. Bernal reports that tlwre are 200,000
scientists, engineers and doctors in training in China and this, he says, is
some fh·e times the number in Britain and about a third as many per head
of the population as in Britain.
Now, I want my country to go ahead faster than China. I h<1\"e heard the
Prime Minister say that in regard to medical education, we are bettl'r off than
China. It is very good that we are better off than China, but if \\"l' are in that
position, let us go ahead faster. And China, as Prof. Bernal says, is an l'xample
to the countries of Asia. Let us better that example; let us go ahead much
faster than China is doing today. Let us realise that today what is wantl'd is
the rapid bringing out of the latent knowledge and ability of thl' whole
people, and not merely of a privileged few, of a traditional elitl'. And it is
from that point of view that I wish that the University Grants Commission
should see about its work. But I fear, Sir, that there are s(' many limitations
and there are so many peculiar provisions redolent of the atmosphere of
yesterday that all these hopes that I am giving expression to in rl'gard to the
educational reconstruction of our country are perhaps doomed to
disappointment. All the same, this is a measure which brings some limited
improvement to the state of things in our educational life today and to that
extent, I am prepared to welcome it.
SANSKRIT: OUR LITERARY HERITAGP
M r. S~1l'a ker, I ,lin \"t'ry ha ppy tha t vve are discussing the Report of the
Sansk.rit Commission and I would like to begin by paying my tribute to the
l'ruditl' and distinguished members of that Commission who produced a
docullll'nt worthy of their erudition. This is not to say that I agree with all
their recomnll'ndations, but I should, first of all, pay my tribute to the members
of the Cl)Jl1mission.
In s~"lL'ak.ing on this SUbjl'ct, you will forgi"e me if I feel a little nostalgic,
and spl'cially with you in tIll' Chair, I feel like recalling those days when we
\\"l'rl' brought up \"l'ry largl'ly on Sanskrit, and it is a thing which we can
11l'\"l'r forgl't. But there arl' fL.w things of which we are more proud than this
many-spkndourl'd Il'gacy which is the Sanskrit language and the literature
of S,lI1skrit. It goes without saying-we need not repeat it-that it is a language
of unri,'alll'd riehm'ss and purity and, as MaxMuelier once said, it is the
grl'atl'st languagl' in the world, the most wonderful and the most perfect. But
to us today, it is \"cry important to recall that it is the parent of all our
regional languages. It is a magnificent unifying factor. When we remember
thosl' ~"'(lktl~ Ii ke
m 7.fIJ!r ~ ~ rm<rrit I
~ ff:r.$f, ~ "1HWH "fTRfEi ¥ II
We cUl' rl'mindl'd at the same moment of the unity of our country. When
Wl' think of our sewn tirthtl:> or places of pilgrimage like Kashi and Kanchi,
we are remindl'd l)f the unity of our land. And so we are reminded of the
legacy of tolerance and compassion and a sense of oneness with the uni\"erse
and yet of detachment from it, which is a contribution of Sanskrit culture to
human civilisation.
I rel11emLwr the time when we were told by our elders to recite such
:;h/okas as:
7l frqr ~~ fuq mr WtFrr c,c;IA1;iJ

~ ~ mr
TJ11TWf: <tiMt=r ~2{4Ir4CfiI:
..:H~if1f4~ Jt1WIR1(d/: Cfi1fflr ti/qiRCfiI
~ ~ atigrl'h("j ~H7Cfi41/f# m
• L5. DI'I>., 5 May 1'15'1. [Spl'.lking whill' participating in thl' Discussion on the Report oi the
S,mskrit Commissionl.
311
\Vhen we were brought up in that kind of t'lwironment ,md whl'n we were

told those ~hlkll~, we got into our bol1t:'s the idea of the unity of all who swear
bv the best achien'ments of human culture. Wht'n our H'dic ann'stors sl't for
us such wonderful words as:
$~1IC(7P1fi1~ ~ "'-1sFcn ~ JfT/r( I

~ ~ ~PH rrr Tf.F1: /I
where is sociology of a greater order and more l'ssl'ntial correctnl'SS than
what we find in those days? If we want today a slogan for our socialist
pattern of society, what can we recite with greater l'ffl'ct than what uSl'd to
be recited en'ry morning in Gandhiji's Sabarmati Ashram?
";f ~ ~ ~ ";f -p:pj -:rr:fliP-r I

~ ~:&rtt{17'1i sl7fU7'114lfit ~ II
'I do not want a kingdom. I do not want to go to hl'an'!l. I do not want to

be born again. What I want is the elimination of the suffl'ring of my fl'llo\\'
beings'. What can be a better ideal for us to \\'ork for? This is th.' St1rt of thing
\vhich we ha\·e inherited, so to speak, with our \"l:,ry brl'ath, with our motht'rs'
milk. We have imbibed the kind of culture which Sanskrit repfl'sents, ,md
that is why I say that here is a legacy of which we should <llways be consciolls.
We should remember at the same time that surl'ly our tradition, the
legacy of India, does not mean mere withdrawal from lifl'. Wl' ha\·e such
things as references to the 64 arts; we have got the A,.tl/{/~htbtm; we han~ got
the v\"ork of Vatsyayan; we have got works on architl'cture, like the A111lltbtlrtl.
We have got mathematicians like Aryabhatta, Vdrah,lInihira and Br,lhmaput"
who had such an expansion of mind and amplitude of thought as to look
upon the Yamtls, the Greek astronomers of those days, as their :\l/ru~. That
was a period when there was a kind of n.'al cultural t'xchangl" clnd that was
a time of our greatest glory.
Then followed, of course, a period of declension. That was the time whl'n
we made Sanskrit the prerogative of the privileged few, \"\'hl'n we took Sanskrit
as something which only a few people would specialise in, whl'n we put a
ban, so to speak, on the commonest of our people getting into the portals of
Sanskrit learning. That was the beginning of our degeneration. That is why
it is very necessary for us to find out what we should pursue, <md to that task
surely the Sanskrit Commission's Report will make some contribution.
The Sanskrit Commission's Report makes a reference to Sanskrit bt'ing
not only a language and a literature but also a way of life. But I fear that as
far as this is concerned, I have to enter caveat to express my obj<,·ction. We
cannot revive a way of life, but we can creatively readjust to present day
conditions the best of what we have inherited from the past, and that is why
I say that this kind of expression is perhaps smacking of a revivalist tendency
which is not altogetl1l'r d \'cry good thing.
Thl' Commission has also recommended that Sanskrit should be made a

compulsory subjl'ct in secondary schools, and my hon. friend, Shri Supakar,
has appro\'ed of the idea, Much as I wish that Sanskrit could be made a
compulsory subjl'ct in our secondary schools, I am afraid I cannot ask for it.
You know \\'l' ha\'e read in schools,
~fcfwr~~
~ rfP.lf'.1J:n: cWi3/ ff1r:.FT: I
'The years go on and we ha\'e so much to do; so many troubles and so
many t)bstadt's Misl'. It is not possible to learn e\'erything.' We are going to
han? Hindi, thl' rl'gional language as well as English in the present day
conil':\t of things, \1y hon. friend, Dr, K.L. Shrimali, a little while ago was
talking ,)blHlt the impossibility t)f our getting rid of English as quickly as
many t)f us want. So since English, the regional language and Hindi ha\'e got
to be learnt at the sl'cond.uy stagt', I am afraid I cannot recmnmend the idea
of Sanskrit bt'ing ,) compulsory subject in the secondary stage.
I c.1I1not also agree \\"ith the rt'comnwndation of the Commission that

tlwrl' should be S,mskrit LJnin'rsities all owr the place, I feel that Sanskrit as
.1 subject should be assistt'd in e\'ery way. There should be specialised
institutes. E\'l·ry assistance should bl' gi\"en for purposes of research. I should
certdinly SdY th,)t the t{l/~, ptltl!tl~tl/ll~ and other places, where Sanskrit was
taught according to till' tr,lliitit)J1al methods, should not be pooh-poohed,
should not be ignored; they should be looked into and there should be an
attl'mpt at adjusting modern ideas in regard to education with the ideas of
education which those old seminarit's possessed.
I fed also that nowadays the association of Sanskrit It'arning with the
prit.stly ordt'r is no longt·r \"t:'ry dfectin? because, after all, the priestly order,
if it is not redlly facing t'xtinction, no longer offers an appetizing prospect to
our young people. Also there should be a kind of detachment as between
learning and pril'st-craft or things like astrology. Then'fore, unencumbered
by prit·st-craft there should be rest'arch institutions, there should be educational
sl'minarit's dnd such things wlwre we can combine the best of the past with
the best of the prt·sent.
The Commission has also recommt'nded the appointment of a Central
Sanskrit Board and I was glad to find the Minister of Education, my friend
Dr. K.L. Shrimali, saying in the other House that G(wernment is going to
make an announcement on this subject. I think there should be as soon as
possible a Central Sanskrit Board which would look into mattl'rs th.lt would
naturallv come betore it.
The Commissil)\1 has .1bo rl'comn1l'ndl'd that tl1l'rl' should bl' son1l' effort
to standardise examination in ordl'r to gi\'l' dl'grl'l's and diplom.ls in Sanskrit
and oriental learning, I think this is also .1 m.lttl'r on which <. ;o\'l'rnn1l'nt
ought to come to a decision as soon as eH'r that is pl)ssibll',
There h,h abl) been an idl'a that manuscripts arl' then', strewn all O\'l'r
the place in pri\'ate hands, We haH' an Indian Historical Rl'cords Commissllln,
but I am afraid it dol'S not operate as effl'cti\'l'Iy as \\'l' wish it to l'SPl'cj.llly
in regard to Sanskrit manuscripts. There is an animus in tlw minds of our
western ac.,demicians in the Historical Rl'cords Cl)mmission, Tht'\' do not
care to go so much about the ttll~ and plltl!ll~llhl~ of till' past. It is Ill'Cl'SS","Y
that a \'ery special effort is made to locate Sanskrit manuscripts in this countr~'
and to get them together and to bring out l'ditions of tl1l'1ll with rl'fl'rl'IKl'S
that are \'ery important for our purpose,
I feel also that if the Oxford LJniwrsity could bring out ,lI1thologies of
Greek \'erse and Latin verse, there is no reason vl/hy our unin'rsities should
not bring out publications like the anthl)logy of Sanskrit \'crSt', bl'C,lllSl' \n'
have such a magnificient legacy of Sanskrit \'t'rse that surl'ly, if a colk'ctil)Jl
and a selection is made, it will be a most wonderful thing, If, for l'xamplt"
the University Grants Commission takes it upon itsl'lf to encourage certain
universities where Sanskrit studies are carried on most efficiently, then perhaps
very good results may ensue.
The Sanskrit Commission has also recomml'nded that gifted l'xponents

of the Ramayalla, the Malwblwratll and the BIIllSIli.'eld Gitel, dc, should be
employed in the Community Development Projects and the National Extension
Schemes. I feel that it is very necessary. You know very well that I profess an
ideology which is materialistic, but, at the same time, I know vl'ry wl'll that
there are certain things which are absolutely related to the moral conduct of
man, and quite apart from the purely religious connotation and purdy
metaphysical connotation of the matter, there are certain moral aspects and
cultural aspects which are absolutely important and they should be instilled
into the minds of people. If Katltakatas and other media of instruction are so
important, it is very necessary that in the Community Development Projects
and in the National Extension Centres, the real enthusiasm of our people is
moblised in an inspiring fashion and that can even now be done only if
gifted exponents of the Ramayana and the Mahabltarata are called in.
I have seen, for example the edition in English-the exposition of the

Mahabharata, by Shri C. Rajagopalachari. It is a wonderful thing. That is the
sort of thing which makes an appeal to the hearts of our people straight and
that is the sort of thing which recalls to the minds of our people the great
achie\'enll'nts of our ancestors in the past, especially today when I find in the
South, at least in parts of the South, in Tamil Nad, a sort of re\'ulsion. Perhaps
this is a rl'action which is temporary. I find some people ha\'e got an animus
against our classics, scriptures and all that. It has to be combated. It has to
be understood, Of courSl', may bl', they ha\'e certain things to say, It is
IWCl'ssary ior us to go and understand thl'm and to tell them that after all the
tr,ldition of our country is l'mbl'ddl'd in this \·.. onderful legacy which we
haH' got and which we ha\'e no business to ridicule, which \\'1.' ha\'e no
busilll'sS to kl'l'p out of thl' reach of the pl'opll',
Tlll'rl'iore, it is necessary that gifted exponents of the Ralllayallil and the

A t.,lttl/JI/t'l'tlfll, dc, arl' requisitioned not for metaphysical purposes, not for
propagating any particular \'aridy of religion-because India \\'as always
much too toll-rant for all that-but in mdl'r to instil those eternal n'rities of
condud which haH' got to be ,1ssimilated before we can go ahead and we can
reconstruct our life, TI1l'rl'fl)fl', what I am pleading ior is a creati\'e
re,ldjustnll'nt of all that is best in our tradition with ,111 that is best in the
prl'sl'nt dyn,lmk modern ,lge ,md that is something to \\'hich Go\"t'rnment
should gin' its attention.
It is ,1 pity that our work so far in regard to Sanskrit and oriental studies
in gl'lwr,ll dOL'S not compare with tlw \\"llrk done by foreigners. A German
likl' .-\uirl'cht has produCl'd a (Ilfaftlgll~ (tl/lliagol'lIl1l in which he has mentioned
about :"O,llllll manuscripts in Sanskrit in different museums in Europe. We do
not know ,1 good de,ll ablHlt it. \\'l' h,1\'e come down to such a stage that if
\\'l' \\',lnt a good didil1lMry, l'H'n now it is the St. Petersburg dictionary
which \\"l' h.l\"(' to consult. Wl' .1I"e bl'ginning to do soml,thing in this regard
,1I1d soml' llf our pioneer scholars haH' donl' \"l'ry good work during the last
hundl'l'd ~'l',HS. \Vl' C.1I1 do .1 grl'at deal more when there are men like
\)r. Kal1l', Vidhusl,khara Sh.lstri and others; tlwre are l1wn all O\'er the place
l'spl'cially in tIll' South and otlll'r places like Ban.uas, who can gi\"t~ us
sonll'thing of the best in lHlr cultur.ll 11l'ritage. Surel~' \\'10' ought to make as
much USl' of tlll'm as possibil'.
I am I'l'mindl,d of sOllll'thing which I learnt long agl1 , with which I shall

Clmc\udl':
Whate\'er we ha\'e It'arnt, ,,,hate\"l'r we haH' assimiliatt:'d, whaten'r we han.'

got from our country, whatever is the gift of our country, the gift of our
moti1l'r to us, Wl' have to gin' it back to our country. Our country has suffered
ages of humiliation. Our country has had years of glory; there is no doubt
about that, but centuries of humiliation have also been the portion of our
country. It is necessary not only to \\"l)rship our motl1l'r, but also to help Iwr
risl'. We can only do that if whatt"'H'r Wt.' han' assimiliatt.'d, wh,ltl'\"l'r is real,
good, pwper and true that we ha\"t"~ It.'arnt, \\'l' gi\"e it b,lCk:
If we can do that, if we can contributl' to this ClHlI1try which ga\"l' us

everything, surdy \\"l' shall go alwad in this dynamic \\"l)J·ld (If today"
FEASIBILITY OF DEVANAGARI AS COMMON SCRIPT*
r-.1r. Deputy Speakl'r Sir, my friend, Shri Prakash Vir Shastri has, in his
usual persu.lsiH' ,lI1d pO\\'l'rful way, mm'ed his Resolution, and if this
Resolution Sl'rn's the purPlhl'S of national integration, to which earlier today
the Fin,lIlce \1inister madl' rderl'nce, it ~urely desen'es support. I fear,
hO\\"l'\"l'r, th,lt in spill' of a cl'rtain ~ympathy for this Rt'solution, I do not
think it WllUld bl' ad.\"isable for the House at this present objectin' moment
tn gin' out ,lS it.., opinilll1 that De\'anagri should be adopted as a common
"nipt for all the rl'gilln,ll languagl's. I am myself attracted to the idea of a
..;ingll' snipt and I Oll1fl'SS thelt I h,1\"e a soft corner for Roman script, though
I haH' no time tll go into ,my dl'tails in rl'gard to the ad\'isability of Roman
script bl'ing ,ldllpll'd, I k.nnw also that under the Constitution it is Oeyanagri
..,nipt which is sl't out tn be the form in which the official language is going
to bl' l"pn'",sl'd. Sir, I fee\, howen'r, that it is necessary, if we can, as soon as
po~sibll', to gl't a coml11on snipt in which \\"l' can cOlwey our ideas and only
till \l'ry n'cently in till' army the Ftlllji Akllhll" came out in the Roman script
,lIld, I ,1111 sun" it did a gllllli lit-al of \'L'ry \'aluable work.
I k.nll\\' H'r~' well that till' ~'lgari script is, phllJ1etically speaking, \'ery
11l',uly pl'rfl'ct ,lIld it is 11111..,t scientifically constructed and pt'rhaps, e,cept for
till' ..,llund "Z", tlwre is nn otlll'r sound which can come out of the human
tongue which c,lI1not bl' 1l1l1St scil'ntifically formulated,
*** **" ***
But tIll' troubll' is th,lt \\"l' haH' in this country different linguistic units,
At tIll' presl'nt mOllwnt, I am talking l'nly of tlw prl'St'nt day. We ha\'e in this
country diffl'n'nt lingubtic units which do not appear at all ready to accept
Dl'\'an,lgri ,1S the commlln script for all their languagl's, I knl)\\' my frit'nd,
Shri I\uk,lsh Vir Shastri, has statt'd th,lt one does not ha\'l.' to gin' up his own
script in order to ,Kcept Dl'\'anagri but, after all, if Oe\'anagri is officially
recomml'ndl'd and imposl'd, so to speak, as a common script for the whole
countr\', tlwn, na tur,l II\', tlw n'sult would be the \'irtual l~Jimination of the
otlwr ~cripts, Now, \...·I;etlwr \\'l' would like it or not, tl1l're is a great dl'al of
feeling about tlwsl' saipts. Then' is a ft'e1ing for the Gurumukhi script, for
instann', which has created so much trouble for the Punjab, eH'n though the
differenCl' bl'twl't.'n the De\'nagri script and tlw Gurumukhi script is
• I.,::;, I kl •. , 17 M.m:h 1% I. IShri MlIkl'rjl'l' spokt' whill' p.1rticip.ltillg ill thl' deb.ltl' Oil .1 rri\',l!t'
MI'mbl'rs Rl'sn\lItioll 1ll11\"l'd by Shri ('rolk,lsh Vir Sh.lstri rl'g,ll'dillg Dt.'\'.1Il,lg.lri as COllllllllll
Script inr ,111 I'l'giOIl.1\ \.mgll,lgl'SJ.
317
infinitesimal; even so, the attachnwnt to the script is therl'. Tlwre is thl' 1~1mil
script dnd in the national museums you will find inscriptions in which the
Tamil script is uSl'd, inscriptions which are 2,000 years l)ld. TI1l're is a great
deal of sentiment and emotion attached to this kind of script ,1I1d there is, in
large parts of our country, a feeling that the Hindi Speaking population, ,1S
far as their leading spokesmen are conct'r!1l'd, Me perhaps trying to go a little
too fast, and I have heard from my fril'nds in Tamil Nadu that the indications
in the mile-posts are sometimes giH'n in the Hindi script.
That is ,1 kind of thing which naturally they objt'ct to. We ha,oe notict'd
also how, in the case of numerals, the use of international or Rom,m nUI11l'rais
which is enjoined by the Constitution is objectt'd to by many who look upon
the Nagari numer,1ls to be also the pro~"1l'r kind of script to be l·mplo)"ed. SI),
that being so, the atmosphere in the country today is such that till' purPOSl'S
of national integration are not likely to be sen·ed by the adoption of the
Devanagari script as a common script for all the different languages.
At the same time I know that it is ,oery important for us to try to make
an effort. Gandhiji wanted Hindustani in the Nagari and the Persian script.
That was his prescription. It was only after we got the Constitution that the
Persian script is pushed out of the picture altogether. Personally I feel that
the Persian script is a little too pictorial with too many dots and too many
curves. It can hardly be printed. It cannot cater to the needs of the modern
age. Therefore, the criterion should be as to how the necl'ssitil's of modern
life can be properly satisfied.
Nagari is perfect as far as phonetics is concerned, but as far as its

appearance is concerned, its writing is concerned, its typing is concerned, its
printing is concerned, there are certain cumbrousnesses which still appertain
to it, which cumbrousnesses are perhaps not to be noticed in the case of the
Roman script, if you can make certain changes and adopt them to the needs
of our country. But I am not asking that the Roman script be adopted. I only
say that the Nagari script has also many special difficulties which we have
to think of. Therefore let us take a long range view of the situation. As far as
the short run is concerned, let us not try to make up our minds to have the
Nagari script for all the regional languages. Let us postpone that decision for
the future. But let us try to reform the Nagari script. There is a movement
already to bring about certain changes in the Nagari script. Let us try to find
out the essence of the question, the details, the application. Let us try to
investigate as to whether the Nagari script or the Roman script or both could
in some foreseeable future be adopted as a Common script for all our regional
languages. But for the time being let us not produce an impression in the
country which would mean that the different regional scripts are going to be
thrown overboard. If they are not going to be eliminated at least they are
going to be toppled over, so to speak, by the predominance of the Nagari

script. That is why I say, with all my admiration for the phonetic perfection
of the Nagari script and with all my personal inclination to the adoption of
one common script for all our languages, it does not seem advisable for the
time being to express an opinion on behalf of the House that Nagari should
be the form in which the different regional languages of our country should
be t'xpressed. That is how I look upon the matter. I have been trying to think
aloud. That is why I wish to say that the resolution and the amendments as
they have been put forward do not commend themselves in my opinion.
THE OFFICIAL LANGUAGES BILL, 1963*£
My hon. friend, the Home Minister has \"ery rightly put it that we arl'
discussing a matter of national significance, and it is \"l'ry important that \\'l'
reach as nearly as possible a national agreement on the matter of this Bill and
I am hoping that perhaps with a few slight alterations this Bill could be made
so that it would be acceptable to almost l'n'rybody cnncerI1l'd.
*** *** ***
If there was in this Bill a clearer assurance-and nw hon. friend, the

Home Minister has already tried to gi\'e soml'thing of that assuralKl'-if cl
clearer assurance was incorporated in this Bill and not ml'rl'ly the assurdlKl'
verbally given by the Minister, it would ha\'e been better. If the apprelwnsions
of the non-Hindi speaking areas regarding discrimination against thl'm can
be laid at rest, then surely there ought to be no difficulty in securing cllmost
unanimous agreement on this Bill. As far as I am concl'rned, on behalf of our
group I support this Bill, and we dre only making certain suggestions so that
it might be made really acceptable for the people of this country.
It goes without saying that for the advance of our pl'oplL', for the
efflorescence of our people's culture, for the social, political and econllmic
development of our country, our own languages in the diffl'fl'nt regions of
our country should have their rightful status. Hindi has alrl'ady bl'l'n the
country's choice as the official language, but I wish to say here thclt Hindi as
well as our other national languages have to be assisted by Government
agencies as well as by non-official effort to come into their own as quickly as
possible, and it is only in so far as that objective is assisted that this Bill is
going to be helpful to India.
I hope there will be no disagreement with regard to the basic principll',
namely that we cannot and must not perpetuate the presl'nt position of
English. We cannot also, unless there is clear patriotic justification, prolong
indefinitely the transition from English to Hindi and the othl'r national
languages of our country. I know there are some people who wish English
to continue for as long as we can foresee in the future. We cannot agfl'e with
• L5. Deb., 2.1and 26 April 1963. IShri Mukerjee also spoke on 27 Aprill9h3, Iii and 25 Fl'bruary 1%5
and 7 and 13 December 1967 on a similar subjectl.
£ The Bill which was aimed at providing for the languages to be uSl'd for the official purposl's
of the Union, for transaction of business in Parliament, for Central and State Acts and for
certain purposes in High Court, became The Official Languages Act, 1963.
320
that point of view. English cannot perpetually have its present position, but
we must not then be goaded by fear and dislike of what is described sometimes
as Hindi fanaticism into supporting the point of view of some of our friends
here who want English to continue permanently in this country.
Indefinite continuance of English as official language is now a move

which is being made by certain people in our country. But the categorical
anSWl'r of Parliament to that move should be "No". We cannot have the
indefinite continuance of English in this country. Of course as the Home
Minister has said, we do not try or we do not wish to hustle things overmuch
and that is where the Prime Minister's assurance comes into the picture. We
are all happy that the Prime Minister will later intervene in the debate. But
in 1959 the Prime Minister in several pronouncement had made clear that he
would like English to continue as an associate additional language and he
would like it to continue as long as people required it. He had also added
that he would Il'a\'e the decision not to the Hindi knowing people but to the
non-Hindi knowing people. I do belie\'(' that the Prime Minister made a \'ery
statesmanlikt.' statt.'ment on the occasion and I am sure he is going to stand
by it. But I do hope also that he is going to make it clear that we are not going
to have anything in our statute which would make it impossible for Parliament
to haH' a law in regard to our national languages, Hindi as well as the other
national languages. Only a minority, 'a' vocal and vociferous minority should
not ha\"l~ a \'do in regard to whatever democratic decision we arrive at. Our
basic principle is clear. We ha\'e to we ha\'e as quickly as we can our own
languages, Hindi and the other national languages into the picture. English
cannot continue permanently. But English has to continue for a certain length
of time which we cannot specify at the present moment. In the meantime
every effort must be made to see that Hindi and the other national languages
really and truly conw into their own. All-together, therefore, we have to
cil'cidl' what to do, Hindi and non-Hindi areas together. I do not want a
bifurcation between Hindi and be said that only non-Hindi areas would
decidl' or Hindi areas would decide. All-together we should decide this
question of national importance,
This qUl'stion of English is being brought up sometimes very effecti\'ely,

because of a certain kind of fixation we ha\'(' developed about this language.
It has played such an overpowering part in the shaping of our lives in this
country. But I do wish to say a few words about this language as far as our
official employment of it is concerned. There is no denying that English is a
magnificent language. But there is no denying at the same time that it is
foreign to us. There could be no question that our roots touch different soil.
We shall certainly utilise English, but within necessary limits. We shall certainly
never banish English from our academies or from our libraries. We shall
certainly, as quickly as we can, remove it from its position of predominance,
a predominance which it enjoys at the cost of our own languages and our
own effort to rise to the full stature of our being. There has been in this
country a sort of a thralldom to English. Not a mere political or emotional
matter is involved in this. It is not a matter of sentiment being posited against
sense. But this predominance of English has been a brake on our creative
work and creative development through which alone we can justify ourselves
as a people. We learn our own languages at our mother's knee: we imbibe
our own languages just as we imbibe our mother's milk. There may be a
microscopic minority of Indians who speak English at home. They may
imagine that English is their mother language. I am not referring to the
Anglo-Indian community to whom English is, as a matter of fact, the mother
language. But there are many Indians, a wry few people who perhaps speak
English at home for God knows what reason. But they are a marginal set of
people who are inconsequential to India. They may have been the top dogs
in the allgrezi era but they cannot continue to be so any longt:'r. It is only
through our own languages that we can think and write and act creati\·ely
and naturally and effectiwly and that is why there should be no difficulty
about accepting the principle that we have to have a change o\·er to our own
national languages, Hindi and the other national languages as quickly as it
is possible.
There has been in this country such an utter disproportion between the
energy we spend in learning an ineluctably foreign language which we cannot
perhaps learn properly and what we have achieved in creative spheres and
this disproportion if we come to think of it makes our hearts sick. Gandhiji
once regretted that Ram Mohan Roy had not written in Hindi. Some people
thought at that time that it was perversity on the part of Gandhiji to suggest
that Ram Mohan Roy should have written in Hindi. But when we think of
our own history, who are really the creative springs in our people's life even
today? Not the English-knowing among our own greatmen; they were
indubitably great men; there is no doubt about it. But our own poets and
saints and mystics have had the real influence over our lives: Tulsidas in the
north, Thiruvvalluvar in the South, the Siva and Vaishnava saints of the
South, the grand line of Maratha mystics from Gyaneswar to Tukaram, that
grand sequence of great men like Kabir, Dadu, Nanak, Chaitanya, Ravidas,
Hazrat Nizamuddin and Moinuddin Chisti-such a wonderful galaxy of
people of whom we can never be sufficiently proud. It is to them that we
have to look. I do not wish to say that the recent period of Indian recovery
has to be forgotten. No, not at all. The English knowing element among our
greatmen have made a very large contribution but as far as the deepest
springs of our people's activity are concerned, they are linked with what
contribution has been made by our great men who operated through our
own languages, through our own media of communication and that is why
in this country we have found these poets, saints and mystics who are the
heroes of Indian history. So, it is these which I wish this House to remember
because we are discussing something of very profound importance to the
prt.'sent as well as to the future.
In biblical lore we read about David who laid aside the armour of soul
and who collected pebbles from his own native brook. We can only be
invincible when \'\'e have our own resources, our own spiritual and material
resources to depend upon.
Let us not compliment ourseln's too easily of our proficiency in English.

Perhaps we are somewhat proficient-an achievement at a very heavy cost
to oursl'l\"l·s. This achievement is secondary and derivati\·e and almost always
uncreative. Neither Toru Dutt nor Sarojini Naidu is remembered today even
as a second rate poet in the English language. With nowlists like R.K. Narayan
writing English fiction, we haw no place except in the margins of English
writing. We are just nowhere as far as English sensibility is concerned. Let us
not imagine that we can produce a kind of Indian English which would be
part of the legacy of English literature. That kind of illusion should be nurtured
not in Parliament but in a kind of place which I need not specify.
I know that it is the great provocation which comes from Hindi chauvinists
which make us forget thl'se things. Provocation comes all the time. The
provocation appears to give a certain kind of justification to this kind of
thought which makes us cling to English as long as we ever can. But that
great provocation noh'\'ithstanding, we should not rebound into the snare of
the protagonists of English, who want English to haw a permanent settlement
of this country.
We should remember that. We should not from one extreme be pushed into
another, a snare which we should avoid.
Must we truckle down, because English is more developed than our own
languages? Where does this argument lead to? How can our languages ever
go ahead if English superiority pins them down, as it has pinned us down,
for so very long? Rabindranath Tagore once said, how can you expect a mint
to go on producing coin if the coin is not legal tender? We have not got a
literature of knowledge sufficiently to carry on so much of our work in the
country, it is only because we have not plunged into the water and tried to
swim because we have left our languages in the shape, because we have
thought we have nurtured to ourselves, hugged to our bosoms, the illusion
that English is a language through which we shall express ourselves, our
personality, our creativity or the best that is in us. That is why this fixation
<tbout English has got to go, and that is why one day I said in reference to
those Members of this House who occasion<llly create a grt'at dl'al of rather
undesirable disturbance,-I said about them-that they han' a passion for
our own Indian languages which has den'loped in tht.>m as a kind of fixation;
God bless them for that passion, because that is a passion which is the exact
contrary of that rather unworthy passion for an im'luctably alil'n language
like English which has taken so much of our creath·ity. Now that Wt.' are
trying to stand on our own, let us try to depend on our own rt'SOurCl'S and
then and then alone shall we be able to makt' a contribution to the world
which is worth-while. Vested interests are busy ddaying the process. But we
know we have to defeat this; for this purpose, I repeat-oVt:'r and O\'l'r again,
every time I say Hindi, I say, at the same tinll', Hindi and our otlll'r n,ltional
languages-they all have to be given encouragt'ml'nt to go alll',ld. Thl' Honll'
Minister said that in the different States they are making a mow. I know thl'Y
are making a move, but how tardily, how indfectivt.'ly, how unl'nthusia~tically?
Even in West Bengal, \'\'hich is supposed to be so \'NY proud about the
Bengali language, they ha\'t:~ only recently announCt'd that on the .mni\,l'rs.uy
of the birthday of Rabindranath Tagort~ on the 8 of ~'1ay, they are going to
make Bengali the official language of the State. It has taken tlwm such a H'ry
long time. Take Tamil Nadu for instance. I know that they <tre using Tamil
language for their official purposes to a large l'xtent in l~lmil Nadu. But I do
expect that these particular regions of our country which arl' spl'cially proud
about their own cultural heritage go ahead much faster than they have done.
Take the Hindi-speaking areas. Even in those arl'as, vvhl'n I was a ml'mbl'r
of the Parliamentary Committee whose report is before us at thl' prl'sent
moment, we got so many reports that even in Hindi-speclking areas real
progress in regard to making Hindi the official language for State purposl's
is not being made. Even now, I would like my hon. friend, the Home Minister
to read the report of the Parliamentary Committee dated some time in lY5R.
It had made certain tangible suggestions about what could be done not only
for Hindi but also for the other national languages, for instance, in regard to
recruitment to the services through the Union Public Service Commission
and similar agencies for recruitment to institutes like the Military Training
Institute near Poona and other places. This Committee had made a definite
recommendation that some expert body should be set up to examine how far
it is possible to have a moderating system so that not only Hindi but all the
other national languages can be used as the medium of examination for the
recruitment through these agencies. As far as I know-I shall stand corrected
very gladly if I am wrong-no expert examination has been made in regard
to how, for purposes of recruitment through the Union Public Service
Commission or for purposes of recruitment to national institutes for training
of various sorts, we are going to employ our own languages, Hindi as well
as other languages. No expert examination has been made and the Committee
had said at that time that the quota system was possibly one alternative so
that diffl'rent regions might be represented in the services, but the quota
system was not very desirable because it went against the whole principle of
rl'cruitment on an all-India basis, and that therefore there should be an effort
to ha\'l~ a systl'm of modl'ration so that all the regional languages could come
into the picturl'. This recommendation was made in 1958 and nothing was
dnrw. Sometimes, from the non-Hindi areas the complaint is made that this
CO\'l'rnml'nt is doing it too much and too fast for Hindi. But even for Hindi
it is not doing it, let alone other languageso There is some kind of lack of care,
,1 lack of rl'al emotional dl'sire to do something worth-while in as quick a
timl' as pos~iblL'. There is a lack of seriousness and earnestness in the official
hierarchy, p.uticul.uly because our administration is cluttered \vith people
who bl'causl' they han~ bel'n brought up on English have naturally a vested
intl'rl'st in the continuation of English for as long as we care to foresee in the
future. Sufficil'nt unto the day is the evil thereof. If we can carryon as long
,1S we Ml' alin' with English which we have learnt, it is all for the better; our
childrl'n also are growing up on English; I am told so many children now go
to tlw English medium schools. Sometimes I feel a sense of shame when
Stll11l' of tl1l'se English-speaking stalwarts come and tell us that so many of
nur l'nthusiasts l'\'l'n for Hindi and other Indian languages send their children
to English-medium schools. If that process continues, the idea of ha\Oing an
elite, a sell'l'ted class of people with special qualifications which are supposed
to bl' supl'ritlr, would get into the pictuft, and even cut across the whole ideal
of a socialistic, sl'culM and dl'mocratic State, and would cut across the whole
idl'a of till' possibility llf changing OH'r from English to our own Indian
languages without which we can ne\"E'r be able to go ahead. I do not mind
if tl1l'ft' aft' English n1l'dium schools heft' and there. I do not mind; but as far
as our primary school systl'm is concerned, there has to be a particularly
important pro\'ision that e\'l'rybody in the primary stage, if he or she has to
go to tl publicly-sponsored school he or she has to have the education through
our own Indian Ianguagl's and not through a language which is not ours. If
thl're have to be English medium schools, they must be for a very marginal
section of our lifl', which must be there more or less c1S show-pieces, and for
those like the Anglo-Indians to whom the English language is their own
mother-tongue. But the change-over to our languages is not being done, and
even in the non-Hindi areas, the shift from English to our own languages is
not being done in the way in which it ought to be done.
I feel also that we han' to look ahead, and the Prime Minister is here; he
has called upon us to look further into the future. We have here the Home
Minister also. He should examine the idea, how far it is now necessary to
incorporate such languages as Mundari and Sind hi in the Schedule of
languages in the Constitution, becilllsl' it is \'l'ry nl'Ll'ssary that we try to get

into the picture those people who speak in tht'se languagl's so that thl'Y
might ha\'e a st.'nse th,1t they are sh,uing in till' task of building .1 new India
of the future.
That is why I belien~ that 0111..-l.' we aCCl'pt thl' principle th,lt \,'L' h,l\'l' to
shift to our own \,mguages ,1S quickly as we (an, OIKl' \\'l' agrl'l' th.lt for the
time being, of course for some special difficultil's, we are going to allow
English to continue for a certain period of time which we cannot quite define
at the present moment, then perhaps there could be almost unanimous
agreement oYer this Bill.
Coming to the actual provIsIons of the Bill, I would SUggl'st that in

clause 3, "may" is changed into "shall". I say so particularly because only
earlier this morning we had a Yery intriguing discussion how "shall" might
mean "may" and how "may" might mean "shall" and so on and s(' forth. I
am not being unparliamentary, but Shakespeare himself has told us that the
law is an ass. But the law is an ass particularly when the English variety of
jurisprudence is concerned so much that Shakespeare's Jack Cade once said
"let us go and kill all the lawyers". I do not understand. I did study some law
once upon a time, but I have forgotten most of it. But I am quite prepared
to concede, as I recollect some little law which I had once tried to imbibe, and
I would say that in clause 3, the word "may", as used, might conceivably be
interpreted as "shall". But I am not going to take any risks; when I find
jurists like our law Minister getting up and saying things-obiter, which they
throw about-and referring to unspecified judgments of the Supreme Court
or the Privy Council, we all get rather befuddled. It is rather better that
instead of "may", we put "shall". Also, we are going to have translations of
all these things into our own languages. This is a provision which is overdue;
a long time ago it should have been done. Now I would ask my hon. friend,
Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri to try to translate it from "shall" to "may". If you
keep "may", very probably a difficulty would arise. Then you cannot say
that according to Maxwell, in his famous Interpretation of Statutes, and what
he has said therein, "may" means "shall" or "shall" means "may". In our
Hindi version of this law, we cannot have that kind of playing about with
words which might be a wonderful terminological exercise which gives great
satisfaction to Jurisprudence. But we have been tied too long a time to that
kind of things and it is better we say things straight. Let us say what we
mean, and let us in clause 3 put "shall" instead of "may".
In clause 4, my friend, the Minister has given certain explanations, certain

assurances also, in regard to how the report of this Committee would be
discussed in Parliament and how it would be circulated to the State
Governments. But here, in regard to this clause, I would suggest that not
only should the Report of the Committee to be appointed ten years later be
discussl'd in Parliaml'nt but this Report should also be circulated to the State
Ll'gislatures so that apart from the Go\'ernments concerned the State
Ll'gislatures also may ha\'(' an opportunity of discussing that Report, and if
the President is in possession of the discussion of the Report in the different
Statl' Ll'gislatuH's and abo in Parliament he would be in a better position to
makl' up his mind in fl'gard to what sp('cial steps ought to be taken about
this matter.
Clauses 5 to 7 are more or less acceptable, but I would Just add a caveat
that perhaps the expenses in the translation into these Indian languages-we
are hewing the translation into Hindi, of course; there is an English version
and in Bengal or Tamil Nadu there would be Bills or Acts which are accepted
in Bl'ngali or in Tamil and they would be translated into Hindi and there
\\'ould be an English version also-are going to be heavy. This process of
translation which would take place all o\'er the country is a process which
is going to be rather expensi\'e, and it would need a certain kind of
organisation. I would suggest that this task is taken o\,er by the Centre. All
these different States also have a kind of feeling that they have only the
obligation to produce their stuff in Bengali or Tamil or Gujarati or Punjabi,
whatt>vt>r language it is, and they can do the English translation-they do not
have to do the translation; they e,'en now think in English as far as statutes
are conCl'rned,-that these two jobs can be done very quickly. If there is
going to be Hindi translation-it is "ery important and I support that idea-
perhaps it is better, for the time being, to make a provision that these
translation undertakings are organised and financed by the Centre so that the
difft:'H'nt States will have an idea that in regard to the interpretation of these
statutes in our own Indian languages the Centre itself is taking its share.
I would suggt>st, also, that in regard to the recruitment to the sen' ices the
recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee are examined-I do not
say that all the recommendations can be accepted ill toto; many other problems
are cropping up and many other grievances may be brought up especially of
the non-Hindi speaking areas-and there should be a definite assurance that
recruitment to the services even at the All-India level would be by an
examination where the medium of examination would be Hindi as well as
the other Indian national languages. There is no difficulty, of course, about
having Hindi as a compulsory paper. There would be no difficulty about
having some kind of a test after one gets into the services, and in the case of
people who come from non-Hind i-speaking areas the test might be made not
a particularly hard one so that one need not be a Hindi scholar in order to
continue in the service and to receive all chances of promotion. Therefore, as
far as recruitment to services is concerned, I would suggest ways and means
are found for incorporation in the present piece of legislation, if that is possible,
a certain provision which would give a kind of definite assurance to the non-
Hindi-speaking areas that they have nothing to fear, nothing to worry about,
that all the apprehension of discrimination is unnecessary.
I would suggest also that, as a tentative measure, in Parliamt'nt we might

try to have a system of simultaneous translation. From time to time this
question has come up, and the former Speaker, Shri Ananthasayanam
Ayyangar had ewn suggested that he might begin that systcm of translation
into two or three languages. We cannot elt one go ha\'t~ simultaneous translation
in all the H languages scheduled in the Constitution, but we can at least start
by making an effort so that there may be simultaneous translation of spccches
which are made in Parliament. I say this because on so many occasions our
colleagues come and they are not able to speak in any but their own languages.
Only the other day one of the Members of our Group, a Santhal Ml'mbcr
from West Bengal, spoke and whatever he spoke was not intelligi~le to
whoever did not understand Bengali-it was the language in which hI..' could
express himself. Therefore, I would suggest, at It.'ast tcntatiwly, something is
done to see that in Parliament there is provision of simultanl'ous translation
of our speeches into at least some of the leading Indian languagl's.
I say, therefore, what I said in the beginning, that consistently with our
needs and our situation we have to advance the pace of Hindi. But \ve h,l\'C
also, at the same time, to advance the pace of developmcnt of our own
national languages. This has to be done simultaneously and hand in hand.
Let the States effectively begin to employ the regional languagl's as offidal
languages and the medium as instruction at every stage without delay. Till
the balance is happily struck, English will have to rt.'main, but not for ewr,
not indefinitely, not virtually as a permanent settlement.
"In my father's house there are many mansions" that is what the Bible
says. In our emerald country there are many demarcated regions. But we arc
a country where on the way to Kedarnath you see lotuses with a thousand
petals, a country where arathi is performed before the deity not with one
lamp but with five lamps held together in a lovely bracket, where the agc-
long quest has been for the one in the many, for fundamental unity in diversity.
But today we live in a restless and changing world and our n.'sponse has
been a plan, a plan for socialism where unity in diversity will be respected
and raised to higher levels of living. Let all of us, whether we live in Tamil
Nadu or Punjab or in Assam or in Kerala, join together in the task of serving
our country and our people. And, we can do that best in our own way by the
use of our own language as the key to the people's heart. Let the Hindi-
speaking areas behave so that all suspicion and fear is eliminated, and then
we can all embark on our common endeavour and achieve the success which
is overdue.
With these words, Sir, I support this Bill, but I suggest that it be altered
so that the non-Hindi-speaking areas can be definitely and concretely reassured
that no discrimination is going to be practised against them .
...... .. ....
...... .. .... .. ....
I am a signatory to an amendment which has already been moved which
set.,ks the substitution of 'may' by 'shall'. I am still pleading with Government
that this anll'ndment be accepted. I will try and state my reasons very shortly.
TIll' Home Ministt'r has used the expression that this Bill envisages a
~1l'riod of 'prolonged bi-lingualism'. As far as v.. e are concerned, I hope we
h,1\'e sufficiently explained our point of \'iew, and I expect ,,,'e shall not be
accused of any kind of antagonism towards Hindi or any of the other national
languagl's of our country. But the fact of the matter is that the Home Minister
himself has been constrained to say that he em'isages a period of 'prolonged
bi-Iingualism'. As far as I am conCl'rnlxi, I would like the length to be as short
as possibll'. But hl' has talked about 'prolonged bi-Iingualism' . The Prime
\1iniskr, has also s,lid in this House-no use harping on what he said much
l'.ulil'r-only Yl'stl'rday that the :::;fafll:::; qll(1 was to continue indefinitely.
T11l'rl'iorl', as far as thc COH'rnment is concerned, and its assurances are
n))1cenll'd, thl' country is being told that at le.1st for the time being, for an
inddinitl' pl'riod to l'nSUl' from today, English would continue to be used as
,111 additional language. The difficulty comes when the word "may" is injected
into the picture, and thl' difficulty ariscs because, as I tried to say during the
first rl'ading stagl', llf the habits of interpretation which we ha\'e inherited
from British Jurisprudl'nCl', and that is why we haw heard in this House
what wc cannot dismiss as so much nonsense, becausc it was not nonsense.
It is a \"l'ry Sl'rious mattl'r that under the canons of interpretation of British
statutl's, "may" can mt.'an "shall", and "shall" can mean "may". I know as a
lawyer, though I haw forgotten most of my law, that it is a fact that on
occasions "may" may mean "shall" and "shall" on occasion may even be
construed as ml'aning "may".
...... ...... .. ....
...... ...... .. ....
As far as I am concerned, I was actually going to refer to what my
hon. friend, the Minister of State has just now said, namely that the Home
Minister has brought in an argument to which he made reference just now.
I will come to it a little while later.
In English Jurisprudence we have got this position where "may" can be

interpreted as "shall" and "shall" can be interpreted as "may". As lawyer or
a former lawyer, whatever you choose to describe me, I am quite prepared

to say that the use of "may" as it has been made here does really appear to
be capable of being construed as "shall" and that was the understanding of
the Prime Minister, and that was the understanding which he conveyed in
his letter to Shri Anthony.
I am envisaging a time as rapidly as possible when all our statutes shall

be available in their official texts not in English, but in Hindi and the other
national languages. I am thinking of a time when our subjection to the laws
of Interpretation of Statutes as expounded by Maxwell and that sort of people
would no longer pass muster in our country and we will have to interpret
our own Hindi or Bengali or Tamil statutes in our own way. I told the Home
Minister in my speech day before yesterday that if he had a translation of this
into Hindi, he would be hard put to it to be able to say as he can say now,
that "may" means "shall".
So, all over the country there is now a controversy over this, a controversy
which can easily be allayed. If there was some insuperable difficulty as
Shri Tyagi wanted to point out and as the Home Minister had also indicated,
that is a different matter, but my submission would be that it is not by any
means an insuperable difficulty. Therefore, I would say that "may" could be
substituted by "shall". What Shastriji said yesterday was an additional
argument which he perhaps borrowed from Dr. Mahatab, who had also said
it, that if "shall" is used, it would mean duplication of avoidable work. That
was the one argument. The Hindi speaking States could communicate with
the Centre only in Hindi and they would not be under an obligation to give
an English translation of their communication if "shall" is not there and
"may" is there. My submission is that we are discussing this matter from the
national point of view. The Hindi States would be communicating from time
to time not only with the Centre, but also with the non-Hindi States. That is
to say, communications between States might very well continue for a certain
length of time to be bilingual. When the Home Minister himself said that he
envisages a prolonged period of bi-Iingualism, he certainly does not mean
that insofar as the Hindi speaking States are concerned, bi-lingualism would
be dropped like a hot potato straight-away. No. The Hindi States also being
part of India would be practising bi-lingualism, which, unfortunately for us,
is more or less unavoidable in the present context, .... by translation of
correspondence. That additional expenditure should not be an objection of
an insuperable character.
Shri Tyagi brought up an argument of a more serious nature. Shri Tyagi

pointed out that if we have "shall" in this Bill, then for all time to come we
are precluded from getting rid of English as an additional language for official
purposes. With great respect to Shri Tyagi I submit that is not a correct
interpretation of the matter. In the Constitution, as far as the present position

is concerned, it is stated in article 343 that English shall continue to be used
for all the official purposes of the Union during this period from 1950 to
1965. In this period, therefore, there is no question that English can be used,
and in spite of the Swal1liji or anybody else, English has a right, and whoever
chooses to speak in English has a right to express himself or herself in this
language. We have got this constitutional safeguard.
What are we envisaging in the period which is to follow? If the status quo
is continued, if prolonged bi-lingualism is the proclaimed objective of the
Government, then surely we are permitting English to have the same kind of
opportunity and privilege in official matters as it used to have between 1950
and 1965. But are we under any obligation, because we pass an Official
Languages Bill, in 1970 or somewhere like that to continue English for ever
and ever? We are not amending the Constitution. We are only having an
ordinary Bill, which can be changed by ordinary methods of amendment.
And what happens after ten years? According to this Bill, there is a
parliamentary committee. That parliamentary committee reports, and that
report goes to the President, that report goes to the State Governments, that
report is very conceivably and rightly discussed by the State legislatures
because the State Governments would like to fortify their position by sounding
the opinions of the legislatures, and after all this process has been gone
through, it comes back to Parliament and Parliament decides what to do.
Parliament on that occasion, let us hope, would decide that there is no further
reason for continuing to give English the status which it has got today, and
Parliament would come up with legislation of whatever kind is necessary,
and we shall have the best solution conceivable at that point of time of our
languages problem.
So, I feel that if in this legislation today we stick to "may"; the prejudice
already in the mind of the people in the non-Hindi areas would be accentuated,
the suspicion already in the minds of the people in the non-Hindi speaking
areas would be intensified, and you know very well how language is a
particularly incendiary factor. If some people are given the opportunity of
exploiting linguistic issues in that incendiary manner.
Therefore, when the country requires integration, when the country

requires maximum possible unanimity on every single issue of importance,
our legislation should not be formulated in such a manner for legalistic or
other things which can only give room for more suspicion to accumulate, for
animosities to grow, as between our linguistic groups. Therefore, I feel very
strongly that if "may" is substituted by "shall" it might mean some additional
expenditure as far as this correspondence of the States with the Centre and
among themselves is concerned, but that would not be particularly prohibitive,
and there would be no problem as far as the Parliament and the country are
concerned, after a lapse of ten years or so, to have a kind of legislation which
would say good-bye to the status of English as far as official purposes is
concerned.
I do, therefore, feel strongly and I earnestly ask the Hlln1L' Ministl'r not
to consider this matter, not to look upon it as something obstinately put
forward by the non-Hind i-speaking peopll'. I am sure that mdny of the Hindi-
speaking people will come to see the logic of ""hat we are trying to point out.
As I said before, we do want the transition as quickly as e\"l'r it is possible
to our own languages, and personally speaking-I am speaking pun.'ly in my
personal capacity-I am not so happy with the expression 'prolonged bi-
lingualism which Shastriji uses. Why should it be so prolonged? Why should
we not rather envisage that we should go ahead much quicker than we han.'
done so far? Why should we not try to encourage Hindi and the other national
languages to grow in such a manner that we can get out of the English
swaddling clothes as early as possible? But we are not moving in that direction.
If we do not want to pay the price for any change, we shall nen'r have any
change in this country. If we really had a thorough-going revolution, perhaps
Hindi and the other national languages would ha\·e comt' into their own a
long time ago, but because we did not have a thorough-going revolution,
because we inherited the entire apparatus of the British administrdti\·e system,
because we wanted to go slow, because we believed in the inevitability of
gradualness, because we do not want to bring about a sea change in the
manner of life which our people are conducting in different areas of our
country, we have chosen to proceed in a rather snail-like pace. That is why
even in regard to our Plan we cannot go ahead. Let us try to follow a more
imaginative policy; let us try to take that imaginative policy to the country
and let us try to enthuse our people and then only we shall have emotional
integration. Otherwise, all this talk about some legalistic methods of going
ahead will lead us nowhere. That is why I feel that we should go ahead as
quick as we can. But we should not take any hasty or precipitate step which
would create a dangerous situation. Let us not intensify the suspicion, the
doubt which is there, not merely lurking there, but which is very much on
the map. And there are people who positively are going to exploit that lurking
suspicion and doubt in the country. That is why I am making a very humble
submission to the Government to consider this amendment and accept it.
...... . .... ......
...... ...... .. ....
Sir, the clause under discussion relates to various Hindi translations of
Central Acts, etc. There is a provision here that from the appOinted day,
26 January 1965, the authoritative text in the English language of all Bills to
be introduced or amendments thereto to be moved in either House of
Parliament shall be accompanied by a translation of the same in Hindi

authorised in such manner as may be prescribed by rules made under this
Act. We support this provision but we want to make an addition and that is
\·vhy we have put in an amendment which says:
"Provided that any member expressing his desire in writing to the
Speakl>r of the Lok Sabha that he be supplied with a translation of
thl' ~ame in any othl'r language mentioned in the Eighth Schedule of
the Constitution but not in Sanskrit;
Provided further that no member shall be entitled to this other than
in Hindi unless the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of
the Rajya Sabha is satisfied that the member does not understand
either Hindi or English."
Thus we have made this as non-contentious as possible. There are some
membl'rs in this House as \·vell as in the other House who are not familiar
with Hindi or English and when, very rightly, our own languages come into
their own and we han~ the Hindi \'ersion of the authoritative texts of Central
Acts and amendments, we should make provision that those who do not
understand English or Hindi should be in a position to get copies of these
Acts translated for their benefit. The President has been good enough to
accord sanction to whaten'r little financial commitment might be necessary
on account of this amendment being accepted. I do believe that this is a \'ery
fair, humble and simple request which is only in conformity with the desire
of en'rybody in this House, We want to see that every member of the House
is in a position to follow the proceedings and participate in the proceedings
morl' effectively and that is why we ha\'e moved this amendment. With these
\\'ords I commend our amendment for acceptance by the House.
...... ...... .. ....
...... ...... .. ....
My amendments are very simple. On page 3, line 6, I want to omit the
words "Hindi or". Clause 7 reads:
"As from the appointed day or any day thereafter, the Governor of a
State may, with the previous consent of the President, authorise the use
of Hindi or the official language of the State, in addition to the English
language, for the purposes of any judgment, decree or order passed or
made by the High Court for that State ..... "
I do not see any point in having Hindi mentioned here specifically because
the "official language of the State" will cover those Hindi-speaking areas
where Hindi is the official language of the State. My feeling is that this would
mean that the non-Hindi areas would have the obligation or an alternative
possibility of having Hindi also to be used for the purPOSl'S of <lny judgnll'nt,
decree or orders passt'd or made by the High Court. I think it is a \"l'ry simpll'
amendment and it should be (lcCt:'pted.
My other amt.'ndmtmt, .lmendnll'nt No. 112, wisill's to add thl' wllrds,

"and Hindi" after the word, "English". When thew is USl' Ilf Hindi Ilr othl'r
official languages in judgments etc. it is necessary ttl haH' .1 translation of thl'
same in the English language. When the official languagl' of tlw State "IOIll'
is used, a translation should be madt' available undl'r the authnrity of till'
High Court so that there is no difficulty at all. I only w.mt a wrb,ll changl'
in order to assuage any remote possibility of suspicion in thl' minds of the
non-Hindi speaking States in the country and I make spl'cial provision for
the Hindi language also, wheren'r it is necessary, and that is why I haH'
moved these amendments.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
I have tried in the course of discussion to explain our point of \·iew

which was that we accord full support to this mec1sure, and we ha\·e
endeavoured to make it as effective as possible and we have tried to strl'SS
that reassurance to the non-Hindi areas has got to be given in the maximum
possible measure in the interests of national integration.
The Government has accepted some of our ideas and the Gov('rnment
has come forward itself with some reassuring formulations, but I do hope
that further efforts would be conducted so that all doubts and apprehensions
in the minds of the people who live in the non-Hindi areas are laid at rest.
I would suggest, for instance, that the Home Minister himself, and surely,
the Prime Minister, should approach the people and should go on the air as
quick as possible and tell them about the significance of this measure and
particularly try to convince the people who live in the non Hindi areas that
this is a measure which we are adopting only in order that people can really
and truly corne into their own in the administrative sphere as they have done
already in the political sphere.
We have, therefore, accorded our support to this measure, and we do

hope that every effort is made in order to allay whatever apprehensions and
doubts remain in the minds of the people of the non-Hindi areas.
I would also like to say, however, that in certain quarters of the country,
a slogan has been raised 'Hindi never, English ever'. I have read this
formulation, according to the Report, as having been made by the leader of
the Swatantra Party, Shri Rajagopalachari. I do expect that our friend
Shri Ranga who leads that Party with so much distinction in this House
\\'ould be able to persuade himself to repudiate the connotation of slogans of
that sort which set.'m to rivet the chains of domination by the English language
round our nl'ck for all time to come, and that this House has made by means
of this Bill .l gesture to thl' country that \\'P arc not going to ha\'t~ to domination
of thl' English language, that I:.nglish will continue on sufferance, that English
will nmtinul' to bl' lIsed only bl'cause for objecti,'e historical reasons the
pl'opll' !i"ing in diffl'rl'nt parts of thl' country are not yct able to use their
own languagl's for thl' purPOSl'S which are indicated in this Bill as also in the
Constitution.
We arl', thl'rl'forl', passing a measure of \'t>ry great importance, and I do

wish that CO\,t.'rnment makes further efforts to see to it that all apprehensions
,He allayed and the country goes forward hand in hand together, the Hindi
arl'as as \\'l'll as the non-Hindi areas, in the great effort to use our own
lilnguagl's in which alone we can express ourselves, in which alone we can
lreatin.'ly dl'H'lop to the fullest stature of our national being.
THE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1965*£
Mr. Speaker, Sir, there is a misgiving in many Muslim minds, whether

rightly or not is a different matter, that the special character of Aligarh is
likely to be \'iolated under the new arrangement. Shri Chagla has been a
judge and you. Sir, also have been in that elevated position and you know
of the judicial maxim that justice should not only be done but it must also
appear that it is being done. It is the Government's fl'spnnsibility to assure
Muslim opinion all owr the country that this apprehension is wrong.
I know that Shri Chagla is right insofar as he is trying to put a real,

secular, democratic complexion to Aligarh University; but if this
misapprehension has arisen in the minds of many people about <111 of whom
we cannot be sure that they are reactionaries, then certainly something more
has got to be done about that. That is why I say that a regular Bill has got
to be brought forward as soon as ever that is possible. If it is possible, in the
very next session let this Bill be brought forward. No ,1\ oidable dday should
take place.
We have swallowed a bitter pill-the principle of nomination and all that

kind of thing, the exclusion of representati\'es of teachers in the court and the
executive council and so many other items into which I nel'd not go; but we
have swallowed a bitter pill only for the time being so that the regular medicine
follows a little later.
I wish also to say that it is time when we discuss a matter of this sort that
Muslims and Hindus and all, we remind ourselves of the role of Aligarh
University in the context of the composite culture of our country. Aligarh has
been a symbol cherished by Muslims no doubt, more than by other people
in India, but it is cherished also by the rest of the Indian people. In the
traditions of Aligarh there have been many bad things-no doubt about it;
good and bad are mixed together as far as the traditions of Aligarh or of any
other comparable place are concerned. But we cannot forget that in the great
days of non-cooperation men of Aligarh came out and started a National
Muslim University. We cannot forget that Mohammed Ali, Shaukat Ali, Khan
• L.S. Deb .• 6 September 1965. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 6 January 1972 on a similar subject].
(The Bill which was aimed at amending the Aligarh Muslim Universiity Act, 1920 sought to
provide an administrative structure for smooth functioning and better pursuit of basic academic
purposes, became The Aligarh Muslim University (Amendment) Act, 1965.
336
Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Hasrat Mohani, Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, Rafi Ahmed
Kidwai, Zakir Hussain and Hafiz Mohammed Ibrahim and Raja Mahendra
Pratap have all been brought up in Aligarh.
Besides, Aligarh is not merely a foundation set up by the minority

community. It is a foundation which the whole country has taken to its heart
and that is why today we find 1,625 non-Muslim students and 130 foreign
students from 23 different countries in Aligarh. The reputation of Aligarh is
not merl'ly the responsibility of the Muslim community. The reputation of
Aligarh is something which the entire country has got to look after. Therefore
it is H'ry important that more positin~ efforts are made towards the cultural
integration ()f Muslim and Hindu students residing in the hostels.
I should also like to say in this regard that Muslim opinion in our country
has a special fl'sponsibility in trying to point out the position of Aligarh in
the totality of Indian life. I find Pakistan exploiting us in the international
free masonry of Islam and we should try to counter it and say that here in
this country Islam has found a hospitable home; this is the one country in all
tlw world wlwrl' Islam has found itself in a position to become acclimatised
and that is why we ha,·e got this total composite culture. Islam has its
uniqul'l1l'ss-no doubt about it. Our unity is not a rigid structure; it is a unity
in diversity but the uniqul'lwss of Islam with its militant affirmations has
(onw to terms with the infinite edt'cticisms of Hindu thought and the result
has been the creation of a composite culture which at least we should try to
tt'll the world that we really and truly cherish.
The Muslims in the country should also perhaps in fairness to the
GOH'rnment rt'member that apart from Aligarh we have the Jamia Milia
Islamia, the Khudabaksh Research Library which Shri Chagla is going wry
soon to elevate to the status of a university, the Dar-ul-Alam at Deoband to
which refl'rl'nce was made by Shri Yashpal Singh; we ha,·e the seminaries at
Lucknow, Saharanpur, Azamgarh and Hyderabad; ,\'e have faculties of Islamic
history and culture in different universities. "Islamic Culture" is the name of
a periodical brought out by Osmania University's Oriental Publications
Division which is known all over the world. These are matters which we
should utilise in the counter-propaganda against Pakistan's telling all the
world that here in India Muslims are an oppressed minority. I know that the
Muslims have their grievances and I have not hesitated to point out the
grievances of Muslims when I have found them to suffer in spite of the
secular democracy which we have got, but that is no reason for yielding to
Pakistani counter~propaganda which is winning friends for them today. Ewn
in the present situation they are telling all the world that Islamic culture is
ignored in India. As a matter of fact, in spite of whatever one might think
about this particular piece of legislation, there are in this country institutes
of Islamic learning which can compare with their prototypes anywhere in the
world. And I sav this because I am convinced and I am sure this House will
agree that the Muslims in India have never been an alit.'n eiemt.'nt. The impact
of Islam has never violated the integrity of Indian life. A stupt.'ndous man
like Amir Khusro, for example, said, "[ am an Indian Turk and I can reply to
you in Hindawi" -that was the language-and he said, "As I am a parrot of
India, ask me something in Hindawi that I may talk swet.,tly." He said, in the
fourteenth century, "Do you know why the air of this country is hot?" -He
was referring to Delhi in his famous ghazal-"It is bccause of the \·\,armth of
loyalty and de\'otion that the sun demonstrates towards this country."
In the grand days of non-cooperation whl'n at Gandhiji's magic call,
Hindus and ~1uslims and all came together, what do we find. A grand tt.'am
of Muslims who were national leaders of this country, ml'n like f lakim Ajmal
Khan, Mohammad Ali, Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abdul K,llam Azad, Wl're
leaders of all, not merely of Muslims of Hindus in the sl'paratist fashion, the
leaders of everybody. I am remindl'd of a Muslim who was talking of the
grie\'ances of the Muslim community, proclaiming his loyalty to India in
terms which have struck in my memory. He said, whl'n ,1 Ilindu dil's, his
body is burnt and the ashes are thrown into the river to bt.' carril'd by the
current-God knows where-but when a Muslim dies, he wants six ft.,et by
three of India soil; and he belongs to India in life as wl'1I as in dt.'ath.
What has happened in Kashmir? Who is fighting in Kashmir? Only the
other day, Shri Iftvivedy, who is not here, told us in this House that he \Vl'nt
to Kashmir, that he went to the hospital .. , to see some of those injured army
men, and everybody he talked to was a Muslim. Who was the first Indian
who, in free India, got the Param Vir Chakra? It was Brigadil'r Usman, brother
of a dear friend of mine, who was the first recipient of the Param Vir Chakra.
He gave his life for his country. Greater love than this hath no man than that
he gave his life for his country. This is how the world goes on; this is how
our country goes on; this is how, in our country, Hindus and Muslims and
all have to combine. Let us forget footling little differences; let us forget the
differences we have in regard to small matters here and theft.'; let us forget
what particular things we can bring up against Government on particular
issues. But the issue that matters is: let us remember that India is one and we
have got to fight together. For that purpose, let us purge the Aligarh institution
of its dross and keep the Aligarh institution as a shining example just as we
should keep the Banaras institution also as a shining example of the totality
of Indian culture where the uniqueness of different trends of life and thought
have come together in a beautiful stream. For that purpose, I want
Shri Chagla to reiterate more emphatically some of the assurances he has
given and to seek to remove persistently, by repeated effort, the misgiving
which continue in the minds of many Muslims in our country, all of whom
J am not ready to brand as reactionaries, that this legislation is going to hurt
the Aligarh institution and to hurt the interests of this country.
THE BANARAS HINDU UNIVERSITY (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1965*£
I cannot claim the kind of intimate association with the Banaras Hindu
UniH'rsity to which reference has been made by my hon. and respected
fricnd Dr. em-ind Das, whom we are vcry happy to see here after a long
~1l'riod of absl'IKl', nor of my hon. and gallant friend Shri Krishnapal Singh,
and I can rL'call only one item of association. That was, when I \\·as a student
I \\"l'nt OH'r to l3anaras for participation in a debate competition, and I
happcIlL'd to han' bL'l'n a recipient of a gold medal. I am referring to it not
bl'c,1use of tIlL' gold which tIlL' Prime r-.1inister may wish to dra\', away, I refe,·
to it bl'CtluSe I remember that on that medal were inscribed the words K(/~hi
Vi~//('t1 Vid111llilYIl-not Banclfds Hindu L'ni\·ersity, but in Nagari the words
written wcre KIl~/li Vi~/1i'i1 '.lidllt/IIlYII. And I am glad to notice that this fact has
bl'l'n in tIlL' minds of many of my friends in the Joint Committee who ha\-e
pointed l)ut that tIlL' original intention of the founder of the L:ni\-ersity would
bl' best scrn'd if \\"L' ha\-e tnday the name changed to Kt1~hi Vic;h,'11 Fidyalaya.
Dr. Cm-inti Das has told us that P,lndit Madan \10han ~1ah-iya, as was
n'ry char,Kteristic of him, had the humility to ask for deletion of the honorific
'm,1harishi' from his name and he il)ld us that he was such a modest man,
as ,111 gn',lt men ought to bc, that wlwreH'r his soul might be he would be
pailwd if he discon'red that we here in this wretched planet ha\·e named a
unin'rsity aftl'r Madan \10h,1n Mala\-iya. I am Iwt particularly in the know
of the \\'lwrL' ,1bouts of pl'opk aftl'r death but this I know that if I were a
bl'lieH'r lih' Dr. Clwind Das prl'slllnabl~' is, that if a soul inhabits heaven
according to his computation, 1\1ala\'iyaji would han.' gone to hea\·en and
not to the other pl'lCl'. If a soul goes to hean'n it no longer is bothered by the
impulses ,1nd emotions which trouble us here on earth and \..·e need not
botlwr about tIll' soul being disturbed by what we are doing. On the contrary
we ha\·e a duty by the people who inhabit this planet; we han' a duty by the
peopk' who lin' in our India; we han> a duty from time to time to remind
them of the great ml'n of our country, particularly a man of the stature of
Madan Mohan Mala\·iya. TIll'rl'fl)re, though generally I am not in favour of
naming unin'rsitil's aftl'r individuals, there may vcry \wll be exccptions just
as tht'fl> is in Berlin a unin'rsity named aftt:>r a gfl'at scholar, Humbolds. Here
we might very well name a uniH'rsity in very exceptional. cases after a
• IS I_lt-/I,. 24 NO\"l'mlwr 14(,~_IShri Mukl'rjl'l' "I~) ~poke ,)11 14 Augu~t 1'l~1' .1I1d 2:- l\;')H'ml:>t>r 1%~
on.1 similar subject I _ _.. _
I. The Bill which W.IS aimed at pnwiding tor matters related to the lunctlonlng 01 B.1naras Hmdu
Unin'rsity bl'l-.lme TIll' Banaras Hindu UniH'r~ity (Anlt'ndnll'nt) Act in 1'lbh.
- 339
particular person. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was the heart and soul of
the institution in such a fashion that he was the creater of the university and
he was the person who sustained it and caught hold of Dr. Govind Das's
father and Shri Krishna Pal Singh's father because they Wl're among those
who answered the summons to come and assist him in the foundation of a
great institution, a national institution and in those days that was why it
came later to be known as Banaras Hindu University.
The difficulty today is that everything is lwershadowcd by this qUl'stion
of nomenclature and I was \'ery sorry, .md I should say, almost indignant-
Shri Chagla is not here for, I suppose, some satisfactory reason; I am not so
sure-I was HO'ry disturbed when he told us as if it was a \'ery innocent
matter and that Gon'mment had made a \'cry libreal gt'sture by asking till'
House to vote just as it pleascd; GO\'ernmcnt had not m.ldl' up its mind
about it. Is this the way the Government of this country functions? COH'rnnll'nt
had nothing to say; he said that the House can discuss this mattt'r on its
merits. What has the Glwernment to say with regard to the n1l'rits of the
case? What is the business of Glwernment, wht'n it proposes .1 m.1tter for
consideration? How is it that after having taken a forthright stand lm so
many issues before, how is it that ha\'ing appearcd bdore the Joint Committl'c
as well as all the other Committees with almost synonymous objectin,>s-
GOH'rnment took part in discussions and Wl're piuticipators in dl'cisions-
now how is it that Go\'ernment comes forward before this House and S<lyS
that Government does not know its mind or atleast if it knows is rather cl1arv
about it, apprehensi\'c and nern)Us about expressing it bl'causl', Cod knows,
whose corns they might be treading on, what communal difficulties might
arise in U.P.? And therefore Government chost's to kel'p mum about the
whole thing. I protest against it taking shclter under the COH'r, which is quite
patently an absurd cover, that it is a liberal gcsture that GO\'l~rnml'nt is making
to this House, the House can decide this mattcr on its merits; they arc taking
shelter like this on this very important issue which is agitating the country.
You cannot run away from it merely by postponing discussion here and now,
Government does not tell us what its mind is. Somebody might say: after all
what is in a name, a rose called by any other name would smell just as swcet.
Communalism stinks wherever it is, whatever you call it, in whichever

language, would stink and all that sort of thing. But in this case what
happened? I presume that after some thought-I credit Shri Chagla with
some capacity for thought-I presume after some thought some measures
were going to be adopted by the country in order to fight communalism in
certain centers, particularly in certain centers of learning. It has so happened
that the Education Ministry is such a particularly capable custodian of its
responsibilities that the Central universities-for the honourable exception of
Delhi perhaps where academicians rather than Government are responsible
for whatever credit the university has won-all the central universities are a
hot-bed of the kind of activity which ought to be anathema to a decent
society, and the supervision of the Central Government has been so effective
that whether you look at Visva Bharati or Banaras or Aligarh, you find an
unsavoury scene, the less said about which the better. In regard to Aligarh
University the other day when the Minister was here having discussion-
that was also a sort of a discussion largely on account of Government's
ineptitude and inability to make up its mind, inability to keep its own house
in onit:'r-at that point of time it was suggested, and the Joint Committee
worked upon that hypotheses, that while merely by deleting the word Hindu
from ht.·rt.·, Muslim from tht:'re, Jain from a third place, or Buddhist or Sikh,
whatever it may be from other designations, we could not soh'e the problem
of communalism, though that is grantt:'d, that \'\"e cannot merely by eliminating
the word Hindu or Muslim from a particular institution make it really and
truly non-communal and secular and democratic, sometimes symbolic actions
become \"t.'ry important; some times a beginning has got to be made, a
beginning \.... hich might ha\'e very serious and \'ery important repercussions
latl'r on, and it was on this hypothesis and this hypothesis alone that I take
it our colleagul's of the Joint Committee thought, so many of them who had
gi\"l'n their separate notes and the \1l'mbers of the Rajya Sabha who by an
o\"l'rwhl'lming majority acceptl'd this change, they gaye thought to this aspect
of the mattl'r and they dt.'cided that we should make a beginning with the
BanMas Hindu Unin'rsity and we should go ahead almost straightaway; in
regard to thl' Aligarh Muslim L'nin'rsity also Shri Chagla has promised only
the otlwr day to introduce a measure in this \'ery sl'ssion and said that the
I1lHl1l'nclatufl' would bt.' changed more or less correspondingly. As a result,
all of India would not become non-communal; everything would not smell
IO\"l·ly in the Indian garden but a beginning would haH' been made and the
attack on symbols and otht.'r things which sanmr of communalism would be
pursued properly and therefore we would get that image of secularity about
which we are really and truly proud in India to shine in the eyes of our own
people as well as the rest of the world. It is a very serious matter indeed. If
Shri Chagla or his friends-I do not know what kind of friends he has got
now; I find him so often bl'ing embarrassed by the friendships he has recently
acquired in political life-I do not know whether they do or do not take
seriously this idea of a secular programme. In that case our faces are going
to be tarred all over the world over the issue of Kashmir. If we at all take
seriously the idea that India is a secular democratic State which I claim it is,
while Pakistan is not, if we treasure the motion which I am sure we all do
that Kashmir is a part of India-a Muslim majority State as part of the Indian
Union is a fact which is in itself a tribute to the idea of Indian secularity-
if on that basis we face all the world, if it is because of that the Muslim in
Kashmir finds it in order to remain within the framework of the Indian
Union, if these are important matters, nothing should be said or done by

Government or by Parliament which would tar the image of India which we
have put up before the world. What we are saying today is bl'ing watched
by men like President Ayuub Khan. What would they say? I would not
blame them if they said that. They would say, they trit.'d in India to start an
anti-communal campaign by changing the names of cl'rtain universitil's whert.'
the communal label had occaSionally gin>n rise to difficultil's, as it did in the
Aligarh Muslim Uni\·ersity only recently and as it Cllntinul's to do in a place
like Banaras; they would say there is an agitation that is got up in Banaras-
yesterday the Minister told us that the Jan Sangh and tlw Hindu Mahasabha
got up an agitation; we read in the papers that the hon. Membl'r from Banaras
City, Shri Raghunath Singh, a former Sl>crt.'tary of the Congress l'arlial1wntary
Party, was telling the Members of Parii,1ml'nt that he had sent a statl'l1ll'nt to
the press asking for the retention of the name of BanMas Hindu L:nin'rsity-
they would tell us that Parliaml'nt was prl'ssllrised into accepting tlw kind
of thing which these propagandists, communal propagandists in Banaras
and elsewhere, are now trying to do. This is exactly what tl1l'y would say.
You could not say they are far wrong. It is a very sl'rious mdtter.
I know Shri Chagla personally, surely, must be H'ry pl'rturbed about this
matter. Shri Chagla has a secular mind; as a functioning politician Ill' is
trying to adjust himself to the kind of surroundings hl' has chosl'n to keep
company with, which he dOL'S at the presl'nt moment. It would be a H'ry
difficult job for him, but perhaps as a decl'nt, human individual he is a \'l'ry
secular personality. I am sure he feels that here was a beginning of the attack
of communalism. It was not the end of a story; nwn.>ly making Banaras
Hindu University the Kashmir Vishwavidyalaya, Wl' do not l'Iiminatl'
communalism. Merely by deleting the \'vord "Muslim" from the Aligarh
Muslim University, we do not eliminate communalism. But it is a beginning,
a symbolic beginning, an important beginning, somt.'thing which is going to
be followed up, and to that extent, I am sure personally he must be
perturbed-he ought to be-if my reading of him is at all correct. But
Government does not seem to take it seriously. Here is a measure which
suggests to the enemies of this country that India is tarring her own image
of secularity, that India is beginning to take a certain course of things.
I should say in regard to Banaras, as Rome is claimed to be the eternal

city in Europe so Kashi is our eternal city. Here in Kashi is the Vishwavidyalaya
which had been started by Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, something of the
symbol which this country surely wants to preserve and devdop.
Quite a number of interesting things were said by my good friend,

Shri Krishnapal Singh, and he said some rather peculiar things also. He said,
for instance, that many great States in the world are religious States and we
can also be a n.'ligious State. Of course we can be Pakistan is an Islamic State;

may be some great States are religious States. We might choose to be a religious
State; if that was the view of the Swatantra Party, I would not mind it,
because after all the views of the Swatantra Party do not matter so far as the
people and their future are concerned. But he said this; that some great States
,He religious States, and we may also be so. He talked-correctly talked
about some peculiar features of Hinduism which are very grand-the tolerance
of Hinduism and all that sort of thing. It is exactly because of this that the
character of Hindu ci\'ilisation can come out in the words "Kashi
Vishwavidyalaya" named in that way and not with the addition of the word
"Hindu".
This is a country where our civilisation has been predominantly of Hindu

thought. But our fordathl'rs ne\'l'r tried to use that word "Hindu" in an
l'xc\usiH' manner. Aftl'r all, the result has been that "Hindu, Hindi,
Hindustan" ---t.'wn though that trinity of words has been arrogated by certain
pl'ople to takL' to near fascist connotation-these words have been used by
Hindus and Muslims alike with reference to the whole country.
II ~ ~ tm3trrr 3Wm it ~ ~
~ ~ PI CffR f fb;fl Rfi P1ffi"
When \\'t' talk about Hindu civilisation, we should ha\'e a sense of

proportion. Insofar as Shri Krishnapal Singh has pointed out, it is Yery good-
this tolerance of Hinduism, the expansi\'eness of Hindu thought, its
compn.'hensin'l1l'ss of approach. As Dr. Govind Das also said, the Hindus
comprise not only the believers but also the non-believers. We have been,
many of liS, brought up in the Hindu faith; that does not mean that a secular
State givcs its support to purely communal, denominational institutions which,
in their actual working, are found to encourage fissiparous and communal
tendencies. How can we get a\\'ay from the fact that over and over again, in
Banaras, in Aligarh and in Visva Bharati and other places, particularly in
Banaras and Aligarh, the communal poison has been found to work? We
havc sccn that when the communal poison works, the Hindu and the Muslim
extreme communalists combine, as they did in the case of Aligarh only the
other day. This kind of thing has gone on far too long, and we must try to
stop it. That is why I take it that the overwhelming majority in the
Rajya Sabha wanted to change the name to Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya's
name as part of the nomenclature of the university and to call it "Kashi
Vishwavidya\aya".
If in normal circumstances we were discussing this matter, I would have
pointed out certain things which I have felt; there is the Kashi Vidyapeeth
and we are now having the Kashi Vishwavidyalaya. All these things would
have come up, but I am not going to stress those things because in Banaras
and elsewhere a certain agitation has been started against it. Everything else
has been overshadowed by the fact of this agitation, and I would ask my
Hindu friends, who are practising Hindus, professing Hinduism, enthusiastic
Hindus, evangelist Hindus-whatever else they might be--please do not
forget the basic things in Hinduism. If you are a real, good Hindu, what
would you like to feel like? Would you not rather say, quoting something like
this, from Nirwanshatak:
"~ iT ~ ~ iT m~ ~ ;}q iT
;}q lfTfff{i{'qTCf:
~ ~ ~ qrP.jf ~ w ~
11Tf#1
'~ q~/1",<;<Ciq ~~"
''(', ....
,c>, ''(', . . ,c>,
That is \-vhat we want to be. If you belong to Banaras, if you belong to

Kashi, do please try to project your ideas on the sublimest things. Do not
think of the petty, little, communal lollipops which you can pick ('ut of your
political confectionery. Do not let yourselves be exploited by the mist'rable
communal element and try to pull back the wheels of history. And do not
forget that if today, we do this,-if after all this discussion, if after a prolonged
confabulation in the Joint Committee which met for sever,,1 months and aftl'r
the Rajya Sabha, by an overwhelming majority, decides something-the
addition of the word "Hindu"-because of the anti-communal, and secular,
democratic posture which we have taken up,-very rightly taken up-at this
posture of time, when we are fighting Pakistan over Kashmir, then, our face
will be smeared with dirt to go on in the fashion in which Shri Raghunath
Singh, for instance, wishes the House to go.
I ask the Government not to abdicate its responsibility. Government must

take courage in both hands. I know that Government always likes to take the
line of least resistance, whenever communal factors come up. But Government
should have that much courage to whip up its Members to find out if there
are people who want us to tarnish the image of India, and to see that they
would not be allowed that kind of freedom, in the name of freedom to vote,
in the name of the liberal opportunity given to Parliament, to vote whichever
way it likes. This kind of miserable thing should not be permitted to be
practised in this country. I would not have put it in this way, like this; if it
was in the context, I would try to put it in that context. I have tried to remind
Government of this, though Shri Chagla, who is busy otherwise, is not giving
his attention to whatever I say. I know he is much too busy otherwise. He has
got a very difficult task. He would not be able to do it if he has not that
courage to do it, if the Government has not got the courage and the
imagination to act today in the way in which it should.
Therefore, I say-quite apart from the little matters, small matters about
which I had a good deal to say but I would not say-that this is one matter
which has overshadowed the whole thing. If you fail it here, you fail the
country, you fail the future. History will not forgive you if today by lack of
courage you fail. That is exactly the point. Whatever Hindudom might say,
if India today does not stand on her feet and say, "we are launched on a
course of secular democratic progress; v.,-e shall not be deflected from it by
any kind of propaganda in Banaras or Aligarh or elsewhere and we are going
forward", if \ve do not choose to do that, we shall be, dirtying our own face.
I do hope Shri Chagla has the courage to tell the Parliament that he would
not like the Parliament to be a party to that kind of miserable thing.
THE VISVA BHARATI (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1971*£
Mr. Deputy Speaker, Sir, it would have been a pleasure for me, purely
personally speaking, if I could welcome the first legislati,·e sponsorship in
this House by my hon. friend the Minister of State, but I am afraid I cannot
compliment him because this ordinance and the Bill to follow is a peculiar
present to Visva Bharati on the e,·e of the ct'iebration of its golden jubill'e.
It smacks of a spirit of authoritarianism in the CO\"l'rnment of the day of
which I thoroughly disapprove, and perhaps it is as an l'xpression of that
element of authoritarianism that I find not only that the Prime Ministt>r, the
Chancellor of Visva Bharati is absent-she could conceivablv have so many
other engagements; I do not mind-but the Minister of Education,
- -
Shri Siddhartha Shankar Ray, who was supposed to han! conducted a pl'rsonal
investigation in the affairs of Visva Bharati, which alleged inwstigation has
let to the production of this proposition, is not here. He was here during the
morning, but he is not here to answer anything that House in its wisdom
might bring up. But I do not think he even supposedly lifted a little fingl'r
in regard to a serious investigation of Visva Bharati affairs. But he is not Ill'rl'
even to answer anything that might come up.
I say also that this is a peculiar present to Visva Bharati because this goes
right against the entire spirit of the institution. One might ask, 'Who cares for
the spirit Visva Bharati? We have a hell of a job to do. Visva Bharati is a
headache and, therefore, we have done this'.
I am reminded of the last speech which Jawaharlal Nehru had made to
the inmates of Visva Bharati and Shri Nurul Hasan can discover a tape-
recording of it in Shantiniketan-where he had referred to Visva Bharati's
special mission. He had pointed to the tall buildings and growing affluence
of the institution as something about which one should beware, and had
added-I am quoting the exact words he spoke in Hindi:
~ fWfiR fr ® 31WT WfT ~I
Shri Jawaharlal Nehru in his last speech to the inmates of Visva Bharati
had said that it was necessary that Visva Bharati should remain somewhat
aloof from the cruel touch of the administration of this Government.
• L.S. Deb., 29 November 1971.

£ The Bill which was aimed at providing for matters related to the administration of Visva
Bharati University became 'The Visva Bharati (Amendment) Act, 1971'.
346
You will forgive me if I think of the days in which Visva Bharati had been
set up with certain ideals which Government may not care for but the country,
will, if properly apprised of certainly care for:
That was the Vedic slogan with which Shri Brajendranath Seal and
Shri Rabindranath Tagore took part in the foundation-stone ceremony of
Visva Bharati in December 1921, and as a result of that ideal of inviting the
entire universe to the nest, so to speak, the cultural nest of Shantiniketan, we
find people like Sylvain in Levi, Winternitz, Stenkonow coming and sitting
down with scholars like Vidusekhar Shastri and conducting their work.
That was why men like William Pearson and Elmhirst got enthused and
by the idea of Sriniketan. It was the embodiment of the contact of a university
with agricultural life, agriculture being the oldest form of human culture,
and Tagore had envisaged that the University at Shantiniketan would be
organically linked to this University, whose ideals would be conformity with
the fundamental tenet of an orginic sense of life in all its manifestations. But
all that has gone overboard. Nothing of that is in the contemplation of these
ladies and gentlenwn who comprise authority in this country.
That is why it is not "ll<.idenly that Visva Bharati; on account of what

they say, violence and destructive activities, has come down. As was just
pointed out, if you take the toll of violence and destructive activities, so
m.my other Universities could show a record by which the record of Visva
Bharati would pale away. It is not that at all. For year now, Viswa Bharati is
going down the drain and nothing is being done by the Gtwernment of the
day in spite of Smt. Indira Gandhi being for the last five years or so Chancellor
of the University, in spite of her going ceremonially on e\·ery Christmas Day
and addressing a meeting in the sylvain surroundings of that place. Nothing
is being done. That is why our grouse is that during the last few years,
repeatedly, demand has been put forward that there should be a real, genuine
probe into the affairs of Visva Bharati. It never took place. This demand was
made because the characteristic institutions of Visva Bharati have been
deteriorating. The Chin Bhavan, which in the days of Tan Yon-shun, a friend
of Mao, Tse-tung himst:'lf, was a stupendous institutions, an institution with
potentialities which were incalculable. The Chin Bhav.m is now in a derelict
condition. Even the Hindi Bhavan, in spite of the enthusiasm for Hindi on
the part of some members of the Cabinet, is in shambles. The Shilpa Bhavan,
the museum, and all that are in absolute doldrum. What is supposed to be
an advance centre of philosophy is completely defunct, and Sriniketan, about
which I would say a few words a little later, has been going downhill all the
time. The Vidya Bhavan has been without an Adyaksha since Dr. Rudra's
resignation. For several academic departments, the corresponding needs of

the Boards of studies are just not there for a considerable length of time.
Almost all the institutions at Sriniketan are without a permanent Iwad. The
Bengali Department of Rabindra Sadan has not enm a nominal head for
quite sometime. There is a statutory office of Proctor unfilled since tlw last
incumbent resigned. The Controller of Examinations fell ill and took leave,
the acting incumbent is reported to have resigned and perhaps therl' is no
body to mind the baby for months. The position of the Registrar was unn'rtain,
whether he was going to stay or to lean>, no body knew about it. TI1l're is no
internal audit officer. They ha\"t~ got a finance officer, an honorific, ornament,ll
designation for a good friend of mine who is a working judge of the Calcutta
High Court. Is it a joke-the idea of looking aftt.'r the accounts of till'
uni\'ersity? There is no internal audit officer. And the finance officl'r is ,1
person who is a working Judge of the Calcutta High Court, who can come
for an occasional jaunt to Bolpur. but he cannot do anything more than that.
This Ordinance and the Bill which has followed, if they were btllla fide
measures, I could welcome them. If they are b01l1l fide measurl'S hlr a gl'nuil1l'
amelioration of the disease which has been afflicting Visva Bharati fllr so
long, I could have welcomed it, but it is not there at all.
I say this because the Prime Minister, (IS Chancellor, and thl' President,
as the Visitor of the University, have nominated three ml'mbl'rs to the l'xecutiw
council in addition to other persons and other sources of influence O\'l'r the
University. What has happened in the meantime? Why has not anything
been done in the meantime? Section 10 (2) of the Act empowers the Visitor,
that is, the President of India, that is to say, "the President, acting on the
advice of the Ministry of Education." The President of India has the power
to cause an enquiry or inspection. This sub-section was nen'r invoked up to
now. Parliament, when they passed the original Act for Visva Bharati invested
the President, that is to say, the Minister of Education, with the duty, the
responsibility, of having an investigation when situation was called for. That
duty is not discharged; that responsibility is shirked. And then, you say, I
want complete autocratic power for myself. I want a truncated body, a very
small number of people entirely at my beck and call to command everything
in Shantiniketan. Parliament authorised the Ministry of Education, because
the President is just there more or less as an ornamental personality. Parliament
wants, and puts in a section of the Act that "you investigate the matter and
take steps." They do not investigate; they do not take steps. Though all kinds
of grievances and abuses have accumulated over the years, they do not take
even one single step, even though Prime Minister was approached umpteen
times, and often several discussions take place in this House as well as in the
other House on the entire situation, and they come at the last moment and
say, "We take it over."
How do we take it over? We read in the papers I do not know what

happens behind the scene-that the Minister of Education attends a meeting
of the Cabinet and the Minister of Education is given the job of making a
personal investigation. That is not the kind of investigation envisaged by
Parliament seriously in the Act. The Minister is asked according to the Press
reports, by the Cabinet to make a personal investigation and report. What
was the investigation that the Minister did? How? We never know. He never
went to Shantiniketan after he was asked by the Cabinet to have an
inn'stigation. As far as we know, people in Shantiniketan tell us that they
Wl'rl' never asked any questions in regard to the so-called investigation to be
wnducted by Shri Siddhartha Shankar Ray. Nothing happened. They come
and tl'll us:
"We have this very small body as em·isaged in clause 3 of the amending
Bill. They are pushing out of the picture all the Ad"yaksfws Professors and
heads of departml'nts, the Ad"yaksfllls of the /1"mmlls, heads and Principals
of the institutions who were according to the original Act members of the
Sallls/ld, the court of the Unin'rsity. They want a small body; they want
some pl'ople entirely at their beck and call to go and reorganise the
Shantiniketan. "
If I knew that they had genuinely proceeded in regard to reforming the
abuses, rt'mm"ing the abuses at Shantiniketan and told us that on the basis
of this inn'stigation we had appointt'd a small committee which is necessarily
smalll1l'cause they have to act very rapidly, I could ha\·e tried to understand
that pwposition. But they neH'r tell us anything. What is the investigation
tha t tlll'v h,1\"e made?
Parlianwnt has over and on'r again asked for an ilwestigation into the
affairs of Vis\·a Bharati, 1969 and 1970 were the years of turmoil in Visva
Bharati. A pwfessor of philosophy who was the Vice Chancellor of the
University was compelled to resign and we know for a fact that the so called
reprl'st:'ntativl's of ex-students of Shantiniketan who control the entire
apparatus, morally speaking, blackmail the Vice-Chancellors of the University,
like Dr. Kalidas Bhattacharyya who was compelled to resign and they have
their association with a grisly group of people who run the Allmuta Ba:llr
Patrika and certain other wsted interests in West Bengal. The sooner we get
rid of that kind of l'xcrescence from our country, the better for everybody.
Those are the people who are dominating OVl'r Visva Bharati; these are the
people who are making the whole thing a sham and a shame-for this country
and that is why we have to come to this pause.
What the Government has in mind, we do not know. That is why I say
that J want a definite answer in regard to the Education Minister's alleged
investigation without which they could not have proceeded to the issuing of
the Ordinance and the Legislation that follm·wd. What did he do? Did he visit
Shantiniketan? Did he find out things after he was asked to investigate and
that sort of thing.
This is not 'operation rescue' for Visva Bharati; it is 'operation capture'

for Vis\'a Bharati. Why should the Gon'mment of the day be intl'rl'sted in
capturing an institution like this? I do not know. Is it because Vis"a Bharati
being situated in ,1 part of West Bengal where cl certain brand of l'xtremist
political agitation hilS been rampant for some time much to the disconn'rted
bewilderment of many of us, is it because of that they w.wt to gl't hold of the
University lock, stock and barrel and control it in a complt'tl'ly autoratic
fashion which goes right against the grain of any kind of uniH'rsity autonomy
principle? Why should we think of that in that way?
After all Visva Bharati is not insulated from the rest of thl' community.
In the district of Birbhum if there is some agitation, some rl'pl'fcussiLlI'\, it is
bound to enter into the minds of the young people who inhabit tht:'m. Ewn
so in Visva Bharati itself such instances were few and far betwl't.'n. You can
never say that Vish"va Bharati students helve behaved n'ry b,ldly or that the
Vis\'a Bharati Unh'ersity teachers were wry politically mindl'd. Not in thl'
least. Nowhere in this country is perhaps a community of tt:'achers who are
so basically non-political as in Vishvva Bharati. Nowhl'rL', not in Calcutta or
Jadavpur or Burdwan; forget West Bengal universities, not ('wn in Dl'lhi. The
Delhi Uni\'ersity teachers are a great deal more politically orit'ntl'd than the
teachers of Visva Bharati. Then why do you do this? Only because you went
to assert your influence directly.
The Vice-Chancellor-I knew him personaIly, I haw known him for

40 years now nearly-is expected to be more effective by bl'coming
subordinate administrator, dancing near the doorsteps of Shri Nurul Husan
and Shri Siddhartha Shankar Ray. Is he going to be a bettl'r administrator if
he is to make his curtsies to the officers of the Govemml'nt of India?
He was chosen by the Karma Samiti and the Samsad. Both are dissolwd,
and he is made a subordinate official. I do not understand what has happened
to the academic community of this country. If I or any of us Wl're in thl'
position of the Vice-Chancellor, and having been nominee of the Karl/Ill Samiti
and the Samsad, if the Karma Samiti and the Samsad are pushed out, I would
never have agreed to continue under the surveillance of the Minister of State
or his millions in the Education Ministry. I would never have done it.
Educational autonomy and academic freedom are things which we should
treasure, but this Government goes on behaving in such a way that the mind
of the academic community is tainted and distorted and they begin to worship
power, and they come to the shrines of power which are supposed to be
situated in Delhi. That is exactly what is happening. And apart from that so
many other things are done.
I want Government to tell u~ something more about it. Why have not
Covernment looked after Sriniketan? What has happened? So many of the
Government people tell us that they are interested in the revival of the village
industries, the talent, creative activity of our people as far as the village folk
are concl'rJll'd, Tagore started this institution. I find the Agricultural
Uni\"l'rsity-Unhwsity, I think, it is called-working fairly satisfactorily in
the very inhabited conditions of our country. Why should not Sriniketan be
made the nuclt.'us of something like an Agricultural University when it is
functioning properly? Sriniketan products have a wonderful market, internal
market as wl'il as foreign market. But why is it that Sriniketan does not
flourish? Why is it that no attempt is made, as Tagore wanted, towards an
organic link up bet\H'l'n the economic life of the people and their creative
acti\·ity, their production of economic goods and the academic, cultural
atmosplll're of the country? Why is it that here we find that artisans who are
,15 good as artists arl' not really l'ncouraged? If the idea is that Rabindranath
Tagore liH'd a long time ago, that he had some antiquated notions in regard
to l'ducation, that in tlw modernistic mind of my friend, the Minister of State
thl'sl' notions are no hmgl'r \·alid, I would like an innC'stigation. I do not SdY
thai \\"l' should stick 10 Tagore's ideas and all that sort of thing. If they are
olltmodl'd, ,1S 111l'Y might \"l'ry well bl', if Shantiniketan should no longer
carryon in till' old fashion, if Shri Jawaharlal Nehru's idea towards
Shantinikd,m ought to be repudiatl'd, no longer passes muster let us find
out, Il'I liS h,n-e a ci\·ilised intelll'ctual discourse in regard to that matter. Let
therl' be an ilwl'stigation made by competent people. Let Tagore's ideals be
thrown OH'r board if they are no longer in conformity with the requirements
of today. But han' we made that ilwestigation.
What are we doing? Sl,tting up a few buildings, putting in a lot of money;

and thl'n having a complete picture of demoralisation, degradation and
inefficiency. Is this the way in ,,,,hich we should conduct our affairs? That is
why I say this is an example of the authoritarian mentality which operates
in the Gon'rnment of the day, which extends to the sphere of the academies,
which utilises, l'xploits the idea of political disturbances in educational
institutions even to the extent of repudiating all the academic ideals of a man
like Rabindranath Tagofl', and that is why the Act is being changed, (md in
the name of having a comprehensive legislation at some future date they are
hi:wing this passed.
I have been in this House for 20 years, and I am fed up with the idea of
Government coming up and saying that they will bring a comprehensive
piece of legislation later on. It never comes. By the time it comes so much
water has gone down the Jamuna that your comprehensive legislation is no
longer adequate to the scene. That is why we have to be very careful.
I do not want to take more time, but I feel that all the Central Universities
are stinking today-Banaras, Aligarh, Delhi and Visva Bharati---every one of
them is stinking more or less. Sometimes the stench goes upto the high
heavens. Sometimes it does not go so high up. Anyhow that is how it is. Even
right under the nose of the ministry, Jawaharlal Nehru University is developing
a sort of isolated academicism, which is as remote as one can imagine from
the ideals of Jawaharlal Nehru. This is on account of the Government's
predilections for authoritarian methods of work. ( charge this Government
that in regard to Visva Bharati, which is the Prime Minister's particular pigeon,
she has no business to be Chancellor merely because she was at one time a
student of Shantiniketan. I charge the Government that Visva Bharati, which
was very specially required to be nursed by some of the leading figures of
Government-that was the idea of Jawaharlal Nehru-has been deliberately
allowed to rot and stink. For the last two to three years, Government has
been entirely negligent in regard to every demand that has LOme from the
public as well as from the students and teachers of Visva Bharati for a genuine
probe into its affairs. Government has acted only in order to support the idea
of that clique which, in the name of representing the ex-students of Shanti-
Niketan, want to control that institution.
Now Government have come forward with an authoritarian piece of

legislation. If Government expect that they would be able to nominate
independent minded academicians to get into the picture under the terms of
this Act, I say, Government is barking up the wrong tree. They will never get
men worthwhile who will work under the terms of this Ordinance and this
Bill. They will never get any kind of genuine, civilised administration of an
honest academic institution if they want to stick to the provisions of this
ordinance and this bill. Therefore, I repeat the disgust ( feel at the way in
which Government has proceeded in regard to Shantiniketan and Visva
Bharati. ( repeat that this is a cruel and most pervert present to be made to
Shantiniketan on the eve of the celebrations of the Golden Jubilee of Visva-
Bharati.
THE NATIONAL LIBRARY BILL, 1972*£
I am distn.'ssed that in spite of my partiality to the Minister of Education,

am dri\'en to have to criticise him very strongly in respect of repeated
legislation which he has brought before this House, legislation which is
generally brought in a hurry so that the Minister might repent at leisure,
legislation which perhaps makes it a point of excluding consultation with the
House by. way - either of reference to the Select Committee or by. circulation
for eliciting public opinion or anything. Perhaps, being in an avuncular
position I han' to speak to him like what the Europeans say, a 'Dutch uncle',
but I do not enjoy the experience, I ha\'e also to say the reason why I could
put in my motion regarding eliciting of opinion so late was because I was out
of town for three or four days and I discovered that this motion was right
there for discussion yesterday and I had no other option but to send a belated
notice,
I have heard from the Minister that he has at last condescended to give
his attention to the Jha Cl.)mmittee's recommendations and bring up this
legislation, I have had the privilege, or I do not know what, of having been
a Member of the Jha Committee, and, because of that, I have desisted on so
many occasions from asking questions in this House about the National
Library because I was \\'aiting to see what the Government proposes to do
about that Institution, From what I have seen so far, Sir, I have a feeling
that-the idea which Jawaharlal Nehru had about the National Library, and
Maulana Azad had when he inaugurated the ceremony of the acquisition of
the Belvedere premises, the former residence of the Viceroy of India for the
National Library, the dream which Abdul Kalam Azad had given expression
to in those days,-has vanished a long time ago in the arid wastes of the
Secretariat and the Jha Committee Report and the earlier report to which I
also happen to be a party are awaiting what Karl Marx once said, "the gnawing
criticism of mice" and not the civilised consideration of a really perceptive
Government. In regard to this institution, the National Library, this Bill has
been formulated. As Shri Chatterjee said, it is a bureaucratic measure, a piece
of desk-work by a few people who happen to have no idea, no interest, in
regard to a thing like the National Library.
• L.S, Del", 20 December 1972.

( The Bill which was aimed at providing for matters related to the administration of the National
Library and Cl'rtain other connected matters became 'The National Library Act. 1976',
353
And, that is why the first It'gislation that we Me going to haH' on our
statute-book on the National Library is what it is and thl' Ministt'r proPOSl'S
to rush it through this House. We do not know why thl' Ministl'r con1l'S at
the fag end of the session with this kind of legislatiw ml',lsurl'. It is sllnll'thing
which passes comprehension; but the way things go on in Parliament, it is
better we give up trying to comprehend what happens and why it happens
in this countrv.
The Minister has said for instance, in regard to thl' two points which hl'
pressed that he has tried to follow the Jha Committl'e's rl'wmnll'nd,ltions
and he has giyen an autonomous Board. Sir, tilt.' Jha ClHllmittl'e was composl'd
of humble people, laymen who may not h,l\"e known all the intric,lCil's of
law. When they talked about autonomy, they only intl'nded that a natillll,ll
centre of scholarship should ha\'e the opportunity of autonllmous functioning
and that should be made sure of bv Parliament. If we madl' a statl'nll'nt
which was contradictory it might ha\'t~ rejoiced the hearts of the law advisers
of the Ministry, but it is neither here nor thl're.
What the Jha Committee wanted was that this Natilmal Centrl' of
Scholarship should be looked after properly. And, to haw it done, it is
necessary to haye a Director of the proper character, the proper status and
the proper calibre and a body which would look dftl'r it without lowing tmltl'd
as a pettifogging Government Department, Supervised from Delhi or its
hangers-on in different parts of the country. That was thl' idl'a with which
this Committee asked for an autonomous body and they have now gin'n us
an autonomous body in this sort of sophisticated legislation which they
consider to be right, which the Jha Committee had not thought of. At Il'ast
one Joint Secretary of his Ministry functioning at that time had bel'll a M('mbl'r
of this Committee and he had not pointed out that this anomaly or this
contradiction was likely to arise out of the report. But, let us forgct that. The
Minister in his wisdom has given the National Library an auhmomous body
and he says: 'I am following the dictates of the Jha Committee'. But what has
he done? I am quoting from page 21 of this cyclostyled report. The Jha
Committee's report has not even been printed, as far as I know. The Jha
Committee's report has not even been supplied in its entirety to Membt'rs of
Parliament or even to a former Member of the Committee itself. The Member
Secretary of the Jha Committee who happens to be a favourite employee of
this Ministry signed the report in front of all of us and he never indicated
that he would give a note of dissent, but taking advantage of the generosity
of Shri Jha-a genuine gentleman of the old brand,-gave a note of dissent,
made fantastic statements in that note of dissent to an extent that the Chairman
Shri Jha had to write a special note in order to correct the misunderstandings
created by the Member Secretary, and then the Member Secretary had the
gumption to produce another counter-note to Chairman Jha's report, which
docllml'nt has not bl'en made available to us, let alone Members of Parliament
or the ml·mbers of the public. That is how the Jha Committee is treated. But
ll't that apart, we are pl·rhaps having to get used to this kind of activity on
tIll' part of certain busy-bodies in the administration.
TIll' Jha Committl'e wanted a go\"t.·rning council exercising real authority,
and they wantl'd l'minent professors from universities, distinguished
l·duc.ltionists clnd administrators of prO\'ed worth and of an academic bent
of mind ,md scientists of repute. It is not merely that people v'ho hold positions
should bl~ nll'mlwrs of the council. This governing council should meet at
least thrice a year. A third of the members should be replaced ewry year by
tIll' principll' of rotation, allowing for n'gional and other representation. They
should haH' the fulll'st lil1l'rty to function within the budget allotted. The
sl'ledion should be made in such a manner that the various regions of the
country clnd "arious interests are represented in the council with no
prepondl'rance giH'n to any particular region. This was a "ery clear
fl)rmul,ltion by the committl'e in regard to what this autonomous body should
be likl'. T1ll'y h,1\'e gi\"l'n us a body consisting of ten people that is, the
Sl'crl't,UY in the Ministry l)f Culture or whate\'er it is, the Secretary in the
Ministry l)f FinanCl" six pl'l"SOnS to be nominated by the Central Government
of whom four shall be dcademicians of some sort and one shall be a
reprl'sl'ntatiH' of the unh'l'rsitil's, and the other shall be from among persons
who in thl' opinion of thc Central GO\'ernment have knowledge of and
('''~1l'ril'ncl' in scienCl' and fL'chnoll)gy, one person to be nominated by the
chairman of tlw vec and the director of the library. Out of ten persons three
are more or Il'ss likelv to be GOH'rnnwnt nominel's of the usual brand who
would just go to supl'n'ise things, just go to make sure that some rule or
othl'r in their book is obsl'n'ed, .Hld se\'en other people would be there. How
are they going to function? How can they run a library with a national
charactl'r?
Soml'times, I have heard the allegation which is absolutely rotten and
unfoundt.'d that because the National Library has been in Calcutta, some of
these Calcutta pt.'ople want to monopolise the show, and they want not only
to retain the national library there but also they want to continue control of
it. But that sort of slandl'r passes muster in the corridors of Delhi, I know also
how sl'ht'ml's have been prepared from time to time to shift the National
Library altogether from Calcutta and to have it somewhere else, obviousl} in
Delhi, where CTOn,'s are there for the asking and you can spend millions of
money for all sorts of projects. But at any rate, I am glad that Gowrnment
says now that the National Library shall be at Calcutta.
But we have tried-and the committee was composed of not merely the
Bt~ngalis living in Calcutta, but pl'ople representing all parts of the country
and the committee wanted to make sure that the library should be run by a
representative council representing all the regions of the country and
representing the totality of intellectual life of our country.
If we want the national library to be what it ought to be and surdy

expect Prof. S. Nurul Hasan to recognise and try as much as it lit.'s in his
power to see to it that we do have a national library as a proper Cl'ntre for
research and intellectual guidance then surely this national library rt.'quires
not a committee consisting of ten people of \"v'hom three are obviously
Government people and se\·en are nominated, who ha\·e otht.'r assignnll'nts
and who never know how and when to attend meetings. You cannot ha\·e a
body consisting only of ten people who can run, for the purposes that you
intend, the National Library. That is why we have got the executive council
which they are going to have, formed in a completely indeterminate manner,
and that would be done according to the behest not of Prof. S. Nurul Hasan
as an academician, but at the behest of his advist.'rs who want to keep things
entirely under their thumb, things they do not know a thing about, things
that they can ne\·er dream about, things of an intellectual nature of which
they have not the slightest little apprehension; those things are now going to
be controlled by people in Government who bring out this sort of legislation.
In regard to autonomy, this is what the Bill tries to do, distorting l'ntirdy
the recommendation of the Jha Committee. In regard to the Director, my hon.
friend. Shri Chatterjee, even though he is a trained lawyt.·r, unfortunately
failed to see how the Government have decided-and they art.' free to do
so--to play a trick, a fraud, upon the Jha Committt.'e's recommendation.
Ostensibly claiming to satisfy the Jha Committee's dt.·sire, tht.·y have now
given us a Director. And what does it say about the Director? This is in clause
13.
"The Central Government shall appoint a person, who in its opinion

possesses academical qualifications of distinction or is a distinguisht.'d
Librarian, as the Director of the Library".
The Jha Committee had said-I am quoting its own words, page 22,
paragraph 41:
"The Committee recommends the appointment of a Director of tht.>

National Library who should also be ex-officio Chairman of the Governing
Council. The Director should be selected from amongst distinguished
scholars with administrative competence. Professional librarians who have
reached outstanding status and who command respect in the academic
world should also be eligible for appointment to the post. His salary and
status should be comparable with those of Vice-Chancellors of Central
Universities".
The stress here-I wish the Minister takes note of it; you will understand
the distinction-is on the fact that we need for an institution like a National
Library a Director who should be academically acceptable, who should be
eminent, as a person who would be consulted respectfully by members of the
academic world from different parts of the country. The Director of the
-
while ,\'e have seen what has happened. The rot in the National Library
-
National Library is one of the leaders of the intellectual life in this country,
began when instead of comparatively imaginative people of intellectual stature

and spiritual attainments, we got people belonging to a completely different
nwttle.
Tlwre was Mr. Chapman in the old British days who, at any rate, had the
kind of width of mind to translate the 5hakfa and Vaisllllat' lyrics into English,
who had a sort of understanding and sympathy for Indian culture. We had
tlw great Harinath De in the old days who died very young, who was the
first Indian Librarian of this institution, who was a stupendous scholar, not
only a linguist but a really encyclopaedic scholar. Since those days we got
appointments of footing little people who, if they have got a certificate from
a Library Association imagine they know all the tricks of the library trade
and, therl'fore, they can be head of an institution like the National Library.
ThLlt is why I was constrained to say during the Jha Committee

procl'l'dings that Moolay who came as Librarian was a misfortune and
Shri Kalia \'\'ho follO\\'l'd was a calamity. This kind of thing went on because
people with no real understanding of library problems, no perception of the
intl>lIectual life of this country, no stature, personal or intellectual, which
would be respected by people who come to consult the Library-these were
ruling the roost. They want to come back by the back-door, these miserable
people; the Member-Secretary, against whom things have had to be said in
spite of the politeness we could muster in the Jha Committee's report, basking
in the sunshine of the favour of Delhi bureaucrats, drawing the same pay
and that sort of thing and hopes to come back, I expect, as Director of the
Library with a heightelwd status.
That is why it merely says 'or':
"The Central Government shall appoint a person, who in its opinion

possesses academical qualifications of distinction or is a distinguished
Librarian, as the Director of the Library".
We have had distinguished Librarians. We wanted that to be a

distinguished Librarian is no bar to be at the same time a very distinguished
academician. Only the other day the Government had appointed-I do not
want to name the persons-as Director of an institution high up in the hills,
in the Himalayas, who was a distinguished Librarian as well as a distinguished

academician. This country is not so poor in talent that we cannot have people
who are good in both jobs, librarianship as well as academics. But there
might be occasions when you do not get a purely technically qualified
librarian, but you get a very wonderful person. The Library of Congress in
Washington once appointed a poet called Archibald McLeish as Librarian of
the Library of Congress, and he did a great deal to revolutionise the entire
functioning of the Library of Congress. Do we not have any idea about the
perspective of the development of our national library? What is Prof. Nurul
Hasan, if he has not entirely said good-bye to all his past accomplishments
and aspirations, doing? What is he doing in regard to the development of the
national library? Why is he a party to this kind of legislation which can come
from the deadwood of the desks behind which sit all his minions but which
has nothing whatever to do with the intellectual life of the country, which
does not care to take note of all the ardour and the desire of the members of
the Jha Committee who wanted to see in this national library a new
movement? Why is there no mention of what the Jha Committee has said
over and over again-that we want in this country a full-fledbed effort to
have national libraries where we would find the collections in all our regional
languages? There is no reference in the Bill to the idea that the national
library at Calcutta should be at the apex of the pyramid, so to speak, and
there will be regional and national libraries. We are a large country which
cannot be served perhaps by only one national library. There has to be a
national library; one is there already; you need not dismantle it; you need not
push it out. We can have the apex; we can have the different regional national
libraries. But here there is nothing at all.
Shri Chatterjee complained very righty; where is any reference to what

is to be done by these people? The Jha Committee tried to supply a few
things; collect everything published in India. Nowhere is in this Bill any
directive that all efforts should be made provided, of course, that it is within
the range of possibility to collect everything published in India under one
roof. Then we have to collect everything on India published abroad in different
languages. We shall have to make special efforts to collect and preserve the
valuable books, manuscripts and treasures of similar description which are
in different places. We have not got anything like the Historical Records
Commission in Britain, where they go and collect things from the treasure-
houses of the different aristocratic families. We do not do these things.
We suggested also that the Indian National Bibliography has to be taken

care of, which was neglected all the time. Only recently for a flare-up period,
the Indian National Bibliography again began----to ,be. looked after, but for
years the Indian National Bibliography which at one time won the applause
of the UNESCO and other international organisations was just given the go-
by. We have suggested at the Committee that the specialists should be assisted
in their research work and for that provision has to be made. We have
suggested the task of reprinting the valuable material and the acquisition of
microfilms and other kinds of photo-copies of material from different countries
abroad. We have wanted this library to be developed as an international
publications exchange centre which every other country, every other
mentionable country has, but this-very large country with so much
intellectual resources is not able to do so. There is no mention of anything of
that sort here.
The Minister would not even send the Bill for elicitation of public opinion;
he would not even send it to the Select Committee. The Minister would not
like to consult anybody in regard to legislation which he,-{;od knows for
what reasons-wishes to push through. Would the Heavens fall if this
legislation is not passed by this House and the other House before you rise
for Christmas? What happens? For more than three years they sat tight on
the Jha Committee's report. Even now, the Jha Committee's report is rotting
in the archives. Who would lose if you wait a little longer and bring up
something which is different? But this sort of legislation is terrible. I do not
understand. This Government is a peculiar kettle of fish. It is most queer and
unintelligible. Have not they got other jobs to do? What is their idea? If they
wanted to do something about the national library, why not do it more sensibly
or do other things, Mulki or anything you like? Do those things which to you
seem to be more urgent. But if you are going to deal with the national library,
deal with it in a circumspect, thoughtful fashion.
I feel something very rotten is the situation of things in the National

Library and this Government and its bureaucracy is absolutely incapable and
unwilling to look after it; there is no doubt about it in the last few years. The
Jha Committee reported in 1969. In 1969-70 the new acquisitions to the
National Library according to the report which I have seen were 19,302. In
1970-71 that figure came down to 18,305 and in 1971-72 it came down further
to 17,557. Books are multiplying and the Parliament Library under your
direction is having to buy so much because so many more books are coming
out these days but the National Library acquires less. Old and valuable
acquisitions are going waste. The newspaper section in Esplanade, five
kilometres from Belvadere, where most valuable material, brittle material, is
there, is absolutely going to waste because people do not look after it. No
attempt is made to look after it of course there is the question of employees
being at logger heads; it needs sympathetic treatment. The joint council
between employees and others is not being worked properly. There are so
many other things that could be said but I would not try your patience any
longer.
I would say with every emphasis at my disposal that if this Government

has the slightest little interest, seriously speaking, in the National Library it
should look after it properly and not deal with it in a lackadaisical, bureaucratic
manner. It has given the Jha Committee a slap in the face by interpreting its
recommendations for autonomy and the appointment of an intellectually
capable director by giving it a twist and turn which is entirely dishofll'st and
it has done great disservice to Indian scholarship by making of the National
Library Bill a putrid and bureaucratic document that it is. It is something
which should be withdrawn by the Minister unless he can give an undt'rtaking
to the House that he is going to accept my motion for circulating this Bill for
eliciting public opinion in the next three or four months or he agrees to a
Select Committee of Members of the House who are good enough for any job
of work to sit down with him during January and produce a Bill which could
be passed into law in February. But this legislation which with any
understanding of the intellectual requirements of our country. I cannot for
one fraction of a moment persuade myself to be a party to, and that is why
I am entirely opposed to the Bill as it has been formulated.
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
CEASE·FIRE IN KOREA*
It has devolved on me to open the debate as far as the Opposition is

concerned. I am afraid I must say at the very outset tha~ it is a pity that the
President's advisers have chosen to put into his mouth words which paint a
picture in this country which is un-related to the facts, a smug, self-satisfied
picture of the conditions at home. At the same time, the President's advisers
have made him pronounce certain rather puerile, pathetic platitudes regarding
the international situation which, we know, today has taken a very explosive
turn. There is also reference in the Address to such almost fantastic statements
as an all-round general progress at an increasing pace. And, this statement is
being made when the spectre of famine, of retrenchment, of mass starvation,
are not merely haunting shadows, but have actually gripped our land all
over its area. I find again what I am sorry I must characterise as the profound
pettifoggery of our Government when there is reference to a steady
improvement in the food situation which was underlined by my friend who
has just spoken. There was, of course, the ineYitable expression of gratitude
for the infamous wheat loan which we have got from the USA. I am sorry
I cannot go into detail over all these matters, specially, in view of your ruling
regarding the motion which was sought to be discussed by means of an
adjournment. I propose to confine my remarks to those aspects which relate
to foreign policy in the President's Address.
In regard to that, I also find how the President's advisers appear to have
become completely detached from the life of our people. Because, otherwise,
I cannot understand how when everybody everywhere is talking about war,
about the real and positive danger or war breaking out in our Asian countries
at a moment when in the stock exchanges of our land where big money tries
to make itself even bigger, prices of shares go up because war is going to
break out-in that wonderful organisation, it seems that when peace threatens
to break out, the prices of shares go down, but when war threatens to break
out everybody is buoyant and joyous, gladdening the heart of my friend the
Finance Minister-when everybody everywhere is talking about the danger
• L.S. Dell., 13 February 1953. [Participating in the discussion on the Motion of Thanks on
President's Address, Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 22 May 1952, 13 February 1953. 18 and 22
February 1954, 23 February 1955. 20 and 23 February 1956,17 February 1958.22 February 1965.
1 March 1966, 21 March 1967, 14 March 1972 and 27 February 1974 during discussions on
similar Motions).
363
of war, our President, goaded perhaps by his advisers into the kind of
statement which he has made, says that he has considerable apprehension
about the way things are going and he expresses his grave concern. That is
about all. I do not understand why when the people of our country are so
deeply perturbed,-not only in our own country, but everywhere in the
world-when people are deeply concerned about the turn that e\'ents are
likely to take because of certain recent dewlopments, vve cannot gh'e a more
positive indication of that fight for peace \vhich should be the mission of our
country, if our freedom is to have any kind of concrete significance. But, we
see nothing of that sort. We see not a single positive statement as far as the
Address is concerned in regard to the steps which are going to be taken in
order to stop the rot which has already set in, in order to pren)nt the
warmongers having a kind of absolutely devilish satisfaction of their desires
which they are trying to do.
It is exactly in that context that I would say that the President's Address
also tries to make much of the fact-and my friend who has just spokl·n has
also referred to it-that we made a very serious effort to put an end to the
war in Korea, that we should congratulate ourselH's upon that, and rest
upon our oars, that we have done our job and for some time to come we are
entitled to be content and happy about it. I would like to say that what we
have actually done, the kind of proposal which we formulated in regard to
the settlement of Korea was a contribution not towards peace, but towards
the prolongation of the crisis which has been highlighted today by what the
President of the USA has chosen to say and to threaten in regard to the de-
neutralisation of Formosa, in regard to the threat to blockade the territory of
the People's Republic of China. ( would like to say that we ought to remember
the way in which these American imperialists have been functioning,
particularly lately. We ought to remember that a few days before the Korean
war actually broke out, on 21 June 1950, Mr. John Foster Dulles had said:
"Korea does not stand alone. My talks with Gen. MacArthur will be
followed by positive action."
The cold war in Korea became a hot war straightaway within a week of this
statement which was made by Mr. John Foster Dulles who occupies a
particularly upholstered seat in Washington today. We find, therefore that the
imperialism represented by the USA is acting not only as an aggressor but
also as the policeman of a new kind of fascism all over the world trying to
strangle freedom wherever it can, and is endeavouring to implant fascism,
and is using every possible step, re-militarisation of Japan, active intervention
in Indo-China, using the Kuomintang troops to invade the Chinese mainland
expanding the area of conflict in Asia: all these are being sought to be done
today in the most unashamed fashion. We find American military experts
and naval experts having audiences with the President in order to find out
ways and means of doing this, in order to find out ways and means of
putting an end to all the hopes of the people of the world for freedom, for
self-development and for the fulfilment of their desires. That is exactly what
is happening.
In his great message on the State of the Union, the President of the USA
said,-and we should try to understand the significance of what he said-he
ga\"l~ notice, that under his administration, the United States Mutual Security
Programme, on which hinges a large part of the fulfilment of our Five Year
Plan, would gin~ help to other nations in the measure they strive earnestly
to do their full share in the common task. The common task of the United
States imperialists has got to be shared by us too, because, that is the price
which they say openly and unashamedly they are going to exact for the little
aid, assistance, gift, loan or God knows whatever else they call it,
which they are giving to this country under the most irritating terms. The
President of the United States has gone so far as to say that a free world
cannot indefinitely remain in a posture of paralysed tension. Peace to these
pl'ople, whom I refrain from characterising in the language which really fits,
is a state of paralysed tension. They want the free world to get out of this
state of par<llysed tension. They want us to ha\·e the war being carried all
o\'t:'r Asia. They want Asians to fight Asians. They have been talking about
it. They used to say we are 'gooks'. Heaven knows what the term means. In
the yankee phraseology possibly 'gooks' has a particular significance. They
used to say that the Asians are 'gooks' and that they are going to get the
Asian gooks fight one another.
I find in a summary of Congressional proceedings of the United States
which are distributed by the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association-
very distinguished auspices-that as early as 2 July 1952 in the Senate of the
United Statl's there was some discussion, and there \-vas a gentleman called
the hon. John C. Steannis, who is a Democrat Member of the War Services
Committee, and the hon. H. Alexander Smith who said that:
"From a dollar-and-cents standpoint it would cost much less to equip the
Chinese divisions than to equip U.s. divisions. At the same time, it will
provide the additional advantage of giving us Asiatic troops to fight the
Communist movement in the Far East."
They are trying to get Asians to fight Asians, and that is why they are now
trying to help the Kuomintang regime in their projected attack on the territory
of the People's Republic of China.
We said we have been trying our best, we have been trying to put an end
to the war in Korea. The President of the U.s.A. has made it very clear that
he wants the war to go on in Korea to accentuate the position in Indo-China.
He has agreed to assist the British satellite as far as the Malayan business is
concerned. He has also said that he is very much interested in what is
happening in Africa and of course, as we know, as it came out in the Question

Hour, he is very interested in the Middle East Defence Organization. He has
got his ANZUS as far as the Pacific is concerned. He has got his NATO as far
as Europe is concerned. He has got his MEOO as far as the Middle East is
concerned; and Heaven knows what other things he has got up his sleeve,
but, at any rate he is unleashing the dogs of war all over the place, and he
wants Asians to fight Asians because he says otherwise Communists are
going to overwhelm all the peoples of the world.
And we said we have tried to make peace in Korea and we hoped to get
the plaudits of the world, and we imagined that we already have got the
plaudits of the peoples of the world, but the people of the world knew
exactly what we are doing. They would not even give you the kind of ignorant
approval which they may sometimes appear to give you. You may imagine
that you are gaining the approval of the world, but the people at any rate do
know what exactly the Indian Resolution on Korea amounted to.
Why is it that even in the British House of Commons on the 6 November
1952 on behalf of the Labour Party. Mr. Noel Baker who is a very important
personage there said in the debate on the Queen's Address:
"The first stage in Korea would be a cease-fire ... "-I have got this quotation
from Parliamentary Debates from Hansard itself--"The first stage would
be a ceasefire on the basis of agreements already made. After all the
practical arrangements for supervising the troops have all been settled.
The second stage would be agreement about the prisoners' return. I should
have thought that once the fighting had stopped, the chances of getting
agreement on the prisoners of war would be increased."
That was what he said on 6 November 1952.
On 10 December 1952, Mr. Morgan Philips, who is possibly the Secretary
of the Labour Party-I am not sure-called for support of the Indian
Resolution on Korea which required the Koreans and the Chinese to give
way on the prisoner of war question before a cease-fire, thus permitting the
war to continue. This happened because on the British Labour Party, which
for a time was trying to represent the desire of the peoples of peace for the
cessation of hostilities in Korea, pressure was put by the American barons
who were trying to dominate all over the world; and so, Mr. Morgan Philips
had to send out his whip, and the result of it was that everybody went off
to support the Indian Resolution doctored by Eden and by Acheson; and the
result is that as far as the Indian Resolution is concerned, it does not take into
account at all the viewpoint of the People's Republic of China.
I remember last session when this question came up, the hon. Prime
Minister told us that his desire was to act in concurrence with the People's
Republic of China. The People's Republic of China had handed to the Indian
Ambassador in Peking a negative note regarding this Indian peace proposal
in Korea on 24 November, but it was on 3 December 1952 that we went
ahead, and the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Resolution on
Korea which we had tabled. What was there in our Resolution? It contains
17 proposals dealing with the prisoner-of-war question. Not one of these
17 proposals mentions a cease-fire. Only in the final paragraph of the preamble,
it is only there that we find the words that the Resolution will be sent to the
Chinese Government and North Korean authorities as forming a just and
reasonable basic for an agreement, so that an immediate cease-fire would
result,-in other words, an offer of a cease-fire on terms which we knew
beforehand to be completely unacceptable to the Chinese and to the Koreans.
It is an effort to prolong the war and to put the blame on the Chinese and
the Koreans. That is why when Mr. Chou En Lai, the Prime Minister of the
People's Republic of China wrote to the President of the United Nations, he
said:
"You adopted this illegal resolution which has as its basic content the
U.s. principle of voluntary repatriation under an Indian cloak."
An Indian cloak was put upon this Resolution, and I hate to have to say this,
but you know being an authority in matters relating to our epics, you know
the story of Shikhandi in the Mallablzarata, who went ahead, and behind him
came the serried ranks, and because of his being there, Bhishma could not
really defl!nd himself because he did not like to throw his arrows point blank
at Shikhandi.
Now, why do we play the role of Shikhandi in the new Mallllbllllrata, the
new epic of creation that is being composed today by the peoples desiring
peace all over the world? Why do we try to allow the U.S. and British
imperialists to take shelter behind the Indian cloak? Why do we play
something like a Shikhandi role-and that is exactly what we have done as
far as our resolution on Koera is concerned.
In contrast to that, there was a Resolution sponsored by another State
which I need not name, which said in the first clause:
"An immediate recommendation to the belligerents in Korea to have an

immediate and complete cease-fire, and after that is done, refer the
prisoner of war issue to a Commission of 11 States including Britain,
U.S.A., France, Switzerland, India, Burma, South Korea, the Soviet Union,
China, Czechoslovakia and North Korea."
And this body of eleven States was to reach its decisions by a two-third
majority. We rejected it. This Resolution was for an immediate cease-fire, and
this Resolution was for the appointment of a commission of eleven where a

pro-American group had an indubitable majority, but we rejected it; we pushed
our Resolution, because we were told to do so, because that is how our
Government now tries to behave. And so the war in Korea continues, and no
amount of sympathetic declamation regarding the desirability of the
termination of war in Korea will produce results till you really make up your
minds that you are going to line up behind those forces clll over the world,
forces of the common people hungering for peace.
It is only when you make up your mind about your real alignment with
the forces of peace, liberation and progress, it is only then that Wl' shall be
able to put an end to all those fears and apprehensions to which rl'ference
has been made by the President in his Address.
We did so perhaps because we hoped that the Americans might assist us,
gi,·e us some kind of largesse, as far as the Kashmir question was Cl)I1Cl'rned,
but we discO\·ered to our horror and dismay that far from rewarding us for
the Shikhandi role which we took up in the United Nations, the Americans
behave as if we should go to the devil, and that is why today we are confronted
with the MEOO proposition. We are confronted with a crisis, and en:'n the
Prime Minister had to tell the Indian National Congress that things are taking
a very different colouration. He had to say that the war is coming to India.
Why is it coming? Who is bringing the cold war to India? Why don't we
align ourselves against those forces which are bringing the cold war to India?
Are we not sure about who is bringing the MEOO business to India? Are \ve
not sure who is behind the Eisenhower intrigue for breaking the peace of
Asia, for making Asians fight Asians, for abolishing all hopes of frl'edom as
far as Asia and Africa are concerned? Don't we know that these things are
absolutely incontestable propositions? If we do, why don't we join up with
the forces of peace and progress? You say we are not aligned, but I think we
are aligned, definitely tied up in a most subordinate and disgusting manner
to the Anglo-American combination and we know how the British Empire
and Commonwealth too have also been behaving. You know very well how
Mr. Eden again goaded by the state of public opinion in Great Britain said to
begin with, that Eisenhower's speech was a danger to peace and was not
very desirable, and that sort of thing he put in a very mild diplomatic
language, of which, I am sorry I am not very capable. And then he went off
the track altogether, and changed his style and he came forward as an
apologist, as a defender of American policy. They have got to do it, but why
should we be tied up with them? We are aware of the fact that Britain, in her
present posture, has to behave practically as a satellite of the United States
of America. But why are we assisting the British Government insofar as
certain transit facilities for the Gurkha troops are concerned? I asked today
a question, as you very well remember regarding even the opinion of certain
of our Indian troops, Indian officers, for service in the British army, among
the Gurkhas in order to give them a certain kind of special assistance. Why
are we doing all these things? Why is it that we are sending our Prime
Minister, who after all is a figure of international importance, to attend the
Queen's Coronation? Not perhaps to perform a kind of ceremony of homage.
But at any rate, why do we send him there? Why do we hear reports in the
Press, \'ery disquieting reports; about the Commonwealth Defence Conference
going to be held in New Delhi? Why do these things happened? Why is it
that v,e read reports in the papers about British officers who have ser\'ed in
Korea, being gi\"(~n opportunities to address our officers in this country? Why
was it that Brigadier W.G.H. Pike, for example, was allowed to come and
address our officers at the I.A.F. Cinema Hall in Safdarjung, New Delhi, on
8 Nowmber, 1952? Why is it that we read in the papers that an American
supl'rfortress No. 5492 captioned by one Colonel Da\'is, landed at I.A.F. Station,
Agra, in early December 1952, took a number of photographs of parachute
training installations and other equipment and then took off? \Vhy is it that
we hear these things? Why is it that we get such information-I want to be
corrected latl'r by the Prime Minister, if I am wrong-as that in October 1952,
tlwre Wl're as many as }250 military landings at Dum Dum Airport, and out
of th,lt Illllnbl'r, the Indian Air Force's contribution was only 25, while the
American Air Force came there to the tune of 1200 landings? Why is it that
thl'se things happen? v','hy is it that a British warship which took part in the
operations in Korea visited Calcutta, Madras, Cochin and Bombay ports and
they \wre fded and feasted like Gods Almighty, because we look upon them
as people to \vhom we ought to register our admiration? Why is it that this
sort of thing happens? Why is it that because of our tie-up in the
Commonwealth machine, we are not really able to raise our \'oice against
what is happening in South Africa, about which so much moaning was heard
from that quartt:'r in the House? Why is it that in East Africa and in Kenya,
unspt.'akable atrocities are being perpetrated, and we really cannot do anything
effecti\'e about it. I know the hon. Prime Minister will get up and say. 'Well,
what the hell do you expect me to do? ( cannot do anything about it. You
cannot expect one sovereign State to interfere in the affairs of another State'.
I do not want the Prime Minister to go about and interfere in the affairs of
other sovereign States. But at any rate we can make our position clear. The
Prime Minister has told us so many times in his career, about the glory of
India, the mission of India, the ideals of India and at least we should register
our protest. But why are we seeing these things? Why is it that when the
British imperialists in the case of Japanese invasion on Manchuria, could
carryon, in the manner of Sir John Simon, defence of what the Japanese
fascists were trying to do; we protested against it, with all our national
strength-but now we can do nothing about it? We are becoming ourselves
parts of a machinery which is operating in this fashion, which is fraught with
the most mischievous consequences, as far as the world and its future is
concerned. Now, if that is so, there is every reason for us to be extremely
perhlrbed about what is being sought to be done today in the sphere of
foreign relations, and I am afraid that as far as the President's Address is
concerned, we do not get any indication as to the change of policy which is
necessitated by the circumstances of today. In this connection, I would draw
special attention to the speeches which \...·ere made by Chou-En-Lai, and I am
quoting from a statement which he made in a communication to Mr. Lester
B. Pearson, Chairman of the United Nations, on 14 December 1952.
Mr. Chou-En-Lai writes here:
"You are doing everything possible to induce and coerce some of the
United Nations' representatives in the General Assembly to endorse jointly
the policy of the United States, of no armistice, no negotiations and no
peaceful settlement, but the prolongation and expansion of the Korean
\var."
Now, this is \'ery important. We feel we are being blackmailed by offers of

hypothetical assistance into playing the role of subservience to the United
States. And this is a role which we haw got to give up. It is a role which is
mixed up with our subservience to the British Empire and Commonwealth
at the same time. This is a role which we have got to give up, and if \ve really
believe that we stand for freedom, particularly for the freedom of Asia, then
surely a situation has arisen today when we must raise our voice, must assert
our independence, because if we did not do that, we shall merely be deluding
ourselves, we shall merely be behaving in such a fashion as is unworthy of
our country, unworthy of the traditions of the people of our country, the
people who desire peace above al1 things and therefore I say-and I put this
as a chal1enge to the Prime Minister-that as far as our peace effort on the
Korean situation was concerned it was an effort which misfired not because
of the opposition of a minority in the United Nations, but because it did not
put first things first, because it forgot that the Americans there have treated
the prisoners of war in such a fashion that nobody who real1y goes into the
question, can think of that kind of attitude towards the prisoners of war
question with equanimity. It was because we forgot to put the first demand
of the peoples first, namely complete and immediate armistice. We feel that
if we did that first, we could surely have a settlement of the prisoners of war
issue. I ask therefore the Prime Minister to tel1 the House very frankly whether
or not he is going to raise this question in a new spirit, in a new way,
absolutely breaking away from the ugly moorings to which he got riveted on
account of what happened in late 1952. If we get that assurance, then and
then alone shall we be in a position to say that certain steps for peace are
being sought to be taken by the Government of our country. Today there is
complete unanimity in all sections of our people that we do not want war,
and we want Asian and African peoples to live in freedom. The danger to
peace, and the danger to the freedom of the people of Malaya, of India-
China, of Indonesia, of Tunisia, of East Africa and of South Africa and
everywhere, comes today from the United States imperialists and their
satellites, their lieutenants, the British imperialists, and if we go on being tied
to them, naturally the situation would become absolutely impossible. Let us
therefore cast ourselves away from the kind of moorings which we have
adopted so long, because they are most ugly moonings, and they must be
shed, if we have a vestige of national, self-respect left in us.
INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY*
It is good that we get an opportunity from time to time to discuss the

foreign policy of our country because it is important that we recall thl'
categorical imperath·es of our foreign policy. It is important that we rl'member
the major premise of our patriotism in the setting of foreign pl)Iicy, which is
that we shall always raise our voice, and wherever we can, we shall raise our
hands also, in support of the people who are fighting for freedom when.'H'r
they might be. Today it is of special importance that we are having this
debate because at Geneva a Conference is taking place where Asia is abo\'l'
all on the agenda. The question of \var or peace in Asia has come to the
forefront. Today the peoples of the world are confronted with hope and
despair at the same time because of what has actually happened; those who
want to retain their stranglehold on peoples struggling to be free haw been
compelled by the pressure of circumstances to agree to the holding of this
Conference but they are trying even not to sabotage this Confl'rencl' and see
to it that this Conference does not produce the results which our Prin1l'
Minister is hoping for along with the rest of the peoples of the world.
I am reminded in this connection of what was said once, at ideas what

was reported to have been said once, by Clemenceau in 1919. It appears that
a British diplomat was going with Clemenceau in a car along the streets of
Paris and on that day there had been a railway ancident. It was placarded on
the newspaper hoardings; at one place it was described as "an accident on
the railway" and the other report said, "disaster on the railway". The British
diplomat then asked Clemenceau: "In French, does 'accident' and 'disaster'
mean the same thing?". He barked in reply: "No of course it does not. For
example, if President Wilson falls into a well, it would be an accident but if
he gets out of it, it will be a disaster." What has happened today in regard
to the international situation is that Mr. John Foster Dulll'S and his tribe find
themselves in a position where they can no longer resist the urge for peace
and freedom in Asia and their agreement to have this Geneva Conference
particularly with People's China participating is really a sort of an accident
which has happened, but if Mr. John Foster Dulles and his tribe can get out
of this accident, that would be a disaster. And that is a disaster against which
the people of the world have to take every possible precaution .
• L.S. Deb., 15 May 1954. [Participating in the discussion on Motion re: International Situation
Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 17 September and 23 December 1953, 15 May and 29 Septl·mber 1954,
20 November 1956, 2 September 1957, 1 September and 20 November 1960, 16 September 1963 and
12 July 1972 on Motions regarding International situation).
372
I was happy to see the Prime Minister getting rather angry over the
peculiar improprieties of the imbroglio which has happened over the San
Francisco Treaty in relation to Japan and the treatment which has been
cavalirely meted out to us. I say I was happy to see him angry because he
said a little earlier that India is not angry at her exclusion from the Geneva
Conference. I do not expect our Prime Minister to say that he is angry at our
exclusion from Geneva. I do not say that India has need to be angry. But at
the same time there is no use getting away from the fact that in spite of India
today possessing something like a moral initiative in world affairs, an initiative
which has from time to time been exercised with positive courage, in spite
of all that, this pernicious effort to keep India away from Asian deliberations,
from deliberations in which she rightfully ought to have a part, this effort is
continuing, and this effort is having the utmost support from our friends of
the Commonwealth, from the United Kingdom.
This happened not only in regard to our exclusion from Geneva but also
in regard to our exclusion from the Disarmament Commission, from the Sub-
Committl'e on Disarmament which has been appointed by the United Nations.
M. Vyshinsky had suggl'sted that India, China and Czechoslovakia should be
on the Disarmaml'nt Commission. The United Kingdom came fon\'ard first
of all to prl'\"t~nt our being a member of the Disarmament Commission. India
actually being present on the spot and contributing her share of wisdom and
lIndl'rstanding and insight to international deliberations is today an important
factor in world affairs. But, today there is a definite effort being engineered,
a dl'libl'rate effort, to keep India out, if at all that is possible. That is why I
say I was happy to see the Prime Minister angry at least at one thing where
these people haH' shown us that they do not greatly like the idea of India's
participation. Bt:'callst:', the voice of India today is always raised on the side
of peace and freedom of the peoples.
Most of our ath,'ntion is naturally riveted on the Geneva Conference. And

there we certainly wish that a settlement is arri\"t~d at over the question of
Indo-China and of Korea. Why is it that the peoples of the world today are
so very anxious about the outcome of this Conference? It is because with the
hydrogen bomb experimentations and with the talk of "massive retaliation"
which the United States of America was going to practise against whoever
incurred her disfavour, it was in the context of these things that the people
of Asia realised above all that peace is a need, peace is something which has
got to be achieved here and now. And this feeling of the people of Asia is
today so paramount that no force on earth can prevent it. And that is why
a very fine setting has been provided to the Geneva Conference by the great
victory of the people's forces at Dien Bien Phu. They try to say it is only an
effort on the part of those who are fighting for the freedom of Indo-China to
negotiate from positions of strength. That is their phrase, the phrase of
imperialists. They, choose to forget that the planning for the Dien Bien Phu
battle was made by the French imperialists with American instigation and
assistance in order that they might give a death blow to the fight of the Indo-
Chinese people for freedom. But it came back like a boomerang, and came
right on time, so that we know what is what in Asia. Come all the hydrogen
bombs and atom bombs all together against the spirit of the people, that
spirit cannot be daunted. That, therefore, is the background of what is
happening at Geneva today.
There is no need for me to go into any detail over the questions which
are being discussed there. But I wish that we make clear that if we are going
to have a settlement in Indo-China and in Korea-and surely a settlement
must come in these two countries-then we must concentrate on the essential
points. Of course there should be a cease-fire. Of course there should be a
negotiated settlement. Of course, there might be a dispute about who are
going to take part in the discussions preliminary to a settlement and as to
who are going to constitute the supervisory commissions of those supervisory
Commissions which are going to be appointed if and when elections are held
in order to give the people an opportunity to determine their own destiny.
But, the crux of the matter is that the foreign troops who are there, either in
Indo-China or Korea, must quit. A time limit must be fixed for their evacuation
because we cannot have anything like free and fair elections inspite of
supervision through United Nations or any other kind of agency, if we have
got foreign troops still in operation in those areas. Therefore, the real demand
of the people of these areas-and surely, that is a demand which we can
support enthusiastically-is that the crux of the matter in regard to the
settlement of the issues at stake in these areas is that there must be an
evacuation of these areas by all foreign troops of whatever description, Asian,
European, American or African, before the people can choose their destiny;
before the people can decide on what kind of Government they are going to
have. This is a matter which is escaping the attention of our people. To our
people, Sir, the whole picture is painted in a very confusing fashion. The idea
is presented that the two camps are fighting for power in those areas; that the
Soviets and China they are putting forward certain claims and the Americans,
British and others are putting forward certain other claims; that there is a
tug-of-war and there is a stalemate. We have to find out what exactly are the
positive proposals which are being made. Therefore, I say, that General Nam
II of North Korea has offered certain proposals, very concrete proposals, and
there this question of evacuation by foreign troops within six months is made
a condition precedent to any kind of real settlement. I say, that is absolutely
important in regard to this Indo-China war which has gone on for seven
years. At one time the French used to say, it is a forgotten war "Ie guerre
oublie", yet they could not forget the wounds the canker eating into the very
vitals of French spirit and economy because of the dirty war "Ie guerre sale",
Whether it is forgotten or whether it is dirty, they have got to come to some

kind of settlement, with the people of Indo-China. That is something which
they realise. In spite of that, what are they doing? They are not really taking
any positive steps for the settlement of the question. The settlement can only
happen if we get not only the suggestions regarding supervisions, but a
definite proposal that the foreign troops of any kind of shade or colour should
all quit the scene. We know ourselves how the United Nations Observers and
such other authorities behaved in regard to Kashmir. We know only too well
how the United Nations Observers behaved in regard to Kashmir. In regard
to Pondicherry once in 1948 the French GO\·ernment conducted the elections
in its possessions and the results were so dismal that the Indian Government
had to scrap the agreement to have a plebiscite under United Nations auspices
and had to demand unconditional merger of those colonies without any kind
of strings whatever. We know what happens when this kind of supervision
is in the picture. If the foreign troops are out L)f the scene altogether, then
surely, there can be agreement. In regard to the method of supervision, I find
in the papers that M. Molotov has made certain suggestions about how the
Supervisory commissions may be constituted which may be acceptable to
either side. I need not enter into the details of the matter, but the crux of the
matter, I repl'at, is that there must be evacuation of these areas by all foreign
troops as soon as possibk. If these foreign troops are there, it will only create
certain factors which are extremely undesirable. That is a point which I would
like to emphasise with all the strength at my disposal.
Now, Sir, as the Prime Minister has said today, these Asian questions are
the most important of all. In connection with it, naturally we are reminded
of what is happening in our own land and our O\vn soil. The question of
Pondicherry and other French possessions, as well as Goa, would come to
our mind. These questions have been repeatedly discussed on the floor of
this House, either by way of questions or otherwise, and the Prime Minister
also has said that as far as the negotiations with the French are concerned,
they are being pursued at the present moment. He has also made certain
observations in regard to Goa. I do not want to go into the details of this
matter, because our Government has taken a stand in regard to these foreign
possessions, a stand which we wish to see materialised in practice as soon
ever that is possible. Therefore, I do not want to embarrass the Government
in any way. But, I do wish to say one thing. The patience of our people is
being very sorely tried. From time to time, questions come up in this House
as well as in the other House and the answers which we get from the External
Affairs Ministry are by no means really satisfactory. Because, the thing hangs
fire; the stalemate continues; the humiliation of these foreign possessions 01'1.
our soil does not appear likely to be effaced within a short span of time. This
is the kind of thing which happens. I do not know if you got also, I sl1ppose.
all Members of Parliament were sent, a copy of the speech made on Goa by
Dr. Salazar on 12 April 195-t, <llnng with <1 covering note from wh~w\'l'r is tlw
diplomatic rt'prest.'ntati\"t' in chdrgl' of the Portugul'sl' legation in New Dl'lhi;
it is, I see the Portuguese r-.1inistl'r of Fort'ign Affairs Mr. 1'.1010 CunlM who
has sent this circular as well as the spel>ch to all M,,'mbers of l\ulianll'nt <lS
far as I know. I entirely <lgree with the Prime Minister that the l'ortugul'se are
trying to make up something by way of a treaty in the 17th (l'ntury and they
are importing it into the 20th century. But, en.'n worse things Me happening.
Passions which are worse than primiti\'e ha\"t' bel'n resuscitated by the nl'O-
imperialists of today, those who are tlaunting the possl'ssion of hydrogen
bomb and atomic weapons and other instruments of mass exterminati~)fl.
The Portuguese are revi\'ing something of the 17th century which was a
gracious period by comparison with certain otht'r pt'riods in history. These
people are raking up pre-primiti\"t> days. Perhaps I may be insulting our
ancestors in saying that they are r,lking up tht' spirit of those days. I do not
think there was ever any period in human history when peoplL' of a (t.'rtain
sort could move about in respectable sodety and gl't away with it pt'ople
who are merchants of death, people who brag about their possession of
weapons of destruction on cl scale which is absolutl'ly unprl'cedented and
which on any computation is immoral to the nth degrel'. This sort of thing
is happening today. When this gentleman Dr. Salazar, the Priml' Minister and
Dictator of Portugal, im'okes the Anglo-Portuguese treaty, whl'l1 he says opt'nly
that he has had a talk with the Prime Minister of Canada who says something
which contradicts what the Prime Minister held reported to have bl'pn the
Canadian reaction to the Portuguese possessions like Goa, when he says
these things and when I put two and two togetlwr, wlwn I recall the British
conduct in regard to India's role in world affairs today, wlwn I find that
forgetting all canons of propriety and decency, even diplomatic immunity ()f
our representatives is ignored altogether by the British maraudt'rs, who talk
about law and order, in Africa, when these things hilppl'l1, I think something
should be done about it. We are in the Commonwealth. The guardian angl'l
of the Commonwealth is the United Kingdom and the United Kingdom takl's
up this kind of attitude from time to time.
In regard to Goa and in regard to Pondicherry, in n.>gard to thl'se forl'ign
pockets in India, I think it is time that we set a target date and we say, look
here, we are not going to tolerate this nonsense any longer. I remember what
was said in the days of the war for Italian independl'l1ce: "It' cri de dOlilel/r"
"the cry of sorrow" is coming from our people who live some miles away. We
can no longer turn a deaf ear to the cry of sorrow which is coming from thesE.'
areas. That is what we have to say. That is what we have to tell the French
and Portuguese imperialists. However much they might bank upon the
support which the Americans have promised and the support which the
English, somewhat timidly, have tentatively promised them, they must give
an undertaking that after a certain date they will quit. If they do not quit, we
are no longl'r responsible for whatever action thl' people of that area are
t,lking and Wt' must not be internationally criticised if our people also assist
those of thl'ir countrymen who are living in these foreign pockets. I should
say, ttll'rl'fon', that w(' ought to takl' a very strong line in regard to this
matter.
Now, the Prime Minister referred to the Colombo Conference and I

certainly should concede that, in spite of the somewhat unpropitious
composition of the confl'rence, the pressure of public opi:1ion was such that
thl' decisions of the Colombo conference has largely been a blow, a powerful
blow, dirl'cit.'d against American imperialism and other imperialisms which
are trying to dominate oyer Asia. But, I did not quite understand when the
Prime Ministl'r said that reference was made to Tunisia and Morocco and not
to placl's like Kl'nya or Malaya which are mentioned so often in this House.
He said that mention was made of Tunisia and Morocco because they are not
unLil'r colonial pO\\"l'rs, but they had quasi-sO\·ereign jurisdiction and therefore
tlwy stand in a diffl'rl'nt category. I say by all means let us mention Tunisia
,md \1ol"Occo, but Il't us not forgl't Malaya and Kenya and such other areas
of the British Empire as British Guiana. Why should we forget them, I see no
rl'ason. Tunisia and Mortlcco might stand in a different category. When we
speak of Tunisia and Mpl"Occo, our arguments are different, but in regard to
\-1alaya, in regard to Kenya, in fl'gard to Britbh Guiana, in regard to so many
otlll'r an'as of the world, we also han' to say what we feel. There, I ha\·e a
sllspici~ln I do not want to put it more strongly than that-that it is only
bt'cause of our association with the British Commonwealth that we cannot
t<lkt' a forthright attitude on this point. I know I annoy the Prime Minister,
but I am quite lIst'd to it. I do annoy him, but what can I do? I calmot help
it. I do say, I an'r it, I assert it, with all the emphasis at my command that
this kind of discrimination, when Wt.' try to attack the imperialist process in
Tunisia ,md Morocco and do not attack or condemn the heinous actiyities in
MalaYd dnd Keny,l, is something which I do not like.
Thl'n, I hl'ard the ('rimt' Minister with much interest in regard to the
Colombo confen'nce decision that there should be no interference-
Communist or anti-Communist or any other-in the areas of Asia. He said
also the world today is a place where it appears as if a dllllrm Ylldl! is going
on, a crusade is gl'ing on, and we do not like it, we want to be left alone. I
agrt'l' entirely that we want to be It'ft alone, and I say as a Communist what
has been said o\'(:'r and over again that Communism is not a matter for
export. It cannot be taken in a suitcase from one country to another. The
Communist inflUl'nce on India is something which can only han> \·alidity
and reality if it grows out of the conditions of our country. That goes without
saying. That is onl' of the primary presuppositions of Marxist thought. I
would ask the Prime Minister what exactly are the influences which we haw
so far experienced. Since 1947 when the Prime Minister came to his office,
who has interfered in India's internal affairs-Britain, United States of America
or the Soviet Union or China? In Kashmir who has been continuously
interfering and plotting against our sovereignty and indept·ndence? Did not
the Prime Minister once say in regard to Truman and Attlt'e that they were
trying to bring some kind of pressure on us in regard to Kashmir?
As far as the people of Pakistan are concerned did the Soviet Union
impose a pact on them, or is it the Americans who Me now ha\"ing their
domination over that area by imposing this pact on them? Tht' people of
Burma can justly ask their Prime Minister: "Who let loose tht' Kuomin-tang
bandits on the people of Burma? Was it the American imperialists, or was it
the So\"iet Union or China?" The people of Ceylon-I mention those countries
\vhich were represented in the Colombo conference-would certainly ask
their Prime Minister: "Who put terrific pressure on the Government to sel' to
it that there was not an advantageous economic deal betwel'n the People's
Republic of China and Ceylon-the rubber-and-rice transaction? Who put
the kind of pressure \vhich was wrong?" The people of indont'sia might
certainly ask their Prime Minister: "Who intervened against us when we
were fighting arms in hand against the Dutch colonialists? Was it the United
States, or was it the Soviet Union?" Who are these foreign inten'entionists?
Are they Communist interventionists? Have you e\'er been able to spot them?
We know, everybody knows, in Indo-China who clre supplying the French
with arms and ammunition. They are openly bragging about it. They have
not yet found one single Soviet soldier or anything like that. Thl're is no
evidence to show that the Soviet or Chinese are inh.>rfering directly in the
war. Of course, they are neighbours of China and, so to speak, they have
their affiliation, but that is a different matter. But, where is the intervention?
I would beg of the Prime Minister to remember what he knows more than
most of his followers, that countries with a socialist economy do not require
imperialistic areas of exploitation. They do not have heir super-profits to sink
in other areas where they can mullet the labour, sweat the labour and squeeze
super-profits. They do not need this sort of thing. He knows it very well.
That is why, the danger today to our freedom is not from Communist
influences abroad, but from these imperialist influences which are stalking
all over our land, which are stalking over Asia and Africa and which are
trying to dominate the whole world. That is a point which i would like the
Prime Minister to remember, because, as I say, he has made a study of these
things. He knows that more than many of his followers, who have rather no
idea in regard to how these affairs are being conducted in the world
today.
In regard to the Dharm Yudh he has said:
jj~~~"
It must be written somewhere or other on the panels of this House. He

said that truth will triumph. We say, yes, the truth will triumph. He has
asked for peaceful co-existence. I could give you chunks of quotations from
Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao-Tse-Tung and all the authoritative
exponents of Communism, who have spoken on co-existence. But we do not
bl'lieve that this co-existence will last for ever. We believe that the stamp of
doom is on capitalism. Capitalism will go. We can co-exist for quite a long
time as far as we can see. But in competition, real competition capitalism will
go down before socialism. There is no doubt about it. As su~·e as I am speaking
here, and as sure as the sun will rise tomorrow, capitalism will go, and
socialism, will come. But we say we do not have to fight, we do not have to
send arms and ammunition, we do not have to send spy rings into different
countries, because we depend upon the objecti\·e development of social and
economic forces in every country, which would lead to the inevitable success
or victory of socialist forces. That being so, the dlzarll1 yl/dll is going on, and
"~~~"
Truth will triumph. Do not try to \'itiate the truth by giving a handle to
impl'rialist powers to distort reality, to intimidate people, to thwart their
spirit, and to depress t11l'ir courage which is going to recreate the world
nearl'r their hl'arts' desire.
I do not wish to take any more time of this House, but I think it is a
happy coincidence that we are discussing foreign policy on the eve of a very
auspicious day, "lIi~"lIk"i poomilllil day, the day when the prince of peace, the
Lord Buddha was born, the day \vhen he achieved enlightenment, and the
day when he departed from this world. But what did the Buddha stand for?
He has left us a heap of treasure that neither moth nor rust can corrupt, that
not even our traitorship, if we become traitors to that legacy, can sully. He
has left us that heap of treasure. But what did he preach? He preached peace,
but peace based on right living and right thinking. Let us try to live rightly
and to think rightly. That shall certainly make us find out who are our friends,
which ideas are welcome to our country, and how ' ...·e are going to recreate
our country. Then, and then alone, we shall be able to rid this world of ours
today-this lovely world which we want to recreate in the manner it should
be recreated-of the ugly miasma which haunts it today, and then we shall
make up our minds to fight those forces of evil which are threatening the
very existence of man and his possibilities of peaceful and happy existence.
INDIA'S ROLE IN THE COLD WAR ERA *
Mr. Speaker, I feel it is a wry good thing that Wl' arl' having this
opportunity of discussing the ~lotion and I am sure tht' House will agree
when I say that it was a \"t'ry good thing that our Prime \1inistl'r went to the
last session of the United Nations General Assembly because that was .1 grt'at
occasion, and in many ways it has helped us to know who stands wl1l'rl' .1I1d
what each of the Great Powers is up to. The spet'ch of the Prinw \1inish,'r this
morning has also gi\"t'n us a \'ery clear picture of sonw of the major probll'ms
which confront the world today, and I am \"t'ry happy that \\'l' ha\'l.' this
opportunity of discussing the ~lotion.
From what the Prime Minister said and from what we h.1\"e atread ... rl'ad
in the papers, it does appear that all efforts for pl'ace, f\)r collH1i.ll frl'l'dnm
and for international co-operation, efforts towards which India has madl' a
very large contribution, are being sought to be per.ertl'd-almost sabotclged-
by certain intrigues being conducted; and the Prime Ministl'r has specifically
given the instances of at least two Powers, Belgium and Portugal, which are
behaving in a manner which surt'ly world public 'lpinion \vill dl'tl'St.
Sir, as I said before, India has made a large contribution towards c1l'aring
the air and towards bringing about, as far as that is possible, intl'rnational co-
operation and the advance of colonial freedom and the clchil'veml'nt of peael'.
In the drama in the United Nations our part has been wry heartening. But,
what I wish to add, after having heard the Prime Minister, is that we should
take certain lessons rather very seriously to heart, lessons which are implicit
in the Statement which he has made before the House this morning.
In regard to disarmament, I need not repeat that India's stand h,1s bl'l'n
such as certainly commends itself to the conscience of humanity; and the
Prime Minister and the Government of India have made their position wry
clear. I am glad he said how disarmament and control have got to go together.
The common man is very disturbed to find out that there is a controversy
among the great powers in reg;ud to which should start whl'n. Tht're is a
feeling that the Soviets advocate complete disarmament, the accl'ptance of
complete disarmament as an objective and the adoption of cl'rtain steps in
• 1..5, Drb,. 22 November 1900. JParticipating in the dis('ussion on the Mllti(m re: Intl'rnation.ll
Situation, Shri Mukerjee alsn spoke on 17 September & 21 De('l'mtwr 1951, 15 M'ly and
29 September 1954, 20 November 1956,2 September 1957, 1 Scptembl'r and 20 Nowmbl'r 1'160,
16 September 1963 and 12 July 1972 during discussions on similar Motions).
380
that regard from now. On the other hand, the position of what is called,
rather euphemistically, the free world, is that controls have to come first and
disarmament will come later. But the Prime Minister has said very clearly
that disarmament and controls have got to go together. We have to be
absolutely clear about our objective in regard to complete disarmament, and,
particularly, immediate abolition of nuclear armament. And that is why it is
wry good thing that the Prime Minister has made it very clear and
lII1l'quivocally that disarmament and control have got to go together.
And I am happy that in this regard there is complete agreement between

our I..-ountry and the socialist countries, countries like USSR. The most vital
issue of the day being disarmament, the first and foremost objecth'e in the
world tod.1Y being the achien>ment of peace, a world without war being
what we all aim at, it is a \'(~ry good thing that India has come out very
dl'.uly. India had stated her position even earlier. But it is necessary to
fl'ml'mbl'r that this idl'a of disarmament and controls proceedings together,
this idl'a (If thl' l'ffl'ctive .llh"ance towards complete disarmament, tm·\'ards a
wllrld without war is bl'ing sought to be prevented, is being sought to be
more or Il'ss sabotaged by the acti\"ities of what are called the Western Powers.
And that is why we noticed that when the Prime Minister was in the United
Nations-he had said that-how certain proposals which emanated from the
Wl'stl'rn Powt'rs did not really assist the achievement of this objective.
In fl'gard to anti-coll)nialism, to the question of Africa in particular, the

Prin1l' Ministl'r has exprl'ssl'd sentiments about which, I am sure, there would
be compll'te unanimity in this House. [ only wish there was some mention
in thl' Prinll' l"\'1inistl'r's speech of Cuba. [ remember his ha\'ing told
Dr. Castro, the Il'adl'r of Cuba, that he was happy to meet him because he
was a very brave man. Cuba is a very brave country. Though small it is
challenging thl' might of the Unitl'd States of Aml'rica where imperialism is
wry much alin' and an ugly thing. But, otherwise, the kind of things to
which the Prime Minister has drawn our attention could not have happened
on the world stage today. In regard to Cuba, I feel that a word of appreciation
from the Prime Minister about the effort which the people of Cuba, under
Castro's leadl'rship, ,1fe making against imperialism and its depredations,
would have been very much in order, would have been very seemly. Congo,
of course, naturally occupies the attention of the world most of all at the
pfl'sent moment. And [ am very happy that the Prime Minister has repeated
that the one solid thing in Congo today is the Parliament and the settlement
in Congo must procel'd on the basis of the Parliament being called and getting
into the picture properly speaking.
In regard to Congo, [ do not think it is necessary for me to expatiate a
great deal after what the Prime Minister has said. But I wish to say that we
cUe happy that Shri Rajeshwar Dayal, an Indian national, even though he is
an international civil servant at the present moment, has done his job of work
in such a very splendid fashion. We have got his report. And this report also
shows how differently Shri Rajeshwar Dayal has tackled the extremely difficult
problems in Congo when we recall what had been done by his principal
Mr. Hammarskjoeld. I am sorry I ha\"t~ to say that. After all, it is necessary
to remember that perhaps the position in Congo would not han' deteriorated;
perhaps the waters would not ha\·e been muddied in Congo if earliC'r the
United Nations had behaved with a little more integrity, with a little more
sympathy and understanding of the desire of the people of Congo.
*** *** ***
*** *** ***
I think I better disregard the kind of observations in rt'gard to the work

of an Indian national, who, as an international civil servant has done a
job of work \vhich requires expression of appreciation in an unqualifil'd
fashion.
In regard to Congo, we know that Belgium is the ,·illain of the peaCl'. The
Prime Minister has made it ,·ery clear. But Belgium is not alone. Behind
Belgium are certain powers \vhich the Prime Minister in his position could
not name. But we know who they are. Only the other day, in the city of
Louvain in Belgium, Mr. Spaak, the Secretary-Genertlll)f NATO made a speech;
and he said that by any means the NATO powers should stay in Africa,
particularly in the Congo, because, otherwise, Communists would take on'r.
I can understand this kind of animus against Shri Rajeshwar Dayal himself
in certain quarters because of this kind of fear being expressed by the St.'Cretary-
General of NATO. I think it is a tribute to Communism that whenever our
colonial people emerge into freedom there is a fear in certain quarters that
their emergence into freedom might take the shape of a Communist society.
But, we know very well who are behind Belgium. We know very well United
States' stand in regard to Congo, in regard to this Good Offices Commission
which is going, in regard to the seating of Mr. Kasavubu as representative of
the Congo, in regard to all the troubled waters as far as the active settlement
on the basis of parliamentary activities being reestablished in Congo is
concerned. So, the Prime Minister has said very clearly how in Katanga and
Kasai and such areas the behaviour of Belgium and the friends of Belgium
who are operating not so much behind the scenes but very clearly has been
absolutely egregious.
But this being so, the position in the Congo being now very clear, a state
of things might arise where the Western Powers, as they are called, might
line up against Shri Rajeshwar Dayal's report as they have done; and we
shall see the socialist countries and many of the other countries like our own
support the report of Shri Rajeshwar Dayal and its implications and the
duties which devolve upon the United Nations in this regard.
I know that the Prime Minister has told us today that we cannot do
things overnight, that we cannot do things in a hurry. The position is difficult;
all sorts of complicated problems are there. We have to have patience and
modesty and all that sort of thing. But where the position is so very clear, it
is not necessary for us, only because we are uncommitted, to go on being
uncommitted. I am very glad that the Prime Minister said that our neutrality,
if it is neutrality, is very positive and that we stand for certain objectives. In
rt.'gard to Congo the position is now so very clear that as far as the only
settlement which will bring about real freedom in the Congo is concerned,
that settlement is being opposed, as I said before sabotaged, by certain
interl'sts. On the other hand there is the other suggestion put forward
authoritatively by Shri Dayal's report as well as by the other Afro-Asian
nations and other countries like the Soviet Union and other socialist
reprL'sl'ntatin's in the UN which is, on its own merits, the real solution of the
problem of Congo. After listening to the Prime Minister, we would expect
that the Indian stand continues to be positive, and strong and continues to
be such as would bring about conditions of freedom in the Congo.
The Prime Minister referred to the question of structural changes in the

UN and as he very rightly pointed out, the structure of the UN today is
completl'ly out of tune with the changes that have taken place because of the
eml'rgl'nCe into freedom of so many countries, in Africa in particular. Here
also 11l' says that things cannot be done in a hurry. I agree I do not expect
India should run about the place trying to bring about changes in the Charter
and that sort of thing. In this House we have been given particulars about the
inadl'quate repr('sl'ntation of even our country in the higher echelons of the
UN. According to certain figures which were presented before the UN and
rl'ported in the Press, 17 posts of Assistant Secretary-Generals out of a total
of 28 are held by representatives of the Western bloc-7 by representatives of
the US, one by a Socialist country's representative and ten by representatives
of uncommitted nations. Of the existing 34 posts of Director-General 28 or
83 per cent belong to the Western bloc-14 or 41 per cent are held by the US,
5 by the neutral countries and only one, by a socialist nation, USSR. This
kind of imbalance is already there. It is not merely the quantitative imbalance
to which I want to draw the attention of the House. The \·ery fact of
Shri Dayal's getting into the picture in Congo had brought about a qualitative
change in the atmosphere of the UN activities in that part of the country.
That shows how the problems in the world cannot be tackled if these problems
are to be left to the tender mercies of certain representatives of the free world
who happen today to be in a dominant position in the UNO. It is, therefore,
very important that, howsoever quietly and modestly it may be necessary for
days, and after the "New Bandung", perhaps, we will have a very different
atmosphere in the whole world.
*** *** ***
*** *** ***
I know, Sir, that because all O\'er the world liberation is moving ahead at such
a pace some people are highly disturbed and therefore new din-rsionary tactics
are needed and that is why the atmosphere has to be muddy, that is why the
whole tempo of the world today has to be disturbed, that is why certain passions
ha\"e to be roused and that is why my hon. friend Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee has
given notice of an amendment which is a loud wail of woe at what India did at
the United Nations and which wants us, so to speak, to go back upon all our
declarations in regard to our objectives in the spht're of forl'ign policy. Sir, I know
these diversionary tactics are necessary for certain people, but I do not think that
these diversionary tactics would really pay and I do not think it would be sl'emly
for the Government of India to give any kind of countenance to these
di\'ersionary tactics which are being adopted.
I refer to these dh'ersionary tactics particul,uly because of what happl'ned
yesterday. And e\"en today you said when the dl'bate started that soml'
reference might be made in regard to the question of thl' borders. We have
made our position very clear. We surely want a settlement as quick ,1S we can
of the India-China dispute. We have declared O\'t.'r and o\"t'r again that if
Indian territory and its integrity is violated then the Communists \-vmlld be
the first of all to jump to the defence of our country.
*** *** ***
*** *** ***
When the call for defence of the territory of our country coml'S we shall
find out who responds and who does not. But that is a differtmt mattl'r. The
emphasis today is on peaceful settlement of whatever disputes there are.
That is the policy of this country, that is the policy of the GOVt.'rnml'nt of this
country, and we stand by that policy. Because we emphclsise the idea of a
settlement which is in the interests of our two countries, not only of our two
countries but of all ex-colonial countries which are fighting for freedom, we
are being hauled over the coals. I do not mind being hauled OVE:'r the coals,
but I do mind when propaganda which is mendacious, which has no truth
at all is conducted against it.
Sir, I do not wish to go into the details, but yesterday the Prime Minister
mentioned three cases. He said he did it unwillingly, it was not his desire to
do so and it was not normal either to do so. But I am sorry, if this is the
sample of information on the basis of which he has given some kind of
support to our friends here who delight in maligning Communists every
time they get a chance, then I am very sorry indeed. With regard to those
three people, one man had already given a repudiation of the information
which apparently has come to Government. The other man, Mr. Krishan
Bhatt is a person whose whereabouts at least I through the apparatus with
which I am in contact have not been able to identify. There is another case,
that of Shri Mazumdar from West Bengal, whom I know very well, with
whom also I have not been able so far to get in contact, but about whom I
can say with a great deal of confidence that he is not a person likely to say
the kind of thing reported about him. There is no doubt that the
Prime Minister naturally depends upon Special Branch information. We know
how the Special Branch information is collected. If on the basis of this kind
of information we get accusations hurled and sought to be ans\,\'ered-very
naturally if accusations are hurled they have to be answered-then I am
sorry the \vhole position is so bad that the atmosphere gets unnecessarily
disturbed.
I know, Sir, one of the leaders of our party, a former General Secretary,
Wl'nt to Himachal, because he belongs to that area, to address some party
n1l'l'ting. All the local papers reported him correctly. E\"en some of the right
wing papers of Delhi reported him correctly. Only in one Delhi paper the
Hilldll~tlll/ Tillll'~ Special Correspondent sent out deliberately propaganda
which is so mendacious, reports which were so inaccurate, which never
corresponded with reports given by other people. It shows how there is a
deliberate propaganda being conducted only in order to distort the picture in
our country today, only in order to muddy the waters, as I have said so many
timl'S bl'fOrt,.
Wl' are all keen upon the security of our borders and I would rather ask
the Government instead of worrying about us-if they want to worry about
us let them, they are very welcome-let them also take some other steps
about security in the borders. Punjab is a border State. There shootings take
place even inside the jail and a disturbed atmosphere continues. I do hope
Government gives some attention to solution of problems which have cropped
up in the Punjab, a territory which being on the border needs a much greater
sustenance, a much greater and more careful looking after. Assam is a border
State. As far as the Nagas are concerned, even today the Prime Minister
answered certain questions which shows that the war atmosphere continues
in some areas of the Naga land. As far as the Brahmaputra Valley is concerned,
the ruling party has condoned certain activities which politically and morally
are nauseating. We have not settled the problem of Assam at all. I do wish
that some attention, some serious thinking is given.
Then, again, as far as our borders are concerned, there is Pakistan. We
want friendship with Pakistan. We do not like some of our friends here to get
up and say that the Canal Waters Treaty has got to be written off....
*** *** ***
We do not say that sort of thing. We want friendship with the people of
Pakistan. But we want at the same time to warn the country that through the
Canal Waters Treaty the World Bank, which is the international mechanism
of big money interests abroad, is getting a finger in our pie. We want to warn
our country that only the other day the CENTO naval manoeuvres took place
near Karachi where the United States and U.K. aircraft carriers took part. We
heard reports that the headquarters of CENTO might even be transferred to
Karachi. We read reports of the Pakistan Finance Minister making a statement
that he appealed to the United States of America and he had got an assurance
from the party which is going to be in power, the Democratic Party in the
United States, that the United States military assistance to Pakistan is gl)ing
to be stepped up. We know all that. We read about the time bomb speeches
in reference to Kashmir made by President Ayub of Pakistan. We read also
about India thinking of handing over certain areas to Pakistan even without
the slightest reference to the people living there, the 12,000 people of Beru
Bari. Sir, I am not going into the merits of the question. l.et us be careful
really and truly about the condition of our borders. Let us be really and truly
aware of what is happening in our neighbouring countries. Let us remember
that the biggest fact today, as the Prime Minister very clearly and cogently
pointed out, is the successful fight against colonialism, against chauvinism
that is going on all over, and because of the resurgence of Africa and Asia
there is no force on earth, not even the United States and U.K. if they are
given strength a million fold, which will be in a position to defeat this upsurge
of people all over the world. That being the context of things, it is very
necessary for us to have a proper perspective. That is why I say that India
has done a grand job of work in the United Nations. India has put up her
case for peace, for disarmament, for anti-colonialism and all that it implies.
India shall go ahead and ought to go ahead now much further with greater
elan, with greater spirit, and try to have back a new Bandung atmosphere so
that, as in 1955, so again in 1960 or 1961, we can move with such strides that
the whole world would soon be a world without war, a world of freedom,
a world where the kind of spectre which haunts the peoples,-bccause of
armaments continuing at the rate at which they do today,-is no longer
there, a world for which our people have fought for their freedom, a world
which we want to achieve as soon as we ever can for our children and our
children's children. To that task, India has made a very large contribution.
May that contribution be enlarged; may we have a more realistic approach
and may we do all we can which will really and truly bring about Afro-Asian
solidarity as an instrument for changing the history of the world in the
20th century.
THE EXTRADITION BILL, 1961*£
Mr. Deputy Speaker, it is a good thing that we are now having an

Extradition Act which would consolidate and amend the law existing today
in regard to extradition of fugitive criminals. I feel, however, that there has
been a certain amount of haste on the part of the Government in bringing
forward this Bill in the present shape. I want an Extradition Act to be put on
our Statute-book as soon as possible. But, I do wish that our consolidated Act
is something which is fully in conformity with the spirit of our Constitution
and the desires of our people.
I say that there has been some haste in the Government coming forward
in regard to this Bill also because I would have liked the Government to have
suggested tl reference of this matter either for eliciting opinion from circles
which are in the know about this kind of thing or for reference to a Select
Committee. I did not myself give notice of an amendment of that sort, because,
I could guess from the go of things that it was merely a cry in the wilderness.
I am suggesting it now to the Government that perhaps it would be wiser,
perhaps it would be more advisable for the Government to wait a little longer.
Perhaps the Ministers are in consultation.
*** ***
I feel that in regard to this matter, more care should have been taken.
Particularly because, the Law Commission itself had suggested that this kind
of a statute might profitably have been referred to the Law Commission. I am
quoting from the Fifth report of the Law Commission which was concerned
with British statutes applicable to India. There, we find an Appendix, where
a certain number of statutes are mentioned. The idea of the Law Commission
was that consideration of these statutes should be postponed till the
Government proceeded to legislate upon them and the opinion of the
Commission was sought. I do not quite know if the opinion of the Commission
had been sought in this matter. If it had been, I have no grouse at all.
At that point of time when the Law Commission submitted its Fifth
Report to the Government of India, there was also a note by Dr. N.C. Sen
Gupta who was a Member of the Commission, which suggested that the
• L.S. Deb., 17 August 1961. [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 7 August 1962 on a similar subject).
( The Bill which was aimed at providing for the amendment of the then existing law in regard
to extradition of fugitive criminals became 'The Extradition' Act, 1962'.
389
Extradition Act should be taken up as quickly as possible. He had rt'ferred

to certain difficulties which ought to be sought to be overcome when legislation
was brought before Parliament. I find that the suggestions made in Dr. N.C.
Sen Gupta's note to the Fifth report of the Law Commission of India have not
been properly observed. I find, for instance, in the Bill, there is naturally and
necessarily reference to extradition treaties and on page 2, clause 2, sub-
clause (d), it is said what an extradition treaty mt.',ms. Dr. N.C. Sen Gupta in
this minute had pointed out-I am quoting from pages 89 and 90 of the Fifth
report of the Law Commission of India-
"The question as to the existence of Extradition treaty of India with other
countries is not free from difficulty. The answt.>f to the l'nquiry by the
Commission to the Government of India does not clear up the maUl'r.
The continuance of the rights and obligations under the Intl'rnational
agreements is governed by the International Agrl'ements Order made by
the Governor-General under section 9 of the Indian Independence Act.
International com·entions and membership of international organizations
are governed by paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Schedule to that Ordl'r."
Paragraph 4 lays down a more general rule in the following words:
"Subject to articles 2 and 3 of this agreement, rights and obligations
under all international agreements to which India is a party imn1l'diatl'ly
before the appointed day will devolve both upon the Dominion of India
and upon the Dominion of Pakistan, and will, if necessary, be apportioned
betv.:een the two Dominions."
And Dr. Sen Gupta goes on to say:
"This makes it clear that India becomes a party to all com"entions and
International organisations of which India, before the Partition, was a
member, for instance, the United Nations, the Berne Convention on
Copyright and various labour and other conventions under the League
of Nations, now United Nations. But with regard to treaties, the provision
in paragraph 4 of the Schedule to the Order does not make the position
clear at all."
Then, he adds :
"But with regard to other foreign countries, India had the advantage of
Extradition treaties by the British Government with those countries. The
question whether these treaties continue or not is not at all free from
ambiguity. Questions arise whether India is a party to such treaties within
the meaning of paragraph 4 where the treaties were concluded not with
India specifically but with Britain on behalf of the entire British Empire.
Secondly, if the treaty exists, whether the advantage of it or the obligations
under it have passed to India or to Pakistan also remains obscure."
I have made this rather lengthened quotation, because I discovered that

India under the British dispensation had entered into or had agreed to certain
international conventions which have a bearing upon the law of extradition
and particularly in regard to the definition of political offence. I am sure the
hon. Law Minister will agree with me that the definition of political offence
is a \·ery important matter in regard to extradition, because fugitive criminals
are extradited from one country to the other, but if it is a political offence
under which a fugitive person is charged, then, naturally, no question of
l'xtradition ought to arise, particularly, in a country like OUTS. I should refer
to this matter in some detail a little later. But I find-I am quoting from
01'1't'lIht'illl'~ IlItt'rIIlltiolllll Lllil' (Lawterpacht's Sixth Editiol1 of 1947-that at page
649 of this book, it is found that:
"At Gl'ne\·a in November, 1937, there was a convention which was signed
by 23 Stall's who had undertaken to treat as criminal offences acts of
tl'rrorism including conspiracy, incitement and participation in such acts,
and in some caSt'S to grant extradition for such offences.".
Now, political terrorism was sought by this com·ention to be brought under

the definition of ordinary crimes so that anybody against whom ostensibly
a case of political terrorism could be set out would be extraditable. Apart
from India, and this is what Oppenheim's book says, no member of the
British Comnwnwealth of nations signed this convention, but India signed it
lwcause India in those days was a country which as a member of the British
Empirl' wanil'd to pose before the world a certain definition of political offence,
that is to say, political tl'rrorism or whate\·er can come under the wide
definition of political tt'rrorism would not have the immunity which political
offl'nces ,Ul' gin'n as far as tht.' extradition law is concerned.
We all know about the famous case of Savarkar and we know how bravely
he had jumped off the ship at Marseilles and he had swum across to the soil
of France; we know also how the French police possibly acting in connivance
with the British authorities on board the ship caught hold of Savarkar, and
he was surrendered to the British authorities on board the r&O ship in which
he was travelling. We know all that. That was a complete violation of
international law. It was such a violation of international law that France
actually had to submit a petition that this should not haw been done and
that Savarkar should be returned to France but then the Hague Court of
those days held that he could not be returned, and an error had been made,
there was no doubt about it that he was a political offender, and, therefore,
he should not have been extradited; but once an error had been committed,
it could not be rectified. That is a very famous decision on the Savarkar case
which is generally mentioned in every standard book on international law,
and we are very well aware of it. But in our extradition law there is a special
provision that we can offer asylum to those who are suffl'ring under political
obloquy or under some kind of political charge, and that is why it is very
necessary that we have a definite understanding that this kind of conn'ntion
to which India had made herself a party in the pre-Indl'pl'ndt'nce days is no
longer valid at all.
I referred to this m,ltter only because Dr. St.'n Cupta himsl'lf has pointl'd
out in his note appended to the report of the Law Commission that tlwse are
matters vvhich have got to be very c.ul'fully gone into, ,lilli, therl'fort', it is
something to v",hich Government ought to gin' its \"l'ry l",Hetul attl'ntion"
,.,.,.
I can only say this that all attl'mpts, fwm the point pf \'il'\"\" l)f intl'r11.ltilll1,ll
law to define a political offence have nl)t yl't succl'edl'd; th.1t is to ... .1)', thl're
are three schools of thought; one which S,lyS that ,1 pplitir,ll nwti\"l' l)r ,1
political purpose would <.'xont'r.1te, ,lIld, tht'rl'll)rt', th,lt sml1l'thing lil)nl',
\\'hether violent or non-vioknt, t:'\"l'n a murdl'r whirh is ,"pmmittl'd tpr ,1
political objective ought to be exoIll'ratl'd, anothl'r vit'\\' i... th,lt it ought nl)t
to be exonerated; and a third view tries to gn in bd\\'l'l'n ,lI1d it "'Uggl'sts that
the merits of the matter have got to be l'xaminl'd. But l'\"l'ry ,lttl'mpt so f.lr
made to define a political offence for purposl's of l'xtradition whirh would
be unanimously acceptable has failt'd, and intern,ltion,ll nm\"l'ntions in that
regard have not yet been possible bl'cause of this difil'rl'nn', in ...o(,H ,15
international jurists are concerned.
Therefore, ( feel that as far ,lS Wl' art' conn'rnt'd, Wl' h,ln' got to t,lkl' \"l'r~'
great care that he do not do anything whkh ",uggl'st ... th,lt Wl' do npt oHl'r
political asylum. England, for instann', has a n'ry good rl'rord in spite pf Iwr
having an empire and all that, as far as offl'ring political ,lsylum is wnn'r1ll'd,
it has a very fine record. And in a book like this, naml'ly Oppl'nlll'irn's book,
for instance, I find that the Russian Socialist h,dl'ral Sovil'l Kl'public h.ld an
article in their Constitution; it is a quotation in rrmch, which S<lys th'lt-
"All foreigners persecuted for political activity or for religious conviction

would have the right of asylum."
Now, every reputable country agrees on tht' right of asylum to bl' gin'n to
political offenders, and I wish that our COVl'rnmmt do('s not tak(' ,lilY Stl'P
which can even remotely be interpn'ted to ml'an that we arl' not trl'ating
political offenders with the very greatest C.lft', as far as extradition is concl'n1l'd.
Then, again, in clause 4 of the 8iJ1, it has b('('n said, of course, that fugiti\'(:'
criminals shall not be surrend{'r{'d or retuTI1{'d to a forl'ign State or
Commonwealth country, if the offence in respect of which th{· surrendl'r is
sought is of a political character and then it goes on to explain it. But I find
some difficulty, becduse there is a chapter called chapter III which relates to
the CommomVl'alth countries, and there is a very distinct difference between
this Chaptl'r and the rest of the Bill.
There is, in thl' First Scht'dule, a li~t of the Commonwealth countries with
whilh we haH' our ('xtr,ldition arrangements, and in the Third Schedule, the
l'xtr,lditilln offl'nCl's in rl'lation to Commonwealth countries to which
Ch.lptl'r III .lpplil's are enumerated.
:\:ow, I do not know why in this enumeration of extraditable offences in

rl'l,ltilln to Commonwl'.llth countries I find rl'ason being mentioned. Piracy
i~ fir~t, ,md tl1l'n it is treason. E\'l'ry definition of a political offence insofar
,15 ddinition has bl'l'n .lttempted, says that tredson, sedition and that sort of
thing should Cl'rtainly come undl'r the definition of a political offence.
I \\",15 Illoking up thl' FncYl-lop,wdia of the Social Sciences where it is said

th,lt theft' i~ no gl'lwrally .lcCl'pted definition of a political offence, but
ob\'iously it indudes more than trl'ason, sedition and the like, since these
Offl'IKl'S .Jrl' not indudl'd in the treatv lists of l'xtraditable crimes. Now in the
list llf t'\tr,ldit,lbll' crinws insllfar as the Commonwealth countries are
l-PIKl'fl1l'd, \\'l' include 'tn'.lS(Il1'. I do not understdnd whv Commonwealth
(ountrie~ indudt', for instann', Pakistan, \lalaya, Singapore and so on. It
1ll,1~' \l'r~' welllw th,lt s(lIlll'blldy in Pakistan is hauled up for tJ'('ason and he
runs ,1W,1~' to this (l\lll1tr~·. Now, ,Ut' \\'l' glling to intt'rprt.'t the pro\'isions in
this Bill in such a W,l\'. that bec.lusl' Pakistan is a Commonwt.'alth country" and
bel-all~t' trlw.;pn is ,m l'\tr.1dit"bll' (lffetKl', as we ha\'(' put down in the Third
Sdwdull" tlwn·illfl" 11ll' iugitin' from Pakistan who has bt.'en accused of tJ'('ason
ought hI be giH'n P\'l'r hI Pakistan or to \1alaya or to some other country?
This is ,1 pro\'isilll1 which is a wry dangl'rous (lf1e. That is why I feel that we
h,lH' Ip giH' a grt',lt til',ll 1l1llrl' attl'ntilll1 to this kind of measure than we have
dlllW <.;P (.Jr. Thi<,; kind of thing is SUPp(lsl'd to be too tl'chnical, too difficult,
for tlw likes llf us to lil',ll with and \\"t' therdofl' lea\'e the matter to the
disnl'lion of COH'rnllwnt and the (llmliscience which Go\'ernment has.
!\:.ltllrallv \\'l' h,l\'e Clll1fidl'lKl' that CO\'l'rnnll'nt in this kind l)f matter will
mOH' wi"th proper cirrumspl'dion and look into tht'sl..' things. I find that there
.trl' I.,-l'rt,lin things in this Bill which rt'quire n'ry much mort:' careful
(lmsidl'r.ltion than Wl' h<lH' bet'n <lble to gin' so far.
Thl'n ag.lin I h<ln' noticed from Oppt'nheim's book on International Law

in tht., sl'ction on Extradition-my hon. Friend. the Law Minister, knows a
grl'at dt'al "bout this kind of thing~that there are certain countries, especially
on thl' Continl'nt of Europt', which have a provision in their extradition law
to thl' l'ffed that as far as their own nationals are concerned, they do not
extradite them; they do not send them over to the other country if they have
committed some crime elsewhere. They are punishl'd in the country of their
origin. They do not surrender their own nationals. England surrenders hl'r
own nationals. The United States surrendt'rs her own nationals. Now, thl'Y
ha\'e a certain tradition and a certain way of Il)oking .It things. Wl' may haw'
a great deal of affinity with them as far as British jurisprudl'ncl' is ((mC{'rnl,d.
lt may be following the British practice, thl'refore, that we Ml' thinking of
surrendering our own nationals. But thl' Continl'nt of fUropl" the majority of
countries on the Contilwnt of Euwpl', han? a pnn-ision in tlll'ir l"traditilln
law saying that they do not surrender tlll'ir own nation.lls, but they try to do
their duty by punishing the nationals ((mcernl'd fllr wl1.lll'\"l'r crime they
may have committed. For the purposl', they get thl' l'\'idl'ncl' from tIll' otlwr
side. They ha\"t~ that kind of recipwc,ll ,nr.lngenwnt.
We haw to think vcry hard about this kind of thing. In tlw prl'~l'nt
posture of affairs, is it \"t:'ry nect'~s.uy for us to fllllow tIll' Britbh pr.ldill'
insofar as the extradition of our nationals is conn.'rnl'd?
Then again, I find that as far as the forms rL'garding rl'qUl'sts for ,.'xtradition
are concerned, general international law insists that the forms should bl'
rather carefully worded and rigid formalitil's should bl' properly obsern'd.
Now, we have also laid dmvn that the rl'qUl'st has to nmw through tlw
Embassy or other representation of the country concerned. But tlu-rl' is a
saving clause, that there may be 'other arrangements', apart from thl' requl'st
to be formally and properly conveyt.:.'d through tlw Embassil's or slmilM
organizations. There is a provision in our Bill here which says that other
arrangements might also be arrived at with othl'r countril's ,md those
arrangements might be the methods of securing thl' l'xtradition of our own
nationals. Reciprocally, we might have the same advantagl'. But are Wl' rl'dlly
getting any advantage out of this businl'ss? Should we not bl' ratlwr morl'
careful than we are at the moment?
These are the things which have got to be very cardully gone into. I
cannot understand why Government had to bring forward this Bill to be
passed this very Session. If we have waited so long, we might as Wl'lI wait
till the next Session.
Then I find a particular differentiation between Commonwl'alth countries
and other countries. After all, there is no very special reason why our
extradition procedure and even the principles of our t'xtradition law should
be rather different in the case of Commonwealth countries whereas they are
more rigid as far as other countries are concerned. If we really consider
certain principles to be correct, let us apply those principles to all countries
without any discrimination, whichever country comes and wishes 'to have
reciprocal relationship with us---of course that goes without saying.
Therdore, I feel that all these matters have to be taken very carefully into
consideration. To recapitulate, I would insist that Government pays more
aUt'ntion to Dr. Sen Gupta's Note to the Fifth Report of the Law Commission
of India. I SdY that the expression 'extradition treaty' should be defined a
gn'at dl'al more can'fully than it has been. I wish a very clear enunciation of
Wh<lt the position is in regard to those conventions and other understandings
which India had <lrriH'd at with other countries before we were independent,
and I ~ay that in n"'gard to the dt.'finition of political offences, we have got to
bl' ,1 gn',lt dl'al morl' C<Hl'ful, specially in regard to the inclusion of 'treason'
in tIll' Third Schl'dule-which means that if Commonwealth countries want
pl'ople accusl'd of treason-may be wrongly-we have to surrender them,
\H' han' to gin' O\"l'r our own nationals to their custody.
Tlwn' an' certain other things also which have to be gone into. This is a
technical nhlttl'r which, I fel'l, has to be ('xamined with some circumspection.
But sonwho\\' CO\"l'rnnwnt Sl'l'mS to be in a hurr\,. I do wish the GO\'ernment
holds its hands and tht're is a rderence of this matter to some kind of
consultatiH' pnKl'ss. I do not suggest that a Select Committee of this House
is the best thing. May be for elicitation of opinion, Government can circulate
it. But at Il'ast I suggt'st that Con'rnment should not proceed in a hurry.
TI1l'rl' .Hl' cl'rtain misgi\"ings in my mind which are by no means clarified
whl'/1 I find the Bill as it is and when I heard what the Law Minister said
whl'n mm"ing the Motion for consideration of this Bill.
CHINA'S AGGRESSION AND
PROCLAMATION OF EMERGENCY*
.. .In the unavoidable absence of the leader of our Group, who is

indisposed, it has devolved on me to speak on behalf of our party on the
Resolutions placed before the House by the Prime Minister and I would
begin by saying that we are offering unqualified support to the Resolutions
which he has placed before the House.
*** *** ***
I feel that the greater the determination in our country for defeating the
menace which threatens to overtake us, the greater should be a display of
collective responsibility as far as discussions in this House are concerned. I
beg of this House to give an example to the country in trying to understand
the gravity of the situation with which we are confronted today.
The Prime Minister has tried to place the events of today in the perspective
of world history and he has made certain observations which are not
observations which can be dismissed just like that and which, therefore,
should be received in that receptive mood which the country has a right to
expect of our Parliament. As far as we are concerned, it may be that we take
a certain amount of time in exercising whatever grey matter Providence has
given us; but once we corne to a decision, we proclaim it unreservedly without
any kind of qualification and here are two Resolutions to which we can give
absolutely categorical support.
I say this because, I need not repeat, but it is a fact which smites us in
the eye so to say, that we live at a time much more grim than we have ever
faced since our Independence. The Prime Minister has told us, and it does
not need his telling because his whole life is witness to that, that our country
has tried to pursue the ways of peace, our people are conditioned to peace,
our Government has tried to preach the evangel of peace to all the world,
sometimes at the cost of being misunderstood, and yet, on account of what
the Prime Minister said the other day, was a quirk of destiny, on account of
a quirk of destiny, we are confronted with aggression by our neighbour China,
which has openly violated our borders and invaded our territory. This is a
• L.S. Deb., 8 November 1962. [Participating in the discussion on Motion re: China's Aggre!tsion and
Proclamation of Emergency, Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 26 November and 22 December 1959
and 16 February 1966 on a similar subject].
396
situation which can only be answered by determination-determination to

unite in defence of our motherland and this, whatever differences we may
have in certain regards, is a categorical imperative. That is why on behalf of
our party, in the highest forum of our country, we reiterate our resolve and
we join hands with all who are behind the Prime Minister and we give
support to the policies that he is pursuing at this juncture of our history.
Before ] proceed, ] must also be permitted to pay my tribute to the

heroism of our magnificient soldiers who have already, fighting against heavy
odds, shown something of the glory of our people's character. Let us salute
the memory of those who have given their lives for our country. Let us even
more assure the fighters at the front that those of us who are at the rear are
determined not to fail them. We are members of one another, the front and
the rear and together we shall succeed in our efforts.
] recall how we have discussed this question previously in this House

and on many occasions, ] remember, I have tried to think aloud in order to
discover if there was any sense in the kind of thing which was being done
by China on our border. We have been trying to find out what possibly could
have been the motives; v'/hat madness has seized the People's Government
of China today, ] do not know. I cannot even hope to be able to fathom. What
we have discovered, however, is that our country's patriotic pride has been
hurt and our people's sentiments have not been respected. Nothing in the
world can justify armed invasion of the type which China, according to the
reports presented to us by the Prime Minister, has perpetrated on our borders.
No ideological or other kind of sophistry, no jugglery of geographical or
political claims on China's part can justify this invasion. They have hurt us
and they have hurt us in a manner which would go against the interests of
the people not only of these two countries but the people of all the world.
Therefore, at the moment, the only thing which we can do is to be determined
to be ready for the worst. We are determined to face whatever is happening.
But, at the same time as we get ready for the worst. I would like to say this
that we still have a hope that the world's conscience will be roused in a
strong and effective enough manner in regard to this matter. Full scale war
between two countries which comprise more than a third of humanity is
something which cannot even be contemplated without a shudder to the
deepest roots of our understanding. That is a kind of perspective which
threatens to open. That is why our country's Government even now lays this
stress on peace, peace with honour: never at the cost of honour. That stress
is always there. That stress is being put by the Prime Minister even today.
That is why we can say that while we proclaim to all the world our
determination that we shall not stomach the kind of thing which has been
perpetrated on our borders, while we shall say that we shall resist to the
uttermost and while we shall say that we will defend the sacred soil of our
motherland, while we say that between the rear and the front, we shall forge
a kind of unity which shall be the true test and the proclamation of the glory
of Indian character, at the same time, we keep on our stress on peace and we
keep on with hope-a hope that over and over again may come to
disillusionment, but even so, that hope is the stuff of something without
which humanity cannot endure. Here is our country and here is our Prime
Minister who has always unreservedly expressed that hope. We do hope that
something will happen, something will be done, something which will reflect
the reactions of the people and the determination of our people not to stomach
humiliation.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
I come now to the policy which the Prime Minister is to pursue. I have
a feeling that here in this Parliament, it is necessary for us to say and to
proclaim to all the world how our people stand united behind the policies of
the Prime Minister. We happen to have a Prime Minister who has the trust
and affection of his people. We happen to have a Prime Minister whom we
can trust without any kind of reservation. He can be trusted to do the right
thing. I know certain people would object to that. But, at least at this moment
of crisis, something like national conscience should assert itself. We can leave
it to the Prime Minister to conduct the day to day operations and bring about
whatever kind of change in the structure of organization of things is found
to be necessary. And that is why I, on behalf of our party, would say that the
way the Prime Minister has proceeded has our complete support.... The
dateline which is given namely 8 September 1962 as the dateline which could
be observed by either side in order that necessary withdrawals might take
place and then negotiations would happen, is a dateline which we certainly
support with all our enthusiasm.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
The Prime Minister has very correctly laid emphasis on the necessity of
increase in production, industrial as well as agricultural, in order that our
efforts can be successfully prosecuted. Regarding production, as far as we are
concerned, we have given the undertaking that we can deliver the goods.
The working people of this country will certainly deliver the goods. The
working people of this country realize the gravity of the situation. The working
people on their side will never repudiate their responsibilities. But, at the
same time, it is very necessary that the other people who queer the pitch, the
profiteers, the hoarders, the black-marketeers, and the big money interests
who have the run of the land also are brought to a frame of mind and of
action where it will be possible for the working people whether in the fields
or in the factories, to work to the maximum amount possible. Therefore, on
our behalf, we are ready; we have already in our resolution said openly that
we are ready to help in every possible way in the increase of production. We
are ready for all kinds of understandings which would be necessary in order
to achieve that increase in production, but we have to be sure that Government
exercises its influence over big money interests and over the hoarders and
profiteers and blackmarketeers, and sees that after all, they are not able to
damage the interests of this country at this most crucial situation.
The price-line, for example, has got to be held, and it is so important that
things are done, and people are reassured that the price-line is really and
truly going to be held.
The Committee headed by Professor Mahalanobis, for instance, is working

still there, and we hope that its work will be expedited quickly enough so
that certain policies can be formulated again as rapidly as that is ever possible.
On behalf of the working people, therefore, there might be a very clear

assurance given to Government that every co-operation would be forth-coming
for the increase of production. But that is only contingent upon a proper
understanding of the situation. That is contingent upon the Government's
exercising its influence o\"er big money interests and seeing that they do not
go astray and that they do not damage the interests of the country.
Already, some very important people have talked about the inequality of
sacrifice which is happening in this country even in the face of the present
crisis. That inequality of sacrifice has got to be eliminated. War is a testing
time for the people's character. As far as the working people are concerned,
they are the salt of the earth. They bear the burden of life. They are ready to
do their share, but on the other hand, there are other interests, the anti-social
interests, who have got to be looked after, whose conduct has got to be
regulated, and those exactly are the people who are trying in subtle and not
so subtle ways to bring about changes in the structure, to bring about a
change even in the policy of non-alignment, which in spite of every difficulty,
in spite of the present set of incidents, the invasion of this country and that
sort of thing, is still cherished by the Government of this day.
That was why I was very glad to notice that the prime Minister reiterated
his Resolution that whatever happens, this country would be pursuing its
policy of non-alignment. I said that attacks are being made in subtle ways
and in not so subtle ways also, on the policy of non-alignment. Efforts are
being made to see that we break away from it. I am not going into any detail
over it. But I am sure that the country will agree that we cannot be at the
mercy of anyone camp. We can not be involved in full scale cold war policies,
whichever camp might be responsible at a particular moment of time for
fanning it up. And non-alignment is something which has not dropped from
the skies; non-alignment is not something which has been thought out by the
Prime Minister. Non-alignment is an ideal which has gripped us, because it
has been implicit in the best aspects of our history. Non-alignment has been
implicit in the way in which we conducted our struggle for freedom. Non-
alignment has been implicit in the way in which after freedom we have been
trying to build our country. Non-alignment is implicit in the way in which
we are planning for a socialist society.
Panchsheel is a word which might be mocked at by certain peoplL" It

might be easy and fashionable to do so. But, whatever China might ha\'t.~
done in regard to Panchsheel, Panchsheel is something which is redolt'nt of
the very spirit of Indian history at its best. Panchsheel is something which
will cure the world's ills. This is the principle on the basis of vvhich our
people have fought in the past and they are fighting in the present. Therefor!.',
I feel that our country adheres essentially and truly to the policy of non-
alignment, but it has the job which is now forced upon hl'r, that is, the job
of defending the country.
I have noticed with regret and a certain amount of perturbation the report
that a substantial number of members of our party have been arrested,
presumably in pursuance of the present operations. [ say I am wry sorry
about this, and I am very deeply perturbed also about it, but I want in this
House to tell Government that I do not understand what the id!.'a is. If thl're
are suggestions that the Communist Party does not mean what it says, weli,
after all, history will give you the answer. Our behaviour will be the answer.
There is the Resolution which we have passed, the Resolution which we have
passed at our National Council. Copies of this Resolution would be available
to whoever wants it, and they have been published openly in the press.
There, we arrive at these decisions after a whole lot of discussion. [t may be
that some of you might object to the kind of prolonged discussion we have
over things. We believe in discussion before decision. We believe in exercising
whatever grey matter we have got, but after doing that, we come to certain
decisions, and whatever you say, we are a disciplined lot; the members of our
party, everyone of them is bound by them unless he chooses to walk out.
Everyone is bound by the discipline of this Resolution, and in letter and in
spirit, they would observe this resolution.
If, in spite of that we are pushed out of things, I cannot stop Government
doing so. I am not asking to be included in a Committee of this or a Committee
of that; I hate the idea of it; that is not the point at all. The point is that here
is a call by the Prime Minister himself in the most stirring manner for the
unity of the whole country. Behind that call, we are all trying to mobilise our
people, and yet we discover the phenomena of certain steps being taken
against us. I cannot stop Government going on and taking whatever steps it
chooses to take, but here are our cards. We put them on the table. We do not
shilly-shally about things. We do not hide things. Whatever we have to say,
we say that straightway. And here are the bOlla fides of the determination
which we have made; here is a formulation which in letter and in spirit, it
is our job, however, Government's behaviour might be, to pursue, and to
bring into some kind of action. Therefore, I feel that this sort of thing which
is happening at this particular moment is entirely undesirable, and that is
why I have expressed my perturbation over it.
On this occasion, as you said earlier, it is necessary for us to keep a sense

of balance and of proportion, and to behave with dignity, with the kind of
dfecti\"\.' dignity which would gi\'e something like a declaration to the world
of the rl'al solidity of our determination.
Therefore, I appeal to the House, let no discordant voices be raised; if

thl'rl' are matters of detail on which the critics of Government and its military
and political direction lay a great deal of importance, let those matters of
detail be cOIn-eyed to the Prime Minister, the Finance Minister and their
colleagues. Let them not be shouted about, not only in the market-place but
also in Parlian1l'nt. Let not such details, the noising about of which would
not ht'lp anybody, least of all, ourseln's, be raised here; let not that be done
in this House. In this House, at any rate, let us discuss matters of principle;
where details amount to something, where principle; where principles are
yet to be evolved, surely, we are discussing that sort of thing. But let not
matters of military and political detail, which had better be com' eyed to
Government, be noised about in this House which I fear sometimes, judging
from the kind of scene which we have noticed this morning already. As you
ha\'e said, let us conduct oursel\'es so that the country may mo\'e as one
man and the world outside will learn a lesson.
We are meeting at a time of very great crisis and these testing periods
really bring about an examination of our character. We recall only when crisis
o\'ertakes us how deeply attached. We are to the land of our birth. We belong,
all of us, to this emerald country and it is only when a crisis of the sort which
has overtaken us today takes place that we realize how dearly and deeply we
love this land, how we love every blade of Indian grass. That is the sort of
feeling which comes to us when this kind of crisis overtakes us in the manner
in which it has done on this occasion, Let that love of our country lead to the
fulfilling of our deepest ideals and our deepest desires. Let us soar-at least
let us try to-soar above all petty calculations. We can do nothing better than
do our duty, and that duty is patient. If we do our duty and leave the rest
to whatever happens in the future, that would be the finest way of showing
how the Indian character can repel attacks made upon it, humiliations sought
to be imposed upon it. And surely if we behave in that fashion in conformity
with the finest traditions of our country, then we shall not only repel whatever
danger has appeared to overtake us today, but we shall also lay down soundly
and truly the foundations of a really good life to be built on the soil of our
hoary land.
SHEDDING THE SHACKLES OF COMMONWEALTH*
Mr. Deputy Speaker, Sir, it was a delight a little while ago to listen to our
ardent Congress colleague, Shri Bhagwat Jha Azad, flagellating the historic
hypocrisy of the British ruling class and the present Labour Prime Minister.
Mr. Wilson, though he puts on the sheep's skin of British Socialism which is
a shadow of something that never was, is still equally representative of his
predecessors of the British ruling class. Shri Azad brought a whiff of fresh air
into the discussion in this House. But I was really a little perturbed when I
heard my \'ery able friend, Shri Ah'ares, who made, I fear, a somewhat funereal
opening, as far as this discussion was concerned.
Here is a discussion which we needed very badly. The Prime Minister

has made a statement the other day, a dignified, restrained but powerful
staien1l'nt. But it needs to be spelt out so that the country's stand, the stand
of Parliaml'nt behind the Prime Minister, can be properly stressed.
Sir, our people ha\'e been roused in unity, as ne\'er before, by this latest
perfidious aggression form Pakistan. Our heroic armed forces on land and
air have compelled Pakistan, howe\'er unwillingly, to agree to cessation of
hostilities. President Ayub still seems to be letting out bellicose yells but
perhaps he too has learnt a lesson. If aggression again comes from Pakistan,
or from her ally China, or if there is an attack on our interests or on our
integrity by Pakistan's \vily patrons from the West with their CENTO, SEATO
and other vile instruments of international banditry; this country, let there be
no mistake about it, will meet their challenge and meet the situation squarely.
And we say this with confidence because we can recall with profit the
combination which \,vas arrayed against us till the other day-Pakistan, and
of course China, and even the Western allies of Pakistan, all united in their
objective of putting pressure on India in order that we may accept Pakistan's
blackmailing conditions for peace. But the Indian fighting man and his valour
proved superior to the sophisticated machines from imperialist countries.
Our Jawans performed what can be called literal m.lssacre of the Patton
tanks, the much-vaunted Patton tanks, on \\'hich Pakistan depended to give
us a telling blow. This reminds me what a pity it is that the United States,
whose hands are soiled with Indian blood, could persuade our Government
• LS, De/J" 24 September 1%5. [participating in the discussion on the issue of Ceasl'-fire behwen
India and Pakistan and India quitting Commonwealth, he also spoke on similar dnd allied
subjects on 12 October 1965 and 16 and 22 February 19661,
403
to withdraw from public exhibition the Patton tanks which Delhi citizens
were thronging to see. I am told that the Defence Ministry spokesman had
announced in the beginning that the Patton tanks would be exhibited not
only in Delhi but in many other places in the country. But, for some mysterious
reason, the tank has been taken away and even the papers do not report the
fact of a tank having been on exhibition for a short while and then withdrawn
from public show.
The reasons for such conduct can be guessed and discussed but I am
leaving it to the Government to say something in this regard.
This will help to tell ourselves, to remind the country that on this occasion
all communities have combined, joined hands together. In 19-17--18 when
Pakistan had committed aggression against Kashmir, the first Indian martyr
to get Param Vir Chakra was Brigadier Usman. And on this occasion Hawaldar
Abdul Hamid Khan has been given the Param Vir Chakra. I am reminded of
what I heard sometime ago, and I quoted it the other day in this House and
I am only repeating it, that the Muslim in India belongs to this country, and
on behalf of a Muslim it was said once in my hearing and it stuck to my
memory that when a Hindu dies his body is burnt and the ashes are thrown
into the rh·er to be carried, God knows where but when cl Muslim dit's he
wants 6' x 3' of Indian earth. He belongs to this country in life as well as
death. The Muslim in India, the Muslim in Kashmir and the Muslim in other
parts of the country have shown that they belong to this country in life as
well as in death.
Our people have shown courage. One of our colleagues, whom I do not
see here, had shown characteristically stole courage. His only child was
martyred during this war and he comes to Parliament and performs his
duties like every other Member, Shri Hari Pada Chatterjee. These are deeds
which will be written with a sun beam on the scrolls of Indian history and
nothing will ever efface the memory of this kind of thing.
As far as Pakistan is concerned, she has committed what I am constrained

to call certain barbarous deeds. Bombing by Pakistan has taken place even
after the cease-fire was in operation. Napalm bombs secured from the United
States, the source of all recent international abomination, have been used on
Indian civilians by Pakistan. Attack on non-combatant passenger plane which
was carrying Balwant Rai Mehtaji, that was mounted by Pakistan. Bombs on
hospitals and places of worship have been rained with impunity by Pakistan.
Apart from the treacherous aggression which the United Nations has not
thought fit to single out to condemn, all these things have been done by
Pakistan and we should tell the world about it. The world do not know many
things, which is why perhaps many of our friends even do not understand
what we are about. We should make a special effort in order to be able to tell
the world how Pakistan has been behaving politically, militarily, ethically, in
every human sense, how the rulers of Pakistan have been behaving in this
most egregious fashion and yet their patrons in the UK and the United States
are standing by them in a way which is so very patent.
But there is another Pakistan, not merely the Pakistan which is represented
by Ayubshahi. My hon. Friend, the Minister of Defence, made a very
statesmanlike statement the other day refusing to extend .the fighting to East
Pakistan in spite of Pakistan having bombed Barrackpore near Calcutta and
certain other places in West Bengal and Assam. That was a very statesmanlike
statement.
We have to remember also that the people in Pakistan, the overwhelming

majority of Muslims in East Pakistan, also behawd wonderfully. President
Ayub was shouting: "Islam is in danger". That was the historic war cry of
je/tad. Yet, in East Pakistan there was communal peace; and, even more, there
was open disapproval of the war with India. On the other side, far to the
\·\'est, in Pakhtoonistan also the felltld trick did not work. There the mowment
is led by an indomitable hero of our united freedom mowment, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan. Let the Governml'nt of my country extend our hand of friendship to
these elements in Pakistan. They would come to the surface; they are bound
to come to the surface, for a military dictatorship like that of President Ayub
can take anything but they can newr take a military defeat. They are heading
for disaster. This is only the beginning of the end of the kind of Ayubshahi
which is searing in such ugly fashion the history of our sub-continent. To that
end the energies of our Gm'ernment in the proper diplomatic fashion has got
to be directed.
Meanwhile, of course, the image of Ayub-led Pakistan shines brightly in

the eyes of its powerful and persistent patrons from the West, the UK and the
United States. I have said this before in this House and I repeat it that the
United kingdom has never yet forgiven us our freedom. They did not mind
Pakistan being nominally independent. India has many faults. Our
Government, has made many mistakes and has many weaknesses. But India,
whoever sits on the Treasury Benches, unlike present-day Pakistan, wiII never
consent to be put in anybody's pocket, be it the UK or the USA or anybody
else. That is why, knowing very well that India has a tradition to live up to,
India has some principles in conformity with which her 5,000 years' life has
so far been constructed, that India wiII never be in anybody's pocket, the
Indian freedom is a phenomenon which has never been forgiven in the
West and that is why we find the UK behaving in the egregious way it has
been.
Ever since 19-17, ever since Imperialism extracted from us the incalculable
price of partition before it transferred power, Kashmir has been sought to be
exploited against us. Kashmir in our classical texts is /JhoOSWIl rgll, a "heaven
on earth"; but that has been sought to be turned into hell. If you look up the
history, which much too sordid, of the UK-US combine in regard to Kashmir
ever since 19-17--18--the role of Mountbatten, of General Auchinll'ck, of a
United States Brigadier called Haight and others-it is a dirty and dismal
story whose hangover persists. That is why today we h,1\'e the problem in
the shape that it faces us.
The UK has shown-my hon. friend, Bhagwat Jha Azad showed in

beautifully simple and lucid terms-egregious, shamell'ss partisanship.
Mr. \Vilson has shown-he had the temerity, I want to say, to show-a shabby
attitude towards our High Commissionl'r. He puts on thl' cloak of British
socialism. That is why he behaws like this. If he has an idl'a, like the bll/'/'t/
sahibs of old whose mantle he has inherited, that he can ordl'r India about,
let our Parliament tell him that Mr. Wilson can put that in his pipe and
smoke it.
The wonderful aid that comes from the UK and the USA, that wondl'rful
aid they were going to stop; they had suspended that aid because Wl' had
committed a crime, because we were trying to defend oursl'ln's against
aggression. The UK and the USA beha\'(:,d in this particular fashion. This is
the unstrung aid which they give us! We had begged the US for some F-lO-1
fighter planes, but we were told that our pilots were not good l'nough for
such sophisticated stuff. We begged for a submarine, but we \,\'pre told that
though we had a many thousand mile coastline, we did not need a Na\'y at
all. And, all the time Pakistan got those F-lO-1 plal1l's, Patton tanks, submarines
and, God knows what other enormity. These countries, supposed to be our
benefactors, were thought to be assisting us without strings; but it nel'dl'd
the searing experience of the last few weeks for us to learn that evpn thl'ir
economic aid for whatever it is worth was not without strings, that in ordl'r
to punish us for our effrontery in wishing to defend our honour and our
integrity as an independent country, we were to be pl'Oalized most drastically.
No wonder that there is today a powerful clamour in all patriotic circles that
we should no longer remain a member of that mockery and make-believe,
the Commonwealth of Nations. With men like Jomo Kenyatta and Julius
Nyerere we can be genuinely friendly without having to go to St. James and
do a lot of bowing and scraping to princes and queens and performing all the
other ceremonial functions which are necessitated by these Commonwealth
Conferences and that kind of thing. This is an issue which has been before
the country for many years and after what has happened it becomes imperative
that we quit the Commonwealth. I need not say more after what Shri Bhagwat
Jha Azad has said.
I am glad also that Shri Azad referred to the role of the press in the
United Kingdom and the United States and the role of the British Broadcasting
Corporation which talked about the Kashmir events as a "people's revolt"
against India. We have noticed also the sanctimonious hypocrisy of papers
like the London li III I'S , the MallclIcster Guardiall and such professional
progressi\·e pl'riodicals like the NCil' Statesmall alld Nathm. We have seen also
the American magazines like Tilllc and NCWSilWk. I defy any Member of
Parliament to go to our Library, a few paces away, look up the available
issul's of Timc and Nt'il'swcck, and his blood would boil to see the kind of
thing that is written therl'. Our Jawans fighting at the front, some of them,
read this kind of magazine-they look so slick and so good to the eye and
that sort of thing; they hawaII kinds of saucy things to present to the reader-
but thl'Y han' feIt like tearing up these things and throwing them away. We
.11s0 feel that way.
Wl' dre a very patient and a very polite people. These pressmen from the
powerful westt.'rn countrit.'s haw the run of the land. They sit there and
elsewhl're .1S if they own pur country and send despatches that are lies, and
drc immoral. I wish something is done so that in the name of free reporting
such l'normities are not allowed to be perpetrated. I think, the Speaker of this
House h.1s (l'rtain rights in this regard and he can see to it that our galleries
elre kept clean of those people who report in the wrongest possible manner
only because of certain ulterior political motives.
The St.'curity Council Resolution is before us. It has a number of defects

which, I am sure, the Prime Minister will take steps to rectify. It suffers from
the initial sin of not having done its duty of condemning Pakistan as the
aggr('ssor in this case. India and Pakistan, the victim of aggression and the
aggressor, have been almost equated. As far as the Resolution goes, infiltration
is not a matter which is mentioned but we are in danger because of the
pressure of infiltration which took place and which process our Defence
Minister has not yet been able entirely to eliminate and wipe out from our
land.
There is a reference to the 5th August line. The Prime Minister has said
in his letter of September 14-1 am quoting his words-
" ... when consequent upon ceasefire becoming effective, further details
are considered, we shall not agree to any disposition which will leave the
door open for further infiltrations or prevent us from dealing with the
infiltrations that have taken place."
This is something to which I wish to pin down the Prime Minister in a very
friendly fashion so that he gives us a renewed assurance that he stands by
this categoric assurance. He has told us and the world that the Kashmir issue
is not going to be allowed to be re-opened. We are not going to have a
settlement with Pakistan over Kashmir with a number of busy-bodies about
us from the United Nations of the kind which the United Nations has supplied
previously. We shall have our own settlement and that is why the Prime
Minister is ready to meet in Tashkent in order to have a settlement with
Pakistan. We can settle it ourselves. That is why we can meet in Tashkent or
in any other place, even in Tinbuctoo, whatever the place might be-we are
readv to meet Pakistan-and discuss the matter and come to a settlement.
Pakistan has been shown that militarily it cannot get Kashmir. Pakistan has
got to have a settlement in a civilized manner. That settlement cannot come
through the instrumentality of the United Nations as it is, at present,
constituted, and that is why we shall have a settlement on our own as far as
our two countries are concerned.
It is also necessary for us to intensify our diplomatic fence. We have to

reach out to the people of Pakistan and explain the origin of India's crossing
into the plains of West Punjab and our intentions as to the future. We have
to explain to people in Pakistan and in other countries the solid secular
democratic policy which we have been trying to pursue. Occasionally, there
have been some deviations. In West Bengal, I have heard of some
indiscriminate arrests of Muslims and that sort of a thing. Suspicion is always
a very uncertain quantity and I do hope that on account of mere suspicion,
Muslims are not made to feel as if they are unwanted. They have shown by
their conduct, by and large, that they stand by the country as much as anybody
else.
We have also to tell the world about it and that is why, in spite of what
my friend Shri Deo said here. I am very glad that Shri Krishna Menon has
been sent to Cairo in order to convey whatever points the Prime Minister
wanted him to convey to President Nasser. We have also to tell the United
Nations and other forces that it is not merely the legal case in regard to
Kashmir which is important. The United Nations is not a legal body however
much we present legal arguments in regard to our position about Kashmir.
The total picture is more important. Our stand for decency versus dictatorship
and all the concomitant evils which Ayubshahi represents has to be made
clear.
Again we cannot spurn our friend like the Indian Government sometimes
seems to do. There is the German Democratic Republic which was the first
among the western countries in Europe to support us against China. But
even today we treat the G.D.R. rather shabbily.
Then, again the final settlement between India and Pakistan which we
want-the Prime Minister said the other day that ultimately there has got to
be <l friendly settlement between our two countries-has to be a solution
acceptable to both and it is good from that point of view we have accepted
the good offices of the Soviet Union. The role of the U.5.5.R. has been
something which, I think, we can all applaud, and the Prime Minister himself
did so, but [ dm sorry that Shri Alvares made a rather graceless reference to
this matter as he bracketed quite unwarrantedly, the Soviet attitude along
with the attitude of certain other powers. The Soviet Union have given us
aid. They have promised us more. In times of crisis, they were the only
friends whom we had among the great powers. They have a principled stand.
That is why we can rely upon whatever help they can give. But let me also
say at the same time that we cannot expect our chestnuts to be pulled out of
the fire by some other States. The lesson we have to learn is the lesson of self-
reliance. The Soviet Union is our friend no doubt, but we shall rely on
ourselves. We shall continue to be alert and always prepared. We should
build and strengthen our defence industry. Our Bangalore-manufactured gnats
ha\·e beaten the celebrated sabre jets and we should remember Jawaharlal
Nehru, and why not?---€ven Shri Krishna Menon and Shri K.D. Malaviya for
the contribution they made towards the setting up of the defence industry.
[n the rear which is most important, there has to be a check on the

blackguard elements which would come up; communalist chauvinism has
got to be checked, and profiteers and hoarders who even in this critical time
try to do some damage in regard to our food situation have to be checked
and the monopolists who gloat over it when war comes and shelve any
attempt to give some satisfaction to their working people have also to be
checked. Production has got to be kept at a very high level of efficiency. On
the production front our fight should continue, while so long it was on the
battle-front. The Indians who toil in fields and factories, the Indian workers,
who are the salt of the Indian earth, must be first and foremost in our thoughts.
Let us re-forge our links with our own people. If we do that, if we satisfy the
aspirations of our people, who are not asking for the moon, who only want
a decent way of living, if we satisfy our own people and keep in check the
blackguardly elements, communal and economic, who are disturbing the
atmosphere, then and then alone shall we gather the strength and say, as the
Prime Minister has said, "come the world against us, our people shall win".
THE TASHKENT DECLARATION*
Sir, even though it is not for us to pull the Government's chestnuts out
of the fire, I would supplement basically what Mr. Daji had tried to say. In
law, the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir is part of the Indian Union, but
as a matter of fact, certain areas in Jammu and Kashmir are, according to
India, in the illegal occupation of Pakistan or of people acting as proxies on
behalf of Pakistan. Our stand has always been to secure a settlement of this
matter and to restore to ourselves effective sovereignty which is today nominal
sovereignty oyer certain areas of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan's purpose,
on the other hand, has been somewhat different, with the result that last year
Pakistan made an effort by armed force, by infiltration as well as by military
attack, to consolidate its hold either by proxy or directly on certain parts of
Jammu and Kashmir. We repelled that effort of Pakistan.
Two sovereign States-India and Pakistan-met together through their
representatives and came to an understanding in relation to what ought to be
done about the settlement of outstanding issues, amung which necessarily is
the question of Jammu and Kashmir. At that meeting, it was decided that
Pakistan would not intervene in our affairs and we shall also not intervene
in Pakistani affairs and all the outstanding questions would be settled by
mutual discussion. We do not know what is going to be decided, but if after
mutual discussion to which both countries have agreed, it is decided that
certain portions of Jammu and Kashmir may have to be detached-Heaven
forbid that kind of thing happening-but suppose it is decided like that, then
and then alone would it be time for the Government to come before this
House with whatever constitutional amendment or legalistic device which
might be necessary. At this moment what we are dealing with is to endorse
or not to endorse the declaration which has been issued by the Government
of this country along with the Government of Pakistan. Our Government has
performed a sovereign act. Whether in performing that act, it went against
the wishes of the people whom we represent here-that is the question which
we are discussing. As Mr. Daji pointed out, at a later stage, this legalistic
matter might come up for discussion, but not at this point. We are certainly
entitled at this point of time to approve or not to approve of the declaration .
...... ...... .. ....
• L.S. Deb., 16 and 21 February 1966. [Participating in the discussion on the Tashkent Declaration,
Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 24 September 1965 and 12 October 1965 on a similar subject].
410
Sir, I want to say something in regard to the procedure. I am really

flabbergasted. A question comes up, a point of order is brought up by the
leader of one of the recognised parties in this House. There is an array of
ministers on the other side, very senior ministers led by the Prime Minister
herself, the Home Minister and other Ministers-Shri Chavan had left. They
heard the points made. Some of us here, laymen, took part in the discussion
and possibly did not make entirely irrelevant remarks. We expect of
Government to have the elementary capability to ha\"e reserves of membership
present in this House to answer points which are raised particularly by way
of points of order. It is almost impossible for me to function in this House
and take part in the discussion on a motion for consideration of a matter of
international importance and of the greatest national importance at the same
time, when the whole thing hangs fire, when the Damocles' sword of legality
is over there and no decision is made. The decision is not made because you
are not assisted by the representatives of the Government. Ineptitude, Sir, is
the word. I have got a bad taste in my mouth O\·er the food debate yesterday,
and today a ,·ery important international discussion is spoilt by the incapacity
of the Government to give its opinion on a legal point. I do not blame the
Law Minister. He was not here. He was not informed properly about what
is on the agenda. The Law Minister is not asked to be here by his leader
when this sort of a very important subject is under discussion. We are used
in this House to Law Minister after Law Minister ne\·er being present when
the Government's case in regard to legal points comes up. This has happened
again. We are told we shall get the benefit of his advice tomorrow. I refuse
to participate in the debate today if the discussion on the motion for
consideration continues when this Damocles' sword of legality hangs over it.
This is not a frivolous matter. We are discussing this matter with all earnestness
and we want this matter to be decided. You, Sir, are there in the Chair, and
you are eminently capable of gi,·ing a decision in regard to this matter. If you
feel you cannot give it, tht'n, of course, we can adjourn the House and v\'e can
have the discussion after the whole matter is decided. Until that is done, I for
one would not participate in this discussion.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
A little while ago I was constrained to say that, since yesterday'S discussion
on Kerala, on the mounting failures of Government, specially of the Food
Ministry, we have a very sour taste in our mouth and after the exhibition, a
little while ago, of incompetence on the Government benches, I feel it difficult
to muster sufficient enthusiasm in supporting the Government, but the
Tashkent Declaration is in a very different street and the spirit of Tashkent
has brought, as it were, a wave of fresh air and exhilaration into the sordid
atmosphere which so often weighs us down. I feel that, in regard to the
T,lshkent Declaration, we can, in spih:' of our very sl'rious critkisms of

Government in so many otht'r reg,uds, offt'r our full support.
I have no doubt that India is in honour bound and also out of a Sl'nse of
self-respect and duty, to redeem the pll'dge to peacl' and to consolidation and
concord between India and Pakistan which the latl' Shri 1-.11 B,lhadur Shastri
had given. He gave that pledge in the fabk'd city of Tashkl'nt almost, as it
were, with the last breath of his bl>ing, and it is upto Indi,l tl) honour that
great pledge.
Some discordant \·oices, of courSl" haH' bel'n raised which is why till'
Tashkent spirit, which my friend, the 11lln. Minislt'r tril'd tt) l'xplain ,udl'ntly,
requires to be understol)d and chl'rislll'd.
In spite of the recent unhappy cl)ntwntation with Pakisl'lI1, till' b,l~ic

objectives of peace and amity between our two countril's, ,1S l'mbodit'd in Illl'
Declaration of Tashkent, must, on nil account, bl' <1l1owl'd tn be distnrtl'd.
Nothing can be more welcome to India than what is indel'd the COfl' l)t that
document, namely, the renunciation by both the countries of rl'courSL' to fl)Kl'
for the settlement of our mutual disputl's. En'n during August-St.'ptl'mber,
1965, this country did no more th<1n give a fair but stern notice to P,lkistan
that any attempt to secure <1lteration of our borders by bullying nll'thods and
by recourse to force, would just not be tolerated. Even in the worst days of
that encounter, India had made it clear that she craved not an inch of Pakistani
soil, that she wished neither harm nor humiliation to Pakistan, that she would
not, unless absolutely compelled to do so, extend the war in the direction of
East Pakistan (Bangladesh). We have, in spite of our own share of chauvinists
in this country, preferred the ways of dignity <1nd restraint, ewn in the face
of provocation, and to us, therefore, the Tashkent stress on the renunciation
of force is a highly prized achievement which this House should
unconditionally support.
It was no more than appropriate that Tashkent was the venue of the
discussion, and that the meeting was sponsored by the Soviet Union. Perhaps
without the courageous initiative and the truly indefatigable labours of
Mr. Kosygin, the Soviet Prime Minister, the successful outcome of the meeting
would have been impossible. To him personally and to the Soviet Union, this
country has the liveliest sense of gratitude. They have stood by us as principled
friends in a manner that, as Lal Bahadur Shastri said in this House during the
last session, this country will never be able to forget. If friendship is tested
by adversity, the Soviet friendship for India has proved itself a many
splendoured thing, and we got an illustration of it when, speaking in Delhi,
Mr. Kosygin repeated, "India is our friend and brother".
Rf..'nunciation of force for settlement of disputes is a victory of peace of

goodwill and of neighbourliness which, commonsense and decency require,
should prevail in the relationship between our two countries. It was right for
India also-l agree with my friend, the hon. Minister-to agree to a mutual
withdrawal of ,uml,d personnel since Pakistan had consented not only to
withdraw all armt'd pl'rsonnt.'i but also to respect, after withdrawals, the
cl'ase-fin' terms, and tht're was the undertaking of non-interference in each
other's intcrnal affairs. The stipulation that, in order to resolve all disputes,
rl'prl'sl'ntatin's of the two Con'rnnwnts would meet whene\·er necessary at
diffl'rl'nt Icn'ls, l'itl1l'r the topmost leH'1 or any lower le\·e1, is a further
indication that \\"l' arL' dl'tl'rmined on onl' thing. If the Tashkent Declaration
h,lS ,my sl'ril)Us (lmtl'nt, it is this that the two countries are determined on
our own and without the intl'rn'ntion of mischief-minded busv bodies from
L'nitl'd ;'\atillns or l'lsl'wlll're. We are determined on our own to liquidate
alTimOlW ,mel to lin' as instinct and inten'st dictate-we should Ii\"t~ with
good-rll'ighbourlirll'ss and undcrstanding .
This is l'ntirl'ly in kccping with the country's decision that we follow an

indl'pl'ndent policy in fon'ign affairs. In its worry over food and in its fear
of not bl'ing in thl' good books of the LTnitcd States of America, for example,
thl' Cm·l'rnnll'nt scems sllml'tinws to fllrget that basic fact, but that is our
national dl'cision-a policy of peacc and non-alignment-and if, heaven forbid,
thl' Tashkent con(llrd is disrupted or even encumbers serious difficulties in
impll'ml'ntation, then the new impcrialist power-political game, of which
India has bel'n the victim, will surely be resumed. I say this because there are
(l'rtain things that, in this cllnnection, we cannot just afford to forget.
The United Kingdom, as we ha\·e seen over and over again, seems
unreconciled to Indian freedom and hopes for Pakistan, being somehow
comparatively a safe and mallt'able customer, as capable of being used even
in the way she had intended-Britain had intended-at the time of Partition.
Maulana Azad has left it on n'cord that the objecti\"t.' of Britain was potentially
to use Pakistan as a British base against India. The hangover of this continues
in the minds of the British ruling class. That is why Britain has not become
reconciled to the fact of Indian freedom and the determination of India to go
ahead in her own way.
As far as the United States of America is concerned, she reckons her
presence in our part of the globe as a sheer power-political necessity which,
perhaps, according to the United States' calculations, Pakistan and not India
will sub-serve. Of course, it was our failure to effectively combine in the days
of freedom struggle, which had compelled us to pay the price in 1947, however
reluctantly we had to pay the price of Partition.
The U.K. and the U.s.A., in particular, continue to try to queer the pitch
for our hvo countries to move ahead in peace and in co-operation and to
develop our economies and independent policies, untrammelled by traditional
big power interests in this part of the world. The malenllent and deliberately
mischievous attitude of the United Kingdom and the United States of America
in matters relative to Indo-Pakistan differt:'nces is part of the price which we
continue to pay for the original sin which we committed-the original sin of
Partition-in 19-t7.
If we delw into a little historv we could see how in 1953-5-t the U .5.A.
was unable to get India to deviate from her policy of non-alignment, but with
their openly proclaimed desire of getting" Asians to fight Asians" -that \vas
a solgan put forth by a very distinguished American Presidt.'nt-they w,1I1ted
to control the strategic areas by a kind of proxy. Expl'rt witnesses bt'fore the
United States Congressional inwstigations haw testified how at a cost llf
only 10 dollars per head, a rifle could be placed in the hands l)f a Pakistani
soldier, while the comparable cost in the case of an American soldil'r to bl'
sent to that area would be O\oer 5,000 dollars. I remember h,n-ing quoted this
document from out of the U.s. Congressional inn'stigation proceedings,
because in those days, as members of the Commonwealth P,uliamentary
Association of that kind of organisation we used to get tht.'se reports, and
perhaps because I had quoted this out of the U.5. Congfl'ssional inH'stigation
proceedings, we no longer get such reports distributl'd by tlw agt'ncil's
responsible, who used to give us in those days not only thl' Journal of the
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association but also the Congressional
investigations in the United States. I have quoted in this House, I reml'mber
very distinctly, in 1953 how they had said, or a very important military
expert had said that in Pakistan and nearby areas you could put <l rifle in the
hands of the native soldier at a cost of 10 dollars while to send an Anwrican
soldier and do the job would cost on an an'rage 5,000 dollars pach tinw.
,.,.,.
India declined to offer of walking into the net which Aml'rica was offl'ring
us in the military alliance, but Pakistan swallowed the bait, and the U.5.-Pak
military pact was concluded in 1954; then, a virtual time-bomb was plantl'd
in our sub-continent whose explosion we saw last year.
This country has seen how all assurances regarding the non-USl'r by
Pakistan of United States military assistance against India have been a fake,
and this country has seen how aid from certain Powers has been use against
us as a weapon, no less a weapon of blackmail in ordl'r to cow us into
submission. It is a chapter shameful for us and sordid on all accounts, which
one would like to forget, but it is very difficult to do so.
It is this bad old context out of which the Tashkent Declaration helps us
to steer clear. I do not know if I can get this into the cranium of our Ministers
over their who seem to function in a small way, who do not seem to
understand the global significance of certain things, who do not realise how
certain things happened because of certain Power-political complexes
operating in our part of the world. It is out of that bad old context, the
context of the US-Pak military pact which was, as I said a little earlier, a time-
bomb planted in our part of the world, it is out of that bad old context, that
we have to steer clear, and that is what the Tashkent Declaration declares to
all the world. If we have differences, we can settle them by discussions among
ourselves, not by recourse to arms, not by fighting each other, not by going
on bt.'nded knees to the United Nations or to our patrons in one country or
the othl'r, but by discussions which we hold on our own, uninhibited
discussion helped by friends, if friends are genuine friends, sincere well-
wishl'rs of ours, if they do not inten'ene in order to make us follow their way.
That is thl' lesson of Tashkent. That is something which has got to be drilled
into the minds of those who are ruling this country. This is not a matter of
pragmatically and practically taking a decision, of living from hand to mouth
and of I1wrt.'ly sl,ttling some problt.'ms because the crop up just like that. It is
not in that spirit that you can understand the Tashkent Declaration. If you
cannot lIndl'rstand the b.lsic t.'SSl'nce of it, then it would be merely another
document in the list of documents which circulate in the archi\"t~s of the
Forl'ign Ministry.
The Tashkl'nt Dl'claration has bel'n welcomed all (wer the world. Mv
hon. fril'nd hl're said th.lt except for China, eH'ry other country has welcomed
it; and particularly countril's like the German Democratic Republic; have
giVl'n it .1 very spl'cial wl'lcoml', bec.luse the Tashkent Declaration seems to
gin' to tl1l'm an instrumcntality for the kind of problem which separates the
two Germany's which want to come together but on a basis which is acceptable
and honourable to both.
We havc also to remember that in our own country, whatever some of

our fril'nds Iwre might say, the Tashkent Declaration has been welcomed in
those bordl'r Statl's which have had to bt.'ar the brunt of the August-September
fighting. In the Punjab it has bet'n welcomed. I have seen rt.'ports in the
prt.'ss-I do not know what the Jan Sangh spokesman in this House would
say, but I haw seen reports in the press-that the Jan Sangh in the Punjab has
welcomed the Tashkent Dt:'ciaration. I know that in Rajasthan it is welcomed.
I know that Bt.'ngal and Assam, for Bengal particularly I can speak from
personal experience, welcome it, because in East Pakistan we have got a
wonderful pocket of st~nsibility and decency which one day would perhaps
light the torch which would illumine the whole of Pakistan, and we do not
want to have inimical relations developing between our two countries. And
above all, Kashmir and ht.>r Government led by Mr. Sadiq have \...·t'lcoml'd
this Tashkent Declaration. Now, we should know what is what, and Wl' should
trust the people on the spot, those who fought when fighting was necessary
and gave of their blood and thl'ir treasure and f,Ked eH'r~' conCl'i\'able risk;
they are coming forward to support this idt.'a. And a word of praisl' for
Mr. Sadiq and his Government and the people of Kashmir would pl'rhaps be
\'ery necessary; though we ha\"t~ repeated it eH'r so often, pl'rhaps it is rightful
to repeat it. They have all welcomed the idea of Tashkl'nt bl'causl' this gin's
us an instrumentality for soh'ing our probll'ms.
I know that the question is raised of Haji Pir Pass, ,1I1d Tithwal and
Kargil areas which we occupied for soml' t,l(tical considl'rations, which we
are now agreeing to withdraw from, and therl' is some objection to that. I do
not understand it. If Pakistan does not mean busil1l'ss, if l\lkistan dOL'S not
wish to observe the Tashkent Declaration-I ha\'e no such suspicion up to
now-if Pakistan wants mischief, she can do it; she can continue this kind of
thing; if infiltrators come, they can come in all kinds of ways, not only through
the Haji Pir Pass put through many other passes as \\'l'Il. But l1l'rl' \\'l' han'
got a comprehensi\'e Declaration that they are not going to h,1\'e that kind of
thing at all and that infiltration and that sort of thing which really amounts
to intervention in our affairs by recourse to force is not going to bL' practisL'd
at all. That is the solemn word pledged at an intl'rnational I1ll'l'ting in a
document, attested by the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union himsl'lf, by till'
President of Pakistan and signed also by the Prime Minister of India. In that
case I do not see why any objection can arise and any dangers of a risk
accruing to India might be thought of because we are agreeing to withdraw
as we should withdraw in terms of the Declaration from Cl'rtain arL'as like
Haji Pir Pass.
I would then say, as my hon. friend Shri P.K. Deo had said, that it is
necessary for our Government to take further initiative in this matter and to
consolidate the gains of Tashkent. It is not a matter of our having come to
some kind of an agreement so that there is no fighting between our two
countries; but if tension continues, if mentally we continue to be almost at
war, then naturally the whole position would be vitiated and jeopardised.
Therefore, it is necessary that Government take serious steps to consolidate
the bonds of amity between our two countries. Such things as exchanges of
students, of writers, of journalists, of teachers, of cultural delegations and
that sort of thing, even parliamentary delegations, and sports teams between
our two countries can now be undertaken with real gusto and with real
fervour; that kind of thing should certainly be undertaken. Economically, he
has suggested steps which should surely be taken. After all, the economy of
these two countries is inter dependent. The Bengali's of West Bengal wants
fish from East Bengal and the East Bengali wants all kinds of things, such as
consumer goods, from West Bengal. The economy of our two countries-I
need not dilate on it at this point of time-is so inter dependent that whatever
we can do by way of arriving at something like a customs union is most
tl'rribly important. But what I do not understand is that we have so many of
these exchanges of cultural delegations and students and teachers and so on
and so forth with a many other countries, but even in the best of times with
Pakistan soml'hm\' this exchange has not occurred to the extent that was
11l'l'l'ssary and this is something which we fail to unders~and.
In Bengal we know that today in East Pakistan there is such a tremendous
fl'l'ling for the Bl'ngali I,mguage and Iiteraturl', and for Rabindranath Tagore;
in f,let, not he alonl' but othl'r writl'rs of a lesser caliber are also cherished;
tl1l'ir works Ml' rl'"d with ,l\'idity in East Bengal. In Dacca, the Tagore
cl'lebrations Me held on " scale which could hardly be concei\'ed of in a
dist,mt arl'a. In Wl'St Bengal a poet like l\:azrul Islam is looked upon as a
national figuTl'. Of wurSl', \\'l' hil\"e all known of great figures like Iqbal who
wrote:
Hl' could write that at (llll' point of time; may be later it changed O\"er to
sOIl1l'thing else. But there is some something basic in us that makes us realise
that whill' \\"l' may be two different states we may haH' to continue,
unfortunatl'ly, sl'paratdy as two differl'nt states for a good length of time--
Wl' do bdong to the same stock, we do have so many features of affinity that
\\'l' Celn l'asily build upon them. We can build that confederation of minds
and l1l'arts. Confedl'ration is talked about b\" some of our friends here
sometill1l's, but I cannot understand the methodology of their projected
achil'\'el1wnt of confl'dt'ration through continuation of fighting or that kind
of thing. What is Iwcl'ssary is a confederation of minds and hearts. That is
something of a task to which the Government as a whole should lend its
hand after Tashk('nt.
In article VIII of the Tashkent Declaration, there is a reference to one
matter. The Prime Minister of India and till:' President of Pakistan' also agreed
that both sides will create conditions which will prevent the exodus of people.'
They will 'continue the discussion of questions relating to the problems of
refugees and evictions/illegal immigrations'. A little while ago I think I saw
Shri Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad who belongs to Assam, who knows something
about the problem of immigration. Perhaps there should be some kind of
understanding between our two countries that for a certain length of time we
do not push out tht:'se supposed immigrants, we follow a policy of a more
generous nature and later we come to a state of things where the minorities
on either side are treated so well, that there may be no further exodus and
there would be no danger in regard to immigration.
I want to say this over and over again, in spite of appearing to stress one
point, that Pakistan, the partition of our country, has meant something like
a heartbreak for many of us. In Bengal it is so difficult to conceive of the area
watered by the billowy-bosomed Padma and its myriad tributaries, which is
the venue of so many of the stories of Rabindranath Tagore, for example, as
not part of Bengal. The other day I looked up a verse by the Urdu poet Mir
who wrote at one time:
"What if you have built even the house of God on the ruins of the human
heart?" We have got our freedom. The two countries are independent states.
We surely have a great deal to be feeling exhilarated over that sort of thing.
But the heart has broken because something has snapped between these two
countries not being able to continue in a friendly posture. I do not see why
\ve cannot do something about it. In regard to that, I would say that even
today in this country under the direction of this Government, pt'ople continue
to be in jail because of a remote suspicion of their having at some time some
sort of sympathy with Pakistan. Our colleague, whom we miss in this House,
Shri Badrudduja is not here just as Shri Gopalan is not here-has been detained
for a long time without trial. Till my dying day, I am not going to belic\'e that
Shri Badrudduja or Shri Gopalan are people who can be traitors to their
country. But Shri Badrudduja was held up in jail and is not released even
now. Why this kind of thing happens after Tashkent is something which I
cannot understand.
*** ***
My submission to the Government, therefore, is that it lends reality to the

spirit of Tashkent and follows up what the Tashkent Declaration calls upon
us to do. We have to follow policies which would bring about reconciliation
inside the country. If I was a Muslim, it was perhaps very likely, some of our
kith and kin being in Pakistan, that in the days of war and fighting what was
happening over there as well as here might not have evoked particularly
jingoistic, chauvinistic, feelings in some of us. It is important for us to realise
that we are human beings first and citizens of one state or the other next. It
is only perhaps in times of tension, in times of great excitement that this
happens. Perhaps this is part of human nature. But we recollect ourselves;
Tashkent has given us an opportunity to recollect ourselves.
There is one matter to which I wish to refer with which I shall conclude
my speech, and that is in relation to China, My hon. friend, Shri Das-he is
not here-referred to China. One of the points he sought to make was that
China is an incorrigible enemy and, therefore, we have to got together with
Pakistan and whoever else it may be and try to see that China is more or less
liquidated-if we can do so .
...... .. .... .. ....
The Parliament Secretariat has supplied us with this very prettily-printed
pamphlet containing the Prime Minister's broadcast to the nation. I find a
very fine statement here. It is:
"We seek to maintain the friendliest relations with our neighbours and to
resolve any disputes peacefully. The Tashkent Declaration is an expression
of these sentiments. We shall implement it fully in letter and spirit".
A very fine statement; in letter and in spirit, we shall fulfil the Tashkent
Declaration and we seek to maintain the friendliest relations with our
neighbours and to resolve all disputes peacefully. The dispute with China
also is a dispute with a neighbour and it has to be resolved peacefully. I
know that I would be told that China is perverse. I yield to nobody in saying,-
and I ha,·e openly expressed my ,·iews in this matter-that I have also found
many of China's actions in relation to India to be particularly perverse, which
I cannot understand. But there is no reason why we should not take the
initiative in this matter; there is no reason why, if other countries are not
there to help, we on our part do not keep the point that we want to settle
these matters by peaceful methods alive. It is necessary for us to keep that
matter alive all the time. If we are really and truly committed to peace, it
implies that we have optimism for the future and the conviction that if there
are clouds in the horizon, the clouds are sure to break.
...... ...... ......
If there is no hope for the future, as some people think, then perhaps we
would not mind the present going up in flames. But we have hopes for the
future. We have hope for China. Surely onefourth of the human race lives in
that country. The People's Republic of China represents a great force, whether
we like it or not, and we have to come to terms with the world as it is.
Therefore, I say that in spite of the grievous provocation which we

continue to receive from China-we heard a report about it this moming-
I say that we should have two things in mind as our aim at the same time,
our determination to defend our integrity and our determination also to
pursue the paths of peace in order to have a settlement. And here is a statement
of the Prime Minister which fortifies my conviction that the Government's
policy in this regard is that it is serious about Tashkent and all it implies, that
it wants to settle with all neighbouring countries, whichever is the country
with whom we happen to have a dispute, in a peaceful manner.
Let us, therefore, not be helpless victims of whatever situation is created

either by China or by the Anglo-American neo-imperialist seum who operate
in the United Nations and elsewhere in various disguises in world politics
today. The wages of India-Pakistan hostility may be the death of all the hopes
of Indian achievement. This is a challenge to us. These hopes today have
soared to heights. We do have the conviction that those hopes would be
fulfilled if only the Gm"ernment pursues truly and sincerely the implications
of the Tashkent Declaration.
WEST ASIA SITUATION: ON SUPPORTING THE ARAB FRATERNITYIt
[t is necessary for us also to express ourselves because certain things

have been, said, and to put the record straight our point of view has to be
presenh.'d. I am very glad that the Government of India has persisted in its
l'fforts and that in the implementation of the resolution regarding the cease-
fire, there is a further decision, as far as the operative part of the ceasefire is
concernl'd, to secure the withdrawal of forces to the line that was held on -1
Junl'. I say this because, the categorical imperatives of India's foreign policy
dl'mand our deft'nding the Arab world in its hour of danger and I am happy
if, as pointed out by my friend from the other side, we behaved as the
14th Arab State it is a good job if the Arab World thinks of us as their own
brl'thren in their timl' of need. I am ashamed to see, Sir, in this House that
the temporary triumph won by the Israelite forces \vhich was propped up by
the bayonets and aircraft carriers of the USA and the U.K. with which the
U.A.R. has broken off relations ....
""" "*" ***
I am pointing out the fact that in a country which swears by the name
of Candhiji, the tl'mporary military triumph as it appears to be of Israel is
leading soml' to the Mt'mbers of Parliament to suggest that we change our
basic fort'ign policy, that we recognised Israel, that we send our ambassador
tht're while the fact of the matter is, as the Government has already said in
a staement, that Israd is the creation of imperialist interest and it is in the
interl'st of our own country that in the Middle-East. ...
*** *** ***
.. .suggestions have been made that we change the basis of our foreign
policy, that we recognise Israd, that we cease to be friend the Arab countries.
That is something of a trap into which I hope and trust the GOYernment will
not fall. I say this bt.'cause it is a fact of history that in the Middle-east,
strategically the most valuable area in the world-these are not my words
but the words of the American ex-President, Eisenhower-it is the historic
role of imperialism to control that part of the world and if in fighting the
menace of imperialist control of the most strategically valuable part of the
world the Arab people for the time being suffer a great deal, our sympathies
• L.S. Deb., II June 1967. [participating in the discussion on Motion re: West Asia Situation,
Shri Mukerjet' also spoke on 25 May 1967 on a similar subjpct).
421
go out to the Arabs. I have been ashamed to I'war that even whl're our own
people have died, some of our Members h,we ht'sitatl'd to condemn those
who openly and aggressively took steps in order to bring dbout thl' mdssacre
of so many of our people, and they are trying to put the Governn1l'nt on the
carpet, while the Government have sdid beforl', that it \... as on account of thl'
fact that the Arabs tmsted us; they did not tmst the Canadic1l1s, dnd Wl' werl'
told to remain IdSt of dll, dnd our brave, gallant men in the Cnitl'd Nations
expeditionary force remdined theft', and our people Wl'nt theft', but tlwsl.'
people talk ....
,.,.,. ,.,.,.
E\·ery day of my present parliamentary life, this is thl' kind of thing they
say; they say all kinds of things, these people whose propinquity in this
House I detest....
Therefore, we are happy that the Go\'ernml'nt is sticking to its position,

I hope it does stick to this position in ,1 principled mal1lwr, and I am happy
that the Government is trying to persudde the Security Council to Sl'l' to it
that operatively speaking, fourth line is ddhered to when thl' cl'asl'fire is
implemented. I am hoping that the basic factors of our foreign policy are
adhered to by the Government. We are not going tn be intimidated and
bamboozled by the fact of the temporary Israeli triumph which has bl'l'n thl'
result of the aircraft carriers of the United States and the American-trained
aeroplane pilots who have come from all over the world in ordl'r to fight
with the Israeli force.
These are the things which I wish to say. I would not normally have said
this, because I have a sense of parliamentary propriety and I have a sense of
the gravity of the international situation; but since many things han' been
said from here to there, other things have also to be said in order to put the
record straight.
PLEA FOR A PRINCIPLED FOREIGN POLICYlt
Mr. Dl'PUty Spl',lker, Sir, thl' Ministry of External Affairs Demands for
(;ranb would rl'\.juire a sl'((md look by the House because the total some
Rs. :n crorl', ~howing an inl-red~e of nearly Rs. <} crore from the previous year,
an inerl'.bl' largl'ly on account of (devaluation), the noose we \...'ore round our
Iwck on u.s. ad\·iCl'. \Ve notice also a high proportion of allowances and
diserl'tionary l'xpl'nditure tll the pay of officers, which is to the extent of
Rs. -16 lakh and Rs. 163 lakh rl'spl'ctiwly, to Rs. 35 lakh in their Secretariat,
.1I1d it is much largl'r in thl' Embd~sil's, which is to the extent of Rs. 193 lakh
and Rs. 206 I.lkh, to ({s. 3Y lakh. It requires some explaining, particularly
wl1l'n our country, is so short of funds.
We hd\"t.', anlllng our forl'ign reprl'sl'ntations, such organisations as the
Iligh Commi~sion in London, and we h.1\·e yet to meet anybody, any Indian
in tlw U.K., who has ,1 good word to say about the High Commission. The
ofiicials tl1l're, who gwn'l wlwn t1 Minister of sorts appears on the scene,
ignored llr tril'd to patronize artists like Balasardswati and Ali Akbar Khan.
The l11l'mory still rankll's, in regard to the mannerisms pursued by the people
in our High Commission in London.
It is notable also that tlw moral authority, which ought to emanate from
principled pursuit of policy, is l'ntirdy absent so far as the Ministry of External
Affairs is cOIKl,rt1l'd. So, Wl' dis(on'r a Rt'ita Faria snooking her thumb at
Shri Ch.lgla and going of l'ntertaining the Neo-Fascist American soldiery in
Vietnam, and also Zubin Mehta, whom our President has decorated, extending
his alll'giance from Wt'sh.'rn music to western political policies and jubilantly
taking part in Tel Aviv demonstrations which were held in order to celebrate
the victory of Israel, which had brutally attacked and killed Indians in the
United Nations Expeditionary Force.
I must, however, have a good word for the Government's West Asia
policy, which quite understandably, has come under fire from the distinguished
representatives of Reaction, with a big 'R'. If I attempt, even remotely, to
answer some of the fairy tales which they have so cleverly tried to cOn\'ey,
• LS. Dc/1., 15 July 1967. [Participating in the debate on the Demands for Grants for the Ministry
of External Affairs for 1967-68, Shri Mukerjl'l' also spoke on 23 March 1954, 28 March 1956,
1 April 1965,22 April and 26 April 1966,4 April 1%8,7 April and 8 April 1970,25 April 1972,
25 April 1973, 15 April 1975 and 4 July 1976 on Demands for Grants for the Ministry of
External Affairs).
423
I shall be diverting my time. I must say that the Government has played (In
honourable role in consistently opposing Israeli aggression and upholding
the cause of Arab people. The Arab people, who live in the world's most
strategic area, the cross-roads of Asia, Europe and Africa, were fighting for
freedom from the yoke of imperialism, who, lured by oil which gl'.uS their
power machine, want to keep them in \·.uieties of subjection.
Who would not have lively sympathy for the Jewish pl'ople who ha\'t~
suffered throughout the Centuries massi\'e agony and anguish in spite of the
tremendous talent which they possess. But nobody in the know of world
events, unless they choose to shut their eyes like some of my hon. fril'nds
there, can belie\'e that Israel is a sort of innoCl'nt, little lamb set ,lnlOng big
bad wolves. Israel is, on the contrary, the American Trojan horse pl,lI1tl'd in
the Arab world-the superbly armed l'ncla\'e of intl'rnational Zionism,
perennial pistol aimed straight at the heart of Arab ffl'l'dom.
I am told, I read somewhere in some reputable journal, that tl1l'rl' is an
insolent inscription at the main gate of Israel's Parliament, KI1l'SSl't, which
says:
"Out State extends from the Euphrates to the Nile."
It is an irony of history that exactly like the Hitlt'r fascists, at whosl'
hands the Jews have suffered the most unspeakably horrid torturl's, the over-
weening Israeli aggressors, aided and abetted by the L'nih.'d Statl's, the Unitl'd
Kingdom and West Germany, in particular, are spouting notoriolls Nazi
shioboleths of geopolitics, of lebCllsrlllllll, of a 'new order' and vital 'frontil'rs'
in the Middle East.
We have just heard something about the Israeli tn.'atment of Palestinian
refugees, which has been infamous. Their behaviour towiHds the forcibly
driven out population of Gaza, Jerusalem and other areas and also against
non-combatant civilians generally is a cruel disgraCl'. Like the soil of
Vietnam, the soil of the land of the Arab peoples has also bel'n drenched with
napalm and terrible crimes against the civilian population have been and are
being perpetrated.
We hear of Western Powers having a guilt complex about the persecution
of Jews and so befriending Israel. If they really feIt guilty, and since they are
concerned only with European ]ewry,-and they do not care for Indian Jews
who went and found out what their experience was in that part of the world-
if they care only for European Jewry who dominate Israel, why did they not
carve out a slice from Nazi Germany after the victory ovt'r them and set it
up as a Jewish State? No, their intention has been and still is to lise
international Zionism as a weapon of imperialism.
So, the recent ugly happenings are all part of a single imperialist plot
whose monstrous face we face from the Mekong river to the Sinai desert.
I am glad we played our role in the UN, but the resolution sponsored by
non-aligned countries failed to get the required two-thirds majority, for the
very obvious redson that the United States bent on protecting her clients
opposed the proposition. The simple resolution had asked no more than that
br,wl should rl'linquish h.'rritorial gains secured through aggression. Apart
from the fact that this is an undisguised attempt to legitimise aggressive,
Unitl'd Stall's has indicated by her attitude in the United Nations and also
t'lSl'Whe rl' in thl' past that at no time is she going to give up a cold war
ad\'antagl'. My fril'l1ds of the Jan Sangh and others should better take note
of it in rl'gard to our rt'lations with Pakistan.
We haw Sl'l'n in the Unitl'd :-":ations under the leadership of the United
Statl's a brut,ll display of realpolitik, and if all nations go about in this
particular f,lshion, thl'n good-bye to peace and to hopes of the future of
humanitv.
India's st,lI1d on this issue has bel'n basically correct, although from time
ill tillW on account of the fl'ar that she may be rapped O\'er the knuckles in
I"l'gard to AIl1l'rican aid, she has muted her criticism of the US and British
positions. We haH' a habit, it sel'ms of taking firm positions and then watering
it dll\\n stage by stagl'. We haH' to aHlid it if we want to maintain our image
as ,1 rl'ally l'ffl'ctin' country. Imml'diate healthy reactions are toned down
when the effect on aid programows is recalled. And ludicrous as it may
Sl'l'm, l'H'n Pakist,lI1 has managl'd to gl't almost as much kudos in the United
:-":,ltillns as India has got. In regard to this aid, we h,1\"e got this Bell report.
TIll' slog,m in this country should ha\'e been and should be at the present
mOIlll'nt 'To hell with Bl'lI' and "II that sort of thing, if aid-gin'rs try to
dominatl' our plllicy. But, llf WurSl', Wl' get frightened and we get cold feet
,lI1d that is why in thl' United Nations and elsewhere, we sometimes fail to
kl't'p up to the PllSturl' that we ought to keep up. We must rl'sist unprincipled
comprombl's. The issue must be isolated as one of Israeli \'acation of
aggrl'ssion. All otlll'r questions are secondary and can be taken up separately
later on.
With the dfrontt'rv that wows naturally to itself, United States imperialists
pretend to advicl' us to make up with Pakistan. My hon. friend Shri Bal Raj
Madhok should notl' that the prime reason for our bad relations with Pakistan
is not that Pakistan is wicked and we are innocent and dO\'e-like and pure
and all that. He himself comes from West Pakistan and the people there are
of tht' same sort as he is, and he is a very good man as we know. It is not
bl'cause Pakistan is wicked and we are absolutely on top of the tree, the
prime reason for our bad relations with Pakistan is the American boosting by
American arms to brow-beat India out of non-alignment.
We shall settle our problems bilaterally, not because we are told to do it

by Bell or whoever it might be. To these wolves who put on sheep's clothing
from time to time in order to bamboozle us, we should know what to do. But
unfortunately, my friend Shri Chagla-I am glad he has come back; I did not
want to say anything behind his back-has from time to time, particularly
recently, begun to specialize in making fal/x pas. I was astonished the day
before yesterday when he allowed himself to be hectored and bamboozled
by strident voices in certain parts of the House, and in regard to an area
where he himself said there were disputes which were pending. Of course,
Pakistan had done something wrong which we are trying to resist. He was
asked by Shri Prakash Vir Shastri: 'Would you throw the Pakistanis out?'
I am quoting his statement reported on 14 July, 'Yes, Sir', replied Shri Chagla,
'if that becomes necessary'. He should throw the Pakistanis out! I do not
know. Shri Chagla should remember Tashkent. Shri Chagla has been, and is,
a great lawyer. In international life as well as in personal relationships, if you
come for equity, you must come with very clean hands. Don't in the House
of Parliament talk in this fashion. It is not done; it should not be done. It
gives a completely wrong impression of the policy of our country abroad. We
all have a responsibility in regard to this kind of thing. Does he not remember
the unfortunate remarks Pandit Nehru was goaded into making in Colombo
in August or September, 1962 which reverberated everywhere? Wherever
you go, you are confronted with that statement. It was praised out of the
mouth of Jawaharlal Nehru. And here in this House is Shri Chagla, in answer
to an interjection, talking in this fashion.
*** *** ***
... Therefore, I say, in regard to Pakistan, let us not imagine that we are
going to have eternal enmity with Pakistan or with China or any other country
on this planet for that matter. It cannot be so. Particularly, in regard to Pakistan,
if what the President says from time to time, what the Prime Minister says
from time to time and what Shri Chagla also says from time to time, is
seriously meant, it is important that we go on taking initiatives for an
understanding. Our people need it; our people wish it. They want trade; they
want cultural relations. I come from a part of India which is next door to
East Pakistan (Bangladesh), where we speak the same language and we want
to come nearer to each other. Talk is heard in this House about a possible
confederation. It is very much in the future, in the remote future. But here
and now we do not take initiatives.
In regard to Kashmir, we merely go on saying that we would not discuss

it. For how long are you going to keep up face before the world? Why don't
you release Sheikh Abdullah? Why don't we do it at this point of time? What
was the initiative which Jawaharlal Nehru had in mind before he did? Or are
his successors so puny that they merely jump about in pathetic bravado,
knowing very well that they cannot pursue in action what their words seem
to purport, overtaken by events and unable to steer their way out of stress
and strain? It is a very serious matter. This kind of thing happens over and
over again.
Again I found Shri Chagla yesterday-and very rightly Shri Masani as

well as Shri Madhok gloated over it; if I were in their place, I would also
have gloated over it-here in this House speaking on behalf of Government
in a manner which suggested that the country accepted the position in regard
to Tibet, in regard to 'Chinese imperial exploitation of Tibet' or 'something
like that which was mooted in the resolution before the House. When he
spoke, he talked about 'cultural genocide'. I do not want to go into detail. But
Tibet is not an 'out of this world' unified monolithic theocracy devoted to the
pursuit of Ilirml/a. Tibet is very much part of world class and clan society in
the last stages of decay, riven by sharp conflict, addicted to barbarous
punishments and saturated with superstition, corruption, blood feuds and
factional maneuvers in which more than one mundane imperialist power
took an active part. And there a revolution comes; a change takes place. But
in regard to Tibet, he talks about 'cultural genocide'!
He talks glibly-I will put him on the mat-about the "containment of

China". Jawaharlal Nehru never used that kind of expression. He deliberately
would say: I shy away from that kind of thing. It is an expression coined by
perhaps a former friend of Shri Chagla, because he was ambassador in
Washington, Mr. Kennen who formulated this word-containment of China
Shri Chagla perhaps shares the American obsessive fear of communism and
is reconciled to the idea of America appointing itself as the custodian of the
world. But of course things do not happen in that kind of way. And so what
do we do? We take brave postures. We do not take the country into confidence,
even this Parliament, in regard to the nuclear non-proliferation business.
Even now we do not quite know what the Government has in mind. We
know China has gone ahead and has got the hydrogen bomb and God knows
what other enormity and similar powers of destruction. Peace hangs today
on the balance of terror in the world. It is made somewhat more precarious
by the latest Chinese performance.
I would like to say one thing. However, we may view China and her
recent ways-we have condemned here, one and all of us, admiration for this
achievement has to be there as today we are still playing fifth fiddle to
western technology. In China things are happening which suggest almost
some kind of anarchy over there. But they have done this kind of thing
which after all is a very big technological achievement. We have a right to be
indignant. Indignation, impatience and even impetuosity is understandable
when such incidents take place as it did in relation to the contact between
India and China. On either side much steam has been let off and some of the
doings on our side were not particularly crt.'ditable either and they are made
worse by our propensity towards a pose of moral superiority. It is a problem
of a statesmanship and Shri Chagla must try to rise to the height of the
occasion and the opportunity which he has got as the Ministl'r of External
Affairs of this country. Will it be right to proceed on the assumption that
China and for that matter Pakistan also will continue for en'r and en'r to be
actuated by external malice towards India? China has other and much greater
worries. Her present stance is wicked, it is mischie\'ous, it is anti-Sm'iet and
to that extent it is upsetting the cause of our fighting against imperialism.
Shri Surendra Pal Singh who is having apprenticeship in foreign affairs is
laughing, for heaven knows what reason. If he is serious about India's Wt'st
Asia policy-I haw my doubts about it and I have doubts about so many of
the crowd over there if he is serious about West Asia policy, hl' should know
who is trying to put up a fight for freedom and fight against imperialism, It
is the Soviets who are leading that fight all over the world. That is bl'ing
di\'erted and distorted by certain things which China is doing, by Chint.'se
postures, by Chinese perversities which are taking the attention of the people
away from serious anti-imperialist tasks. These things ha\'e got to be
remembered. Whatever our feelings in regard to China, we ought to know
that her present stance is aimed primarily at the world's richest and most
powerful country, the United States. It makes no bones about its intentions
towards China, It is significant that the United States and its friends would
want the Arabs to recognise Israel but the United Statl's refuses to recognise
the existence of China, recognises instead Taiwan, Taiwan which has been a
part of China for many hundreds of years before Columbus discovered the
continent of America.
Let us not raise unrealistic expectations in regard to what we can do

about the bomb. We have neither the money nor the power; it is neither
practicable nor desirable for us to join this ugly competition. We are signatories
to the Moscow Treaty. Let us hope the Minister would tell us that we are
working for nuclear free zones-not anything like the umbrella which can be
a very doubtful proposition but nuclear free zones-and ultimately for nuclear
and other kinds of disarmament. I am not sure if we should sign on the
dotted line if there is any particular hurry in regard to the non-proliferation
treaty. We should retain our independent right to a course of conduct of our
own, But we should not go in for this kind of insensible competition for
having the deterrent weapon in our hand. This augmentation of weapon
means nothing but the death of civilisation.
Now, admittedly, a modus vivendi with China is to be worked for. If we

give it up and get under one or the other umbrella and indulge in heroic
words which we cannot translate into action, it will be a tragedy. Patience is

called for; the stakes are very high, and it would not do to play into the
hands of the certain people who have their own mischievous motivations.
Now, I refer to the problem of our Himalayan neighbours, and of the
people who are our own in the submontane regions. Do we know, for instance,
what is going on inside Sikkim? I read a cryptic American comment; "we
have two enclan's--one in Sikkim and the other in Morocco."
And I hl'ar in the international tourist year which we are encouraging,
there arl' hordes of Americans going there. And inside Sikkim, the political
tangle is there. The Government should know more about it than I do, of
course. But v\"e here about it. We never get this tangle straightened out. The
\'\'hole thing is there; it is the link up: NEFA, Nagaland the Mizos and the hill
people are there. Our friend Shri S\·\,ell wrote an article lately where he has
trit'd to say something important. The whole thing is linked up, but the
Government's approach is ad 1I0c; first, there is force and then there is an
attempt at persuasion. Neither force does the trick nor persuasion. Then the
GllH'rnment is in the soup and t:'\'erytime something is said: they gitter and
dodder, mumble and tumble, and then ultimately nothing happens, and
nothing brings out a dl'ar elucidation of the Government's position .
...... .. .... ......
I am exprl'ssing a point of view which hardly gets represented. All O\'er
our earth we see today the evidence of the arrogance and folly of seeking to
impose a Pax Americana upon a world which does not want it and does not
accept it. In Korea, in Vietnam, against Cambodia, whose friendship we seem
to spurn these days, the American interventionists diabolically carryon their
activities. Our Minister's soft heart cries out at the sorrows of Tibet, that the
pl'ople are suffering. Naturally, our sympathies are roused, and I could respect
that sorrow, howe\'er, even more if he had ever diplomatically expressed
himself, even as U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, has
done regarding the American barbarity in Vietnam, barbarity which in volume
and character is the most horrific record in human history. The bombing of
North Vieh1am has been on a scale which is much larger than in World War
II, and there has been the uttermost refinement of cruelty in such things like
the use of napalm, poison gas and anti -personnel fragmentaticn bombs and
cutting of dykes and poisoning of the waters. Defying all that, the people of
Vietnam are fighting. It is an epic story which can hardly be described. Let
the Government do something tangible: Let it tell the United States
permanently to stop bombing of North Vietnam and refrain from other acts
of war-that is the expression used in an important North Vietnam
statement-"other acts of war". And let this be done unequh'ocally before 20
July when the Geneva agreement anniversary is to be celebrated. In the
meantime, do not put a ban on the democratic Vietnamese publicity while

you allow Chester Bowles to have the run of the place as far as our country
is concerned.
Why do we not fully recognise the GDR? Why is it that whl'n Wl'St
Germany is a friend of South Africa and of Rhodesia with which Britain has
formed such d wonderful link, we do not rl'cognise CDR? Why don't we
have a Consul-General in the GDR? Why can't our tradl' reprl'sl'ntatiH' in
Berlin ha\·e same kind of status even as thl' CDR rl'presentatiH' has got in
this country? Then, why don't we haw a full-fledgt.'d l'mbassy in l\1l1l1g0li,1?
It won't be liked by China. Go ahead \vith it. Mongolia is a friendly country.
Why don't you hd\·e a full-fledged embassy there? When Shrimati Indira
Gandhi was there in 1965, she promised that it would bl' done in a few
month's time.
Now, I will just conclude by refl'rring to one more matter. A few mlmths
ago, at Poona-I think it is your home town--(lI1e of our mentionablt,
diplomats, Shri A.B. Pant, had spoken about our forl'ign policy and he said
that in the Middle East, people look upon India as a sick l'It.'phant; he added
that we have ceased to be an elephant and we are getting rid of our sickness.
I do not like the idea of being called an elephant, noble as that Cfl'ature is.
,.,.,. ++,. >t,.,.
I do not want to be flabby that way. I do not want to be tamed by the

power, who lure us by their "aid" and make us pt.'rform all kinds of tricks
at their dictate. I want India to have a straight, clean, strong, principled
foreign policy. Even though I agree with Government entirely in so far as
their West Asia policy is concerned, I do discover in Government's policy so
many lacunae, so many shortcomings, so many deficiencies and so many
hesitancies, and in the Minister's personal conduct in this House in regard to
certain pronouncements so many doubtful and dangerous things that I have
to issue a stem note of warning and I do hope Government will give us some
satisfaction.
RECOGNITION OF GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC*
Last timl', I rl'ad out my rl'solution, which is to the effect that this House
is of opinion th,lt thl' Cm'ernment of India should accord immediately full
diploll1,ltic recognition to the Cerman Democratic Republic, I hope to be able
to Sl'Curl' soml' positin.' response from the Cm'ernment in regard to the
proposition I ,lin putting forward and I t'xpect that there should be some
positin.' responsl' on point of principle as well as for reasons of practicality.
On both tlwse cllunts, tl1l're is no reason why we should not fully recognise
tlw Cerman Ul'mocratic Rl'public without any further delay. In my \'iew,
already ddtly h,lS bl'en unconscionabk' and unworthy l)f our country.
Thert' is, as a mattl'r of fact, some kind of de ,ftllto recognition for quite
Sllmt' tinw as far as India and CDR are concerned and there is a large number
of friendly exchangl's bl't\H'('n our two countries. We ha\"e had officials trade
agrl'l'nwnts since 145-l ,1I1d up to 146-l, trade increased tenfold to Rs. 240
million. CDR, as a friendly country, was the first among the different countries
to introduce rupl'e payment in its trade with India, thus helping us in our
fOTl'ign l'xlhange difficultit's. In No\'t:'mber, 1963, we had a shipping agreement.
In February, 196-l, we had a cultural agreement.
The late Prime Minister of CDR Otto Crotowohl \'isited India. The
President of the CDR Parliaml'nt has been to this country twice. Ministers
and otht'r ~'l('rsonalitil's including thl' CDR Foreign Minister Otto Winzer
have visited this (ountry.
I particularly .."anted to say, Sir, if you do not mind, that you have been
among those dignitaries in our country who have been very hospitable to
some of these visitors, like the Foreign Minister, Otto Winzer who was here
only the other day.
As early as 22 and 23 August, 1961 Jawaharlal Nehru said in Parliament
some very important things in relation to the position as between India and
CDR. He wanted the country to take note of the fact of the existence of the
two Germanys. He stressed that there should be a clear acceptance of the
post-war frontier, specially the Oder-Niesse frontier with Poland, thereby
demarcating this country away from the attitude taken by the Federal Republic
·L.S. Orb., 3 May 1968 [Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 19 April 1968 on a similar subject).
431
of Germany. Jawaharlal Nehru also stressed the danger of militarism and of

nuclear armament of West Germany and he spoke in regard to the utmost
importance of a peaceful settlement through negotiations. nll'se idl'as of
Jawaharlal Nehru were reiterated by Lal Bahadur Shastri at the conclusion of
his Soviet visit in May 1965. If the Prime Minister was hen', she would han:,
recalled that at the conclusion of her visit to the USSR in 1966, she had
repeated those same principles in regard to the two Germanys.
In spite of this reiteration of this policy and principle for more th,m
7 years now, the negati\'e stage of things persists. The Glwernment of India
does not recognize the GDR diplomatically. The Government of India dOl'S
not e\'en ha\'e consular relations with that country. The Glwernnll'nt of India
has not en:'n a trade representative in Berlin on a normal Governmental
level.
There are no official Government agreements with CDR and the
GO\'ernment of India confines itself to exchange of letters only. Sir, n'ry
irritating things happen. For instance, GO\'ernment of India does not recognise
GDR passports but issues its visas on special sheets of paper. GOH'rnment of
India does not permit its Minister to go. My friend Shri Bhagat if he wants
to go would not be able to go in response to official invitations which are
always there. But GDR ministers when they come they ~ee the Prime Minister,
they see you, Sir, and other dignitaries but e\'erything is unofficial, they are
not official calls.
If we had a truly non-aligned independent foreign policy it means that
we treat the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic
Republic equally and recognise the reality of the two German States. If we
had a really independent foreign policy it would have involved that we do
not give preferential treatment, internationally speaking, to the Federal
Republic and discriminate against GDR. If we had an independent foreign
policy it would have meant automatically that we reject, what is called, the
Hallstein Doctrine, that scare-crow which frightens nobody today but a
doctrine which implies interference in the internal affairs of other States. If
we had an independent foreign policy we would not be bowing down to
West German blackmail which is being practised with impunity for so many
years.
In common with GDR we have so many things-the idea of anti-
colonialism and anti-imperialism, the idea of the peaceful settlement of
disputes, the idea of co-operation with and support to all States. On the
contrary, with the Federal Republic of Germany we have nothing in common.
I am not asking for severance of diplomatic relations with that country. It is
on the map, it is there and it has to be recognised. But if there is a
question of affinity, economic, moral or whatever else it might be, with the
Federal Republic of Germany, we have nothing whatever in common. It is a

militarist and fascist State. President Luebke has been accused of having
bet.'n a war criminal and even American experts have come forward to give
evidence in that regard. I was myself in Buchenwald Concentration Camp
and I saw there material relative to the invoh'ement of Chancellor Kiesinger
in regard to action which dubbed him as war criminal. There is no doubt
about it. That is why when I returned from Germany last year in November.
I was ashamed to see the portrait of that man, that unfamiliar portrait adorning
the road from Palam airport. I do not understand what has happened to the
country of Jawaharlal Nehru who ",.,.hen the Nazis took over Vienna could
not e\"t:'n rest when he went to the Himalavan resort of Khali because he
ht.'ard "the tread of barbarian feets" in the lovely streets of Vienna. I wonder
what has happened to the country of Jawaharlal Nehru where Kiesinger can
be acd,linwd as a guest to be welcomed so wonderfully.
Tlwre is an axis, Shri Bhagat ought to know, of the \Vest German State,
with Lisbon and Pretoria and Salisbury--of course, London and Washington
Iwed not be mentioned. They are using it to influence our policy. That is \·\'hy
they art.' making us discriminate against the GDR. Why are we afraid? The
GDR has made good. It had got a \"ery difficult inheritance but it has made
a \'l'ry big sucn'ss of its job so much so that the Guardiall, the liberal English
newspaper wrote nn 26 September 1967.
"for a state which, as far as the West is concerned, does not exist, the
GDR is doing right well. ]n fact it is no exaggeration to characterise its
economic progrt'ss as the East German economic miracle. East Germany
is working and flourishing. It would be harmful to us to O\'erlook this
market."
This is what the British say. Why do we tn'at this country the fifth industria]
state in Europe and the eighth in the world, a country which has a socialist
constitution only recently ratified by an overwhelming popular \'ote, a country
run by a national front including different parties with which you, Sir, are
familiar, in this way? My friend, Shri Madhu Limaye is here. He has seen the
working of how that coalition performs its jobs. It is a country where there
is some kind of co-existence also between the private sector and the public
sector in a fashion which should be an eye-opener to honest capitalist elements
in this country if there are any.
But with that country we do not seem to have any truck. We are afraid.
Government is in fear and trembling, because Bonn would penalise them.
My submission is that this fear is absolutely foolish; it is not only an injury
to our pride, to our self-respect as a country, but it is a foolish and practically
an utterly insane idea that Bonn Cdn penalise us.
I will give you the example of Yugoslavia, which establish full diplomatic
relations with GDR in 1957. The Bonn Republic demonstratively broke off
diplomatic relations with Yugoslavia, to punish Yugoslavia. Bonn had to eat

the humble pie when the facts of life ruled out such impudence. Let us not
imagine that they can do this dirty trick on us because we happen to be
truckling down to them from time to time. If Yugoslavia is too distant, let us
take the case of Burma. In 1960 Burma exchange Consulates-General with
GDR. West Germany protested for the time being but in Rangoon, in 1962,
two years afterwards, West Germany raised her representation to the status
of an Embassy in Burma. They had to eat the humble pie. In February 1964
Ceylon" exchanged Consulates-General with GDR. Bonn threatened for the
time being stoppage of all aid. Ceylon stood firm. Ceylon showed that moral
calibre which we do not dare show. Ceylon stood firm and rejected the Bonn
demand saying that this sort of thing should not be done at all. Threats did
not work with Ceylon. But, in our case, threats appear still to be working,
which is rather shameful. We should eliminate it.
All the Socialist countries have full-scale embassies in GDR. A country
like UAR or Combodia have special representation with diplomatic status. In
Cairo the GDR has a Government Commissioner who has got the powl'rs of
an Ambassador Plenipotentiary. Consulates-General were exchanged between
GDR and Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia, Iran, Syria, Tanzania and Yemen. Official
trade representations are there in Algeria, Brazil, Finland, Guinea, Lebanon,
Morocco, Sudan and Urugway. Mali has also joined it last year. Then, there
are Trade Missions and so on and so forth from many other countries. We do
not have anything; nothing at all and perhaps they are thinking of some
footling little thing which might be more of an irritant than anything else.
GDR has her trade representation in New Delhi. We do not reciprocate
even that gesture. We do not have a trade representation in Berlin. Even UK,
France, Sweden, Belgium and Netherlands have found it necessary to have
representation of their chamber of foreign trade. But we have, of course,
nothing of that sort and I do not know what the Government has in mind.
Bonn is still trying its blackmail against some countries like Switzerland,
Sweden and India. Against this we have got to fight. Because, the idea is
quite clear. What they have in mind is quite clear from what appeared in a
Big Money paper in the Federal Republic of Germany, one of the Springer
Trust papers. The Springer Publication Unit have published dastardly articles
against which the students in Berlin are demonstrating, led by a youngman
called Dutschki, and the whole of Berlin is in flames. One of these papers, Die
Walt, reported the ruling party's foreign policy idea in these words:
"Bonn could not renounce the use of diplomatic and economic deterrents
in the future when countries of the third world might try to use the
Belgrade example as an alibi for also exchanging Ambassadors with East
Berlin./I
·Now known as Sri Lanka

Even Switzerland is sought to be portrayed as a Communist country, if

it dares to have diplomatic exchange with GDR. Against this, a newspaper
of Zurich, Volksrccht wrote something which I quote:
"In recognizing foreign governments Switzerland has always based itself

on the question as to whether they really exercise territorial rights over
the territory of their state. Furthermore, it makes constant efforts, because
of its policy of neutrality, to extend its relations universally. Nobody can
dispute that the Government of the GDR really exercises government
power on its territory. This means that the prerequisites for recognition
are present."
But in spite of that they are being threatened by Bonn as long as they are
in a position to threaten.
India is the biggest Afro-Asian country. India is a country which professes

non-alignment as a matter of principle which, she says, she cherishes. But
our practice as regards relations with the GDR are at the lowest level in the
group of non-aligned Afro-Asian countries.
They talk about imprm·ing the image of India abroad. \Vhere? In which
country, if in Afro-Asian countries there is an impression that India is so
beholden to the mighty dollar? God knows what has happened to the self-
respect of India that she treats a country in this discriminating fashion.
And the reason is quite obvious. It is fear of Bonn. Then, surely, all the
brave talk about national integration and appearing before the world outside
as an integrated country and all the rest of it would make not much sense.
That is why one has to behave in foreign policy matters at least, where India
had a bettl'r tradition in the past, differently. In foreign policy matters at least
India should behave differently.
Why must we act out of fear? I have said it often in this House that if
Gandhiji taught us anything, it was not non-violence which nobody really
and truly is able to practise in real life but he taught us abhaya, fearlessness
of whoe\·er might stand up against us. If we have right on our side, we need
not be afraid. But this Government is afraid. They are pusillanimous; they
shake in their shoes and appear as if in fear and trembling because the might
dollar is there. Therefore with the dollar-supported Mark doing some damage,
we behave as they told us to behave.
The Federal Republic of Germany is extracting a price from us. They are
giving "aid" to us and they make a lot of song and dance about the Bonn
"aid" to this country. The annual trade turnover is roughly of Rs. 1,000 million
and involves a heavy deficit for us, to the extent of Rs. 700 million to
Rs. 800 million a year. They have collaboration agreements which are so
much liked by most members of the Cabinet which lead to all sorts of things
like the Fakhmddin Ali Ahmed incident and that sort of absurdity. They
have these collaboration agreements and economic intluence is deliberately
used to obstmct normalising of relations with the USSR. The correct attitude
is shown by Yugoslavia, Burma and Ceylon, who have made the Bonn
Republic capitulate and swallow the Hallstein nonsense. But we ha\'e not
tried to do anything in that regard,
In spite of our economic contact with the two Germanies, we have a \'l~ry
adverse balance of trade with the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1961-62
the ad\'erse balance amounted to Rs. 97,53,00,000; in 1965-66 the ad\l'rse
balance rose to Rs. 1,18,74,00,000 and from June 1966 tn February 1967 the
adverse balance was Rs. 94,71,00,000.
On the contrary, the balance of trade with the GDR is favourable as far
as we are concerned. In 1962-63 it was Rs. 57 lakh in our faH)Ur; in 196-1-65
it was Rs. 4 crore in our fa\'our; in 1965-66 it was Rs. 69 lakh in our fa\'our
and from June 1966 to February 1967 it was Rs. 7 lakh in our fan)Ur.
India is a principal overseas trade partner of the GDR. India was the
biggest exhibitor at the Leipzing Fair, We have had a new long-term trade
and payments agreement extended to 1968 as a result of an agreement signed
in Berlin in November 1967. The GDR, in spite of being a highly advanced
industrial country, is ready and willing and is showing its readiness by action
to buy all sorts of things and at the present moment there is a \'ery good
pOSSibility of our exporting railway wagons to the GDR as we are doing to
the Soviet Union.
On account of all these things and so many other points which I need not
expatiate, I feel that in all right-minded thinking it does not stand to rt'ason
that we discriminate between the two Germanies. As I said earlier, I am not
asking for us to have no relations with West Germany, much as I dislike it.
I detest the mling group in that country which is reviving fascism in a manner
which is becoming patent in everyday news. But that is no reason for me to
suggest to the Government that we have no relations at diplomatic level with
Bonn. That reminds me that sometime ago a leader of the Jana Sangh,
Shri M.L. Sondhi-he does know a thing or two about international relations
and there was a discussion held in this House on 8 December, 1967 on
Dr. Kiesinger's flight over Pakistan-occupied Kashmir-was terribly annoyed
and very rightfully annoyed and he referred to a book by Franz Josef Strauss,
called The Grand Oesign-A European Solution to German Reunification, which
he quoted in regard to the Hallstein Doctrine, being what it is, and then he
said angrily to the Prime Minister:
"May I ask whether it is not a fact that the West Germans provide music
for the Government of India and for the city of Delhi while military,
diplomatic and strategic support is being promised and provided to
Pakistani revanchists and jelzadists? Does the Prime Minister now consider
that the German action has the real purpose of forcing India to acquiesce
in Pakistani aggression by pressurising India to accept a certain
intl'rnational settlement which is in the making and of which we are
getting some straws in the wind? May I ask pointedly why the External
Affairs Ministry did not inquire as to what are the guarantees of German
neutrality on the Kashmir question? May I ask why is India tied down
to Hallstein doctrine? May I ask, finally why was the Indian High
Commissioner in no hurry to lodge a protest?"
The German Democratic Republic was the first foreign country to stand
by India when India had trouble with China in October/Nm-ember 1962.
The German Democratic Republic is pursuing the really creative traditions of
Germany; Germany the land of Marx and Engels; Germany, the land of the
great Indologists, and a country which, after all the sufferings and agencies
of two World Wars is 11m\' trying to build socialism.
I submit that my Resolutions should be accepted by Glwernment because

I want to ask: Will India fence herself away from contact with this superb
new phenomenon, the socialism being built with characteristic thoroughness
by the German people, the people to whom belong Marx and Engels? Are we
to make friends with a Germany reborn, ready and able to build on the
foundations of peace and human happiness or are we merely to hang on to
the coattails of the revanchists, neo-imperialists and neo-Nazis of Bonn? That
is a question which we have to answer.
Let Government come forward and say that far too long we haH? dallied
with this question_ What Jawaharlal Nehru said in August 1961 remains tl)
be redeemed-here in 1968. I suggest that the House do accept this Resolution
and GOVt:'rnment acts accordingly.
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
I am very grateful to the House for ha\'ing given such very wide support
to the resolution which I had brought forward. I wish I could say that I do
genuinely appreciate whatever difficulties hinder the hon. Minister from
coming forward more openly, ,1S I think he ought to, to associate himself with
the fairly well expn'ssed opinion of the House, but he says he has his
difficulties and ( have to take him at that.
I am sorry that the seriousness of the discussion was to a certain extent

vitiated by the intervention of a Member who is popular with us all and
who, whenever he speaks, reminds me of what was said in Sanskrit, namely:
'Amritam bnalnblzalzital1l' which that whatever is said by a child is nectar. We
did not usually take his observations too seriously.
I do not know why he chose to deliver himself of his pet views, the result
being that a mouse came out of a mountain. In the radiant light of a world
where Vietnam has shown how the most powerful and prosperous country
in the world cannot defeat the forces of liberty; the mouse of anti-Communism
which hides its head in a hole came out only in order to disturb the
proceedings of this debate.
I was asked also by some venerable members like Acharya Kripalani: 'Do
you do this? What do you say in regard to the recognition of Taiwan?' Of
course, I say, 'No, it is not necessary for us, it is not in conformity with
principle for us to recognise Taiwan'. But in so far as the GD.R. is concerned,
I have no time to repeat what I have said earlier that on principle as well as
for practical reasons we should do it. The only reason which used to hindl'r
Jawaharlal Nehru, as far as we could understand him, was thl' recognition of
GD.R. at that particular point of time-which was 1961 might bedevil the
waters of European politics and, therefore, we should not do anything hastily.
But seven years have passed. Do we contribute to the idea of European
security by recognising the Bonn Republic and not recognising G.O.R.? How
do we help it? It does not help it.
That is why I say it is necessary that we do something in this regard.

Besides, in view of the growing cultural, commercial and other relations
between our two countries which are beneficial to us, it is most important
that we do not humiliate GD.R. virtually by refusing to recognise it.
For instance, their Ministers who come here cannot travel on the kind of
passport which you carry with you when you go abroad. This is a sort of
thing which should be put an end to. There is no reason why we should not
recognise G.D.R. and, therefore, I feel the Government should shed its
hesitations.
But my purpose in bringing this Resolution was to bring this matter

under the scrutiny of the House. It is extremely gratifying that members of
the House from different parts of the House have expressed themselves in
favour of the Resolution for one reason or for another. Even the Minister has
suggested, even though in a halting way, that he has sympathy with the idea
of the Resolution, and he cannot go any farther.
I am sorry the Prime Minister is disabled, by her having gone to Bhutan

or Sikkim or somewhere up in the Himalayas to be present here. If she had
been here, we possibly might have got her to make a more definitive
pronouncement in regard to some tentative steps which they can take. At
least they can open a State Trading Corporation office in a very different way
than they are doing at the present moment. He has not suggested one single
concrete step which would be a step in the direction of recognition in the
near future.
That is why while I am disappointed with his speech, I do not propose

to press this Resolution, because I do not wish to let idea abroad that the
House dOl'S not support it. The House does support it and that is why I do
not press it.
BIRTH OF BANGLADESH*
\'1r. Speaker, Sir, this is, as ylH\ said, an t.'xcl'ptinn,11 on'-,lsilln wlwn you
will perhaps permit the expression of thl' l'ml)tion of our pl'Oplt' in rl'gtlrd to
something which has happt.'ned which goes against the grain \)f all hutn,Hl
decencv.
Bangladesh, to which so many of us here in this House also bl'long, is

bleeding in a thousand wounds because the people of East Beng.ll h,lH' risl'n
in a kind of re\'olution almost \vithout prt.'cl'dent in history and ,lrl' nnw
being sought to be punished by those Whl) do not know anything but tl1l' 1,1W
of the jungle.
Sir, in East Bengal, what had happened was of a grl',lt dl'al morl'
significance than what the Government's statl'ment Sl'l'ms to makt' out. In
spite of the natural inhibition which must be in whate\ l'r CO\"l'rnnll.'nt is
functioning in this country, I cannot understand why thl' wording of till'
statement is so lifeless and how even the evaluation of what has hap~1l'ned
in East Bengal was so much against the true state of f<lcts. What happened
in East Bengal is something almost unprecedented in history. It \\'as <l
revolution by consent. It was as a result of the ballot that <l preponderant,
overwhelming section of the population, in a measure which has ne\"l'r taken
place in the history of elections, expressed themst'l\'es in fan)Ur of till'
autonomous rights of that province. There took place spectacles which at
least a country which sweats by the name of Gandhi should salute in the
manner that is called for at the present moment of timl'.
You know how when the hartal took place in Dacca and tht.' rest of East
Bengal from the Chief Justice down to the Governor's cook, everybody stopped
work. The person who was appOinted Military Administrator or in some
such comparable position was not given his oath of office, because the
Chief Justice refused. We have never seen in history an example of a united
people functioning in this manner, determined to go ahead in a pt'aceful and
truly democratic spirit in order to bring about a change in their condition, the
condition which they say is one of servitude to West Pakistan.
I am not entering into the merits of the matter, but we should all listen
to the cri de coeur the cry from the heart which comes from East Bengal, the
~L.S.Deb .. 27 March, 25 May and 6 December 1971. (Shri Mukerjee spoke while participating in
the debate on the developments in East Bengal and allied subjects).
440
cry of agony. It is not the sort of agony which is weak and humiliating.
Shl'ikh Mujibhur Rahman said, Bengalis know how to die like human beings.
And, that is \vhy they are fighting back. 70,000 troops are now engaged in the
t,lsk of crushing the resistann' of the people of East Bengal. In this posture
of things, when in E,lst Bl'ngal a new precedl'nt has taken place in the history
l)f constitution,ll progn'ss-You and the Deputy Speaker \'\"ere talking about
new parli,mwnt.uy pt.'rspl'ctin's-I hope you and I learn a lesson from East
Bengal, wlwre ,1 rl'\'olution by consent is sought to be bro.Jght about and that
rl'\'olution by Clll1Sent is thwarted by interests who are now at the beck and
c,lll of people whom we know \ery well. This sort of thing is happening.
They W,lIlt to m,lke our country another battling ground for interests which
W,lIlt to fj~h in troubled wall'rs. Here is Ea",t Bl'ngal which wants autonomy.
I Jere is [,1'>t Bengal which wants an end to the oppression which has been
exerci",ed on it by (l'rtain interl'sts in West Pakistan. Here is East Bengal
which \\',lllll'd ,1utlll111IllY for itself. It is bl'ing crushed. 70 million people are
bl'ing ",ought to be crushed and \\"l' are here only talking about the
emb.uras~n1l'nt which might take pl'lCl' llJ1 account of something happening
in a rwighbouring country. TI1l're is nl)t a word in the Government statement
l)f gl'nuir1l' fl'l'ling in reg.ud to people who are our own people. I speak the
S,lI1W I'lllgudge dS the Idnguage which is spoken in East Bengal, not me alone,
but so m,lI1Y of us Ill'rl'. And, \\'L' ,In.' ashamed that the GOH'rnment of this
c()untry makes a st,lkn1l'nt which makes no reference to the bllx)d relationship
which l'xists bl'l\\'l'l'n our two countries. At this rate, this G()\'ernment would
go ,llwad in such a manner that in the north-eastern parts of our country-
I include in it the drea where Dr. Swell is resident-things might happen
which might Cft.',lte a diffL-rent sort l)f history than what is being looked
forward to by certain people on the other side.
I wish, therdorl', Con'rnnwnt takes a more understanding view of the

situation. I wish COH'rnment says, this kind of genocide against 70 million
people will not be permitted. I wish Government to announce here that they
would go to tht' United Nations or whatever other forum their Constitution
might provide. Let them tell us that they are going to those forums in order
to put up the case of the people of East Bengal, and we shall do so because
they and we are one. We are one people. Mujibur Rahman has said so many
grand things about the normalisation of relations and restoration of friendship
between India and Pakistan. He did not want the demoralisation of Pakistan;
he wanted only the trade and other friendly relations between our two
countries should be resumed. The blackguards in that part of the country, the
perfidious people who conduct negotiations in Dacca and then form the
safety of Karachi declare martial law, those perfidious people are now going
to do something which, as I said earlier, goes against the grain of all human
decency.
I was not prepared that so soon after the eit.'dion, which has given them
so much of exuberance and exhilaration, they would forget l."'l'n to l'Xprt'ss
in a kind of humane manner, in a kind of reasonable dt'moCfatk manner, the
sympathy of this country for the people of East Bt·ngal. I am wry disappointt'd
with the statement. I have no hesitation in saying I am \'t'ry disappointed
""ith the statement. If ,... hilt Shri Swaran Singh has said is the last word on
this subject this Gowrnmt>nt is making a terrible mistakt', I hope tlw Prinw
Minister chooses-I do not know her choosing-I hopl' she cho')!'>t'S at the
end of whatever discussion we h,l\'e had so far, to say something to
supplement the statemt>nt of Sardar SW.lrc1n Singh, and say something mort'
concrete, say something about what India is doing or not doing in the
international forum abl)ut the genocide and thl' bloody blackguardt'ry which
has been practised by the ruling junta in ordl'r to dl'molish ,-it>moCfacy and
everything that is human and den.'nt in our clllmtry ,md in our sllb-contint'nt.
...... ......
Mr, Deputy Speaker, Sir, for two months now, the Mac,lbre tr'lgedy which
this House unanimously deplored is going on in Bangladl'sh. Excl'pt fl)r the
atom bomb, every other hitherto-used weapon of annihilation has bel'n lIsl'd
ruthlessly against a virtually unarmed people under ordt'rs of a ghastly bunch
of crazy power-seekers in Islamabad,
I know that sentiment and gush is insipid in the last analysis and does
not lead to results. But there is no denying that our emotions have bl'l'n
deeply touched in regard to what has happened, and we are only waiting
now to see what tangible steps our country takes in ordl'r to meet this menace
to Bangladesh.
So many atrocities of an order have taken place which is almost
unimaginable, But the people have resisted heroically, Except for embattled
Vietnam I do not think there has been any other instance of an unequal and
harrowing contest in history like the one that is going on in Bangladesh.
I think this House is certain that the inevitable corollary and the natural
complement of our resolution has been the recognition of Bangladesh, not
merely as an emotional gesture but as a mechanism for the implementation
of whatever assistance and support materially we want to convey to them,
Why then this delay in recognition,
Why this pathetic persistence in copy book diplomacy of the
Anglo-mandarins of South Block? Why the silence-preternatural silence,
shall I say,--of this owlishwise Minister of External Affairs, Sardar Swaran
Singh, who has not yet opened his lips to say a word in regard to Bangladesh.
The Prime Minister told us yesterday I am quoting her words-"We have
sought to awaken the conscience of the world." She said some very good
thing for which I compliment her. But I do wish that our Foreign Office had
sought properly to awaken the conscience of the world. I know world
conscience is a very hard nut to crack, but even so, we have not done our
duty. On a proper occasion, I think this House will have to evaluate what our
foreign Sl'rvice has done or has done in this regard. For instance, our
Amb.lssador at the United Nations has tried to do a job of work, but our
Embassy in Washington has bem guilty of default of a sort which has got to
bl' lookl'd into by the Cm'l'rnml'nt of the day.
St.'n'ral million rl'fuget's han' already streamed into India and more are
l'llJlling. Famine, t'pidl'mics and other concomitant evils are too likely to
bn'.lk out and filter into our country. We can neither tolerate this genocide
nor (.m w,' permit Bangladesh to be besieged and stan'ed and beaten into
submission. If in the middle thirtil's, Jawaharlal Nehru could rush up to
Spain to hl'lp tht' Republicans fight for their Gm'ernment, when Britain and
Fr,lIKl' \\",'rt.' snl'l'(hing about non-intt'rn'ntion, if an international brigade
(lllild bt.' hmnt.'d to go and assist thl' fightl'rs in Spain, are we today supinely
to watch till' ,mnihilation of B.mgl.ldesh by infinitely superior brute force? Is
nllt rl'cognitilln till' first l'ssl'ntial Stl'P for enabling the Bangladesh Gon~mment
tll buy .mns abw.lli and strengthen ibelf through propaganda and other
1l11',lns? But \\"l' h,l\'" nllt donl' so.
If Intl'rnational assistance is to be sent for relief of the e\'acuees, and it

must bl', India will be thl' main tlll'atre of oprration. blamabad tries to seal
off l'\"l'n purl'ly humanitarian assistance to Bangladesh. But with the world
organisati()J1s and e\'en thl' conh.'mplati\"t~ Secretary-General of the United
Nations .1t last awaking out of his coma, this will not be H'ry easy. However,
the doling (lut of charity and compassionate assistance to refugees is not the
main thing. It h.1S to be done and will be done to the extent of our capacity.
EH'n if Wl' haH' to strl'lch our capacity to bfl'aking point, we will ha\"l~ to do
it. But thl' main thing is, as till' Prime Minister said yestt'rday, to create
conditions fllr thl'ir rl'lurn to Bangladesh and not to rt'main in unmanageable
conditions, a grl'at dl'al worse off than the Palestinian rt'fugl'es, who are there
as a permant'nt factor. Are Wl' going to ha\"(~ these rt'fugees and e\'acuees as
cl pt'rm<ll1l'nt fl'atllrt' of the Indian scene? We cannot do so and a political
solution is impt'ratiH'. The die having bt'en cast as f<1r as Bangladesh is
conn'rnl'd, fl'Cognition of Bangladesh is an <lbsolute pre-condition of activity
for such settlt'mt'nt. I know COH'rnment may justify its approach-cold feet-
by harping on thl' rl'quin'ments of protocol and the legal continuity of
intl'fnati(lI1<ll rl'iations, as they say in juridic terms. All countries are normally
l'XPl'ctl'd to fl~spect thl' It'gal continuity of international relations, but have
we not unanimously dl,c1arl'd in Parlianwnt that in Bangladesh, it is not a
"(llla fide contest bet~een the parent state and belligerent insurgents? By utterly
mala' fide action against a whole people, a nearly unanimous democratic
demand for autonomy has been metamorphosed into a call for a sovereign
Bangladesh. The new Republic has the right to recognition from us first of
all, who are their blood brethren. From all other civilised countries they have
the right to recognition and to a variety of civilised human assistance which
they require in order to be free in their own country.
International law did not pre\·ent France, monarchical France, pre-
ren)lutionary France, recognising the United States in 1778, when Britain,
which was fighting its American colonies, did not recognise them till 1783.
The United States in 1837 did not hesitate to recognise Texas, which was tl
part of Mexico. Mexico jumped about it but nothing happened. The United
States did not hesitate to recognise Panama straightaway wlwn Columbia
used to be there on the scene and was very angry about it. The Unitl'd Statl's
and so many other governments did not hesitate to recognise in IY·B,
De Gaulle's Liberation Committee, e\·en though they had no footing in France
and they were operating from North Africa. So many instanCl's could bl..'
giwn.
I would be told, and I know it is a fact, that India is not in the same
position like the United States or the other big powl'rs. But in thl' days wlwn
our foreign policy had some lustre and spirit about it, we did not hesitate to
champion Indonesia's independence and so\·ereign status right frnm the tinll'
of our independence or even before 19-17. Though Holland was thl..' legal
owner of the empire in the East, and Indonesia was part of it, \\then Holland
breaking an agreement, conducted a war against Indonesia, till No\·embl'r
1949 India championed Indonesia's independent status \lvhich raised our status
also. In the Bandung Conference of 1955 Jawaharlal Nehru was the leading
figure. But later we climbed down in the Indo-China matter and our bl'i1a\'iour
was not so striking. Again, in 1958, when the FLN, the Liberation Mo\'eml..'nt
of Algeria, started their Provisional Government with headquarters in Cairo,
and many countries recognised that Government, India Offered them facilities
for opening an office in Connaught Circus but India did not give full
recognition, which was why in the heart of Algeria a sore was planted which
possibly has not healed yet. It was not till after France got defeated in 1962
that we recognised Algeria.
So, this is the kind of behaviour which we have shown, though in regard
to Indonesia too our conduct was so much better. We delay offering our hand
of friendship and fellowship. About Bangladesh, which has won her right
today first by democratic elections and secondly, by a popular mass
revolutionary action. Delay will hurt, hurt both our countries, and help the
neo-Fascist regime that keeps West Pakistan in its grip.
We do not wish ill to Pakistan, whatever the maniac propaganda of
Islamabad may say. It is not India's responsibility that Bangladesh has broken
away from Pakistan. India's interest and desire has always been to have a
friendly Pakistan. A massive national revolution has taken place, however, in
East Bengal to which I doubt not that two of the grand features of Islamic
thought, the equality of man and the sense of social discipline, have made a
contribution ...
...... .. .... .. ....
... 1 was saying that the concept of equality of man and the concept of
social discipline v"hich are characteristic of Islam have made their contribution
to thl' de\"l'lopment of a movement which has succeeded in implementing to
the point that is possible the maximum aspect of democracy. This is a fact
which has to bl' COIn-eyed to the Islamic countries which are today keeping
mum not knowing what has happened in East Bengal. This is a matter where
India, with her knowledge of things, can help and this is a matter where, if
v.. e ha,·e diplomatic relations with Bangladesh, they would be enabled to
conduct their propaganda in other countries, as well as they could do a great
many things in regard to collecting their arms, weapons and other assistance
from other countries.
Are Wl' to be in fear and trembling before Pakistan all the time merely
bl'cause Wl' dl) not want to do something when other countries are not
recognising Bangladesh? This is something which has led us to behaviour
which has got to be condemned without any equivocation.
We gan' supl'r VIP treatment to a minion of Yahya Khan who came to
Calcutta as the so-called Deputy High Commissioner at a point of time-in
a sl'ries of anSWl'rs to questions yesterday GO\"E'rnment acknowledged it-
wl1l'n our Deputy High Commissiol1l'r in Dacca was interned altogether,
wlll'n tIll' wife of our High Commissioner in Karachi or Islamabad had been
ill-treatl'd. We Sl'nt a prott'st note on 10 April and nothing more has been
heard about it. On the basis of reciprocity-reciprocity, my foot!-this kind
of super-VIP treatment was giH'n to this person in Calcutta.
My hon. friend, Dr. Ranen St'n, h:'lIs me that when the Pak Army entered
our territory, absolutely without justification, on the border of the 2-l-Parganas
District, no effort was made to chase them out of the picture. Our border
security officers shook hands with the officers of the Pak Army in the Akhaura-
Agartala sector. They had no business tl) be there. We found our Army
behaving with them in that fashion. As my hon. friend has told us a little
while ago, our people show cowardice. When they send shells into our
territory, we show the white flag. There are so many instances of the Pak
Army entering our territory and this kind of thing and they are not even
being pursued.
All this is happening because we are allowing ourselves to be blackmailed
by Pakistan. They hijack a plane; they do all sorts of dirty things to it; they
go to the ICAO, make all sorts of allegations against India and they try to put
liS in the wrong. What India does or what India's wonderful Extt'rnal Affairs
Ministry does is to behave in a fashion which makes our felce look absolutely
silly before the world.
Therefore, are we to truckle down to Pakistan merl'ly because of hl'r
powerful friends abroad and the appearance of atrophy at least for the time
being of the world's conscience? If we do, we shall not only be letting down
the martyred masses of Bangladesh but \"ill appear before the world as a
country which, while holding a sixth of the population of mankind, as someonl'
recently said, has neither the guts nor the credibility which should go with
that position.
Our interest is to have a friendly neighbour. We \\'ant to haH' a fril'ndly
country on the east. Can we spurn the hand of frimdship? If Bangladl'sh
wins without further adequate help from us, Bangladesh will be alil'natl'd. If
Bangladesh loses on account of our not htl\'ing giH'n adequate ,lssistance to
her, Bangladesh will remain terribly l'mbittered. Are \\'l' going to f,lel' this
alternative? We have to ha\'c a friendly territory on our sidl'. Herl' in Pakistan
democratically a wonderful movement of Indo-Pak fril'nlhhip was growing.
We have to do all we can in order to help them.
I know that the Prime Minister has a difficult job. I do not contest that.
She has said some good things. Let us see her acting accordingly. She had
said only yesterday referring to the big pO\\'l'rs:-
"if they fail.. ... then the suppression of human rights, the uprooting of
people, and the continued homelessness of vast numbl'rs of human beings
will threaten peace."
She has also said:-
"If the world does not take heed, we shall be constr,lined to take all
measures as may be necessary to ensure our own sl'(urity and the
preservation and development of the structurt.' of our social ilnd l'(onomic
life."
We do not propose to take on Pakistan. We do not throw challl'ng('s hl're

and there, but a job of work is before us. The task is imposed upon us. Wl'
have got to face this job and, therefore, when Bangladesh is tht.'re, it requirl's
to be recognised as the first essential and basic step towards thl'
implementation of those activities of sympathy and friendship for them that
we have professed so very eloquently. That is why I say, as a first stl'P, let us
go ahead and recognise Bangladesh.
There are risks, but there are risks all the time with Pakistan. If we It'ave
the ball in the court of Pakistan all the time they go abroad and put us in the
wrong. If the world conscience is as atrophied as it is now, of course, we have

to go en'n alone if that becomes necessary. But I find the world conscience
is gradually awakening. I find, even the United Nations Secretary-General is
beginning to wake up from his stupor and from his coma.
Let the Government of India show some spirit, some courage, some
initiatiVl', some regard for the practical needs of the day. And let the Foreign
Office tone itself up. I am not going to be fobbed off by what Shri Khadilkar
says in regard to rt.>lit.-'f conditions and all that. The Foreign Office is the guilty
pieCl' as far as the particular question is concerned, the recognition of
Bangladl'sh which has bt>en distorted, by many people among the minions of
thl' Prime Ministt>r in the Fon.'ign Office. The recognition of Bangladesh is a
must and it is the primary responsibility of the Government of India to do
that.
,.,.,.
***
,.,.,. ,.,.,. ,.,.,.
Words fail us on this occasion. We ha\·e been waiting for months for the
time when this Cl)lmtry would associate itself entirely with the tremendous
mO\"l'I11l'nt for libt'ration which has begun in Bangladesh.
I do not know if any speech is necessary on this occasion; our hearts are
full. We say it til tIll' Prime Minister that she has done her duty at a historic
111llnwnt. Thl'fl> is no doubt about it. We shall go ahead in this part of the
world and entirt'1y on a global basis. The struggle which is going on against
that ghastly junta of military autocrats, the crazy power hungry people in
Islamabad, that strugglt' would sucCl>ed and freedom would flourish in our
part of tht' \\"l)r1d, in the fl'st of humanity.
SOCIAL AFFAIRS
UNEMPLOYMENT SITUATION: CHALLENGES AHEAD*
Mr. Deputy-Speaker, Sir, as I participate in this debate, I notice a strange

lack of interest on the part of the treasury benches, and I do not understand
how it is that when a vital resolution of this sort is being discussed and the
time for discussion is prolonged because of a desire on the part of the majority
of this House-I do not understand how, e\'en in those circumstances those
Ministt~rs who are directly concerned with this matter are not present. I miss,
Sir, in particular the very deceptively cherubic presence of the Finance Minister
because, I hope, at any rate .......
I do not wish to bandy compliments across the floor of this House, or, I
would perhaps have been persuaded to say that he is a very good substitute.
In any case, I am sorry that Government does not appear to be as interested
in this matter as they ought to have been. But one \"ery important purpose
has been st'r\"ed in that the attention of the country has been focussed not
only on the t'xistence of this problem of unemployment which is so acute that
ewrybody knmvs all about it, but on the utter ineptitude of the Government
of the day which, Sir, had to wait for this resolution to be given notice of
before it came forward with an amendment, somewhat surreptitiously, I should
say, suggesting that there should be an amendment of the Five Year Plan
which was tomtommed so ardently only the other day. I do not know, Sir, if
there is any such precedent in parliamentary history in any other country.
The Five-Year Plan was a basic document which we discussed in this House
only a year ago. The Five-Year Plan was to be amended, but Government
comes forward with the first intimation of its desire to amend the Five-Year
Plan only after a non-official resolution was given notice of in this House.
Now, Sir, occasionally official voices have tried to pipe in, to suggest
somewhat furtively, that the unemployment problem has been exaggerated,
and I think the Finance Minister also has tried, in his charming fashion, to
say the same thing. But the cruel fact of the increasing misery of our people
is such that we have found acknowledgment of it by the Government
repeatedly, particularly in the speech of the hon. Minister for Planning that
this is our problem Number One, this is our major problem. Gruel centres in
Madras for migrant weavers, or the fact of unemployment of more than two
• L.S. Deb., 18 December 1953. [Participating in the debate on the Resolution re: Unemployment,
Shri Mukerjee also spoke on 21 November and 4 December 1953 and 25 November 1970 on
a similar subject I.
451
thousand qualified medical men in Wl'st Bl'ngal, ulll'mploynwnt of seanwn

and air pilots, of trained workl'rs in ordnance factoril's and shipyards, all
these things are so much a matter of common knowll'dge that nobody can
deny the fact of the existence of this \'t.'ry acute malady in our body politic.
It is necessary, Sir, therefore, to try if we can, to find out certain rl'ml'dil's

and begin to apply them. And there I say, Sir, that thl' atmosplwre is
occasionally sought to be confused by Cl'rtain rderenCl's to thl' pwbkm of
oyer-population. I heard my hon. friend Prof. Sharma the otlwr day sa~'ing
that the problem of population is the biggl'st hurdle that we h<1\"e to cwss.
Now, Sir, increase of population in this country has not bl'en dUl', as many
of these writers, especially from the United States of Aml'rica SUggl'St, to
some special oriental philo-progeniti\"eness; it is not the result of Eastern
sexuality, or a heathen addition to polygamy.
Now, Sir, the percentage of growth of population in our country has bl'l'n
lower than in the West India's population increascd three-fold between 1750
and 19. U. But the population of the United Kingdom in that period increased
over five times inspite of large migration. India's rate of increase today is
about the same as Holland's. In 189-t, Germany's birthrate was 36, comparl'd
to India's 34. Now, Sir, I have found in the Ea::;tcrll Enl/jolllj~t an article on
'unemployment' which says:
"Even granting that all the married pE:'ople capable of procrt'ation take a
solemn pledge today to stop having any children and abide by that pk'dge,
which is obviously impossiblc, the intensity of the problem will continue
for at least two decades, although it may be gradually reduced."
That, Sir, is the position. Who does not want family planning, if we can
manage it? But to put the cart before the horse, to beat our bn.'ast and to
worry our hearts out over this problem is not only unwise but also entirely
mischieyous; that would just be following certain ejaculations about Asiatic
'gooks' multiplying like rabbits. A supposedly scientific book called "Road to
Survival" by a man called Vogt says: "Asiatics breed like rabbits and that is
the biggest single problem in the world today".
Following this kind of Western ejaculations if we tell our people who go

without food, without clothing, without shelter, that they should practice the
refinements of contraception, that is a cruel joke, that is something which our
people will not possibly tolerate. This is a matter which is so often forgotten
and if we think that the main emphasis should be put on the problem of
population, then we are putting the cart before the horse; we are not trying
to tackle the problem as we ought to tackle it. We are accepting the logic of
these imperialist spokesmen, who want us to be hewers of wood and drawers
of water, who want us to be cannon fodder, who want us to bE:' subjects of
their exploitation. We have to cut across that ideology; we have to come out
of the grip which it has got over us and then and then alone can we solve
the problems which are facing us today.
Sir, wh(.'n the question of unemployment is being discussed, I think first
of my own city of Calcutta where scenes are being enacted of destitution, of
misery, of horror. Whoever goes to that great city can see it for himself. I find,
Sir, in an official document, the Report of the Census Superintendent of West
Bl'ngal, certain statl'm(.'nts \<\"hich come to me as a revelation, which shows
hm\" at last theft' is beginning to dawn on certain official minds some
appreciation of the real problems which confront us today. Now, I am quoting
from a fortnightly, or perhaps weekly, called West Bellgal which is published
by the em·emment of West Bengal and sent to all Members of Parliament I
prl'SllnW, or at least to West Bengal Members of Parliament. It carries the date
1Y Nowmber 1953. The Census Superintendent says:
"The Pl'rmanent Settll'ment hangs like a millstone round the neck of this
population. Agriculture has become a losing battle, a habit or \vay of life
devoid of hope and imprtwement.. ..
All this is intimately bound up with land reform and the question of
rl'di~tribution of land because a stage has been reached when, according
to thl' Land Revenue Commission (1940), palliatiws-a little improved
s(.'ed, a little irrigation, a little extra manure or a little imprO\·ement in
marketing facilities-will not impfl)\"e the situation or maintain the
impron'm(.'nt for any length of time."
My grouSt' against the Government is that they are exactly doing these
little things, petti-fogging little things and claiming profound appreciation of
tlwir wonderful activities!
The Census Superintendent goes on to say:
"A 'shocking revelation' is that the proportion of earners to total
population has been declining steadily in agricultural and total livelihoods
since 1911. What is more alarming is the almost stationary proportion of
the population in non-agricultural livelihoods since 1911, which indicates
how the excess population, steadily squeezed out in increasing numbers
from agriculture, remains unabsorbed in non-agricultural livelihoods and
goes on widening the fearful gap between the total population of
employable age and the population employed in earning a living."
He goes on further to say:
"[t appears that the old urban centres of industry and commerce have
rapidly decayed. The reason why the new towns have failed to enrich the
country in which they are established, have failed to bring about a

satisfactory rural-urban inter-dependence, to contrive true and
comprehensive points of contact between mral and urban combinl's, but
instead have helped to perpetuate a dualistic economy, is far too obvious
to make a mistake about. It is the domination of forcign capitaL"
Writing in We~t Bel/gal the Census Superintl'ndent of that State has said
that the domination of foreign capital and the land system of the country are
the two main reasons which ha\'e brought about our presl'nt distrl'ss. Whl'n
\"e, Sir, talk about domination of foreign capital, a laugh arisl's in Cl'rtain
quarters in this House. But I tell you, Sir, it is very important for LIS to go
down and find out what exactly cUe the difficulties that we are facing. It is
no good merely tinkering with the problem as we are going on doing all the
while. That is why, Sir, I want the Government of the day to turn tht:'ir
attention to the really drastic and fundamental problem.
Now, Sir, as far as professional economists ,He concerned, acadl'mic

economists who want to follow the old way of thinking and of acting, therl'
is the opinion of Dr. Matthai, who speaking a few days ago at a CommerCl'
Graduates' Association somewhere said that what was needed today was a
very comprehensive recasting; what the Government has 5ucceedt.'d, howeVl'r,
in doing is to start, to rake up a new quarrel, so to speak, between the private
sector and the public sector, to start again the hare of a new controversy
which they cannot solve between the interests of large scale industry and
small scale industry. We find also Government having already brought about
a contradiction between the interests of the Indian producer and the Indian
consumer. This you can see in the controversy over the question of things
like soap, which the Indian Soap Manufacturers' Association want to be
protected against the depredations of foreign capital. And then again, Sir,
there is a conflict over agrarian reforms, especially in regard to the question
of ceiling in regard to land holdings. I found also something that is very
fantastic, which is almost impossible to believe could happen in any country
in any ordered Government. I find, Sir, that Shri V.T. Krishnamachari, who
is Vice Chairman of the Planning Commission, said that "it is commonly felt
that owing to welfare legislation labour costs have increased, with no
corresponding increase, rather decrease in output, and that the diversion of
surplus labour in some fields into useful directions has become impossible.
This requires careful examination and remedial action". My friend Shri Giri,
I am sure, has made a note of these things. It is a reflection made by the
Vice-Chairman of the Planning Commission. I do not know, constitutionally
speaking in what relation he stands to Government, and whether he has any
right to go about the country making pronouncements which obvisouly differ
from the views of the Cabinet or at least the majority of it, the vocal section.
He goes about saying this is what is happening. He tries to placate those
interests which Me also rl'presented in the House and who come forward
and say: give more concessions to the industrialists; give us greater liberty;
Iin'nce to retrench workers if we choose; take away whatever concessions
you haw given to workers by means of recent legislation. That is the kind
of thing they Me saying, and this is what the Vice Chairman of the National
Planning Commission, a pl'rson holding a high office, is saying. It is peculiar.
It is a kind of thing to be sl'riously guarded against. It is a thing which
ilourishes only bl'cause there is no rl'al principled approach to this point as
far ,IS tlw CO\"l'rnnwnt is cOIKl'rned. If the GO\'ernment knew its own mind
it would not ha\"l' brought about a situation where a crack-up of the entire
situation is indicated.
This was .lg.lin to be found when you, Sir, were actually presiding oyer
tlw dl'libl'r.ltions of tlw House and the Finance Minister was speaking. And
Iw \\",lS gi\'ing figures about the number of people employed in certain places.
Hl' W,lS almost gloating o\,er it. He ne\'er does; at least he would never like
his bl'ing describl'd as gloating mOl'r it. He was gi\'ing certain figures, that in
till' tl'xtill' industry employnwnt has increased from 8,19,000 in July to 8,21,000
in August, an incrl'asl' of t\\'o thousand, three thousand, four thousand and
so on and so forth. Tht:'re was a friend of mine sitting here \\'ho is unfortunately
not thl'r\.' at the moment. This is God's truth, as the Finance Minister was
speaking, I passed on a chit to him where I wrote, what used to be taught to
English school children when they were quite young so that they could say
it \"l'ry quickly and their pronunciation might be \'ery clear:
How much wood would a wood-chuck chuck,

If a wood-chuck could chuck wood?
They Wl're asked to say it quickly. When the Finance Minister was saying
how much employment you can get in this country if you get it in this way,
this is what came to my mind, namely, "how much wood would a wood-
chuck chuck, if a wood-chuck could chuck wood"? If Go\'ernment could
provide employment, how much employment it could provide--that was the
wonderful speculation that came to my mind. That friend is not here at the
moment. Otherwise he would vouch for it.
He said something also about community projects. But he did not say
how much of a hoax ....
Sir, I was saying about the hoax of the community projects. And these
community projects are being advertised as furnishing much wider volumes
of employment. I am quoting from a Bombay journal, ti,e Ecollomic Weekly
(which has not the slightest suggestion of leftism) which says: How far is the
rural welfare scheme going to contribute to the solution of rural employment
or add to the \'olume of useful employmt'nt in thl' \'illagl's? What are they
going to do? What are the trainel's in thl'se community projeds, dt"tl'r
completing their training or apprenticeship at Statl' l'xpl'nse, going to do?
They will require some capital for starting busilw~s. And sl'condly, if tl1l'y
succeed, they will han' to market ,111 their pwduds. What arl' tlll'ir SOurCl'S
of finance? Where is thl' market for thl'sl' goods? All till'se qlll'stions Me
simply brushed asidt'. You, Sir, clskt'd some pl'rtinl'nt questions of till' Finann'
Minister on that day. It was said that Bhakra :\:agal is l'mploying :--0 many or
the D.V.C. is employing so many. But what l",Ktly is glling to happl'n
afterwards? Are you really laying the foundations for a sound l'conomy so
that we can de\'e1op in the right way? But of courSl' nothing of that sort was
done. I am sorry, Sir, I haH' a few more things to S,l)' and I would ,lsk your
indulgence for a little more allocation llf time to IlW.
I know that as far as we are conn'nwd tlll're arl' n'rt,lin Illl1g-tl'rm rl'Il11'Liil's
which we ha\"e in \·iew. And those long-term rellll'dies naturally \\ill not bl'
supported by the gon.'rnment of this day. But, as Lord Keynes once said, in
the long run we are all dead, particularly, the ulll'mploYl'd who will dil'
earlier and faster. \Ve came with certain shllrt-tl'rm rl'llll'd il's, ,lJ1d they ,lrl'
roughly these. We said, allocate fifty cwrl' of rUpl'l'S as relief. This \\",lS ridiculed
as dole you know, Sir, the history of unemployml'nt insurann' in Engl'lJ1d llr
other countries. Workers payout of their own pockl'l as insuralKe Illllney,
they get it back in times of unemployml'nt. And yet it is called a 'doll". That
is the kind of expression of ridicule which they USl' in order to put cl wrong
interpretation on the whole thing. We say this is relil'f. Cin' us relief. When
Shri Giri brought forward that Bill in pursuanCl' of thtlt Ordinann' rl'gdrLiing
the ban on retrenchment in the textile mills or when the b,lI1 on rl'lrl'IKhllwnt
as a whole came forward, when the question of compulsion of mills to pay
a certain sum of money for involuntary employment came up, Wl' supportl'd
it. It did not go far enough, but we supported it. What is wrong in giving
relief when the need for relief comes first? You might say: where is thl'
money going to come from? There is money galore, I should say, if you know
where to look.
With Krupps-Demag, the German combine, we have l'nterl'd into an

agreement. On the 18 of September 1953 the Eas/em EcolI(lll/i~t wrote: "It
seems incredible that the consultants' fee of Rs. 2,10,00,000 is to be paid in
this case for technical knowledge on processes old, well-tried and fully
available within the country." This sum of Rs, 2,10,00,000 could have been
paid easily into Indian hands. We did not do it. There is the matter of privy
purses for the Princes. Five crores and eighty lakhs of rupees are represented
by the privy purse. There can be a cut there. There, are the Income-tax
investigation results. They could be pursued properly. We could get a lot of
money. There are safe deposit vaults all over the country in big trading
Cl'ntres. Wl' can lay our hands on them. In the Tata-Birla Plan it was said:
Thl're is Rs. 1,000 crore of hidden money in the country; out of that if we
could gl't Rs. 300 crore, etc. This was said in 1944. If they could get
Rs. 100 crore of hidden money in 1944, surely they ought to get
Rs. 1,200 crore in 1953. But they do not do anything of that sort.
It is our H~sponsibility. It is Gmernment's responsibility to find out where

till' money gl'ts hidden and (('rret it out and use it for purposes \,.hich are
IWCl'SS.1ry for thl' sake of the country.
Tlwn \"l' say: ban rl'trl'nchment altogether, ban closure. Government has
mO\"l'd half-heartedly, \'l'ry timidly, \'ery hesitantly, possibly because of the
V.T. Krishnamacharis in their camp. Anyhow Go\"{>rnment has mO\'ed
sOllll'what. You should go full stl'am ahead if you stand for the interest of the
~1L'opll'. Put a moratorium on all peasant debts. Sir, the Deputy Finance
l\'1inister is nodding his lwad approdngly. Put a moratorium on peasant
dd)ts. You will gl'l soml' kind of relief CiS far as these people are concerned.
Ll't there be a n>iling on monopolist profits, foreign as well as Indian, at
6.25 ~1L'r el'nt. Go back and rl>call the days of 1948 and your own Industrial
Policy. Then you will realise that there is nothing \"t>ry foolish, nothing very
lunatic in this suggestion. Why do I SCi)' this? I say this because, I find this
from C1l'ital, Cl/I/II/('/"CC, Ea~tcl"I/ EC(ll/(lll1i~t and all that kind of papers. The
Bengal Co,ll wmpany, run by Andrew Yule & Co., has a paid up capital of
Rs. 1,20,OO,noo. In fi\"l~ Yl'ars 1945-49, its net profit amounted to Rs. 3,10,00,000.
ILs !.ltl'st annual profits \\"l'rl' more than 50 lakh. I find there is a company
called tlw Indian Cable Co., Ltd., run by foreigners. Its total share capital is
Rs. 166.77 lakh. Its rl'Sl'rH' fund is Rs. 50 lakh and other funds Rs. 55 lakh.
In till' Yl'ar l'nding 31 March 1953, its gross profits amounted to Rs. 1,04,23,881.
This is how they makl' tl1l'ir money. I Sl'l', in the ),('ar 1951, the foreign banks
madl' a profit of Rs. 319 lakh, more than half the total profits made by all
Indian Banks including the Imperial Bank, which is not an Indian Bank at all.
This is the way in which foreign people are beha\'ing and they have credited
only Rs. 196 lakh of their net profits to their respective countries in 1951.
Look at tht' reserH'S of the jute mills. I remember making in this House a
quotation which was sought to be countered by the Finance Minister, but
which he could not. An article in Capital in 1951 said that in a good year, in
a well organised Yl'ar, the jute companies could make a net profit of
l~s. 50 crore. That is perhaps impossible according to the present set-up. But,
this is what they say: provided things were run properly, and everything was
oiled properly, they could make a profit of Rs. 50 crore. Most of them are
foreigm'rs, almost all of them, the people who have been exploiting our
country, for how long, we do not know. That exactly is the situation which
has been going on for long, which we cannot tolerate now.
These are some of the suggestions which wert' given: put ,1 b,ln on
repatriation of foreign companies profits. Then, of course, \ve sh,lll go ,lhl'ad
really, tntly and properly. Of courSl', let us h.lH' road and rail dt.'\"l'lopml'nt.
Let us open out areas like Rajasthan. Orissa, Madhy.l Bhar.lt. You know, Sir,
from the producer to the consumer, thl' prkl's incrl'ast.' by 23 pl'r cent, pl'ople
have told me, because of lack of transport. Con'rnnll'nt talks about incrt'.lsl'
in food production, and industrial pmduction. But wh,lt is all this incrl'.lsl'?
Why not have more basic industries? In rl'gard to this the Chairman of thl'
Railway Board Shri Badhwar made a staten1l'nt on thl' n)lling stock position
of Indian Railways during lY5-t-oO only thl' otlll'r d.l~·. Ifl' said:
"notwithstanding the very acute shortages of matl'ri,ll, p,utinll.uly ... tl'd, ,md
the almost complete lack of supporting industril's in the country", R,lilwavs
are doing well. There is shortage of sted; thl'rl' is Cllmpll'll' I.Kk l)f ",uF'pllrting
industries in this country. If this is the position go alwad with ba ... ic industril's.
Then naturally the possibilitit's l)f employment would inlTl'.lSt'; tlw~ \\"llllld
expand beyond recognition.
I see that from time to timl' CO\"l'rnnwnt S,l~'" "lll11l' \"l'ry gl)od things.
Shri Jd\\'aharlal Nehru the othl'r day, said somewhere: we ... hlluld be Clllllpldl'I~'
dependent on ourseln's. But, I S,lY this is (,llll)US (ynicism in ,Ktion, ,md a
sort of sanotimonious sl'ntiml'ntalism in words. That is what yllU .Hl' doing.
There is employment in plenty for those pt'ople who sOl11ehllw gl'l lin tIll'
right side of certain people in authority. I haH' hl'rl',-I ,lin "'"rr~' to h,lH' tll
ask for your indulgence for a little more tinll'-material ... upplil'd to IlW by
the Minister for Commt.'rce and Industry which suggl'sls th,lt tlwrt, is in
Bombay a Director in the office of the Textile Commis... illl1l'r who is not l'\'l'n
a matriculate, who has no technical qualifications, I (,\11 gin' his nallll'; the
materials are all here, supplied by the Ministl'r for Comml'rCl' ,md Industry.
Employment is found for this sort of ~'ll'opk'. Employllll'nt is not found fllr
the masses of our people who are really gn'at-hl'drtl'd and who .lrl' prep,ul'd
to go down the pits and mines. They work there bl'cause tlwy h,ln' to kt.'l'P
the wolf from the door. They are ready to go but you don't gin' tlwm bread;
you give them stone instead. That is why I warn the CO\'l'rnnll'nt. This is
what the Eastern Ecollomist has writtl'n in a It.'ading articll'; the agt.· of
impatience has begun. The age of impatience has begun today in point of
space in Calcutta, which city I happen to reprCSl'nt in this Houst.', Thl.' agl' of
impatience has begun and the misery of our people is such that you can no
longer play with them. Suffering is no long(>r the badgl' of our tribl'. Bl'cilusl'
you are in the Chair, Sir, I am reminded of what I ft.'ad in the Udyoga I\uva
of the Mahabharata, where the sage Samvara says:
~~ w1 ~:&q?Jcilr(1
t;ln~q(qfrl 7.f?{ r.irew{ Q4f4Q(uj ~ me I
"Patiputravadhadetat paramam dukkhamabravct't
Daridryamiti yat prottam paryayamaranam hi tat."
Poverty is a dl'gradation and il disease; is death by degress "Paryayamaranam"

is sOIlll'thing which is e\'l'n worse to women than the death of the husband
or son. That is the way in which our ancients looked upon poverty. They
Il.ltl'd powrty bl'causl' it brought dl'gr,ldation along with it. That is why I say
th<1t we should go ahead with these ideas which will inspire real activity in
till' (,lUSe of thl' pl'ople. We should ha\'l' the feeling \,\'hich the poet expressed,
"the misl'ry of the world is mist'ry and will not let them rest". That is why
I say that our peopll' will not rl'st till the footling little pretenders to power
O\'l'r llllr pl'oplL' are pllshl'd off thl' pedestals of oppression \'.'hich they occupy
... 0 llsh'nt,ltiollslv .
. toda\'.
THE HINDU MARRIAGE BILL, 1955*£
We are going very soon to put on the statute book something which has
been long overdue. In spite of the hue and cry which was raised over this Bill
by my friend, Shri N.C. Chatterjee, and others, this is by no means a
revolutionary measure. It only seeks to remove some of the multitudinous
disabilities of Hindu women and that too in a restricted sphere, namely,
marriage, and within the orbit of the present economic subserviance of woman
to man. Yet, as far as it goes, it is a very \velcome measure, much needed as
far as the interests of the country are concerned, and I congratulate the Minister
in the Ministry of Law, Shri Pataskar, on the manner in which he has conducted
this Bill in this House.
There are certain changes which, I feel, might very well ha\·e been
incorporated in this Bill, particularly regarding the paradoxical provision
about the obligation of women to pay alimony on divorce; then further there
are other clauses regarding the unsa\·oury provision about desolution of
conjugal rights; there are certain other clauses about custody of children and
certain defects in the divorce clause in regard to desertion and cruelty and so
on and so forth. I feel that in these regards, certain improvements could have
been effected. But as far as it goes, as I have said before, we welcome this
measure, and we hope that Government will take note of the failings of the
people all over the country in regard to these aspects of this Bill which
require to be improved upon.
A great man once said that marriage was an impediment to all great
enterprises, whether of virtue or of mischief. However, the married state is
to man in society the normal condition of affairs, and problems, marital as
well as extra-marital, have been a perpetual headache to society since the
dawn of civilisation. If like my hon. friend, Shri Nand Lal Sharma or
Shri N.C. Chatterjee, we claim that in Shrutis and the Smritis we have found
a solution to all these questions which have agitated man since the dawn of
civilisation then I feel it only shows a pathetic blindness to the forces of life
around us. That we are beginning to shed that blindness is evidenced by this
Bill before the House.
In the old days, the Smritikars and their commentators by a judicious
process of selection and interpretation of texts could mould the law, if they
• L.S. Deb., 5 May 1955.

£ The 8iJ1 which was aimed at providing for necessary legal framework for Hindu Marriages
and allied issues, became The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955'.
460
so desired, to suit the needs of changing times. At present there are the courts
of law, but the courts of law have not the same freedom of interpretation as
the commentators, so, if the growth of the law is not to be impended, the
Legislature has got to intervene. I think therefore that there is a very clear
and convincing and unanswerable case that the Legislature should intervene
in this kind of social legislation.
I like a whole-hogger, but I do not see my hon. friend Shri Nand Lal
Sharma here; in comparison, I fear my hon. friend Shti N.C. Chatterjee is
neither fish nor flesh, he eats neither, and he is a vegetarian in every sense
of the term.
*** *** ***
Shri Nand Lal Sharma has taken a stand unequivocally, on the eternal
\'erities which are enshrined in the ~lIYl/tis. With all respect for the heritage
of our ancient civilisation, I say that if we go on banking upon the eternal
n.'rities in the Vedas, for example, that is a fantastic aberration of thought. If
there is inequity and \yrong in the vedas or elsewhere, let us not veil it as
sanctity. I do not know \vhy these bra\'e words are used by our people from
time to time in order to hide inequity. I know, at one time the expression
'Harijtlll' was coined a~ a synonym for untouchables; and 'Harijall' was
supposed to indicate the people of God as if you haw put them in a special
enclosure, so that the \'otaries of God may exercise their pity and their
philanthropy and their pity in regard to these people. We gaw them a high-
sounding title. We called the poor dllridrmwraYilIl as if they were the beloved
of the Gods. The idea was that unless you had the poor with you always,
your charity-mongering acrobats could not exercise their philanthropy and
their occupation \.... ould be gone. We want to hide the shame of having
untouchables in our society or having poverty in our society by giving high-
sounding titles to those whom we ha\'e treated as untouchables and to those
whom we have deprived of the necessaries of civilisation. In regard to women
also, we haw said all kinds of things; we have used all kinds of superlatives;
we have exhausted the whole vocabulary of adjectives in order to express
our veneration for women, but as far as the condition of women in our
history is concerned, we have not taken note of the reality.
The other day Shri N.C. Chatterjee quoted from out of his own experience,
how a child widow, an aunt of his, had said to him that it was better that the
sati system had continued, because the life of a child widow was agony,
continuing agony, and she was being burnt every day of her life. I say this
has been the wail of Indian women throughout the ages. I recall that beautiful
symbolism in the Ramayalla where after repeated agllipariksha after repeated
subjection to the ordeal of fire by Ramachandra, Sita had to say to her mother
earth, that she could not tolerate that kind of thing any longer, and she
wanted to be taken back into earth by her motht'r. That represl'ntl'd the wall
of Indian women. And Shri N.C. Chattl'rjee's experit'nCl' rdated yestl'rday
represented how more or less the s.1me condition of things has continm'd
right down to this day. But we ha,·e tried to covt:'r it up with .111 kinds of
sanctimonious declamations.
I say I have the greatest respect for our traditions. I ha\'L' glHll' out of thl'
way so many times, as you know very well, to quote from our .1ncil'nt
scriptures or from our ancient literature, only to show how \'l'ry grl'at is the
homage which I pay to our cultural legacy. But I know tlwre arl' .1spects in
that legacy which we have got to shed altogether. This It'gislation is onl'
instance of how we are trying, haltingly but at the same time with some
determination, to get rid of that incubus of the past which should no longl>r
be allowed to dominate over us. Let us not forget how obscurantists behaved
when Ram Mohan Roy and others stood to efface the shame of the practice
of sati. I find also that Max Mullar has said how the Vedic text, was perverted
in order to prove that sati was permitted by the Vedic scriptures. Max Mullar
has said:
"This is perhaps the most flagrant instance of what can be done by an

unscrupulous priesthood. Here have thousands of lives been sacrificed
and a practical rebellion forced on the authority of a passage which was
mangaled, mistranslated and misapplied."
The satiwala pandits went right up to the Privy Council in those days. And I
fear there are some pedants among us here who will go to the Supreme
Court to plead that some provisions of our Constitution is negated by this
kind of social legislation.
We should remember also another very great man whose name, I think,
has been mentioned only once during the discussion and that is Iswar Chandra
Vidyasagar. We know how he had to fight in order to establish the right of
Hindu widows to remarry if they wanted to do so.
As a rule, however, as our Hindu Mahasabha friends choose to forget,

Hindu sages had an immeasurable tolerance for human weakness and
vulnerability. I could quote to you so many instances,-but they are quite
unnecessary to show how this great tolerance has been a feature of Indian
civilisation.
After all, Socrates was a much more significant person than Miletus who
was merely a moral man; Jesus had greater goodness than the Pharisees who
observed all the conventional cannons of behaviour. So, we may say that
there are so many ancient precedents for it, that if love without marriage is
illegal then marriage without love is also immoral. But we find that in our
ancicnt history, so many things happened which show-particularly in the

MIlIIll/JIlllratll-how our people had an amplitude of mind. There were such
stories as that of Viswamitra and Menaka. Even heroes faltered and stumbled
in the narrow path of convcntional duty; and men very much better than
most of us, who haH' done great things which we have never dreamt of
doing, have also bl'en the victims of common frailty. Vyasa was born of an
unmarried non-Brahmin girl. Bhisma was the son of an unmarried woman.
PUrlt was the youngest son of Sarmishta who was the princess in attendance
on the queen, and therdore, not exactly the wife of the king, Yayati. And yet
thl' sagl' Kanva, according to Kalidasa, when sending Sakuntala to her
husband's plaCl' asks her to behave as Sarmistha did for Yayati.
Thl'Sl' illustrate how really we \·\,anted to ha\·e a flexible and a liberal

scale of moral values, and how we wanted a code of conduct which could be
adjusted to the necessities of the day, to the fact that men and \'\'omen are
people of passion, people of feeling, people of emotion, and they cannot
always observe those conventional codes which are made so much of by the
reactionaries of today.
I find also how there is a reference to this idea of tolerance in Apastamba

who was a great authority on the Grillyaslltras. There he lays down certain
requirements of a girl who deserves to be married. He says it is necessary to
exclude certain types of girls when you are going to choose a bride. He says
it is necessary to exclude.
"a girl who has a fine younger sister, one whose age is too near to that
of the bridegroom, who has the name of a IIllkslzatra or a river or a tree,
or whose name end in Rand L."
But, later, Sir, he himself says:
"A wife who is pleasing to his mind and his eyes will bring happiness
to him. Let him pay no attention to other things."
Such is the sage's opinion. This is how Apastamba laid down his rules.
Our ancestors knew that life was no dogma; that courses of conduct could
not be determined on the basis of rigidity which moralists and puritans of
the sort that we have found represented in this House, want to be established.
It is necessary, therefore, that we should not make an inhuman insistence

on asceticism and its glories as a sille qua 11011 to rightful social behaviour. In
our heroic age there was tolerance. That vanished later, in the time of the
puranas to the detriment of the race and to the sorrow of our people.
Some Members have suggested that this kind of legislation will lead to
promiscuity. I feel that promiscuity is something which cannot be changed
into something t'lse mert'ly by It'gislation. If tht'rc is pwmiscuity it is .1 diseasc

which has to be treated by other sodal remedies, rl'ml'dit's like l'conomic
independence of women, opportunities for all to lived good lift', opportunities
for all to choose a redl partm'r in life and, so l)fl ,1I1d so forth.
I have also heard some feM l"pressl'd about tIll' rl'sults l)f this kind l)f
legislation, but that has been sufficiently ans\wrl'd by thosl' ;"'kmbl'rs who
have said: "\Ve know our people and we know th.lt SPl'Ci.11 l\1I.1Iitil's of our
women. Therefore thert' is no re.1son why Wl' ~h()uld h.l\'l' .lny misgi\'ings in
our mind regarding thc wl)rking of thi~ Il'gislation,"
I ha\'c heard also ccrtain obliquc rl'fl'rl'nCl's made to Communism ,lnd
certain members havc tried to suggest th.1t Cl)mmunbt ~lIppl)rt to this Bill i..,
due to thc fact the Communist arl' supporters of SOl·i.ll libl'rtinislll, th,ll \\'t'
want licence in social matters. In rcgard to this, I nel'd not gin' .111 l"tl'nded
answer, but I shall quote what ll'nin said in 1920 in n'g.ud 10 prolllisCllit~"
in regard to libertinism in sex relations. Lenin said in 1920 III ,1 \\'llm,lll
revolutionary leader of Germany, el.ua Zl'tkin:
"You know, of course, the notorious thel)ry that in Clmmlllnbt soddy
the gratification of sexual passi,)fl is as simplc ,lI1d comlllonpl,Ke an act
as drinking a glass of water. Those who support it say thl'y ,lrl' Manist.
Thank you! But Marxism it is not. Things are not quite as simple as that.
It is not merely something natural to us that is fulfilled in tIll' sl'xuallifl',
but also something which we have ,lCquired through cultllrl" howl'n'r
lofty or 1m... that may be. Thirst, of wurSl', must be s'ltisfied. But is thl're
a normal man in normal circumstances who would lit, down in the mud
and drink from a puddle? Or, say, from cl tumbll'r, the rim of which m,lIlY
lips have made greasy? And the fact \vhich is ()f greatl'st importance is
the social aspect of the problem. The drinking of watN is an individual
act. In love, on the other hand, two beings are involwd. And a third, a
new life, may appear. It is just here, in this fact, that the intercsts of
society are involved. There is the duty to the community. Thc rcvolution
requires concentration, an increase of strength, both fwm thc maSSl'S and
from the individuals. It cannot tolerate such orgies as are normal to the
heroes and heroines of 0' Annunzio. Sexual licentiousness belongs to the
bourgeois world. It is an evidence of decay. But the proletariat is a rising
class. It has no need of intoxicants as narcotics or as stimulants. Sclf-
control, self-discipline is not slavery. No, even in love it is not that."
I give you, Sir, this extended quotation to show that while Communists
are not puritans, they are purists, no doubt, they do not deny lift', on the
contrary, they affirm it, they accept life with all its problems, with all its
massive glories and shames at the same time. They want to work it in such
a way that it would bring about the greatest happiness to the greatest number.
Ll't us, tht'rl'fort', not forgl't the limits of law and the limits of the consequences
which we can l'XPl'ct to l'nSUt' out of the Bill before us, particularly in the
pn'sl'nt Sl't-UP of things. Whl'n no basic attack on economic problems has yet
bt'l'n madl' Wl' cannot expect this kind of legblation to bring us all the desired
rl'sul is.
Tl1l'n ,1gtlin, marriage is psycho-physical relationship of such intimacy

that \,l\\' C,lJ1 only rl'gbtl'r its beginning and its end, but unaided by social
l'nginl'l'ring, law by itst'lf cannot effl'ct satisfactory contJl1uance of marriage
on the fOllndati(lns that \\"l' dl'~ifl'. But law can check hast\· di\·orce. It can
prl'\'l'nt inill~ticl' in diss(llution of marriage. When we ha\'e a new society
sh(lrll (If the ~in of ,l\'.uice and all the l'\'ils that ilow from it, happy and
hl"llthy honll's, happy and hl\llthy human relationships will be the norm. Till
tlwn Sir, ,111 th,lt Wl' can do is to try to l'Iiminate a\'oidable unhappiness and
to tr~' to minimisl' to till' utmost the unhappiness that cannot be altogether
l'r,ldicatl'd To thdt, Sir, this Bill makl's some though not a \'t)r~' striking,
CllJ1triblition. TI1l'rl'forl', Sir, I wl'\come this measure and I again congratulate
Shri l'.lt,lSk.u on till' \'''lY in which he has pil()ted this Bill in this House.
THE HINDU SUCCESSION BILL, 19W£
I rise to welcome this Bill which is, on any computation, an important

measure. The Hindu Code, once so widely trumpeted, comes to us in trady,
sometimes, irritating, instalments. But, there is no doubt about it that this
Bill, in spite of its gaping lacunae, is a sizable chunk.
I was reading with much appreciation the speech which the Minister in
the Ministry of Law, Shri Pataskar, made the day before yesterday, but I find
that in spite of having made what I thought, was an eminently reasonable
speech--~Jr perhaps because he made a very reasonable speech-he seems to
have put his foot into the trap laid by the sophistry of my learned friend,
Shri N.C Chatterjee. I find from Shri Pataskar's speech that he showed a
very welcome readiness to accept the view of the House-particularly because
this measure is going to a considerably numerous Joint Committee-
Shri Pataskar showed his readiness to accept the view of the House in rq~ard
to several important matters. In regard, for example, to the quantum of the
daughter's share, Shri Pataskar said that it would be for the House to decide
because in this Bill there is a deviation from the Report of the Select Committee
of 1948 which had laid down that the daughter's share should be equal to
that of the son while in this Bill the daughter is to have only half the share
of the son. Shri Pataskar said that it would be for the House to decide, it
would be for the Joint Committee, in the first instance, to say something
about it, and then finally the House would decide. I am very happy to have
noted this and I hope that in the Joint Committee Shri Pataskar's influence
will be exerted in the direction of seeing to it that the daughter gets the share
which was recommended for her by the 1948 Select Committee.
Now, Shri Pataskar also said in regard to this controversy between the
Dayabhaga and the Mitakshara systems that in this matter also, he would be
willing to be guided by the wishes of the House. I found nothing exceptionable
in that statement; on the contrary, I took that as a measure of the Minister's
good intentions. But I find that an attempt is sought to be made on that basis
to delay the passage of this Bill. Shri N.C Chatterjee has suggested, for
example, that it would not be open to the Joint Committee to change essentially
Clause V as it has come to us at the present moment. Now, Shri N.C Chatterjee
of course was careful to add that he was not going to made much of a purely
• L.S. Deb., 7 May 1955.

£ The
Bill which was aimed at amending and codifying the law relating to intestate succession
among Hindus, became The Hindu Succession Act, 1956.
466
technical point, and I am very happy that he added that proviso to his original
formulation. I feel that there is nothing either in law or in reason-though I
do not profess to have any standing in the region of law-I do not see that
there can be any objection in law or in reason if the Joint Committee chooses
to delete Sub-clause (I) of Clause 5. I feel that in regard to this point, in
regard to the necessity of co-ordination between the Dayablzaga and the
Mifahllara systems of law, it is necessary that the Joint Committee takes note
of the \·iew expressed in this House. In this connection, I would like also to
be surl' about Shri N.C Chatterjee's position. Act on time, he appeared to me
to suggest that the Bill was defective because it did not apply to the
generality-as far as we can get them into the orbit of this legislation-of
Hindus, and his objection seemed to me to be that the Mitakslzara joint family
also should h,1\·e been incorporated in the pro\·isions of this Bill. Of course,
I knew that was not really at the back of his mind-later it became quite clear
that that was not his intention at all. He did not want to see a co-ordination
of the two systems as far as succession was concerned. He had only raised
that point in ordt'r to put up a hurdle in the way of this legislation. Now, I
would ask Shri N.C Chatterjee, if he is serious about his desire that this Bill
should apply to as large a chunk of Hindu society as possible, if he is serious
about his desire-as far as lundt'rstand it-to instruct his leading colleague,
Shri V.C. Dt'shpande, who is on the Joint Committee to see to it that this
particular sub-clause is deleted and that what the Select Committee of 1948
had rt'pl1rtl'd is incorporated in the prm·isions of the Bill as it comes back to
us fwm thl' Joint Committee.
Nmv, in regard to this point, opinions han' been expressed already and
I need not amplify. We have found how many eminent judicial authorities,
particularly fwm Madras, have pointed out unequi\"(xally that the joint family,
as it is today is a prolific source of litigation, and if there is today a kind of
adaptation of the two diffl'rent schools of succession, then that would be at
least a stt'P in advance. I have seen also that Shri N.C Chatterjee pointed out
at one stage of his spt'ech that this Bill was not going to apply to the generality
of Hindus-and that he seemed to regret-and he said after that that it is
opl'n to a man on account of his rights of testamentary disposition to
circumvent the provisions of this Bill. Now, unless Shri N.C Chatterjee was
m(lking a dt'bating point, for the sake of it, I do not understand the essence
of this arguml'nt. Do I take Shri Chatterjee to mean that he is against the idea
of a pt>rson having the right of testamentary disposition? Is he willing and
ready, here and now, in tht' present posture of slxial relations to come forward
with a suggestion that a man should not han~ the right of testamentary
disposition? I know the answer; he possibly can't have that idea in mind. The
fact of the matter is that in the present context of s(xial relations and economic
relations, the right of testamentary disposition is a right which Government
cannot take away even if-it is very inconceivable in the present context-
even if Government is minded in that direction and therefore, has to remain
on the statute-book of the country a provIsIOn in regard to tl'stanll'ntary

disposition, and that, necl'ssarily, would make a kind of inroad into this kind
of legislation. So it is not arguing really and essentially against the provisions
of the Bill when Shri N.e. Chatterjee points out that many Hindus would try
to get out of the orbit of this particular Bill if tht'y han' tht' right of
testamentary disposition. So I fed that the pllints which Shri N.C. Chattcrjce
was making, at least in the first half of his speech, Wt'rl' argul1wnts mcrel~'
of a sophisticated description, arguments which parlllok of a certain pSl'udo-
technical tinge and their only objecti\'t' was to dd'l)', if nllt to prt""t'nt, the
passage of legislation of this sort.
No\\", I have said that we wl'lCOIl1l' this I,l\\' bt'caust' it i~ on .1n..-

computation all important mt'asurt'. TIll' introduction Ilf tlw d.Hlghlt'r dS d
simultaneous heir along with the son and the widow is fl'ally .1 m.1ttt>r (If
\'ery great importance, and for this, not only womt'n but all pr(lgrt'S~iH' .md
democratic sections llf society ha\"t~ bet'n agitating fllr so long. I ,lin sure that
there ha\"e been Shri N.C. Chatterjet"s 'dllubles' who hdd opposl'd the idl'.l
of the widow having any share in the husband's t'statl'. So from tinll' to tinw
they change their arguments, they changl' their ~kin, they ,1PPl'M undl'r
different guises; but the basic character of reaction and obsl.."ur,mtism remains
the same, and that is the character which, I am H'ry sorry to 11<l\"l' to say,
Shri N.C. Chatterjee displayed l'Mlier this morning.
Now, the Minister in the !'.1inistry of Law-I dm sorry I hd\"l' to U"l' this
rather pedantic expression because of tht' welcome presenCt' of my hon. frit'nd,
the Law Minister himself-Shri PataskM had very rightly laid emph,lsis on
the point that there are so many Members of this House, particularly fwm
the side which Shri N.C. Chatterjee pre-l'minently reprl'sl'nts, who were trying
to point out, when they \..'ere opposing the Hindu MMriage Bill, that dinlrcl'
would be a matter militating against the interests of wonll'n bl'C,lUSl' Hindu
women did not have economic independence. They appe,ued to shed a lot
of tears, crocodile or no, I do not know, but they did shed a lot of tears in
regard to the economic dependent of women upon ml'n. If that is so, there
is no reason why they should not come forward today, as Shri I'ataskar
pointed out, to support the legislation which has been placed before us in
this House. Actually, women have a role in society about which I need not
amplify. Only the other day, the Prime Minister said that women are a greater
asset to India than men are. I do not know. I do not wish to put it in exactly
that kind of terms, but after all, it is undeniable that women are likely, more
likely than men to suffer on account of destitution and want. And chivalry
demands that they should be better provided for economically than men, if
we can do that. But in our country, chivalry is perhaps confined to poetry
and to fiction, and to the occasional eloquence of Shri N.C. Chatterjee when
the mood takes him; but otherwise, we forget the real condition in which our
women have bl'en living for so many ages. Whatever that may be, democracy
and deCl'ncy dl'mand that women should not be treated as inferiors in the
matter of inhl'rited wealth. I need not argue this point; I need not try to
formulate spl'cial reasons why today we cannot say what Manu did, that a
woman dOl'S not deserve to be independent.
I found towards the l'nd of his speech Shri N.C. Chatterjee hopped back
to what is fl·ally a very important item in his scheme of thought, and that is
that hl' is ag,linst this whole idl'cl of succession being regulated in the manner
which is suggl'stl'd by this Bill, because he is, like all orthodox Hindus, a
lwlil'\'l'r in the doctrine of spiritual efficacy, and he belie\'es that allocation of
pwpl'rty should correspond to the capability of a person, who for some
mystl'rious n',bon u . . ually happens to be a mall', to perform services of
spiritual l'ffic'K~' to the ,111(estor. I ha\'e nothing to say against the doctrine
llf spirituall·ffic,l(Y. So many hundn.'ds of thousands of our people belie\'e in
it \\'ith dl'\'olion, and I do not wish to say anything which e\"lm remotely
would injurl' tlwir . . l'ntillll'nts. But I do not understand why when we talk
,1blHlt things Iikt.· spiritual efficacy, we should stand up for cl system which
Sl'l'ms Il) imply, ,lCcording to till' Il'galists l)f our day and also of the T\-1edie\'al
Indian pl'riod, Ih,lt you pl'rfl)rm an act of spiritual efficaciousness to the
lwnl'fit nf . . onw anCl· . . tl'r of yours, because you happen to inherit a certain
,11ll0unl of pwpl'rty fn)m that source. Inheritance of property and the
pl'rform,lIlCl' l)f spiritual obligations sccm to be bracketed together, and I
would say th,lt tlwrl' can be nothing more unspiritual than this kind of
cllnn'ptil)Jl p.nticularIy at a tinw when wc arc mm'ing in a \'ery different
dirl'dillll, \\'11\'n the whole idl'a of propl'rty is being changed \'ery drastically,
in spite of whaten'r obscurantists might say or might not say. At that time,
to talk about till' doctrinc of spiritual l'fficclcy, tl) re\'i\'e the absolutely
ridicull)us idl'a that \\,ollwn are incapabk' of performing oblations which are
of spiritual significancl' to an anCl'stor, or tl) talk in that strain is abracadabra,
is so much moollshinc and nonsense, That is why I sav that this is another
way of rl'adil)J1 putting l)J1 a diffcrl'nt kind of cloak in order to rouse re\'i\'alist
cmotion in our country, to pren'nt the passage l)f social legislation.
Only the day bdore yesterday I happened to be talking quite accidentally
to cl n'ry highly placed Membt.'r of this House, who is not present here at this
moment. He was saying that as a \'ery dutiful father, he had married his
daughter to a \'l'ry rich family, and he said there was no reason why on earth
that daughter, who is wry well off because of the father having behawd so
dutifully and so wonderfully, should now come and try to share her patrimony.
He seemed to be very much hurt. He was a very responsible Member of the
ruling party in this House, but he was seriously disturbed at the idea that his
daughter might get a share of her patrimony.
Today also, we heard Shri N.C. Chatterjee quoting Sir Francis F10ud as
having said in private conversation to somebody that what was the trouble
with Bengal's agrarian system was not the Permam'nt St.'ttlt.'n1l'nt but the
fragmentation of holdings. All these peculiar ways of bringing back support
of a completely outmoded thing like the Pcrm,ment Sl'ttlt'n1l'nt, wl'il, all
these methods have been practised. Fragmentation of holdings is .t vcry bad
thing. And so, Shri N.C. Chatterjee and his friends arc \'l'ry much worricd
over the fragmentation of property. Who arl' actually worricd? Most of us
ha\"t~ hardly any property. We are not going to inhl'rit much of a propcrty. If
my sister shares in what little property I might or I might not gl't-might not
get is ,·ery much more Iikely-I do not care a rap. It is (mly thosc who haH'
enormous properties, who look fl)rward to largc Il'g<Kil's, and who try to
depri,·e X or Y or Z, brother, or sister, or whateH'r it may bc, who fight for
their gains in law courts. That is why Shri N.C. Ch.tttt'rjl'e knows very well
our beha,·iour in the law courts is a standing ignominy to thl' (h.udctl'r of
our race, and that is why Indo-Anglican jurisprudl'ncl' has pmdlKl'd such
enormities vvhose results we are ruing from day to ddY, from Yl'.u to ye.H,
and I do not know for how long wc shall have to rut' thc rl'slilts ()f Indo-
Anglican jurisprudence. These arc the things about which \\"l' ,HC \\"(wried .
......
...... ...... . ....
I do feel that the objection to this Bill is coming frlllll rl'adionary sl'ctions
of society, is coming from those who fight for the loan's <md fisl1l'S whkh
follow the question of inheritance, and succession, <lI1d so and so forth. I wish
that the House remembers something vvhieh thl' Priml' Minister sdid till'
other day that in life's journey it is bettl'r to be lightly ladl'l1. TI1l'rl' WdS a lot
of truth, and there was a lot of beauty in that kind of formul.ttion whkh I
recommend for anxious thought for all Members of this flouse who .HC so
enamoured with the idea of property that they come forwMd to opposc cven
progressive legislation of this sort.
There is one other point. We have heard from the dl'fl'ndl'rs of property
that property is a function of personality. Actually, Sir, thc only justification
of property can be that personality cannot develop unll'ss a pl.'rson has
command of the wherewithal of existence, that is to say that he has control
of certain property. Capitalist private property is not a function of pl'rsonality;
on the contrary, it drains life out of humanity. But personal property, property
which you need for your own development, is something which is sacrosanct,
something which is in order, and which social order will certainly tmsure to
the individual. I say this, because on this point there is so much confusion,
there is so much of unmerited and uneducated attack on the Communists, so
much slander that we are against all property as such. We are not against all
property as such. We are only against those forms of property which lend
themselves necessarily and inevitably to exploitation of the freedom and the
physical and emotional powers of other people. So, capitalist private property
is not a function of personality. But if you give to a man his private property,
the personal propt'rty of the sort which is essential to his humanity, then, it
is absolutely irrational to deny it to a woman. Today all the world accepts
certain canons of behaviour and in that code, woman is accepted as man's
E:.'qual by the democratic and decent opinion of our country. Democracy and
decency demand that we should put, as soon as we possibly can, this kind
of legislation \vith all necessary amendments of the sort which I have, generally
spl'aking suggt'sted, on the statute book.
UPLIITMENT OF SCHEDULED CASTES AND SCHEDULED TRIBES*
.. .It will bear repetition that the report of 1953, was rather dl'sldtorily put
up for discussion at the fag end of 195-l and was naturally not condudl'd. In
mid-September, we are discussing thl' report of the last yl'ar. I say it is not
good enough. It is not good enough by a wry long chalk, and I support
Shri Jaipal Singh's suggl'stion that we should havl' a COlwl'ntion that we
discuss this report e\·ery budget session.
The Commissioner in his report has repeated his annual complaint that
the State GO\·ernments do not furnish him \'vith data in time so that he can
incorporate them in his report. I feel also that his staff is inadequate, and the
Minister should see to it that for no fault of his own the Commissioner is not
disabled from discharging his onerous responsibilities.
I fear I must say that the Commissioner's reports and espl'cially the
description of his tours are somewhat uninspiring. I say this bl'cause I know
that a report has got to be catalogic, it has got to be objecti\·e but I miss in
his reports that sense of urgency that must be in the work, and also, what is
more important, that feeling of pride in our people and especially those
sections of our people whom for generations we h,l\"e considert'd lowly and
have treated in dastardly fashion.
I say this because in this year of 1955, we have celebrated, if we care to

celebrate it, the centenary of the Santal insurrection of 1855, where they
showed tremendous courage in their fight against the British imperialists
and their Indian subsidiaries. And we know how the members of the
Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes have taken part in our freedom
movement, As far as my province is concerned, in the old days, in the tl:'nth
century, when the Pal dynasty came into the picture, it was those who come
under the description of Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes who created
that revolution. In recent years, members from Midnapore district are aware,
the members of the Scheduled Castes have taken the largest share in the
national movement. We ought to have pride in these people, but I am sorry
we d@ not have that pride. We do not have a consciousness that these people
are the salt of our Indian earth .
• L.S. Deb., 16 September 1955. (participating in the discussion on the Motion regarding Reports
of Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for 1951 and 1954, Shri Mukl'rjel'
also spoke on 4 April 196B on a similar subject].
472
I found many things in the speeches made by the former Home Minister
and also by my hon. friend the Deputy Home Minister from time to time,
and I have noted a kind of complacency. Dr. Katju, said many times, we have
made substantial allocations for the Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.
1 have seen also that our friends from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes haw said, as Shri Barman said last time, that it was a drop in the
on'an. I rtmll'mber, Shri B.5. Murthy said last year that it is a cauldron of
agony through which these people pass every day of their lives. I ha\·e seen
also a Member who is sitting on the other side, Shri P.L. Kureel, getting angry
last time. I remember that occasion \·ery vividly. On the 24 December, last
Yl'clI", he said:
"I would submit that the Home \'1inister has always tried to gi\·e evasive
rep lies."
And Ill' asked:
"Do you \\"ant to sl;'e that the Scheduled Castes adopt the same attitude
which the Muslims in this country adopted?"
Furtl1l'r, he went on to say:
"En.'ry Scheduled Clstl' representati\"t~ is not as domesticated, as humble,

and as silent, as you see him here. Listen to them outside the House.
They ,Ul' as bitter as Dr. Ambedkar. They are as bitter as I am. The
bitterness has been growing into anger."
This is the kind of way in which our representati\·es haw expressed

thl'mst:'lves. And why ha\"t~ they done so? The Commissioner has been good
enough, and the Home Ministry has been good enough to supply us with
notes showing action taken because of certain complaints made in Parliament.
I shall pick out a few items. In regard to the complaint that the progress is
unsatisfactory, Government have stated: "This is a vague statement" as if
Gon.'rnml'nt have to make a debating point against us. Are you going to
score a debating point by saying 'You are making vague allegations'?
We find further the statement:
"All the State Governments and the Central Gowrnment are doing their
best to remove the disabilities."
Again, when the question of landless Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tribes people comes up, it is stated:
"The State Governments are doing all they can to rehabilitate landless
Scheduled Castes and Schl'duled Tribes."
This is ridiculous. The Commissioner himself says at page 39 of his report

in regard to PEPSU Scheduled Castes:
"It will be a n>ry h,ud case for the Scheduled Castes of PEPSU, if they
are to be evicted from the land on which their houSt'S stand, or which
they ha\"t~ been cultivating for a long time, because this land is eV,lCUl'e
property."
Then he goes on to say:
"Reclaimed land should be allotted to Htlrijilll tenilnts and to agricultural

labourers who will be thrown out of employml'nt on account of some
new legislation."
This is what he says, and yet you say that all thLlt is possible is b('ing
done as far as GO\'ernment are concerned.
There are so many other things that I could point out. Thert' is item
No.8 here, where it was said that the Scheduled Caste ilnd Scheduled Tribe
people of Bihar and Orissa were prosecuted by the Forest Dl'partmmt officials,
and put in prison, whenever they went into the forest to collect (l'rtilin things
they needed for their living. The answer is:
"The matter has been brought to the attention of Governnll'nt for m'cessary
action."
We want to know what has been done. 'Necessary action' be followed!

We want to know what exactly Government have done in regard to this
matter.
In item No. 13, we find:
"In the 1931 and 1941 census, as number of Scheduled Tribes were
enumerated as tribals but in the census for 1951 they have not been so
enumerated."
I have read the report of the Commissioner's speech at Lohardaga or

somewhere, in the course of which he had said:
"I am not going to rest till this anomaly is removed."
1 have read also what the president of that assembly, Pandit Hriday Nath
Kunzru had said. He said 'I am going to do something about it'. But I want
to know what Government have done about it. Let us hear something about
it. But we do not have the good fortune to hear what Government have to
say about these things.
Then, there is item No. 18 which says:

"PO\\'('rs given to the autonomous districts of Assam should not be subject
to the overriding power of the Governor."
This was a suggestion made in Parliament. And the answer is that:
"The GOVl'rnor, being the head of the State, exercises overriding authority
not only with reference to the powers of the district councils but also
with reference to the general administration of the State."
This is fantastic nonsense, as far as constitutional propriety is concerned.
Hl're is a constitutional lawyer who would say that the Gm·ernor has no such
o\'l'rriding pO\\'l'rs. And especially in regard to district councils, it is very
important that the Governor knows how to beha\·e. If he did so, we would
not hear the kind of answers V','hich the External Affairs Ministry gi\·es in
rl'gard to the North East Frontier Agency.
Tlll're are so many other things. But I am sorry my time is limited. But
I do hope you will gin' me a little more than the usual allocation. There are
so many things I wish to point out which show that Government's attention
is not bl'ing directl'd to this mattl'r in the way in which it ought to be done.
I would refl'r only to a few other points in these notes. There was one
allegation made in Parliament last year, and it was said:
"!\1oney allotted for welfare work should not be given to political bodies,
and propaganda for the rl'mm·al of untouchability should not be left to
social workers who an.' only professionalists, and have no lo\·e for this
work."
The anSWl'r is:
"It is made clear to non-official agencies at the time of allotment that if
it is found that the money allotted for welfare work is utilised for political
purposes, the grant will be discontinued."
I have heard charges-and I think Shri Jaipal Singh made a charge
yestprday, if I remember aright-that for political purposes, these grants are
utilised. I wish Government do more about it than merely giving some
categorical denials, and they do something which would really and truly
disabuse the minds of people who should be in the know in regard to this
particular problem.
Also, I find that there was a complaint last time in Parliament about the
bad administration of the hill tribes in Andhra. Here again we find the
statement that attention had been directed. We do not know what action has
so far been undertaken by Government.
I find also that there was question last year that there was a temple entry
law in Travancore--Cochin but that the Home Ministry should investigate as
to how many untouchables were allowed to enter the temples. To this,
Government say, "We cannot do all that". Why cannot you do all that? Why
cannot you find out how exactly this law is being operc1ted? Do you not
know that this kind of law remains a dead letter, because of the obscurantist
opposition in this country? If that is so, come forward with some statement,
at least an admission of your \veakness. Tell these people, you come and help
us so that really and truly we can put into operation the Untouchability
Offences Act or whate\·er other analogous legislation is tht.'re.
Now, the question of land is c1 crying problem. I have hardly .my time to
refer to it. But I find that in Andhra, lands haw bt.,t.'n gin>n as political
rewards to those who are described wry euphemistically .1S political sufferl'rs,
and the lands taken away from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
have been allocated in the fashion.
The economy of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled TriPl's is so dismal,

and we know of the challenge of the North East Frontier A~l'ncy in p.uticular.
It is so excruciating to read that almost en'rywhere what the peoplc need is
drinking water. We talk so big about building this s()dety and that slKiety
and so on and so forth; and our people need drinking water; even in the year
of grace 1955 their representatives have to come and say, as they used to say
to. Dr. Kailas Nath Katju, "You are Kailas Nath, you are full of beneH,ll'llCe
for the rest of humanity, for God's sake do something, and gin~ liS drinking
water". We have come do"vn to this kind of depth.
I find that agriculture-minded ness is something which it is necessary

that we introduce as far as many of the tribt.'s are concerned, as for instant'l',
the Todas. But I am very sorry that it required the (·xpostulations to the Prime
Minister, of a Prince Peter of Greece or of Yugoslavia or of hl'aven knows
where, to take steps for the continued existence of the Todas. I am afraid that
these people are not congenitally anti-agriculture-minded. It is no good saying
they don't know how to cultivate. That is why there is 'jlwomil/g' in Assam.
They do it because they cannot do any better. What steps are being taken to
make these people agriculture-minded? There is no good in merely saying
that certain forest laws have got to be put into operation, that the country
must not be denuded of forests by these miserable Scheduled Tribl's pl'ople.
Teach them how agriculture should be practised by them. Give tht.·m all the
facilities. I want to find out from Government what exactly is bt·ing done in
those areas of Assam and the North-East Frontier Agency where 'jltooming' is
in operation and where agriculture has got to be spread, I want to know how
many mobile libraries have gone into those areas in order to teach people
what should be done. I want to know how many films have been shown in
those areas in regard to these things. On the contrary, I find in Tripura-an

allegation has been made in this House-that lands have been taken away
from Scheduled Caste people, schools they had started on their own initiative
were being shut down because Government was not coming forward with
the necessary assistance.
Now, in regard to the question of reservation of jobs, it is a dismal story.

Except for Saurashtra, I am told, the record of almost every Government is
bad. Saurashtra has supplied the ruling party with a President, and I hope
that Saurashtra supplies the ruling administration with some desire at least
to see to it that the directions in regard to reservation are really and truly
followed. I have got references here which show how the reservation business
is almost a fakt>, it is just not happening. 1 have got figures supplied by the
Commissioner as regards the representation of the Scheduled Castes and
Schedull>d Tribes in the armed forces in 1953-and 1954---1 cannot quote
them because 1 have no time. But there is no change at all, no imprO\'ement
at all. Why ~hould this happen? How is it that in our Air Force there is no
commissionl>d officer, no tlight sergeant, no sergeant as far as the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes are concerned? Why should it happen? Some of
thl'se Scheduled Tribesnwn are among the most wonderful automobile drivers
in cTl'ation, Why in our Air Force are therl' not officers belong to these
communities?
I have figures in regard to 'Unemployment' Exchanges-they are somehow

called Employnwnt Exchanges, The number of Scheduled Castes people on
the registl'r during last year was 1,58,224, and only 24,614 were placed in
employment. As regards Scheduled Tribes, out of 17,806 who applied, only
3,277 \·wre placed in employment. Why should this happen? I know of an
instance where a Scheduled Tribe student from near Shri Jaipal Singh's area
got a first class degrel', and he went from pillar to post, and then he took a
job as a teacher in a collegl', You all know-my hon, friend is nodding-he
knows the treatment that is given by the Education Ministry; he knows what
the position of a teacher of a college is, And this chap, this young fellow, with
fl'al equipment, real brillianCl" real capacity, does not get the chance of his
life, which he is certainly entitll>d to. All these cases are there. All these things
happen because Wl' do not have that quality of sympathy and understanding,
not mere superior minded bene\'olence towards the Ith"ly, but real
understanding, real sympathy, real fellow-feeling. We haw not got that. It we
had that real fellow-feeling-I know the Commissioner has done wry good
work with Thakkar Bapa; I know at the same time, that the headquarters of
those who are operating these provisions for the tribal people are in places
like Shillong or Visakhapatnam while hundreds of miles away are the tribal
areas-why should this happen? I want to know from Gowrnment-I am
very sorry that the Home Minister, Pandit Pant is not here; possibly there
must be some plausible reason for his absence-about this. You know very
well that specially in the tribal areas there are chauvinists who want to wean
them away from Indian loyalty; you know it very well. What are you going
to do about it? What is your policy? You won't get the allegiance of the tribal
people to the Indian Union merely by mouthing platitudes. You have to
work, concretely work, and you have to really show objecth'e recognition of
their rights. Here is the States Reorganisation Commission going all over the
place possibly producing a mouse-I do not know, it may produce an elephant.
But anyhow, what is the Government going to do about it? Why not think of
some idea of autonomy? Why can't you carefully devise a system of
autonomous regions for certain tribal belts. You may say 'this is a \'Cry tall
order: I can't give you an answer', but tell me that you are going to consider
this matter; tell me that in certain areas of our country where these tribals
live in compact areas of regions, you are going to extend certain autonomous
rights. Because otherwise, they are completely at the mercy of the majority
who have been so long ruling the roos~, who will continue to exploit them
under the mask of honeyed words, sympathy and kindness and benevolence
and all the rest. This is a policy on which I want Government to make up its
mind. I know that it is a very tall order....
.. .1 remember a little over two years ago the late Dr. Syama Prasad
Mookerjee made a suggestion which was commended last year by my friend,
Shri N.C. Chatterjee-it was also highly appreciated by the Commissioner in
his Report-which was this. Why not have an all-parties commission which
will undertake a tour of all these areas for about two months? Why not make
an all-out effort? I do not believe in do-goodery. I do not really think that that
kind of going from place to place will do the trick. But it is a beginning; there
is no doubt about it. It is a very good gesture. Government has done nothing
about it so far. The Commissioner has expressed his regret that there is no
enthusiasm as far as non-officials are concerned? How could there be
enthusiasm? We do not even have a Standing Committee of Members of
Parliament to look into this matter. We have no provision, as far as the tribal
people are concerned, for a special cadre for the tribal tracts. Why don't we
have the provision of a special allowance for those of our young people who
learn the tribal languages and go and live there, if they are enthusiastic about
it? Why don't we have a special University for the different tribes who inhabit
our country, as they have in China? I have not been there. I am told there is
a special University there for the different tribes who live there. On the
contrary, we find the Home Ministry treating the movement in Manipur and
the movement in Tripura with a kind of callousness which should be
condemned in the strongest possible terms, particularly when we are
discussing this matter.
The Commissioner has regretted that in the Gandhian days we had

enthusiasm; now we havl' not got enthusiasm. How do you whip up
l'nthusiasm? Nobody can do it merely by moral exhortation. Why are the
Christian missionaries l'nthusiastic? Because they have an idea. And you
haH' to have an idea; you have to ha\'e an idea that we are going to say
good-bye to all that has been done so far in regard to looking down upon the
Schl'dull'd Castes and Scheduled Tribes. I say, Sir, that not even the ablest
'lpologist, would succeed in explaining away the fatalism with which the law
of karma has pt'rmeated our society, and the results of that we find in the
treatment of this probl(·m. All effort at social regeneration has been baulked
for centuries by the facile and pathetic hope of a life beyond death which will
somehow compensate for the sorrows of this existence. And for centuries our
culturalleadl'rs ha\'e had the infernal effrontery to call a section of our fellow-
human beings untouchable, some of them deemed so lowly that even their
shadow would pollute the path of a bloated Brahmin. This has gone on for
too many years. Now, our people have tried to compensate for it by finding
a nev\, name for them, 'Hari;alls'-the people of God. If you like that
designation, I won't quarrel. It is for those who are directly concerned to say
what they think about it. I do not know why we should call them Hari/alls
and put them in a separate catt'gory, as if God has put them in a special
l'nclosure so that God's comfortable votaries may exercise their philanthropy
and perform their charity-mongering acrobatics by patronising these people.
That is an idea which I resent, which I detest and that is why I say that all
our effort should be to treat these people as human beings with rights, with
rights which they want to see achie\'ed here and now. In a society where they
ha\'e suffered, this is the perspecti\'t~ which has to be there, If we have that
perspectin~, many of the problems will melt away like darkness dispelled by
the morning sun. Thereforl' , all our difficulties would go if you get that kind
of perspective. And I plead with the Commissioner, the Home Ministry and
the House to have that kind of perspective, to have real respect for human
dignity, to remind ourselves that these people whom we ha\'e put in a special
category by calling them Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are the salt
of the Indian earth. And if we cannot look after them properly, not in a
philanthropic condescending manner if we cannot look after them properly,
if we cannot raise them to the le\'el which all of us ,,,'ant to reach then good-
bye to all our hopes regarding Indian reconstruction and the fruition of our
aspirations for freedom.
COMMUNAL SITUATION IN THE COUNTRY*
Sir, it is a tragic irony that the fiercest communal massacre after

Independence which is reminiscent of the gruesome happenings before and
after August 19-17 which led up to the martyrdom of Mahatma Gandhi has
occurred in Gandhiji's Gujarat exactly on the eve of Gandhiji's birth centenary.
I am glad the Home Minister has said that our H'ry existence as a civilised
society is at stake if this kind of happening is allowed to continue. The most
fundamental of all rights that a citizen can han', the right to life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness is in jeopardy for a large section of our own people.
Sir, Gandhiji once said-I am quoting his words:
"If a minority in India, minority on the score of its religious profl'ssion,
is made to feel small on that account, I can only say that this India is not
the India of my dreams."
We are far away from the India of our dreams. We know it for a fact-
it is not use trying to get away from it-that our Muslim countrymen around
us do have a feeling that they are not safe, their life, their honour, their
liberties, they are not safe in this country. It is no use hiding the fact. It is no
use trying to say that a certain secret circular has not been issued. The fact
of the matter remains that our fellow countrymen are not happy. em \\"l'
place a hand on our heart and say that it is not so? Truly, our Muslim ft:>llow
countrymen as well as the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, to whom
a reference was rightly made by Shri Bhandare, they are in agony, they are
not happy because of so many dastardly happenings. The Gandhi Ct:>ntenary
has been disgraced and the Sabarmati Ashram itself has been spiritually
desecrated when Gandhiji's old Muslim associate was attacked. This is tht:>
kind of thing which has happened, which we are discussing in this House at
this moment.
Yesterday, I listened very carefully to what Shri Morarji Desai had to say
and with an air of a padre in a sermon he spoke to us, sugar-coating his
vicious shafts. But the net result made me think what a contrast this Morarji
performance every time is with the speeches that are made by Khan Abdul
Ghaffar Khan, what a contrast between truth telling there and something
very different in this House. We have noticed how Shri Morarji Desai has
gone ahead in the manner of a communal rioter surreptitiously slipping in
• LS. Deb., 5 Decembt'r 19fi9.JParticipating in the discussion on the Motion regarding Communal
Situation in the Country, Shri Mukerjee <llso spoke on 13 Dt'cembl'r IlI7), 1 June 1974 and
27 February 197<; on a similar subjectJ.
480
a sort of backhand stroke with a knife. He chose to say certain things,

particularly in regard to my party. He began, of course, by saying that we
had no communal trouble before the British came. Now I am not quarrelling
with that because I have no time to go into that. He said, again, that the
minorities sometimes start the trouble, they are not blameless and the majority
gl'ts irritated. He conceded that a very few people in the minority community
may do the damage. But, then, he said in Ahmedabad the slogan was heard,
"Pakistan Zindabad" and all sorts of things in regard to Islam and there was
no use running down Hindus, as "they are also human". That is what he
said.
I do not understand what brand of Gandhism is this. Unless our Muslim
fellow countrymen can be assumed to ha\'e taken up the YOW of suicide; they
know H'ry \\"l'1I that in the India of today they cannot ha\'e a riot and get
away with it. It may be that some of them are criminals. It may be that
l\lkistan has sent some spies to this country but all of them are not necessarily
!'v1uslims. If Pakistan wants to ha\'e spies in our country to serye their cause
they. vvould dl'liberatelv. recruit Non-Muslims rather than Muslims. But I
cannot for the life of me belie\'e that the Muslim community is suicide-
minded in this country, that e\'ery time the pro\'ocation is from the Muslim
side to bl'gin with, I suspect there is something more behind the game which
has got to be found nut and punished at the root. But that is not done and
we Me told about the majority community getting irritated and that sort of
thing.
Now I ha\'l' little time and that is vvh\' I haye to summarise what I haye
to say. But I must refer to Shri Morarji's sly attack on us. He said a Communist
wcnt to Ahmedabad and stayed with a Muslim in whose house a bomb was
disco\'l'n~d. Sl'\'eral of my colleagut's in this House and in the other House
wcnt to Ahmedabad, because they thought it was their duty, and they all put
up in the Circuit House and the records will show where they put up. And
they went round the city in the transport provided for them by the Peace
Committee, transport \vhich had curfew passes giyen by the local authorities.
It is an uttt'r untruth, a complete unmitigated lie for anybody to say that any
Communist went to Ahmedabad and stayed with a Muslim, who is a criminal,
in whose house something was discovered in connection with the riots. It is
a complete unmitigated lie which he has somehow chosen to perpetrate. I
went to the service in memorial of Smt. Ah-a the other day and something
which was read out from the scriptures stuck in my mind, and I felt like
saying that in regard to Moarjibhai. 'If the light that is in thee is darkness,
how great is that darkness?' This is the darkness with which we have to
contend,
In Ahmedabad, the slogan was raised and everybody heard it:
~ ~ 1j,f/C"IIO(7"1. ~ ~ q,fctiR17"1
This is the RSS typl' of prop.1gantia. \Vl' know it wry \\"l·11. Thi" is till'
propaganda which to my shallll' and nlllstl'rndtilln, my frit'nd, Shr.i :'v1.1dhllk
also appears to countl'n.mCl' with .111 till' strl·ngth dt hi" displlS.ll. I ...lY this
because Mr. r-.tddhok has bl'l'n nll'ntiol1l'd by n.lnll' in .111 (...inds llf papt'rs in
the country, big l)r small. Fllr l'x.lmpll' tIll' Glli,mlt HI'rllld. ,lI) ,·\lII/It·dlll)"d d"i/.lf
in its issue l)f the 8 Octobl'r, said:
"T\\"l) days prior to tht' tt'mplt' incidl'nt, thl'rt' W.lS .lIl inl'iting .. pVl·l'h
delivered by nllllt' l)t/wr than Shri 13.11 R.)j \Iadhll"-, tIll' j.m S.mgh Il'.hit-r,
who was threatening Ahnll'ddb.1d th.lt .1 I'.l(...i .. t,mi ,llt,l("(... lin (;lIj.H.lt \\,1 ..
impending and l]ul'stilllll'd tIll' iI)Y,llty of the \111 .. lim Il',lglll·r .. in tIll' lit~,
He e\'en hinted th,lt tlll'rl' Wl'rl' rn,lIl~' \!u .. lim..; in tIlt' lity "'hll wert'
Pakistani agents .md who ll\\"l'd ,1lll'gidlKt' tll th.lt country,"
could go on multiplying inst,lIKl'S of nt,\\ .. p,lpt·r nTlll"t-.,I'h.lt b ,,'Il\"

reterrl'd to this mdttl'r.
I shall be \"t'ry happ~' if Shri \Iadhllk rl'pudi,ltl'S ,111 ,llll'g.ltilllh 01 illl'iting

communal discord I shall bl' \'l'ry happ~' ,lIld I \\'lluld li(...l· to pin him dtlwn
to that a\·erment. It is an oblig.ltilln .md duty ",hid1 Ill' h,}..; t,l(...l·n lIplln
himself in the forum of the nation's I\Hli,lIlll'nt. But wlll'n I 1ll'.lI"d him .1Ild
read about his ha\'ing said it, Ill' cannot dt'ny It, ,lbllut thi .. idl'.l ot
"Indianisation" of Muslims, I felt .. irk when; I h,l\'l' n'dd "Ollll' hi"tllr~·. ,lIld
I know that Muslims in India have nl'\'l'r been a bird oi pa .... ,lgl· llr of prl·y.
The Muslim is a part of this country. The \1u..,lirn in Indi,l i.. p,nt 01 tlw
Indian earth. I want to rl'peat what 1111Cl' a \1uslim I.t'.lgUl' Il',hier told ,m
audience in my presence bdore Indl'pl'ndl·IKt'. Ill' W,b ,l,,(...ing flll" 1',1 (...i "t.lIl ,
but he said he knew he belonged to thi" part tlf the l'lluntI"Y, ,lIld would
remain in India-and he added "Wht'n a Hindu dil's, his bllliy i" burnt ,md
the a~hes are thrown into the rin'r to be cMril'd by the l'urrl'nt, end knm\'",
where. But when a Muslim dies, he nl'l'ds six fel'! by thrl'l' of Indi'lIl .. oil! Ill'
belungs to this country in life ilS well as in dl'.lth." I w,mt my Muslim (l'lIo\\"-
countrymen today, who do not have adequiltl' political leadl'rship, ,lIlJ \-... ho
are suffering from economic adversity and who arl' suffl'ring (rom .111 kinds
of grie\'ances and complaints in regard to non-participation in (;o\'l'rnnll'nt,
in evcry department, so to speak, I want them to hdH' that pride, and I \\',lIlt
us all also to come forward in order to help thl'm hil\'e th,lt pridt'. I wdnt this
country's Parliament to raise its voice against this idea of InJianis.ltillll of
whoe\er does not belong entirely to the Hindu fold. I myself was born .1
Hindu, and I have imbibed with my mother's milk a gn,'at deal of thl' culturl'
that is basically Hindu, but I know at the samc timc that if therl' is anything
worth while in Indian civilisation, it is the synthesis which hilS bet'll cvolVl'd,
and to that synthesis the Muslims have made a stupendous contribution.
That is why when I hear such talk about Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan, I am
n'mindl'd of what hdppt'ned in Cl'rmdny bdore Hitler came to power, and

hi" "illg,lIl \\'dS 'fill Vll/k, fill I~cjtll, Fill Fllchrer', that is one people, one
(Plmtr\' ,1I1d 011l' Il',IL!t'r; in thl' "ame way, \\'t.., are ha\ing this fascistic notion
impl,mlt'd in till' minds pf our people, which we h,l\'e got to fight. In regard
tIl thi" m,lth'r, I ~'Pllid go on l'l,lborating bt.'cause this idea of the synthesis
whil h i" till' fpllnd,ltinn (It Indi,lll culture ,1l1d its "hining quality has to be
. . prl',ld ,md it h,h to be "lIpporll'd b\' t,lllgible measures of material economic
l'I11,)()( ip.ltlllll \\'hid1 \\lluld l',klld tIl tlw under-dog, to the :vlu"lim, to the
c.;dwdukd C,I . . k ,md to l"'l'nbod\' . . 0 that all of us could "land together, And
I . . .1\ th,lt ,I .... ,I (1lI11ll1uni"t, I ,)(11 prlllld of bdril'nding tht..' \-lu"lim, becau-.e he
i" tl1l' l1l1lkr-dng in thi" (lluntn', iu"t ,1S I befriend the Schl'dull'd Castl's and
tlw c.;tl1l'dult.>d rrrbl''', I n'l11l'mbl'r (;,lIldhiji sa:ing, 'If I ,1m to be born again,
in thi . . l'lllll1tn, I \\ ,1I1t tn hl' bllrI1 ,h ,1ll untlluch,lble', SlIme of us happen to
11,1' l' bl'l'n bllrn in . . (lnll' . . 11-(,lllt.-d higher l',btl'S IIi Hindusdom, but I do \\'j"h
\\ l' ,lluld ,III idl'ntifv llur . . l'" l'" l'ntirl'h \\jth tlw 11l\\lil'st of the lo\\'h' and
, '
\\ IWI1 I h,1\I' 111,' "'\ll1p,ltl1\' tor till' \\u"lim \\'hen I am tauntl'd for that and
'->hri \Illr.lrji I )l'''.li t,lke" rl'Cllur . . l· III ... tr,lt.1gl'm dnd dubious tactics in order
tll .... 1\ Ih,lt llll1ll1luni ... t-, .md \\u"lim'" ,HL' tllgl'llwr, I \\'ould S,lY that \\'1.' are
\\ ith tlw \lu ... lim" ill ... n 1M ,I" \\u ... lil1l" ,HI' tlw undL'r-dog and the t.lpprl'ssl'd
!l1 l'ur (Pulltn',
\\h,lt h,I~'Pl'l1l'd in (;uj.1r,lt \\,IS "l'n1l'thing inl,,~'lj('lbll', Cl'\ l'rnn1l'nt han'

.If'f'llinll'd "'1l111l' "'llrt llf inquin ,1~'p.ll',ltu", L'ut it is nllt a~kqualL', StlI11t'thing
'l'r:' l1l11lh biggl'r .1I1d I11nrl' l'llll1pr~'hl'n"i\'L' h,IS til hI.' dlll1l' ,lhllUt it, blY.1use
(;o'l'rnl11l'l1t dnl· ... Illlt l'\ l'n \...nl1\\·, ,md dllL'" Ilot L'\l'llll'lI tlk' \\'llrld the (a~lIalty
tigllrt.·, T1w (,1"'11,111" tigure h,l" beel1 \ en lTL'dibh' l'stim,ltL'd at abt.lut ~O(lO, It
i" .1 trt.·llwndpu" thing, lip\\, i" it th,lt tlw IIt.lI11l' \lini"ll'r h,ld to be tlll'rl' in
/\hll1l'ILll'.ld ,md his pn'''l'l1l'l' h,ld tll gll,ld till' Ahn1l'd,lbad ,ldmini"tratil1n to
gn .111l',lli' I Ill\\, i... it th,lt Idg.lh \\t.l"qUl' and "ud1 ntlll'r pl,KCS Wl're bwken
dt.l\\n III nlbbll' in till' nl'ighbllurhlll)d llf ,1 pl1li(L' IHltpll"t~ Hlm' is it that
l"l'l'\' rt.'pt.lrt in l"'l'n' reput,lble p,lpl'r suggest that Cml'rnn1l'nt \\'as dragging
it<.; il'd, .ll1d l1t.lt dt.ling IlHKh ,md "',I~'ing th,lt steps \\'ould not bl' takl'n because
tl1l' m,ljllrit\' clllnnHII1it:' "hl)lIld let off "tl'am and the \\'ht.lle thing \\'lllIld
sdtll' do\\'n to soml'lhing likc ,1 pc,Kdul sdtlt'llwnt~ ,\11 thL'se things han'
t.1h'n pl,lCl', Iltn\' i" it that the ClIjar,lt CllH'rnl11l'nt rl'sl'ntt.'d Ilwmbers of
l'.uli,1I1Wl1t gt.ling to :\hl11l'd,lb,llL' Hll\\' is it that \\'hL'n ,1 MinistL'r, Shri Saleem
glll'S ,md bl'Clll1WS dl'sperate \\'Iwn 111..' Sl'L'S thl' plight pf his co-religionists, he
(oml'S ul1lil'r nblllquy fwm thL' Cuj.uat GOH'rnnwnt and its friends hen>?
How is it th,lt Khan Abdul Ch,lif.u Khan, lHlr grL'atest gUt'st at the present
mnllwnt, gt.lt.'S tn Ahnwdab,ld ,1nd he is sought tll be fobbl'd llff \\'ith .1 lie,
which was th,lt ,111 thl' camps \\'L'rt..' t..'\-.1ClIeltl'd, meaning tlwn'by that e\'erybody
has gone home? Yl'stl'rdav, Shri Indulal Yajnik had told us-and he knew it
bel',lUSt' Ill' \\',lS all till' ti;ne f,lsting li\...e 5hri Morarji Dt'sai but at the same
tinw going [(lund ,md l1t.lt sitting sOllwwlwre that tlwy held no whert' to go,
All these things are mentioned also in all the reputable newspapers. Is it not
necessary, therefore, for us to have some investigation properly conducted by
the Central Government with whatever agency it thinks fit, in order to pin
down the guilt of the moarlly impeached Gujarat Government? The present
probe is inadequate. Something has got to be done about it. The Centre must
make its own assessment and act accordingly. The Centre must also make
sure that rehabilitation facilities are given properly and truly. The Centre
must also ensure that Muslim workers are taken back into employment. The
Centre must also investigate the charge which has appeared in the newspapers
that Muslim trade unionists, some of whom happen to be communists also,
were butchered off in order that the position might be safe for vested interests.
All these things require to be done. That is why I say that the siren song of
secularism and tolerance is not something which can go on captivating our
people for very much longer, or glorified gimmiks like the National Integration
Council. I do not want to denigrate the National Integration Council. It might
be doing an important job. But merely glorified gimmickry with the National
Integration Council passing resolutions and all that would not do. Something
very much more is necessary. Muslims and their problems, just as the problems
of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are ignored. Those problems have
got to be tackled. Do we not remember that it was after the demoralisation
which set in when the struggle was withdrawn by Mahatma Gandhi that the
communal trouble arose in the 1920's from 1923 onwards? Do we not
remember that Mahatma Gandhi himself went on a fast in the house of
MauIana Mohammed Ali in Delhi in 1924? Do we not remember that those
days, the mid-twenties were the period of political demoralisation? It is only
when there is frustration, on account of political and economic degeneration,
it is also only on that account, that communal troubles arise. If today, therefore,
there is to be any sense in the kind of gestures which some of those people
like the Prime Minister make from time to time, if there is any sense in those
gestures, you have to do something in order to electrify the country, and then
we shall find that the 5watantra-5angh-5yndicate combine with which perhaps
because of the '5' being there, some of my Socialist friends are sometimes
found to be together would be broken and that would be defeated and we
shall go ahead in order to bring about a different dispensation in our country.
I
I
I
. ,.,~ :
- --------
A dedicated leader
Being congratulated by upporter on hi victory in the
Fir t General Election
A spirited Communist amongst Comrades at a Party Me ting in KeraJa in 1957

Being weI omed on hi arrival at a Party Meeting
Shri and Smt. Mukerjee with hri C. Raje hwar Rao, General- cretary, c.P.I. at
Shri Mukerj e's re idence in Kolkata in 19 1
·
With Shri Jyoti Basu, former Chief Minister of We t Benga l
With Shri Jyoti Basu, former Chief Minister of West Bengal

With Shri Jyoti Basu, former Chid Minister of West Bengal and
Shri Somnath Chatterjee, Speaker, Lok Sabha in an informal meeting
Prof. Mukerjee honoured by Shri Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Chief Mini ter
of West Bengal on his Birth Anniversary
Prof. Mukerjee with Shri Buddhad b Bhattacharjee, Chi f Minister of Wi t Bengal, wh n th

latter called at his residence to greet him on his 96th birthday on 23 Nov mber 2003
OTHER NATIONAL ISSUES
EFFICIENT FUNCTIONING OF RAILWAYS: AN APPROACH*
We Ml' discussing what I fear I must call a dismal budget, dispiriting

alike to p,lssengers, to rililway \\"llrkers and to busine<;s people, a budget of
the.;tlltll"; '1110 which is all the more melancholy when v,e remember that we
li\e t(ld,)y in stirring tim!.'s. For change is in Asia's ilir ilnd perhaps we li\'e
in timl's which are mOfl' dynamic than any in history that has gone before.
'ow, tlw i\1ini-.tl'r in his n'ry di-',Hming way has told us in the other
pl,Kl' th,)t he is inclilwd to ha\"e his doubts in n.'gard to the possibility of our
r,)i1\\,)y l'arnings continuing to be what he has estimated them to be for the
time bl'ing, but he prefl'rs to be an optimist, and if I may put it that way, he
has decided to hllid fast to the q rrores surplus which still remains. He said
he would not let it go down below that figure. I think he seems to be \"ery
th,lI1kful f(lr small ml'fcies ,1I1d I wish him all joy as long as the going is good.
We Ml' proud (If llur railways, particularly because our people ha\'e paid
with their bl(llld and treasure for en'n'. foot t)f railwav. track that has been
Idid in this country. hom IKS3 to IlI-t9-S0, we paid enormous sums by way
(If what was c,)lIed euphemistically intL'rest charges to British moneybags-
and this was ,1 permanent feature of our annual railway ren'nues. In 23 years
bd\\"l'en I q26-27 and 19-t9-50, we paid British capitalists the staggering sum
of 677.2 crores llf rupet's as interest on their capital. I find this computed in
thl.' Ellsterll Ecollolllist of I March I lIS2.
The mdximull1 capitdl then inn'sted was about Rupees 839.33 crores of
'vvhich dbout 50 crores wcre hl'ld by Indians. This \\'as quite apart from salaries
and ppnsions which were paid to British Railway officials and also quite
apart from the purchases which were made of surely inflated prices from
Britain in rl'gard to our supply of railway materials. Now, this practice of
paying interest chargl's has of course ceased since 1950, but we made a gift
of a portion of our sterling balances in settlement of these so-called British
claims. This is the story of our still undischarged liability of 8.58 crores of
rupees to which reft:'rence was made by the Minister the other day. He
cheerfully described it as no real liability at all. But there is a story to it, a
story which shows the character of our railway system, a story which makes
it incumbent on us to run the railway systt:'m in the patriotic interests of our
pt:'oplt:' .
• I..S. Dc/!, 25-20 Fd)ruary \'153. [Parti . . ipating in the General Discussion on the Railway Budget.
Shri Mukerjl'e <1lso spoke llB 27 May 1452,5-0 M,lrch \454,3 March 1<l55, 7-Y M,lrch 1'1.50 and
18 Dl'Cl'mber 1'156 on similar topicsJ.
487
Today our people han~ inn:.'sted some 86-t crores of rupel's as thl'ir railway
paid-up capital. Great-heartt'd workers, ne<uly a million of tlll'm, man this
apparatus. We owe it to this country as well as to oursel\'l's that v\'e make a
proud job of it. The Minister has said at least in Chittaranjan he has madt' a
fine job, but I am afraid he is using words which re,llly han' no rl'lation to
reality.
The Fh·e-Year Plan, which is our coy little essay in nation-building, in its
draft outline had set the target of "a degree of opl'rating t'fficiency which will
compare fa\·ourably \vith pre-war standards". Now, the goal set is e\"l'n more
modest. We are told the goal is to enable the railways to handlt, effiL-it'ntly
passenger and goods traffic at around present len:.'ls. E\"l'n this target appl',HS
destined to go down the slipper slope of non-fulfilnll'nt.
The Minister said in his speech that our indigenous production can ml'l't
our normal annual requirements in regard to rails, wagons and coacl1l's. He
went on in the other place to make a commentary on it and he admitted that
he cannot be expected to wipe off 15 years' arrears in fi\·e years' tin1l'. If hl'
is not to get more than -tOO crores of rupees allotted for the Plan pl>riod-
which itself, I may add, is a very dubious matter-t1wn he would l1l'ed to
replace at the end of the Five Year Plan period approximately 1831 coaches,
1331 locomotives and 800 wagons. I leave it to the House to imagine, with
whatever delectation it can, where we stand and I shall only remind the
Minister of what was said by his predecessor in this House on 22 February
1952. He said that the backlog of the arrears of replacements would be fully
overtaken by the year 1954-55. Words, it seems carry very differmt signification
when they are employed by our Ministers!
We are supposed to be conducting very big schemes for building

locomotives, wagons and coaches in India. The Five Year Plan speaks of the
manufacture of locomotives at Chittaranjan. But it really is little more than
an assembly plant. I shall give credit to the hon. Minister at any rate for not
saying what the Plan has said. He has said, very rightly, that at Chittaranjan
we manufacture-manufacture of course, if we can use the world in all sorts
of senses-we manufacture component parts of locomotives and we import
30 per cent, of such parts some of which are proprietary and special items
which we do not ever hope to get manufactured at any possible point of
time.
Now, there is a story to Chittaranjan which I am afraid I should refer to.

It is our duty to remember this fundamental thing. On 23 October 1949,
Mr. Eugene Black, the President of the United States-dominated World Bank,
spoke about our request for a loan from the World Bank. He said: "A quarter
of the locomotives in India were more than 40 years' old. Our consultant-
1.1'. the Bank's consultant-it is tragic how these people should interfere in
our affairs-"strongly recommended that the Bank should make a loan to
hl'lp finance import of some 650 locomotives from the United States and
Canada together with spare parts and boilers." This was the purpose of the
Bank's first loan to India madt' on the 18 August for a sum of 534 million.
"The CO\'l'rnn1l'nt has also put up to the Bank a scheme for a plant to build
locomotivt's. Our consultant "-the Bank's Consultant-" came out strongly
against this. He did suggest however that there was a need for centralised
production of spare parts and the works which are already under construction
might \wll be uSt'd for this purpose". So Chittaranjan was com·erted into an
assembly plant, and as the Railway Board's report for 1950-51 shows,
Chittaranjan comml'ncl'd to assemble locomoth·es imported in knocked-down
condition. In Chittaranjan, thus ignominiously launched, we find production
l·whind schedull'. By Decembt'r 1952 it deli\·ered 49 out of a total of
26R scheduled in the Fiw-Year Plan period. It is because its Plans and Progress
dl'partn1l'nt is manned by foreign technicians who put all sorts of obstacles
in the \ovay. Mall.'rials are purchased from the l!nited Kingdom on a non-
compl'titi\"l' basis. The pitch of production is completely queered by a very
unequal contract with the Locomotive Manufacturing Company of the United
Kingdom. Shri Shastri admitted on 2 June last year that the Chittaranjan
producti()J1 target had failed because of the delay in delivery from a U.K.
firm with whom there was a technical agreement. There was another
agreement with TELCO, representative of our campeador industry in this
country. That is anothl'r sordid story. By an agreement in 1945, 2 crores of
Rupees were paid by way of subsidy as share capital and since then, there
was nothing doing. The securing of the support and cooperation of a German
firm-KI"clI/~~ Maffei-in 1950 has resulted in an ugly statement which has
bel'n referred to by the Public Accounts Committee in the report which they
have submitted. They haw used adjectives like 'extraordinary' and 'most
unsatisfactory'. These are the pranks of profiteering interests to \\'hom we are
pandering because we have no real plan to speak of.
Th£'n there is the Perambur coach building factory plant which, we are
told, will go into production in 1955. Here there is a scandal-the scandal of
the Schlierens-which has been referred to so many times in this House from
every sid£'. These foreign capitalists are unashamedly entering our country
and are permitted to practise prevarication and plunder. This is a kind of
thing which has happened over and over again and we find this happens at
a tin1l' when our position is so bad that the late Gopalaswami Ayyangar
admitted in February last year that our railway tracks are maintained to the
extent of the minimum which is rt'quired for safety purposes. This
is happl'l1ing and we are expected to say hallelujah to the Ministry of the
day!
I should say that crisis-accentuated crisis-is settling down on our

Railway front. But tht.'re they sit contented, smiling away, dt.'pending on
foreign interl'sts, and thesl' foreign interests, we know, will go to any ll'ngth
of banditry in order to strengthen their stranglehold upon us.
In regard to stores the figures show that they do not buy Indian. Wl' Me
purchasing more and more from outside sources. In 19·N-:;1l \\"l' purch,1Sed
19.-12 crores of rupees worth and in 1951-52 we are purchasing from outsidl'
29.32 cronc's of rupees worth of stores. The Railway StOTl'S Inquiry Committl'e
has made H'ry caustic obsen·ations about how tht'sl' stores Me bought. The
Committee has said that inside of 1951 on l'ffort should be madl' so that
lO crores of rupees could be s,n-ed on account of storl'S. I find that the
Minister's speech refers to a \·ery (omplicatl'd way of sa\·ing :; crores of
rupees. If the Railway Inquiry Committee could recommend in 19:; 1 that
10 crores of rupees could be sa\·ed, I do not undl'rstand why adelluate stq..,s
ha\·e not been taken in that direction. l\:ow the StOTl'S Inquiry Lommittl'l'
also calls on Cm·ernment to make a contribution towdfds the dl'H'lopment
of new industries in the country, but it h,lS been a cry in tlw wildl'rnl'ss. Wl'
have a no transport industry worth the name and to talk of l'xp,lIlding our
railways and at the same time not to set up a transport industry is a pil'ce
of fraud.
It is in this context that the Minister has talked about paSS('ngl'r anll'nities.
He has also said that this year he will not allow the sum sd apart for passenger
amenities to lapse. But we find that betwet.'ll 19-t9-52 only 7 out of a totell
provision of 9 crores were spent in amenities. He is an optimist, and I wish
him joy in his optimism. Why does he not try to reduce passenger fares so
that possibly the matter might be very much better?
In regard to regrouping, from the workers' point of vil'w we expressed

certain misgivings last year and we asked the Minister to give us some facts
and not to adjourn discussion of the matter till a very indefinite future date.
In regard to the Calcutta electrification scheme, I find that the Kunzru

Report had recommended that electrification was necessary and economical.
And yet, in regard to the most industrialised part of our country, we do not
have any kind of electrification scheme practically put into effect.
In regard to workers' living conditions, I request Shri Shastri to go, as I

did, to the Sealdah division of the Eastern Railway. I asked him a question
last time, and he said that over 700 derelict wagons are housing the Railway
workers there. These wagons are situated in an area where accidents happen
because trains are running all the time, and I can mention the case of an
accident where the brother of Dwarka who was a Khalasi under-carriage
foreman in Calcutta died while crossing the line. These drivers, fitters, shunters
and firemen ha\'e to pay double-type rent of Rs. 20 and live in hovels where
e\'l'n cattle cannot live. There are quarters built in 1943/47,A.R.P. shelters,
and they are conn'rted into workers' accommodation. There is one place in
Beliaghatta where the roof over the quarters is used as a public path-way. In
Chittaranjan, the Government claims to have made a fine job of it. The officers
are living in splendid quarters, while the workers Iiw in h(wels. You do not
trl'at the workers in a humane way. There is only one Trade Union which is
really reprl'sentative, rl'gistered three years ago. You do not recognise it. You
do not allow anybody to enter not only the factory area, but the entire
township. If you want to go to Chittaranjan, and you do not gh'e notice that
you arc an exalted personality, you would be shown the door straightaway,
you would be gin'n a kick on your pants. That is the thing that is happening.
Let M.Ps. of all partil's go to Chittaranjan and find out what actually happens.
Chittaranjan is n;:mwd after a \'l'ry great patriot who said once he wants
S[('tll'll/, but "Si/'t//'tli for the 49 per cent." The ,,\'ay Chittaranjan is going is
sOllwthing vvhich makes ml' say it is a slander of a \'E'ry great name. All this
is happl'ning, and all this is in keeping with the effort which the Ministry is
making by abusing the rules regarding national security safeguard to punish
,lI1d terrorise whomsol'\'l'r it likes. Whoe\'er has any decency, any spirit, any
[l'al human fl'eling, they are the people who are going to be singled out for
tl-'rrorising. I claim that, \.·ompletely in defiance of all decency, in defiance also
of tIll' Constitution of India, trade unions are today being manacled, and
workers are told in a way to join particular unions or to get the order of the
boot. This is exactly what is happl'ning all o\,er the place. This, Sir, is a state
of things which shall not be tolerated. Decency demands that this state of
things should not continue. I do not propose to go into the sheaf of documents
which I haw, hut I ha\'e I shall one day get the opportunity of pnwing how
the l-'mployment of these safeguarding of national security rules is utterly an
abuse of the powers which can be legitimately claimed by the Ministry. I say
that the Gowrnment is behaving in a footling little manner; it is formulating
fantastic charges which cannot daunt the spirit of resurgence that has gripped
our people, and I say again that the Railway budget, as presented before us,
is a very sorry specillwn, a cruel advertisement of our continuing colonial
status, and an example of what I am constrained to call the chicken-hearted.ness
which passes for planning in this country, and therefore prows, if proof was
Ill'eded, that behind the occasional brass front \·... hich the Government puts
on, there are tiny feet of clay which once the \""orld finds out, we shall lose
whatever rCspl'ct we happen to have.
THE COMPTROLLER AND AUDITOR-GENERAL
(CONDITIONS OF SERVICE) BILL, 1953*£
I do not want to take much of the timl' of thl' HOUSl', but I wdnt to rdl'r
to one point on which I fear the Finance Minister hds not gi\"t.'n us sdtisf.Ktion.
That point relates to the report of the Public Accounts Committee it was laid
before the House, I think, last December-to which reterl'IKe was made in
several speeches in the course of the discussion this morning. This report of
the Public Accounts Committee included also a statement by the Comptrolll'r
and Auditor-General recommending \"l~ry strongly that there should be a
change in the apparatus of the administration and that Accounts and Audit
should be separated here and now. The Comptroller and Auditor-Gl'nl'ral
had gone forward e\'en to State-and I think that statement was quoted by
Shri Basu-that even though a certain amount of extra expenditure might bl'
involved in this process of very desirable exchequer control, the ft.'sults would
more than compensate the very small amount of expenditure which would
be necessitated. The Comptroller and Auditor-General had suggested t11<lt he
was prepared to work with a staff which would nnt be \'ery largt'. And as a
result of it the strain on the exchequer would not be high at all.
The Public Accounts Committee made very strongly worded comments
on the position as it exists today. I also want to say in this conm'ction that it
is to my mind very undesirable that we in this House do not get these days
an opportunity to discuss the reports of the Public Accounts Committee when
they are presented to this House. I find-I was going through some of the old
proceedings of this House-that there used to be fairly important discussions
based upon the reports of the Public Accounts Committee as presented to the
House. This report of the Public Accounts Committee which suggested, on
the basis of the recommendation by the Comptroller and Auditor-General
himself, certain basic changes in the apparatus of our audit system, has not
been discussed in this House. We have not had an opportunity because the
government somehow appears to try to discard a convention which was well
established that the reports of the Public Accounts Committee would be laid
before the House and there would be some time given for the discussion
thereon. We have not had an opportunity of discussing that report but we
have at any rate the most unequivocal statement on the high authority of the
• L.5. Deb .. 29 April 1953.

[The Bill which was aimed to regulate certain Conditions of Service of the Comptroller and
Auditor-General, became The Comptroller and Auditor-General (Conditions of Service) Act,
1953.
492
Comptroller Auditor-Cl'I1l'raI that this process of bifurcation of audit and

accounts ('In be donl' hl'rl' ,1I1d now.
We h,1\'l' hetHd thl' financl' Minister pointing out certain difficulties in

till' v\'ay but I ,1m ..;ure those difficulties arl' by no means insuperable. If that
is so, I \\,lI1t from till' Finance ~v1inistl'r a stronger and more specific statement
in regard to the steps which the COH'rnment contemplate about this matter.
That is till' point and I want again to rt.'iterate our demand that whene\'er
reports of such bndit's ,1S the Public Accounts Committee, which is a
Committt.'l' of this I-Iousl', are placed before this House, it is the duty of the
Cll\"l'rnnll'nt-,l duty which Cl'\"l'rnmt'nt was ~1l'rforming earlier but for some
re,lson or lltlwr it is disc.uding today-to find some time when the House
(,1I1 go into the report, discuss the implications and significance of that report.
If \\"L' h,ld ,1n opportunit~- in n.·gtHd to the report to which a reference has
been madt', then surely this question of separation of audit and accounts
would h,lH' bl'l'n thraslll'd lHlt (onstructiH>ly ,md perhaps the Finance \finister
might haH' bt'l'n in cl position to m,lke a statement \"t'ry much more satisfactory
th,1I1 what Ill' has m,ldl' tlKia\'.
THE PRESS AND REGISTRATION OF BOOKS (AMENDMENT) BILL, 1952*£
The Bill which has bl'en introdllCl'd b,' the 11lHl. l\lini~iL'r i~ OIW of
considerablt, importanct' ,lI1d I am llnly ~I)fI'y-to tell ~'IlU quite fr'lIlkly-th,'t
we ha\'t~ been caught sl)Ow\\'h,lt un,l\\',lrl'~ ,lI1d \\'l' .ul' nllt quill' in ,1 pll~ition
for nl) fault of the \liniskr, pl'rhaps, tn di~t"us~ this IlW,lSllrl' th"t with tIll'
comprl'l1l'nsiH'I1t'ss which ,It Il'ast I wish \\'l' cnuld intrllduce into thi~
diseussil))1.
I find the \linisiL'r making much of ,1 pl)int ,1bllUt hb pur~uing tIll'

reeomn1l'ndations I)f the Prl'~s CI)mmi~~ion I do nllt mind him . . ,'ying \\h,lt
he has said bec,lll~e he has, llf cour~l' to ,1 (l'rt,lin l·,knt, pUl'sul'd tIll'
reeommend,1tions nf the Prl'~S Clll1l1ni~~ipn. But I fl'l'l th,l!, quill' "p.ut fr(lm
the detailed discus~illn in the PI'\.'~~ Commi~sion's Report in rl'gMd to thl'
amt'ndment of the Act of 1~(,7. tIll' gl'lll'r,ll tl'lll)r pf tIll' l'rl'~'" Cllnllni~~i(ln· ...
Report as \\'1'11 ,1S the fel'ling in tIll' countr~' h,h bl'l'n that it is dbput tinll' th"t
we h,1\'e a really clllllprl'lll'n~i\'l' cpdl' in I'l'g.ud to till' Pre ...... in this countn'
and we do nnt ha,'e merl'iy "mending Iegi~I,'tilln, ~~'\.'t"ially Bilb ,1Illl'nding
Aeb pa~sed in tIll' yt'.u of gr,l('e 1~67 or ~ll. I "'<l~' this bl'l-'lU~l' tIll' \\'hnk' ... pirit
of the kind of legisl<ltion which u~l'd tll lw ,llioptl'd r(lund "bput 1SIl7 i... ,1
spirit \\'hieh goes eounkr tIl till' ... pirit Ilf till' tinll'''' t(lda~', ,1Ild th"t is \\h~' it
is \'ery neCl'ss.uy that there is an dfort, (In tIll' b,,~is of the findings Ilf the
Press Commission, \\'ho~e Report i.., fairly compH'hensin', to bring ,lb(lut ,1
compreht'nsiH~ code in regclrd to tIll' PH·S .... TI1l'rl'lprl', I find th"t in this
amending Bill there are some additions to tIll' re ... trictions \\'hil"h \\','re intended
to be imposed on publication, genl'r"l1y "'peaking, and ,1S far ,lS I dm cOIKenwd,
I am not H~ry happy about (('rtain of the additions to the restridi\'l' pO\\,l'r~
which GO\'t'rnment art' no\\' taking O\'l'r under tIll' tl'rms of this Bill. No\\', I
do not know why cyclostyJing ,lI1d printing by lithography h,lS com,' to l1\'
looked askance at in the fashion ,·"hieh ob,·iou..,ly CO\'l'rnnll'nt imagin,' it
should be done. I quite realise that for purposes of statistic,ll computation, to
which rderence vvas made by the Miniskr it is l'ssl'ntial for (;O\'l'rnnwnt to
find out what l'xactly is happening in tIl(.' country, Wh,lt publications Me
bl'ing put out and so on and so forth. But it so happens that in thl' particular
context of our conditions, cyclostyled leaflets go out or sometimes things are
• LS. 1>,,1>.,21 :\o\'l'mbl'r IlJ')5. (Shri MlIkl'rjl'l' abo ~pokl' on III ,md 11 \.1,lI'rh lY5.t ,1I1d 14 ,lI1d
20 AlIgu~t ·IY55 on a ~imil<1r ~lIbjl·ctl.
I. The Hill wa~ flr~t introdllCl·d in I.ok Sabha in 1':1')2 ,1I1d di~("ll~"ions wI·rl·lwld in 14,).t and 14')').
Howl'ver, the Hill lap~l·d with the di~~olution of I.ok S,lbh<l in 14')7. It W,lS again introdun'd
in Rajya Sabha in 1%0 with the aim al furthl~r amending Ihl' I'n'ss ill1d Rl'gistralioll of Books
Act, 11'167 and became The Press and Rl'gi~tration of Hooks (Aml'ndml'nl) Ad, 14hO.
494
lithographed and are circulah,'d by people, and it is not always necessary,

not always l'ssential-and not ahvays desirable either-that GOH'rnment
should take it into tlwir Iwad to ha\'e an absolutely exact inventory as to
whelt is being published under the lithographic or cyclostyling auspices, I say
this bl'C,llISl' Wl' haH' in this C()lllltry, if we want a democratic atmosphere to
grow ,md den'lop properly, to in . . ist on the dissemination of so many types
of infnrm,ltiun under so many diffl'rl'nt auspices that it is perhaps desirable
lur us to be n()t quilL' so illiber,ll, not quitl' so exact, not quite so rigid as this
Bill wi . . hes us to be, And that is whv [ fed that the inclusion of documents
\\'hich .11"(' c\do..,t\kd, ,md prinlL-d by lithography is . . omething \\'hich we
..,hnuld t,lh' (lbjl,Ltilln t(l, [ find also that unless the matter is clarificd, it may
be th,lt snllll' pHil'inus bureaucrat might e\en objl'd tn the absencl' of tht'
prillkr' . . n,lIl11' under imit,ltinn cMds and dOL"Ullwnts of that description. [
It'l,1 th,lt thi . . I-.ind llf in..,isll'nce nn ,1 rigid ,md absnlull' colll'Ctipn llt stati . . tic,ll
inlprm,ltipn ShPldd nllt bl' 1l1,1dl'. ,1Ild \\"l' sh(lldd h,lH' a morl' liberal prn\'isiLln
III rl'),~,Hd Itl tIll' rq,;i . . tr,lti(ln pi bnpl-. .....
13ut. tIll' nlllrl' impllrt.mt pnint tp \\hidl I \\ish tp ll1akc refl'rl'ncc is that
"hile till' \lini..,ll'r h,l . . illllp\\ed tIll' reC(1I11Il1l'nd,lti(lns pi the Press Commissilln
ill reg.nd tn tIll' ,1~'ppintn1l'nt 111,1 I'rl'ss Rl'gistrar. and in regard ,1lsll tn the
l'nUIlll'r,ltilln ni l'ert,lin pI till' fundipns \\'hich Ill' shall pl'rillrm. the Bill makes
nn llH'ntiPIl pI Cl'rt,lill ptlwr rl'cPll1ll1l'nd,ltillns which tIll' ('n'ss Cl1mmissipn
h,ld 1l1,1de. :\:ll\\', I lind that till' I'ress Cllll1ll1issilln h,b gi\l'n in an appendi,
tll \'pIUllh' III llf it.... Rl'pprt thl' p,nticul.ns ,,'hich it thllught sh(lldd be fikd
\\ith till' Rl'gi . . tr.n; it \\',ls . . uggl·skd th,lt nl'\\S ,1gl'IKil'S .lisp, ,1 part fwm
nl'\\Sp,lpl'rs, shplild h· c,llled Up(1I1 tIl fill' L"l'rtain dat,l ,lbllut tlwir working.
\:ll\\, it is impprt,lnt th,lt this p.ntiClIIM rl'Clll11ll1l'nd,ltiLln lli the Press
Cpmmissipn is gin'n l'ffLoct t(1, beC<llI . . e, ,1S \(111 knLl\\', \\'I1l'n thL' Rq'Llrt lli the
I'rl· . . .., Cpll1ll1is . . ipn \\',b undl'r discu ........ illn in this HllUSl" there \\'l're man~'
,llkg,ltillns ll1,ldl'--,lI1d tl1l'~ \\'l'rl' Illlt ll1l'rdy alkgatil1ns; thL'y \\'l're
,1\'LTIlH'nts--frnm time tn till1l' \\'hich \\'l'rl' m,ldl' \\ith all dlll' ,wthllrit\' and
cpuld be \'l'J'ified. ,md it Sl'l'mS that the pnliit ,1I1d Inss .1CCl1 lmts and the
b.1l,lIKl' sl1l'dS pi thesl' 11l'\\'~ ,1gl'I1Cil'S .Hl· things which should be registered
,md should be ,l\,lil.1bk for il1~pectilm b\' till' public. I ~.1y abl) that in the
St,ltl'n1l'l1t of <.. )bjects ,md Rl',lSnnS, tlwre is I1Ll e:\plan,ltil1 n .1~ tll \\"hy thesl'
p.uticul.ll' recnmnll'nd.1tions of till' Press Commissi(m haH' nllt been aded
upon. TIll' Pdrticular~ asked for by the PI'l'SS Cnmmissilln are l'sslntial if the
I'I'l'SS Rl'gistrar ,md his dl'p.utnll'nt are to dischargl' their duties properly. I
fe('I, tlwrdoJ'L', thtlt this is ,1 haphMard \\'a~' llf pnlCl'edings ",ith the job of
rl'gistratilln llf books and papers; I fl'd that a certain amount nf liberality
should bl' introduced into till'se pro\'isions; I feel that the nmte:\t of our
conditions today has got to be remembered; I feel that lithographic and
cyclostyled papl'rs should not 1lL' brought within the ambit of this legislation;
I fel'! that thl're should bl' some safl'guard against officious burt:'.1ucratism as
tar as tilt.' l'ntllrCl'lllent llt till' rights clmtl'rrl'd on thl' l'n'~s Rl'gistrar is
cOllcernl'd; .1nd ( tl'l'( \'l'ry ... trllllgly th.1t thl' omission oi (l·rtain
reClm11llt.'ndatilms, particlll.uh' in rl'l.1tinn tn IlL'WS .1gl·ncil' .... which Wl'rl' 111.1dl·
by thl' Press Cl)[l1lllission is .1 \'l'ry signiiic.1I1t pllintl'r, :\nd that is why ( ."",,-
thl' \linistt'r, ii ht' is Sll mindl'd. III Sl'l' tll it th.1t tlwrl' .1rl· cl·rl.lin .lddililllb.
ct.'rtain .1ltl·r.1tilll1S l1l<ldl' in till' dr.lit oi till' Bill .1S hl' h."" prl· ...l·ntl·d tll u .....1I1d
it hl' purSlIl's till' ('rl'SS Clll1ll11issillll's rl·cllml1ll'nd.ltillIlS in tlwir l·ntirl'l\'. Ilwn
surt'l~', hl' \\,111 h.l\'l' .1 IlHk-h l'dlL'r \\.1I'r.1I1t th.1I1 Iw h.1S .It prl'''l'llt III "l'l"Url'
the suppnrt lli thl' HllUSl' illr till' 1l11'.I"un' th.lt Ill' h.1S "PllIlSllfl'd,
THE MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL, 1958*£
",ir, it i... III It h·c.nbl· I IUH' Ihl' ... IHlI1d pt m\' own \'pin' th.lt I \\'i ... h to han'
.1 third n".lding oi thi ... Bill. I h.1\l' -,pllkl"n tllP (litton, but I il"d thtlt Ihis Bill is
Ill' ",ul'h irnpllrt,mu' Ih.lt ,II Il",hl cl dl'Clll',lli\ l' cplKlu ... iun hI tl1l' debate ought
hI ht'llll' t.l ... k III till' hlln. 1lll'lllbl·r.., II! thi.; Ilolbl', \\'l' hdH' had uur diffen.'IK(·~
\\·ith (;Il\I'nlllll'nt in l'l'g,lrd Itl Ihl' il'rmul.ltilln.; it h'h Ill"dl' in thi.; Bill and
\\'1' ,In' r,lllwr ullh'IPP\ th,11 1111 PIll' u((,hion \\t' had hl ,I ... k illr .1 di\'isi,ll1 in
urdl'r hI n·gi ... ll·r pur diiil'l'l·I1t'I· .... Bul, Iln thl' \d1l'k it j..; ,1 F,rt1ud ll(Ca..,illn, it
i.., Ihl' li!"... t tinlt' ... incl· Indl"pl·ndl·llct.' th,11 \\ l' .Hl' putting lin pur -.ttltUtl'-b(lllk
,'111' iir ... 1 n,lti,,".11 1,1\\' 1111 Illl'rt'il.mt ... hipping.
1Ilt'1't.' h,I'" bl'l'n ,I I-.l'l·n deb,ltl', ~~.1I'tit.'lil.1l'ly in rq~,lni tll 11ll' infiitratilln Ilf
fUI'l'ign ,·.lpil.11 ,1Ild il i... in rl'gtll'd hl th,11 Ihat I h,1\t' (l'rtain misgi\ings. As
il i... "nll\\n \1'1'\ \,ilhol~' ,1Ild I dp 11I1t l1l'l'd III rl'pl',lt It l'ur ,Ittitude tll\\'ards
fpI'I'ign 1,1~~it.11 i... Ihal \\'l' ... hplild 11\11 h,1\I' it in Ilur (ountry .It .111. if \\'t.' (,m
hl'lp ii, .lIld \\'l' h.ld .1 iet'ling, p,lrticultlrl~' in \'il'\" lli the ~hipping Rl'Slllulil1J1
lIf \lJ~7, Ih,11 il \\ ,1" ,lbllUt tin1l' th.lt \\'t' did ,1\\.1\' ,lllllgl'llwr with fl1reign
1·,lpit,11. Bul in till' Jllint l'tlllllnittl'l', \\,Iwrl' I h,ld tlw pri\'ill'gl' IIi bt'ing a
ll1l'mbl'r, 1111' di';l·u ... sillll pnl(l'l'dl'd in ,1 \l'r~' (ll-llpl'r,lti\'t.' ,Itmll.;plwrl' and a
I-.ind lIt Clllllpl'Ilmi ...t.' \\',h ,Kl"loptl'd, Cll\l'rnn1l'nt C,ll1W fllrward \irtually to
1't'itl'I"ltl' tlw \'q7 RI"';lllutilln .md tl1l'rl'fllrl', tIll' mt1jlll'it~' lIt the ,Joint Cl1l11mittt'e
,Igrl'l'd til tlw pJ'llpllrtion IIi 2:; : ;-:; .IS itll' .IS il)rl'ign capital W.IS (1IIKl'rnt'd,
In this l'pl1I1l'ction I ... hlluld "',IY th,lt I han' to rl'fl'r with grl'at rl'grd to .1
kind lit Illbb~'ing which h.h gOI1l' lln in l'.ulial11l'nt and I'llund .Ibllut lIn the
p.ul, no doubt, lli (l'rt,lin intl'rl'';ts whid1 Wl' do Iwt \\'ish to see in this
l'.lI'li,lIl1l'nt and its precincts hIll llften, I dll nl)t say th.lt ,\'t' dll nllt want tn
be l'duc,IIl'd, .Ind \'l'ry important F'l'llpll' (anll' rl'p),l':'l'nting thl' indu.;try and
tlw Sl'.lIl11'n and g.l\'l' l'\'idl'IKl' bdllre till' ,Illint Cllmmittl'l'-'\'t' h.ld talks
with tl1l'111 ,md all th,lt but what I haH' disliked is thl' pl'rsi:,tt'nt kind llf
l"Ultlll1 holding of hllJ1, nll'ml1l'rs, whiLh has gonl' on, ill)' ,1 number llf wel'ks
in llrdl'r to bring about tl t.'l'rtain changl' in thl' mental climate whiLh was
l'xpressed in tht' report of the Joint Clm1mittl'l',
• I.S /leb., 17 ~'rll'rnbl'r IlISK IShri ,\111 "I'rjl'l' .11~() ~Pl'''l' llIl ~7 April 145~ "n ,1 ~il1lil.lr !'lIbi~...'tJ.
'. '1'111..' Bill whi(h was .linll'd .11 .lnll'ndn1l'nl .111.1 nl11~lllid,ltilln llf 111l' I.l\\, rl'l.ltin~ tl' \t~'rch.lnt
Shipping, bl'l'.1I1ll' 111l' Indian 1\'1I-r(h.1I1t Shirrin~ Act. 1l\~8.
497
Nllw, I am unhc1ppy that my hon. fril'nd, Shri Patil, for whom I have
great respect-we are \"l'ry diffl'rl'nt, but I knlw,' with him wlll're \\'e stand
and I know at the same time that if Iw says c1 thing he means it-wlll'n ht:'
tells me that he considers the 25 per Ct'nt proportion of forl'ign capital to be
a "notional" matter, I take him at his word. But at till' same time when he
acceptt'd Shri Raghunath Singh's anwndnll'nt, I fl'lt that he was not gi,·ing
proper form to the t'ntire proceedings. I ha,·e a fear that wlll'1l Ill' gOl'S to the
other House, may be by that time as a fl'sult of deliber.ltions hl' would rl'alizl'
that it is nearlv-I should not say contt'mpt-ignoring thl' wisl1l's of this
House.
GO\·ernml'nt can without reft'rence to this HOUSl', by virtlll' only of a

notification, change the proportion llf foreign capital which is incorporatl'd in
the statute. This is a point on which I fel'l ratlwr strongly and I do wish that
the hon. Minister gi,·es more thought to it. Thl're is still time and may bl' hl'
will come back to us again after he has bl't'n to the otlll'r HOl!Se.
I am happy that the hon. Minister of Shipping has reft'rred to the conditilln
of Indian seamen. Though I know \"t:~ry well that he has not accepted certain
amendments, which were put forward from this side of the Houst', in regard
to the applicability of the Industrial Disputes Act and its principlt's to s('amen,
I am very sorry that it has not been found possible by Gon.'rnment to <lccept
the idea that in regard to the hours of work of Indian seamen tht're should
be a certain limitation put by the statute. I say this because our seamen go
from country to country and they must have facilities so that they can really
represent India, if not at its best at least not at its worst. I know that sometimes
in foreign countries Indian seamen, who are among the cheapest and the best
in the world, have to go about in such conditions, in such clothing and
because of poverty, because of conditions of labour, because of almost
brutalizing conditions of labour on board ship that they develop certain traits
which are by no means satisfactory and which give a very bad impression of
Indian life and character abroad. These Indian seamen are the salt of the
earth. I know how very well they can work, how expert they are at their jobs,
how valuable they are, but at the same time because of brutalizing conditions
of work sometimes they give a very bad impression abroad. Now that we
have a Government of our own, it is very important that seamen are provided
with facilities and minimum facilities certainly include a provision of limitation
in regard to hours of work and their rights as specified in the Industrial
Disputes Act.
I shall finish now. We are all in a hurry. I should only say this that we
have still a long way to travel before we reach our targets which are very
modest indeed. The 2 million ton target was set up a long time ago. We are
nowhere near it. We can only perhaps achieve 900,000 tons by the end of the
Second Fi\'e Yeclr Plan. But, we ha\'e wonderful traditions of seamanship in

our country. It \·vas from the port of Tamralipti that Fa-Ilim went home in fifth
century AD. It was from the ports of Eastern India, of the south, and the
\...·l'st that Indians ha\'e gone abroc1d not merely for purposes of business, but
for cultural conquest, for the addition of different areas of the world abutting
on the Indian ocean to the kind of culture which India represented. To the
bl'ginning of the lYth cmtury, ship-building was a flourishing industry in
our country and that was strangled by the British imperialists. Therefore,
with such traditions of seamanship and ship-building, surely we can build a
future at kast as \\'l'll, at least commensurate with the past. Therefore, I feel
that this is an occasion when the Lnk Sabha should feel rather happy I am
only .. orry that thl'rl' c1J"l' cl'rtain lacunae in the Bill, certain serious defects
which \\'l' h,l\'l' tril'd to point out but thl' Cm'ernment ha\'e not been able to
,KCl'Pt.
WATER PROBLEM: NEED FOR GANGA BARRAGP
The Ganga Barrage Sd1l'me \\.1:0; ml)ott'd as t'MI~' ,1S in l~:;l ,1Ild \\'l' know
that in 1933 the Directl)r l)f tht.' Ceoiogic11 Sun'ey l)f Indi,', Dr, 13t'ni Pr,lsad,
had made the statement th"t if step:o; \\'t're not takt'n pn)pl'rl~' and qllilkl~', till'
Bhagirathi would becnn1t' d sort of l'Iongatt'd lagllon, ,1 dead rin'r \\,hid,
would be no gOl)d ,1t all as far ,1S the t'CllnOI1l~! of thl' regilln \\',lS Ct)J1cel'lll'd,
~Iany major points are im'o!\'ed which I wish till' (ountry t,lkl's grl'akr
note of, inside this House ,lS \\'t'li ,lS outsidl', TIll' princip,ll pllints iJl\'llln'd
in this question of the construction of the C,lIlga Bdrr,lgl' rt'fl'r to tlw n,l\'ig,lbk
sea route from Cdicutt,l port; the \\'akr ... uppl~' l)f C,lklltt,l and tIll' l'ntirl'
region around it which has ,1 PllPlli"til)n l)f 1ll'.Hly III millil'n pl'llpk; the
drainage conditinns of fi\'e l)f the most prosperous \Vl'St 13I'ngdl di ... tricts,-
prosperous if a year is normal ,1I1d "dministration dlll'S nlll f,lill'grl'gillll ... ly-
the districts l)f Burd\\'an, Birbhum, \;adia, ~Iur"hid"b"d ,1Ild 2-t I',Hg,lIla<.;,
and their exposure tn increasing flood h,lZtlrds, All thesl' qlle:o;tions ,1fl' imllh'l,d
in the construction of the Ganga B,Hrage, and thl' 1,1test st,lknll'nt plaCt'd
before the House agrees that there i... a gl'lwr,,1 conSl'nsus of opinilln by
experts that the solution to the probll'm is represl'nted by tIll' (;,mg,l B.uragl"
The experts also appear to agree that the project will not requirl' \\'ithdr,1\\',ll
of water from the Ganga during the driest pMt of thl' Yl'M and tlll'rdorL' the
objections which might conceivably be forthcoming from our neighbour
country might \'ery well be met.
We ha\'e heard in this House and we haw' read in the papl'rs about till'
increasing salinity of drinking water in Calcutta, and e\'l'n the railways Wl're
affected because the boilers used the saline watl'r and thl' l'ngilll's would not
work properly, This is not an unprecedented phenomenon as our t'xpl'rts
know \'ery well. Something like it took place round about Philadelphia on
the Delaware river, and about San Francisco on the estuary of the S,Kranll'nto
river, and ~here the water supply had to be ensured by construction of
reservoirs near the river's head reaches, In this country, so far as C,lcutt,l is
concerned, hardly anything has been done on those lim's,
My hon. friend, the Minister of Transport and Communications is Iwre,

and the loss to the shipping traffic in Calcutta is something which surely
'LS, 01'1", 19 November 14,)H, [Speakin~ dllrin~ thl' di~l'II~~ion rl': Ciln~,) I3Mr,l~l' I'rlljl'd),
500
must worry him greatly. There is increase in the frequency and intensity of
tIll' bon's, and cspccially since 1919 heavy siltation has taken place in the
rin.'r Hooghly, and the Commissioners of thc Calcutta Port spend fortunes in
intl'nsivc dredging and costly draining works \'\'ithout appreciable results.
The only permanent and long-term solution of which we have heard from
l'xperts so far is the Ganga Barrage and, as my hon. friend has pointed out,
therl' haH' been many years of im'cstigation ever sincc 1853 or something
likl' th,lt, and thl' lalt'st is Dr. Hensen's report, about v,hich, I do not know
why, a lot of hush is maintaincd by my hon. friends over there.
If tIll' Canga Barrage is constructl'd at Farakka, and it is the demand of

whol'n'r knows a thing about the subject, and there is a feeder canal which
will Clll1lll'ct Bihar and U.P. with the port of Calcutta and the world outside
by a channel na\'igable throughout the year, then it will reduce the flood
htlZards; it will impnwc the drainage of the fertile districts of Central Bengal;
it will remO\"l~ the salinity of water in the Bhagirathi; it will supply sv\"eet
water to grl'ater Calcutta; it will remm'c n,l\'igational difficulties of the sea
mutl' fmm C1lcutta; it will impron' thc depths m'er the bars and reduce the
frequl'l1cy and intl'nsity of thc "borl'S". But, therc has been this delay, this
unconscionabll' dl,lay, on'r the Canga Barragc which is, to put it \'ery mildly,
l'xtl"l'nwh' difficult to undl'rstand.
TIll' \Vl'St Bl'ngal Legislatin' Councillatdy passed a unanimous resolution

dr,lfll'd by tIll' Chid \1inister himself and tlwre haw been questions in the
House-I han' shean's l)( them herl'-\\'hich refer tn GLwernment's attitude
in rl'gard to this mattl'r, and my hon. friend, Shri Tridib Kumar Chaudhuri
has alrl'ady l1ll'ntioned something about it.
I fel'l ,11s0 that my hon. fril'nd, Shri S.K. Patil should take some more
objectin' inll'rl'st in this dl'cision because Ill' has lately been making some
statl'mcnts about a dl'ep sea port further down the Hooghly below Diamond
Harbour. I wish to submit to him and to his ad\'isers that this does not soln'
the problem of Calcutta port. Wl' know that the World Bank experts, impressed
by tlw Iwcl'ssity of expanding port facilities for the rapidly expanding
industrial arl'a round Calcutta, h,1\'e suggested this. It is a wry good thing,
but thc solution they han.> in mind is to supplement Calcutta port and not
to supplant it. You cannot sl'nd Calcutta port It) the blazes and talk about a
subsidiary port somewhere near Diamond Harbour. E,'en if it was the intention
of Cm'l'rnment just not to botlwr about Calcutta port, it wlRlld be physically
impossible to hypass the Calcutta port and jeopardise the future if you are at
all intl'rt'stL'd in the economy of our country. A port of hig ocean-going steamers
will increasingly become necessary with thl.> further development of the
industrial bdt, and if the refinery and Assam oil production come up to
expectations, the berthing of hea,,)' tankers will have also to be provided for
among other things. Today, Shri Patil knows \'ery well, and my hon. friend,
the Minister of Shipping knows ,·ery well, even 7,000 ton ships can hardly
navigate with a full load, and they ha,·e to be diverted to Vizag, but that sort
of thing does not do the trick. Shri Patil himself has said from time to time
that the Calcutta port was unable to utilise eH'n 10 per cent of what was
expected of it, but what is he going to do about it here and now?
EYen if the World Bank proposal for building another port below Diamond
harbour comes true, the problem of saving Calcutta port and developing it
\'\"ill remain, and the only way of doing it, as far as we can understand, is the
construction of the Ganga Barrage by strengthening the flow of wakr in the
river. Therefore, if for some reason or other, if for the reason perhaps which
might weigh with the World Bank that the Ganga Barrclge might cause some
kind of controversy, perhaps absolutely imaginary contwH'rsy, bet\wen the
riparian States of India and Pakistan, if on that ground they say, "You go
ahead with the other port, we are not going to help in the m,lttt.·r of Cllcutta
port's maintenance and de,·elopment", that would be a terrible disaster.
Therefore, I would tell my hon. friend, Shri S.K. Patil that his implied
apprO\·al of the World Bank's scheme for the new port is all right, but it must
not mean a final decision to abandon the proposal to revi,·e the Hooghly and
the Bhagirathi rivers. That is a proposal which you just are not going to be
permitted to deviate from.
Therefore, I feel that this is a matter on which it is extremely important

that we make up our minds. There are difficulties. There is the question of
money. There is the Government note placed on the Table of the House by
the ~inister of Irrigation and Power, which says that Rs. 56 crores have to bt.·
spent, and it is a hell of a lot of money, and so, we have to make a lot of otht:'r
investigations. That is all Mumbo-jumbo. It is no good. Shri Tridib Kumar
Chaudhuri has already shown it. This question of further inn:'stigation is
merely a smoke-screen put up by Government in order to hidt.·-I do not
quite know what skeletons in the cupboard of the Ministries concerned.
Then, there is the question of Pakistan. I have bet.'n informed that when
the partition took place, there was a body called the Partition Council, on
which some of the members of Government have taken part. There it was
perfectly understood that the district of Murshidabad would go to India and
the district of Khulna would go to Pakistan in spite of the communal position
in the two districts being not very clear, only because India did have to have
the district of Murshidabad for the construction of the barrage at Farakka.
That was the understanding which was given at the Partition Council. That
was the understanding which the Radcliffe Commission knew very well.
And today, it is not for Pakistan to come forward and say that they would
not approve it. On the contrary, Pakistan does not stand to lose at all. Pakistan
really would be saved a lot of bother as far as floods in that area is concerned,
if there is a barrage at Farakka. Therefore, I say, let us go ahead with the
scheme, and let us not bypass the idea by talk of a subsidiary port. Meamvhile,
\\'e have to have interim measures. What is going to happen?
5hri Tridib Kumar Chaudhuri has said very rightly and 5hri 5.K. Patil's
tldvisers perhaps would say the same thing, that it would take nearly ten
years to complete the Farakka barrage if it is decideq upon finally. In the
meantime, what happens? In 1958, the Calcutta port almost became incapable
of proper utilization. 50, what is going to happen in regard to that? A number
of suggestions have been made from time to time by people \'\'ho know
something about engineering, and there has been a suggestion that the course
of the river might be shortened as between Murshidabad and Calcutta by
sC\"l'ral short-cuts of hair-pin bends at little expense, and the construction of
the necessary canal from the head works as well as the necessary earth-work
to suit the <wailable gradient, if the barrage would be taken up at the same
time; and much fertile land could be reclaimed as a result of this attempt at
training the rin'r. You ha\'c to tame the riwr, according to the scientific
knowledgc which you han? got. Therefore, here and no\\', between the
head works which are proposed to be somewhere in Murshidabad and
Calcutta, therc are areas wherc ri\"cr training operations can be pursued, as
a result of which a lot of \"ery good fertile land could be reclaimed; and for
the timl' being, somt' interim measure of imprm"ement could take place.
We could, for the time being, also set up a Ganga RiH'r Board. There are
several projccts in the upper reaches, like the Chambal, or the Gandak, the
Son, and thc Kosi Projccts.
*** *** ***
Tlwsc other projects lm the rin?r are also there. We do not say that those
projccts should be stopped, but there should be some attempt at co-ordinating
the dfort which is bl'ing made in order to utilize the Ganga's waters as much
as possible, and, tl1l'rl'fore, wc should haH~ ,1 Ganga Rin'r Board.
Then again, there is the qlU:'stion of the Rupnarain rin'r slightly lower
down from Calcutta. In regard to this rin'r also, control <l11d taming is
t'xtremely neCl'Ssary. My hon. friend, Shri S.K. Patil stated the other day that
the navigability and dr.;inage capacity of the Hl,oghly is deteriorating i,artly
on account of the deterioration of the Rupnarain; and thert' is committee
called the Lower Damodar Investigation Committee which is of the same
view. My hon. friend, Shri Hathi also made a statement where he said very
c1t'arly-and this was on 28 August 1958- in this House:
"According to the findings of the Lower Damodar Investigation
Committee, concentrated flushing doses should be occasionally released
down the rin'rs Oamodar and Rupnar"in from tht' n'st'rn)ir behind tht'
DVC dams in the interests of tht' consen',mcv of tht' rin'r channds."
Therl'fl)re, if thert' is training ,md taming of till' Rupnarain, tlll'1l we sh"ll
get a Il)t of watt'r Cllming frnm th"t side.
Then again, sl)mt'thing pt'rh.lps h,lS got Il) bt' dlllll' perhaps ,lbout the
DVC projt'ct. ~lay be, on an:ount of the DVe project, tlll'rl' is a
disprnpllrtionate l'mphdsis on qUl'stilllb llf hydro-t'll'ctririty ,md f1ll0d Clmtrol,
and the rt'slrIt is that thl' life of till' rin'r Bhagil-"thi in p,Hticul.u, which
sustains our Clllll1try, is itst'lf in d,mgl'r. 'ow, it may bl' th,lt (('rt,lin
modificatillns are neccss.uy in thl' wor"ing of th"t I)VC so that much of till'
Danwdar water which is now 1ll'ld up might be n'll',lSl'd, sO th,lt it 1...111 go
into tht' Bhagirathi and tlush out the silt whid1 UHlll'S fnllll till' B,'~' 01 Bl'llg,1\.
Then, again, tht're might bl' \'l'ry sl'rious studil's, H'ry sl'riou ... l"pl'rt
studies, made of the contil1t'ntal shelf of till' BdY of Bl'ngal, to l:ontrol till' silt
which is carried by the f10lld dykt's inlll tht' l'stuMY. As ,1 m,ltkr of i,Kt, Illlldl
of the silt which ClHl1t'S into \Yl'St Ikng,ll should, "ccording to IHlrm,ll
geographical rules, haH' gont' into Pakistan, but that dOL'S not, bl'causl' till'
situation, I am told, of what i., call1'd till' continental sl1l'1i of till' B,'~' of
Bengal near the estuary i~ such thilt thl' silt coml'S from thl' 1.',1 ... 1, ,md it
coagulates, so to speak, near the mouth of till' Bhagirdthi, ,md pushl'S itsl'lf
up towards Calcutta, with till' rcsult that drainage opl'r"tions h,lH' to bl'
continued, and all kinds of other difficultil's takt' pl,Kl'. Therefore, I W,1I1t th"t
there should be cl seriolls study of the continental sllt'lf of the Bay of Ih'ngai,
so that the estuary is not in danger.
I shall conclude by merely sdying that this is not nll'rely a problem of
Calcutta. This is a problem which affects the \-\"hole of our country. I know
\'ery well that perhaps for political reasons, Calcutta is a pl't an'rsion of the
Government of India. I can testify myself that is my own Ill'dring, knowing
\'ery well that I was listening, Dr. Roy said that his Statl' was not in the good
books of Delhi. We know it \'ery wdl. But I appeal to GOH'rnml'nt: do not
take this shortsighted view, do not cut your nose to spitt' your fan', do not
behave in this absolutely irrational manner. From CalcUli" port goes mOrl'
than half of our export trade. If you arc going to earn foreign t'xchangt',
whether you like it or not, you have to ket'p up Calcutta port. Calcutta
handles 10 million tons of cargo cvery year. As far as communication Clnd
other facilities are concerned, for historical and objectivt.' rl'asons which might
be H.'gretted in certain quarters, Calcutta has come to be the Cl'ntrt' of the
country's principal industrial belt. You cannot wish off Calcutta from thl'
map of your country.
Therefore, since all the experts appear to agree, including thl' foreign
experts and our own experts, that the Ganga Barrage is absolutely essential,
Covernment should go ahedd with it, and if it is not going to go ahead with
it, it should tt'll us vvhat it is going to do in thc meantime; and even if the
Canga Barrage is actually dl'cided upon, GO\'l'rnment should come forward
\'l'ry cll'arly with an interim schl'me, a ten year scheme, for the development
of Calcutta port, ,md for tIll' maintenance of the Bhagirathi river. After all, the
Bh,lgir,lthi rin'r is a repository of all the traditions of which we are so proud
in this lOuntry, and if tht' Bhagirathi rin'r dies, who li,·cs in this country?
Th,lt is \\"h,lt is innllH'd in this matter.
Therefore, I \\"i~h Shri S.K. Patil and my hon. friend over there to take the
rno~t ~l'rious ,·ie\\, of the ~ituation, and in "pitl' of the lack of attendance in
this If()u~l' and olwious l,lCk of interest on the part of so many members of
thi~ I foust', I \\"i~h Cll\·t'rnnll'nt dlll'S take up d really serious dttitude in
rq~Md tll this point ,1I1d PrlldlKl'S results which are absolutely important in
the conk,t of tod,1\'.
DEVELOPMENT OF CALCUTIA METROPOLITAN AREA: AN ANALYSIS*
\1r. Deputy Spt.',lkl'r, 1.1"t tinw'· I pl.Kl'd this Rl'solutilln bl'llln' till' Illlll~l'
not l)ut of .1n~· p,uo("hi.11 (pn~idl'r,ltilln, not nwrl'ly bl'l',lll~" I h,l\l' h,ll! till'
pri\'ilege pt'rsonall~' of h,ning rl'prl'sl'nll'd Clkutt,l in thi~ [Iou ... ,' ~il1l'l' ILJ:;2,
but be(ause "(aldlttil, II/di'l'~ (itl/·'. Th,lt indl'l'd is the titk of " \',llll,lbll' littk'
book by our Registrar-Cl'IWr,ll, Shri ,\sl1l'k \litr,l. "L-,lftll/ttl, Il1dl,I'~ Cill/".
Thl' national imp,)rt.lIKl' pf C,lkutt,l is ... t.'l'n Irllm ... uch I,l(b ,1" th,lt it
drd\\'s its labour fl)rce Ir,)m ,111 llH'r till' (lluntr\". I ,1Ill qUilting Irlllll till'
Registrar-Gl'l1l'ral's book:
"'-\n a\'t'rage of hI pl'r Cl'nt in ,111 f,ldllril· ... in Il)hll ,lilt.! ,1 littl,' IIH'r
50 per cent in ClHlln1l'rci,ll and otl1\'r nlln-I,ldllr\' l' ... t,)bli~hnll'nh \\'ITl'
non-Bengel!''',
In the Calcutta rt.'gion, there Ml' more Ilindi-spl',lking pl'llpll' th,lIl pl'rh,lp'"
in any city in the Hindi \\'orld. There are morl' OriY,l-spl',lking pellpll' in
Calcutta than perhaps in any town in Ori~~,l. TIll're ,lrl' pl'llpk' in I,lrgt.' nurnbt.'rs
from Punjab, Cujarat ,lnd the South, ,lilt..! Sllfl1l' \\"lg~ l-,llll'\vn ,1 pMt llf Slluth
Calcutta to be South Indi,l.
Of course, dpart from being the cvntre of Indi,lIl culture, llf Ih'ng"li culture,
Calcutta has bel'n the honll' of the IlJth century Indi,lIl Rl'C\!\ery, till' IT,ldk
of that succession of giants from Rarnlllohan Roy to I~"bindran,lth T,lgore,
and the headquarters for many decades l)f our n,ltional 1ll0n'flll'nt. 1),1I11"g"
to Calcutta, if it happen", will be de1lllage to all of u~, which it is our duty to
pre\'ent.
Founded some 275 years ago, Job ChMnock's tiny trading n'ntrl' h,,~
grown into a mammoth city, the hub of economic ac!i\'ity in Eastl'rn India lin
account of its location and its hintl'rland, the epicentre of a whI'Il' rq~ion's
prosperity, a vast region of half a million squeUe mill'S inhclbih'd by ,lbout
180 million people-including the whole of thl' stl'(')' co,ll and milll'ral belts
and the jute and tea growing areas. Calcutta is th(· ne1tural l'conomic ,1Ild
administrative c('ntre of North-('ash.'rn India and still remains India's tr,ldl'
"1 .. 5. [)t'/ •. , 9 April 19(,5. [He initiah'd thl' lil'batl' on thl' 1{I'''olution rl': D!,\"I'lopml'nt of C,lkull.l
Metropolitan Arpa, eMli!'r on 2(' March 19(,'i1.
506
.md commercicll capitcll, though Bombay may han' surpassed it recently in

a rl'a , population and jinanci.ll rl'"ourn's,
The naml' of Cakutta today is associated with endle"s problems, It has

bl'l'n l..,lIl'd the 'nightmare city', Almo"t e\'l'rything Sl't.'ms wrong with it, but
bl'cau"e oj that, we c.mnot "hut our e)'l'" tll the problems, And, as the World
B,lIlk in IY6() noll,d, II1l'rl' i" no altl'rnati\'l' to Calcutta as a port, as the ht:'art
nf Ihl' l'connmy dl'\'l'IOPl'd on till' ba"is of till' coal-steel complex in \Vest
Bl'ng"I, Bih.ll' ,md the adjoining Meas of Madhya Pradt.'sh and Orissa, apart
jmm bl'ing 11ll' hub of India'" two principal t.'xport induslries,
TIll' \\'orld Bank mi""ipn in IlJ60 made ct.'rtain obsl'r\'ations, to which I

\\'i"h 10 dr.,\\' 11ll' alll'lltion nf till' Ilou"e, It ".lid on th"t occasion, which is
Inll' l'n'n Ind.l\,:
"llw \'l'r~' m,lgniludl' and ch.lllenge Ihat Calcutta presents to the

con"cil'nCl' ,md pnlitical cnmmonSl'lbl' l)f those in authority no doubt, in
p.lJ't, l'\.pl.lins till' in.lliL-'qu.lCY l)f the rl'sponsl', EH·rybody admits that
ll111rl' nught 10 l'll' dlllll' ,lbuut it. :\OhKiy is rl'ady to do it."
lhis i" \\'hal till' \\'llrld B.mk s.lid, I nl)lin'd also how in 1960 there was
l'\.prl'''''l'd .1 pmgnlbtic,llilln, which is pl'rhaps \'alid e\'l'n today, that if things
.lI'l' ,llln\\'l'd 10 drift in till' prl'sl'nt maJll1l'r, it may be that in abl)ut tt:'n years'
lime, l'CPIlPmic .lJld social o\'l'r11l'ads \\"llldd completely break down in
(;rl'<lll'r Clk-Utl.l, If that c.ll.lI11it~' taJ..l's placl', tl1l'n l'stablishl'd industries would
h.l\'l' 10 mll\'l' (lut ,md Ihl' ,1Itl'nd.lI1t sOl.-ial Cl)st would be so great as to wipe
out Ilw counlr~"s induslri'll pn)grl'ss in tlw intl'rH'ning period, TIlt:' situation,
IIll'rl'iorl', I submit, is \'l'ry sl'rious, .1I1d this HOUSl' and Glwernment shl)uld
p,'y n'ry SPl'Ci,ll .1l1l'nlilln III it.
I,ong Yl'.lJ'S ago, l~lJlhard Kipling spoJ..e of Calcutta haying bl'en a "chance-
direcll'd, chann'-l'I'l'cled" cily and Ill' SpOkl' abl)ut the inconsistencies in the
Cakulta SCl'JW, how he could Sl'l' tl1l'rl' "palaCl" hln'd, byn.:" pon'rty and
pridl' side by silk", The position has bl'l'n worsening all the time. Littll'
hOPl'S nf impnwl'llll'nt appl'.u from time tn tinw, but they again pnwe to be
illusions, .1I1d that is why I bl'lil'\'l' that the Cl'ntre has got to come into the
pkturl' in a big \\'ay. The Cl'ntrl' has to take tIll' n,'sponsibility for tlU' Calcutta
rt.'gion, for till' dl'\'l'Itlpnll'nt of till' Cllcutta Metropolitan Area as part l)( the
Fourth I'lan.
In 1959-60, SOIlll' pl'opll' in thl' United Statl's got ratl1l'r pl'rturbed oyer
what was happening in Calcutt., becausl' they ft'ared that Calcutta was gl)ing
Communist. In this HOUSl', C.l\cutt'l has always sent thret:' communists to onl'
Clmgressman, and the NClI' York Timc:>, on ~1 July 1961, made thesl'
observations, and I am quoting:
"Cl)mmunism has fed on this discontent of the rl'fugl'l's, the 90n,OOO

other persons who slet.'p on the sidl'walks or Me j.ln1l11l'd in hm"l'ls, the
100,000 farmers who mm'e to Calcutta yl'Mly from o\"l'rpopulatl'd
agricultural land and the h:'ns llf thousands of l'ducakd um'mployl'd,"
If concern about Calcutta going communist could producl' some bl'lll'fiL'ial

results in Calcutta on account of americ.1I1 slllicitude for Indian dl'H'lopnll'nt,
of course we would hiln~ bl'en quite happy, but tIll' rl'stllt has bl'l'n only tIll'
setting up of one organisation, not too sanlUry, the Calcutta Ml'Iropolitan
Planning Organisation (C\1PO),
It is by no means il good l'nough dfort. It can forl11ul.1tl' pl.lI1s, but, of

course, it cannot execute them, But \\"h.1t I fl't.'1 is th.1t it is not de"irabll' to
ha\'e planning in a \"t~ry important arl'a of our country dOIll' on thL' bcl"is of
findings by a foreign agency. Hordes of forl'ign l'xperts, who"l' l'''pertisl' is
something that Indians also possess in pll'nty, arl' in C1lcutt.1 in C\1Po. Till'
two most tangible things that han.' come out of thl'ir rl'sl',udws rder to tIll'
question of a second bridge on'r the riH'r, clnd the calculation in regard to
traffic mO\'ements in certain parts of the city.
There is a great deal of suspicion about the working of the CM PO. Wl'
hear of many undesirable activities going on under its tluspicl's, In three
years, a score of American experts h,\\'e cost us nearly Rs, 1'0 l.lkhs, and I
discover that for the rent of a building and for furniture and fittings Wl' ha\"l~
spent about Rs. 30 lakhs. It is not desirable to ha\'e in this country, in this
very important task, foreign experts who are not indispensabk, becausl' tlwy
are not doing a job of work which cannot be dlll1e by our own peopk,
There are reports-how far absolutely founded on truth I cannot qUitl'

say-regarding espionage; mapping and aerial sun'ey of our industrial
locations by the CMPO goes on in a fashion which makes us rather suspicious.
And we have reports about its office in C1lcutta in f~awdon Strect bl'ing a
place where people come from Hong Kong, Japan and othl'r areas, rather
dubious people.
But the CMPO has done some good and valuable work, and of course \\'e
are ready to be grateful for it, but there is no rt.'ason to helVe in our country
an organization like the CMPO functioning when we can do it on our own,
when the Government of India with the assistance of the Wl'St Bengal
Government and other indigenous agencies, can do it. Let us do our job and
not leave jt to this kind of foreigners. Their advice, of COurSl', and aid, jf Wl'
must have it, will be welcome, but no more than that.
Some of the things which they have suggested are so fantastic. They have
gi\'l'n us an urban renewal plan, asking for the removal of factories and
godowns from (.'ither side of the ri\'l'r Bhagirathi, and a highfalutin' scheme
of garden cities springing up all over the place. All such talk seems almost
a joke whl'n for Yl'ars we ha,oe not been able to have in Calcutta a decent
road from Dum Dum airport to the city. Dum Dum is our greatest international
airport. Thl' (l\"crage number of planes arri,oing and taking off daily, according
to tIll' figun's gin'n here in this House on 9 March in reply to Unstarred
Qucstion No. H72, is Sol in Dum Dum against 38 in Santa Cruz and 16 in
1'.11,111" but \\"t' do not gl't a good road, decent road coming from Dum Dum
to tIll' ri t\"o
,.,.,. ,. .... ,.,.,.
TIll' CO\'l'rnment of India has got to be in the picture for a \"ariet\" of

n'.lsons, and I would tr\' to indicate some of them.
TIll' CL'ntrl', for instann', has allocated Rs. 6 crores for lll/stet' impnwement
in Cllcutt,l, but for Stlllll' reason or other, the \Vest Bengal Government has
not bl'l'n abll' to spend it. Some sewn years ago the West Bengal Assembly
P,lssl'd kgislation in rl·gard to ['I/stee impnwement, but then again, out of
regard for tIll' \'l'stl'd intL'n'sts, the Act rl'mains inoperatin'.
Aftl'r a long dl'lay in meeting the water supply requirements of Calcutta,

72" pipl'S wcre laid for watL'r supply, but there is no water because that
aspect of thL' ,l\"ailability of the supply of water through these new means
had not bL'l'n thought of in practical terms.
A million or more rdugl'l's han' come into the Calcutta region. I find
from a staten1l'nt by thl' Finance Minister of West Bengal tlhlt more than
55 lakh of non-fond-producing people from other States are in West Bengal,
and half of that number about 27-1/2 lakh, are in the Calcutta area. Therefore,
the kind of probkm which the presence of these pOl)r people creates is a kind
of problL'111 which has got to be noted and taken care of by the Central
Gon'rnnwnt.
In 1960, out of a total population of 5.6 million in the Calcutta area, the
number of rate-payers was Il'SS than half a million, which means that all the
civic organizations do not have anything like adequate funds to do elementary
jobs. The Calcutta Corporation is a much-maligned body, and not without
reason-much of the abu~e the Calcutta Corporation has got was well-
deserved-but its income is very small. Unlike in Bombay, it owns neither
the tramway system, nor the bus system, nor the electricity company. The
Calcutta Tramways Co. and the Calcutta Electricity Supply Corporation are
both mammoth foreign organisations, whom we do not wish to touch. Even
toddY when there is a suggestion about taking them on'r, both thl' CO\'l'rnllll'nt
of India dnd the \Vt'st Bl'ngal GO\'l'rnllwnt ft'l;,l \'l'ry shy and chary abllut it.
Thl'n again, satellite to\\"n schemes ha\'e bl'l'n put down on Pd~1l'r und('r
the auspices of the C~\'tPO dnd otlwr org,mi/.ations, but Ilwanwhill' whdt is
happl;'ning is that the Birlas and thl' B,mgurs Ml' buying up 1,1I1d in tIll' city
and outside, and tht'rl' is no implell1l'ntation of cl'iling on Idnd holdings ,lt ,111
or of ceiling on prices of Idnd. All thl'sl' things make it impl'r,lti\'l' for tIll'
Central Con'rnment to coml' into thl' picture and do sllllll'thing which will
help.
The Rl'gistrar-Cl'l1l'raI. Shri Ashok ~\'titr,l, has pl1intl'd llUt in his bllllk
Ca/tlltt.l, llldi'l'~ City that in spitl' of its impllrt,lIKl', C,lkutt,l is not gnl\\ ing
fast enough, and he adds that it Sl'l'ms innedible th,lt while \\'l",t Ikng,ll's
population grew by 33 per Cl'nt in thl' I,lst (it-c,ldl" Clkutt,l "hould h,lH'
grown only by 8 per cl'nt, while in the S,lOle period Crl',lter Bomb,lY grew by
about 39 per cent. The factors which rl'tMd the city'" growth ,md till' growth
of the metropolitan Mea are pllllr transpl1rt systl'm, il1ddl'ljU,lCY of the city'..;
water supply and sewage systl'm, and tIll' l':\trellll'ly high I,md \ ,11m's.
Sometimes it appeMs as if not en'n Ch.ln.lkydPuri c,m hold ,1 c,mdll' to the
kind of land pricl's which Ml' askt'd for in Cakutta.
On this qUl'stion of wall'r supply, I dm gldd to "l'l' th,lt my hllll. friend,

Shri Bhattacharya has gin'n noticl' of an amendment in order tn l'mph,l"ih'
the importance of water supply. The riH'r dlong Cakutt,l is c,llll'd till' dying
rin~r. The life-line for the whole Ml'a is now a dying rin'r, ,md this rin'r, for
some reason, some Anglicised reason, is called tIll' Hooghly, but 'lctually it is
the Bhagirathi. Along most of Calcutta it is thl' Bhdgirdthi, the "trl'am which
Bhagirathi, sounding his cymbals, had brought do\\'n frllm high up in our
country and took it right dm·vn vv'here the Bhagirathi n1l'l'Is thl' Sl'd.
Here is the Bhagirathi which is a dying ri\'er. About this dying riwr, tIll'
World Bank Mission had said in 19(,0 that an "early solution and rec,lpture
of the Hooghly for all purposes of the area must ha\'l' l'mph.lsis. Otbl'rwisl',
we may succeed in providing supplementary wah.'r fadlities for a considl'rably
reduced population." A "considerable reduced population" is the contingency
which was contemplated by this World Bank Mission whl'n it examined the
water-supply problem of Calcutta and the condition of the riVl'r. In spite of
that, what exactly is it that has happened? What exactly is bl'ing done? And
this is linked up with the Calcutta port, which is one of the greatest ports, if
not the greatest, till the other day, which is the biggest implement for earning
foreign exchange for our country, through which pass 45 per cent of our
exports and through which come 40 per cent of our imports. That Calcutta
port is in such a bad way is talked about quite often in this House. The only
t,lI1gibll' thing offl'rl'd ~o far in rl'gard to the long-tl'rm ,>olution of the problem
of Cakutla port is thl' F.nakka b.urage. Oates have been gin·n about the time
when till' F.n<1kka b.urage would be ready. I think the lat('st target date is
\lJ70 or so, but onl' /W\'l'r knows if that target would be adherl'd to.
But till' idea i~ to h.l\'l' headw,lter ~upply incrl'<lsed so that silt can be
flu~l1L'd out. rIll' idl'a is that \\'L' do not continue to ha\e to spl'nd lots of
m(.nl'Y on intl'n~i\'l' dredging opl'rations which.ue becoming not only hyper-
l"pl'/bi\'L' but ,1bo \'L'r~' difficult, l'\'L'n Il'chnically speaking. Therefore, this
l\ue"tion of Iw,ldw.lll'r ~upply i~ ~o h,'rribly important.
In the Ilw,lI1\\,hill', of cour~l', the Cmernment ha\'e done soml'thing by

\",1~' pf going ,1IW,ld \\'ith the I f.1ldia sl-hellw. It is \'aluabll', but it is a long-
IL'rm IlW,l~url'. But in the IlW,lI1till1l', there is inadl'quate financial pnn-ision
Inr the port de\'l'lopll1l'nt of C,lkutta. Thl'rl' is <1 lack of for\\,ard-Iol,king,
l'C(l/hlmic pnlic~·. Then' is no ~trl'ss, I haH' noticed again and again, on ri\'er-
Ir,lining ,1I1d n.uro\\'ing cert,lin ri\'L'rs, to dlangl' the slope of the water-flo\\'
~(l Ih,lt till' ru~h l-,lI1 bl' Ill',l\ier towards the Sl'a. There is nothing of that sort:
thl'rl' is /111 ,1tll'mpt 10 tr.lin either till' Bhagirathi llr the Rupnarain or other
ri\'L'rs ~o th,lt tl1L'Y could bl' narw\\'L'd to a cl'rtain extent, so that the slope can
bl' impnl\'L'd, ~o th,lt till' rll~h nf W.lter fn1l11 till' upland down towards the
~e,l could be greater and tl1l'rl'fnrl' till' silt can be pushed back again. O\'er
,1I1d nH'r ,1g,lin in this Ilousl' till' question has come up, when the Transport
\1ini~try h,lS l~l'en in till' pil-turl'. But thl'rl' is no attt'mpt to make what experts
nl/1~idl'r hI bl' H'ry important-no hydwlogical resl'cHcht's are made into the
conditinns in thl' conti/wntal slll'lf (If the Bay of Bengal, so that we could
prl'H'nt /l1,lSSeS (If ~and rushing during flood-tide into the rin'r.
But in nl'lit-r to fight till' pmblem llf salinity in the watl'r which is ,1\'ailable
for consumptitl/1 in till' C,lkutla region, \\'l' hcH'l' to haH' not lmly the Farakka
b.ur,lgl'--whkh would bl' ready, end knows \\'11l'n-but we haH' to h,l\-e so
many other things. TIll' Farakka barragl' by itself will nl't be adequate eitl1t:'r
to Iwlp till' C.1kutia pnrt or to saH~ the d~'ing riH'r, Bhagirathi, which in large
p.ut has already died in \Vl'st Ikngal and might dil' en'n altll1g with those
parts of Cakutta wlwrl' pl'ople go on pilgrimage days in order to ha\'t~ cl dip
in thl' s.lCfl'd ,,'atl'rs. This is thl' kind of thing which is happening.
Of course, coming to Calcutta,-l am not going into the detdils-there is

such an unparallel congestion, both pedestrian and ,'ehides, fast-mo\'ing as
well as slow-moving in the streets. Calcutta has between 90,000 and 100,000
motor-vehicles pt'rhaps today. But that is not the only aspect of this story.
There are, thousands and thousands of rickshaws and t!zelas which are pushed
by human labour. It is a very big human problem, a terrific economic job, to
replace these rickshaws and tl,dm:l'Illas and to get them alternative occupation.
These poor people come from Bihar, from Orissa, from Andhra Pradesh, from
Madhya Pradesh, from Uttar Pradesh, because in thl'ir own States thay can
not make both ends meet and they have to come to Calcutta and t'Vl'n pl'rform
such humiliating labour as to carry another human being, a couple of human
beings, sometimes rather too fat for anybody's dl'lectation. This kind of thing
goes on: a 100,000 motor-vehicles plus I1t'Mly IOO,OOO \"l'hicll'S of all
descriptions. There are more than 200 different ,'aril'til's of licences given to
"ehicles in Calcutta. You have of course got the bullock-cart of all varil'til's
and conditions. It is a terrific situation vvhich is faced by no other city in
creation.
As far as people are concerned, 300,000 peopll' coml' l'\"l'r), d,1Y to tl1l'
Sealdah station, the most congested in the world, and 200,000 conw l"'l'ry
day to Howrah, and so many other people who h,n-e nowhere to go, nowhere
to live except under the sun, in God's good earth, Me on thl' pan'ment or on
the muddy sidewalks. This is the kind of thing which gOl'S on. This is tl1l'
way in which life is presented. This is why foreign tourists consider Calcutta
as a filthy sort of place, an introduction to India, which we should Sl'l' dOL'S
not produce the kind of wrong impression which it dtws at this prl'sl'nt
moment. Even today, in spite of Calcutta being so neglected, ftm'ign tourists
land in Calcutta in larger numbers than they do in Santa CruJ: or in !"'alam;
at least ,.... hen they first come to India that is wh!."re the), go, and this is thl'
kind of picture which they present before us.
In regard to water supply, we have been Iwaring about this for Yl'MS, that
there is a footling little section perhaps in some department or the other of
the Ministry of Health which without resources, tries to tackle this problem
of water supply in Calcutta. Now, we are told that a Californian company is
busy studying, at a very big fee, the drainage and water-supply prnblt·ms
of Calcutta. I cannot understand why this sort of thing should go on. A few
good things of course take place from time-to-time. For instance, the salt
lakes near Calcutta have been reclaimed by Government fairly quickly with
the assistance of Yugoslavia. Perhaps the World Health Organisation and
perhaps some socialist countries could be requisitioned in ordt'r to ht.>lp us
better, more expeditiously and without any damage to our interests regarding
water supply and drainage.
Then there is the other question also: so much of the drainage of Calcutta
is still primitive, and this problem of human wastes in Calcutta and other
similar cities is not even sought to be tackled at all. Nobody gives thought
to this kind of matter. Sometime ago, I noticed a very significant article by
an Indian scientist, who wanted our urban wastes not to be neglected, but
the wealth which is hidden in the human waste to be utilized for our
development projects. He called it "The Project Pankajalakshmi". If we drive
from Dum Dum to Calcutta or from Santa Cruz to Mahalakshmi in Bombay,

the sights and the smells are not particularly savoury, but out of Pankaj
which is mud, something grows out of the mud, you get Pankaj. The lily; you
get a beautiful flower; and perhaps even out of human waste we can get a
great deal of very valuable economic potential. This scientist, working out
the case of Calcutta has said:
"The sewage refuse and habitation waste of its population, if properly

conserved and collected,--Calcutta alone could supply every year, over
Rs. (-, crores worth of rich compost, vvhich being organic and humus-
forming, is supt.'rior to chemical fertilizers. In addition, the process would
also 1ll'lp to produce a lot of gas which \\'ould generate enough electricity
to supply power and light to a \vhole township."
This kind of thing could be done about Bombay also. He added that modem
engilll't.'ring and technology have found the means of overcoming all such
probll'ms of producing wealth and power from urban waste. There is no
reason why what has been done in Bangkok cannot be done in Calcutta and
Bombay. Why we do not make use of our human waste, is something again
which we have to bear in mind.
[ pk<ld, therefore, for a long-term plan. !\1any of the things which I have
suggested may not be done tomorrow or the day after, they need a long-term
plan. At the sanll'tinll', some short-term measures could be adopted here and
now. In regard to short-tl'rm measures, a circular railway for Calcutta can be
sl't up with the minimum possible delay. The underground railway can wait
for later inn'stigation. An underground railways should not be impossible.
If in Leningrad which was built on a Marsh by Peter the Great, where the soil
is a great deal morl' difficult than en'n in Calcutta, underground railways
can be constructed, underground railways possibly can also be constructed
in Calcutta. But that can wait, because it will take a lot of time and a great
deal of inn'stment. But the circular railway idea which has been propounded
by the Wt.'st Bengal Gon'rnment-\vith all the force and funds at the disposal
of the Covernment, and the Railway Board-is an idea which has got to be
accepted as soon as en'r that is possible and implemented with the least
possible delay.
A second bridge over the Ganga is something which has to be undertaken

here and now. In regard to this there is a UK company which is already there
in the picture and is going to grab the contract for it. Surely global tenders
should be called for and if possible, our own resources, our own technical
talent should be utilized for this purpose. If the Howrah bridge could be
constructed so many years ago under British domination, surely we can build
the second bridge on the basis of our own resources.
The Calcutta Improvement Trust has certain schemes regarding the

development of East Calcutta, which appear to be overwhelmed by some
other high-fault in' schemes which are coming out of the brain of the CMPO.
But perhaps the Calcutta Improvement Trust's schemes can be put into
operation quicker with a view to assisting people's conditions of living.
Bllstee improvement is a matter on which with local coopt'ration,

Governmental agencies can do whatever they can and this should be done
without the least possible delay.
Land transfers in Calcutta area, to which I have made a reference already,

have to be controlled and there has to be a ceiling on land prices. Only the
day before yesterday something was said about the composition of a
Committee on ceiling on land prices and land holdings. In Calcutta, a lot of
speculation is going on, particularly by the money-bags, some of whom I
have mentioned already and they have to be stopped.
A stadium for Calcutta has to be built as soon e\'er as possible, because

it is really a crying shame which has continued for too long a timl'.
For the Calcutta Corporation which has only recently had its first election
on the basis of adult suffrage, provision should be made for a larger income,
as in Bombay. That is why Government has to give its mind \,l'ry seriously
to the idea of taking over the Calcutta Tramways Company and the Calcutta
Electric Supply Corporation. Only the other day, Dr. K. L. Rao said in ans\,ver
to a question, that the government had advised the West Bengal Government
not to proceed in the matter of taking over the Calcutta Ell'ctric Supply
Corporation, because compensation and other questions are likely to be
difficult. I do not understand why this sort of thing should go on. Here is the
Calcutta Tramways Company which often have most egregously not only in
regard to its own employees but also in regard to the profits it takes away
from the country, without making anything like ample provision for better
amenities for the passengers on the trams. Here is the Electric Supply
Corporation which for a very long time has been fleecing our country and we
cannot do a thing about it while in the Bombay, the Bombay Corporation
luckily has got revenues coming out of the bus transport system and electric
supply.
Also as a short-term measure, there should be a more effective
implementation of road transport schemes, which have been talked about for
many years but have not been implemented. Something should be done
about implementing them-not only the road from Dum Dum Airport to
Calcutta, but the roads branching out of Calcutta. I remember our friend,
Shri S.K. Patil, years ago, when he was Transport Minister, promised a luxury
express way from Calcutta to Asansol via Durgapur and gave an impression,
as he always used to do about food, of its being just round the corner, and
that the express way would be ready in a very short while. Since then many
years have passed, much water has flowed down the Ganga, but nothing at
all has happened.
I have tried to indicate something in regard to the comprehensive long
term plan which is necessary in regard to Calcutta and also some short term
measures which should be taken up without the least possible delay. I wish
Government to apply its mind to this matter very seriously. Calcutta should
be part of a national plan. I ask the Government not to leave the problems
of Calcutta to dubious foreign agencies like the CMPO. Don't let us leave
Calcutta to the mercies of the West Bengal Government and other organizations
which have neither the resources nor the talent nor the intelligence to tackle
this kind of mammoth problem. Calcutta is posing before you a problem
which has got to be tackled at a national lavel. The problem of Calcutta is a
national problem. Calcutta is India's city and this national problem has got
to be tackled successfully. Otherwise, we shall lose an area which is
cconomically, culturally and otherwise so very important to our country for
having lost that area economically or otherwise we can never make up the
leeway. That was the danger which had been highlighted in 1959-60. So often
has this Calcutta matter been agitated in this House also but nothing tangible
has bel'n done. I do hope on this occasion Government comes out with a
more dfective and sympathetic response to the appeal I am going to make
through this resolution.
This House is of opinion that a comprehensive and self-contained scheme
for the dcvelopment of the Calcutta Metropolitan area should find priority in
the Fourth Plan.
Sir, I am grateful for the support given to my resolution by all sections
of the House, and as a Bengali I am particularly thankful because the non-
Bengali members who took part in the debate have been specially generous
in this regard.
[ am glad, in a way, that my hon. friend, the Minister, has offered more
or less a sympathetic view of this matter. He is \'ery right in saying that
Calcutta post'S a challenge which has no parallel perhaps in the history of
urban development. But just because it is very strident challenge we have
to try to face up to it and answer the challenge effectively, and my intention
in bringing forward this resolution was to emphasise the very great urgency
of having a really comprehensive and co-ordinated plan for Calcutta. I am
afraid, I do not quite share the admiration which my hon. friend, the Minister,
has about the CMPO. I have nothing against it, except certain matters which
I have tried to mention, but I have seen for instance the first report which has
come out, which is sent to us by the West Bengal Government and I found
nothing in it which could not have been tackled by our own Indian l'xperts.
And what I do not like is that a body of experts com!;>, into the picture and
participate in jobs where they really are not wanted. Now, I know that there
are in the CMPO a large number of Indian personnel, and I learn if my facts
are wrong, I am sorry-I learn that in three years about 20 American l'xperts
have had to be paid about Rs. 80 lakhs, while for the entire Indian staff the
West Bengal Government had to spend about Rs. 30 lakhs; that is to say, for
work of a sort which, as far as I can make out, could ha\'e bl'l'n done by our
own people, we have got these foreign experts. My hon. fril'nd, the Ministl'r
was good enough to say what I had missed saying, namely, that in Bombay
for the purpose of the Plan we did not depend on foreign experts; .1 wry
good thing. In the case of Calcutta also we could ha\'e done it.
I have no allergy on principle against foreign aid or hadng forl'ign l'xperts.

Where foreign experts are indispensabll', we should certainly h,1\"e them;
where without foreign aid we cannot go ahl'ad, we should cl'rtainly ask for
it; only, it must be without strings.
But, let us try to go ahead with this Calcutta matter without undUl'
dependence on foreign personnel. For instance, for the sake of it bridgl', for
the sake of traffic evaluation, we do not need to ha\'e fl)reign experts, and
that is why my feeling is that we could proceed much better and in a more
co-ordinated fashion if, without depending unnecessarily on forl>ign expl'rts,
we could do our own job.
And I want also to tell the Minister that I have here with me the budget
speech of the West Bengal Finance Minister where he ml'l1tions fourteen
items under which Rs. 101 crores are to be allotted, if their plans are supportl'd
by the Centre, for the purpose of development of the Calcutta region. As far
as they go, they are quite good. But so much delay has taken place so far, so
many defaults have already occurred in regard to water supply in Calcutta,
the basti improvement policies, the building of new structures for low income
groups and that sort of thing, so much time has gone that I am not in a
position to place my faith in the assurance implicit in the listing of fourtl'en
items under Rs. 101 crores.
I want also to say that the Planning Commission should have a special
division in regard to this matter. And there are certain other Ministries of the
Government of India involved, like the Ministry of Transport, the Ministry
which looks after the Calcutta port. I tried in my speech to deal with certain
matters in regard to the questions associated with the Farakka Barrage along
with the river training schemes, hydrological survey and so many other things
that also have to be taken into consideration. The West Bengal Government
cannot do it. The West Bengal Government cannot possibly be expected to
list them in its project report to the Central Government. It is for the Central
Government from here to try to see that the whole thing is put together. So,
what I would like is that there is really a coordinated effort from the All-India
level and, at the same time, with the co-operation of the local administration,
as far as the other authorities are concerned.
So, I am glad in tl way that the Minister has come forward with certain
specific things, particularly with regard to the plan being ready next year.
But I do wish he should be a little more positive in regard to the circular
railway. I do wish he could also give us something more positive and specific
about the second bridge being built as quickly as possible.
*** *** .. ....

I am glad that he has given us some specific assurance and, generally, he
has offered a sympathetic approach of this problem. Therefore, since the
COH'rnment is in possession of the difficulties of the situation and Government
dOt'S want to do something, I can only express my hope that it is done more
quickly, more efficiently. Therefore, since he has expressed his sympathy with
my motion, I would like to ask for the leave of the House to withdraw my
resolution.
SPORTS POLICY-EMPHASIS ON MASS PARTICIPATION*
Mr. Chairman, Sir, I feel that as a member of the All India Council of
Sports, lowe it to this House as well as to myself to participate in this dt'bate
I am very glad that our friend, Dr. Karni Singh has raised this discussion, and
though I differ from him in regard to the matter of South Africa and Apartheid,
I would not enter into an argument, and I would leave it to the Ministl'r tll
answer him. But otherwise, I am in general agreement \\'ith the points that
he has brought forward.
I need not stress how athletics in general are important for our life.
Nayamatma Balalzillt'lla Labhyaha-the soul is not to be achieved by the weak.
Nayamatma Pral'llc1lt'llena Labhyaha-it cannot also be achie\"(~d by mere
formulations, and a few speeches in Parliament are not going to do the trick.
Even so, it is very necessary to remember that encouragement to Indian sport
which was largely offered by princes and other privileged people in earlier
days is now no longer there. The State has hardly been able to t'ntl'r into the
picture and to fill the breach. As I have found out, things still go on in a ding-
dong and official way. There is no acceleration in the country t.'ither about the
sports programme or about its implementation.
There is the All India Council of Sports ostensibly advising the Ministry
of Education. There are State Councils of Sports which have a certain area of
jurisdiction. But, there is hardly any co-ordinated plan regarding play grounds
for our pupils to be an essential part of all our schools and colleges. There
is no co-ordinated plan, but only some accidental grant of money for the
construction of utility stadia and that sort of thing. The All India Council of
Sports has held at least two sports congresses, and there it was insisted that
there should be a National Sports Policy with priorities properly fixed, and
there was an idea stressed by many of us that mass games like football
should have much more encouragement than the more exclusive games which
get just as much assistance for the Government as football happens to get.
There are also our own games, indigenous inexpensive games like kabaddi,
kho-kho, which do not seem to be given the kind of encouragement which we
ought to give them. We find also that sports bosses in the different federations
• L.S. Deb., 8 December 1970. [Participating in the Discussion on Sports Policy, Shri Mukcrjee
also spoke on 27 September 1955 and 12 August 1970 on a similar subject).
518
cling to office and the position has deteriorated so much that I do not hesitate
to say that the Indian Hockey Federation has become more a police set-up
than a national body. The result is, there is no attempt at finding out talent.
Dr. Karni Singh was absolutely correct. There is no search for talent in different
parts of our country. Where games are popular, there is no attempt to keep
it up at the proper level. Today for example, there is a report that Eden
Gardens in Calcutta, which has the loveliest cricket pitch in our country and
is the pride of our sportsmen is falling to pieces and nothing much is being
done about it. This position will not be rectified till there is a very serious
t'ffort to evolve and implement a Sports Policy.
Mass participation in sports is still a dream. As I said, not even a talent

sl'arch has takl'n placl'. There is, of course, the basic problem of the poverty
of our people. Shortage of protein in our food leads to blindness as far as our
children are concernt>d. How are we going to get children who would be
athletically strong enough? We may get some exceptionally few individuals
likl' Chandgi Ram. They are exceptional people who haw to fight the
extraordinarily difficult conditions of life in our country. They are naturally
\"l'ry few and most of them are not necessarily for no fault of their own top-
class sportsmt>n either. Therefore, it is very important that a Sports Policy
discussion necessitates, in\'oh·es, implies essentially a discussion of basic
economic policies. I remember in 1959 when I had raised a discussion of
Sports, Shri Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, who was in the Chair, said, how can
we have good sportsmen because our people do not have enough food to
eat? How are we going to substitute for lack of food by merely a lot of
training? And, we do not give them a lot of training either. We do not try to
do the best we can in our present day circumstances. We shall not be able to
achieve world standards which a country like ours should achieve, unless we
tackle first things first, like ensuring a better life for our people and a sense
of belonging, so that when our teams go abroad, they have a mission of their
own to accomplish. They are ambassadors of India in foreign lands. That
sense of belonging does not happen to be with our people. That sense of
belonging to one great country with a mission to fulfil is not there. That is
why we have to do something.
We need not bother much about international competition. A country

like the Soviet Union, which today enjoys a near monopoly of gold medals
and competes with the United States, which is top in the world, that country
for many long years was in hybernation. It was trying to collect its strength.
And, when it came out, it came out in all glory and with all majesty. We need
not bother too much about too many of international competitions. We need
not spend our precious foreign exchange by participating in every footling
little thing anywhere in the world. Let us concentrate on certain things. Let
us make sure of mass participation in sports. Let us make sure that our
children in schools and colleges get opportunities for athletic excellence. Let
us make sure that in our towns and cities utility stadiums and bigger stadiums
are there. Let us make sure, if at all we can with the kind of Government we
have, that the people of our country have a better deal, better food and better
living conditions, that they do not suffer from malnutrition, that we do not
hear of the kind of thing which takes place in our country-poverty and the
rest of it. That is the basic answer to the problem. Without that, everything
would be pramclwn.
'I1l/AlrAI ~ 'fT'Rl:
You cannot merely by formulating certain remedies secure the achievement

of the soul.
THE FILM INDUSTRY WORKERS BILL, 1972*£
I am grateful you have given me this opportunity at an early stage to the

Bill which has been placed before the House. This country is today perhaps
the largest producer of cinematographic films in the world and, as Mr. Pandey
has said, about a million workers are involved in the different processes of
production. This industry is at least in certain categories flourishing most
remarkably and that is witnessed by the fact that the top run of the film
ladder in so far as the successful stars of the film world are concerned,
receive enormous sums of money, almost always under the table by way of
black money, and that kind of allegation is very often made known to the
House by way of answers which the Government has giwn to questions put
forward in Parliament.
I am not going into that matter, but I am concerned with the condition
in which this large body of workers are now condemned to live. In the
different departments of production, exhibition and distribution of films, the
workers who are employed are in a very handicapped position. If the
Government is true to its proclamations about the desire for seeing a more
just society, it should have no hesitation in accepting the principle of this Bill
and come forward with its own version of legislation which it considers
necessary to safeguard the interest of the workers in the production,
distribution and exhibition sections of the film industry.
I say these workers are in an extremely handicapped position because
they work in a large number of small establishments and, except for a few,
in these small establishments something like a feudal relationship still exists,
with the result that the trade union movement finds it very difficult to go
ahead in this particular sphere. I myself have been associated for nearly
26 years with the Bengal Motion Picture Employees Union. I know for a fact
how it is very difficult to organize these people into a successful corpora ted
body in order to fight the employers because in many of the smaller
establishments-the relationship is still continuing on something like the
feudal foundation. In spite of that in many centres unions of these workers
have come into existence and they have had to carryon a very strenous fight.
There have been instances where the employers take recourse to the most
nefarious methods. I know in West Bengal, the Government itself had
• L.S. Deb., 14 April 1972.

£ The Bill (a Private Member's Bill), which was aimed at providing a Machinery for fixation of
wages and improvement of working conditions of workers in the Film Industry, was negath'ed.
521
appointed a minimum wages committee for film industry workers which

produced a report and for the time being the employers had agreed to accept
this. On further consideration they went to the High Court and secured an
injunction by that kind of action, by taking recourse to certain processes of
law which are still in operation, they prevent the workers enjoying e\'en the
fruits of the settlement made by the highest authority, when the
State Government itself had appointed a minimum wagt's committl'e and it
ga\"e its report, but the report was rendered infructuous by recourse to law
which unfortunately can still be taken by employers who went to the High
Court, got an injunction and got everything stopped.
I know for a fact how in many cases in the smaller cinema house the
employers are in a position of advantage because the \vorkers are very few
in number and sometimes find it difficult to combine. They are distributl'd
all over the place-I mean cinema houses in the city as well as in thl' country
side. To have a powerful organisation it is necessary to have at least one
place where a large number of workers are employed. These workers suffl'r
because they are distributed all owr the place.
I know in the production side of the industry, again, hardly anything in

the nature of trade union rights are recognized. In Bombay, Calcutta and
Madras production of films is now a fairly prosperous undertaking but the
workers are almost without any kind of safeguard whatever.
In the distribution section, we have offices which do not employ normally

a very large number of people and since they are small establishments, workers
find it difficult to combine effectively in order to fight the employer.
In the exhibition section, it is only in the city cinema houses that a fairly
large union can operate and they find themselves confronting the kind of
position to which I have referred on the part of the employers, namely, they
go to court and put forward every imaginable obstacle because the law does
not give these people the protection that should be given to them.
It is necessary, therefore, to have very special legislation in regard to the

film industry employees because in many cases they work in numbers which
do not come within the ambit of the normal labour relations. In some places
the number of workers who are employed is less than even 25. Something
has to be done to protect these workers because, otherwise they are completely
at the mercy of the employer. I need not labour this point. Facts must be
known to the Labour Ministry.
The position of the film industry is well known. It makes enormous

profits. The distribution sector, the production sector and the exhibition sector
are interlinked; in many cases many of the employers invest their money in
the three sectors and they try to monopolise whatever profit can be extracted
from the different sectors of the industry.
Thereforl', it is absolutely clear that the film industry workers in exhibition,

distribution and production sectors require special safeguards, and for that
purpose the labour legislation has to have its ambit extended. Therefore, I
feel that the C{wernment should come forward with an assurance that this
matter is reCl>iving their urgent attention and they should accept the principle
of the Bill. I need not go into detail over the clauses as moved by
Shri Samanta and Shri Pandey. But I should like an assurance from the
Covernment that something is going to be done in the very near future to
gin? special protection to the people in the three different sectors of this
industry. I support the Bill.
THE WILDLIFE PROTECTION BILL, 1972*£
Actually the wild animals, if they could speak up would speak of denizens
of city in a manner which would not be relished by many of us. Let us take
the words as they are com·entionaIly used. Wild life protection, surely, should
imply protection of the tribal population, surely should imply protection of
such historic relics as Ranthambore Fort which is very near Sawai Madhopur
Sanctuary. They are doing nothing of that sort but on the contrary, the human
denizens of the forest are being treated in a \'ery shabby manner. Of course,
we are interested, as far as this legislation is concerned, in the protection of
what is conventionaIly called Wild life, and from that angle I would like to
know, particularly, some details about what exactly is happening.
We talk so much about the necessity of protecting Wild life. But actually
what is the position? In regard to lions which have been described as our
national anima\, if between 1880 and 1900 there was pnly a dozl'n lions in
Gir, and there are 300 now, why can we not make sure that our lion population
increases to an optimum point? I would like to know if the Minister can tell
us what happened to the lions which were let loose in the Uttar Pradesh
Forest near Chandra Prabha river. I think, in Uttar Pradesh, there were seven
lions in 1964. The number was expected to rise to eleven. They may have
vanished; for all I hear from the paper reports, they have vanished. But
Government should tell us what exactly has happened. Even in regard to
Gir-at one time there were very few but now we have got at least 300 or
so-we should know a good deal more.
I find also, before he died, Jim Corbett made a complaint that the National
Park or whatever it is named after him, was allotted originally 180 sq. miles
but 55 sq. miles were taken out of the allocation; and Jim felt it very badly.
I would like to know if the Minister happens to know anything about it, if
the original allocation of land to this Corbett National Park was 180 sq. miles
and if 55 sq. miles were taken out of that and if something is now going to
be done in regard to it.
I would like to know, for instance, also about white tigers of Rewa. I have
seen in this book, which is generally accepted as authoritative-E.P. Gee's.
The Wild Life of India a description of Rewa; there is a palace-cum-fort called
• LS. Deb., 21 August 1972.

( [The Bill which was aimed at making provision for the protection of wild animals and birds,
became 'The Wildlife Protection Act, 1972').
524
Govindgarh in Rewa where white tigers were kept and it is a very marvellous
place. I would like to know, now that the princes are de-recognised and
denuded of their ill-gotten privileges-if I can put it that way that is
happening, if Government is going to take charge of a place like Govindgarh
Palace because, according to the description given by Mr. Gee in this book,
it is a wondt'rful place which should be kept, the place where white tigers
could be reared, and later on we could send them out to the different parts
of the country.
I would like to know what are the schemes, if any, in regard to Sunderban
areas of West Bl'ngal, the original home of the so-called Royal Bengal tiger
and \",hat has happened to schemes we hear from time-to-time about national
parks and sanctuaries near about that place, in Frasergay or some such other
township in that area.
Sometime ago, I think, it \-\'as my impression that Dr. Karan Singh's

Ministry did some publicity about a bird sanctuary in the Salt Lakes near
Calcutta, but it seems now the Salt Lakes are going to be utilized for other
purposes, for the construction of some ramshackle houses, and the result is
that the whole idea of a bird sanctuary in that kind of place near the heart
of the big city, is dropped. Something has been done to it. But we hear
nothing at all about that sort of thing, we find in this legislation a number
of steps in rl'gard to dealing with the malpractices of the trade as well as of
poachers and other people. Now, I do not know if the Government is taking
any steps to have possl'ssion, almost immediately, of e\'ery head, skin, horn,
etc. that may be in show-rooms or sales-rooms or emporia all over the country,
so that you can strike the t'vil at the root-now you are giving a long notice
to people who are carrying on nefarious acti\'ities in regard to our wildlife
so long-but I do not see any indication of that. On the contrary, as Mr. Deb
has pointed out, the Government is rather soft to companies which deal in
this business but are rather harsh on the denizens of the jungle.
I would like also to find whether the Government has any schemes about
better provisioning in our forests so that the rangers and others are equipped
with transmitters so that whenever they get any information and that has to
be sent quickly, they can send the information in as quick time as possible.
I do not know what steps the Government are taking in order to take charge
of the entire trade of taxi-dermy and that sort of thing. There are places in
Calcutta, near the New Market in Calcutta, there is a miniature zoo sort of
place where animals and birds are kept in impossible conditions and they are
sold out to foreigners. You can get anything. Even a tiger cub is available at
a few hours' notice if you want to have it. What is the Government going to
do about that sort of thing? Are we making an appeal, for example, to many
of those old houses belonging to the aristocracy where there are valuable
trophies, antelopes, skins and that sort of thing? Are the Government thinking
of getting hold of those things and keeping them at a place where the public
can have access? Otherwise, what is the point of our talking about wild life
and that sort of thing?
Are we going to associate with gO\'ernmental activity on the regulation

of wild life many of these people who are sometimes described as-I do not
like the \'ery word 'gclltlt'II/t'1I S"ikaric~'? Many of them have a genuine love
for wild life. Many of them who come forward, many of thl'm who han.'
done a great deal of shooting in their life and who prefer now to do
photography-are we going to utilize the servin's of these people? Mr. Gl'e,
who is now unfortunately dead was a foreigner. There are many pl'ople in
our own country, many people in Rajasthan and other areas who h':1\"e been
very good 5"ikari~, \'ery good shots and they can come forward with the
camera rather than with the rifle in order to help the wild lifl'.
My grouse has been that if this Bill had been truly and cc1rl'fully considered
and if this Bill had gone through a Committee, the Committl'e could have
asked for information in regard to the present-day conditilms of wild life.
The Committee could have found out vvays and ml'ans l)f improving vvild
life in our country. The Committee could also at the same time have brought
about a fool proof legislation in regard to the preservation of wild Iifl'. But
what the Government does is to merely send us a 42-page Bill for discussion
and the Government goes to the Business Advisory Committee and says, 'We
would like to have it passed in this session'. The Govt.>rnment prevents a
member of its own Party from even moving a motion for reference to il Select
Committee so that some sort of discussion can take place. The Gowrnment
says, 'Take it or leave it'. This is very wrong. It is a good objective. No doubt
about it. It is an objective which even Ashoka sought 2,500 years ago, but a
good objective can never be achieved by this kind of a wrong thing. The
Government has not taken Parliament into confidence. In rl'gard to this kind
of legislation, there is no harm if there was a little delay by a fortnight or so
and this matter referred to a Select Committee. Even now, if the Covernmt:'nt
wishes, this matter can be referred to a Select Committee. We can waive the
Rules. The Minister can move a motion for reference to the Select Committee.
The Committee may report within a week's time and we can have the
legislation. It would be a great deal better and after having heard Mr. Deb
who lives in Tripura, I know how very close he is to the jungles and he
belongs to the people who are part of the soil in that region of our country,
after having heard him, I am more than ever convinced that this Bill has been
hastily drafted, provocatively presented to Parliament, carelessly sought to
be passed into legislation and defective in its substance. Therefore, I plead
with whatever strength I have at my command, that this Bill should be
referred to a Select Committee with special instructions to report before the
end of the session. It would otherwise be merely playing ducks and drakes
with the problem which is very serious. It is extremely serious to those of us
here who want our wild life to be preserved in the best manner possible and
we are not getting the kind of satisfaction which we want by this Bill. I
therefore appeal to you and through you to the House that this Bill should
be refl'rred to d Selt.'ct Committee even at this late stage.
HOMAGES PAID BY
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE
HOMAGES PAID BY PROF. HIREN MUKERJEEE
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee*
Sir, here was a person with whom I had mv fundamental differences.

Personally, we ha\'e bl'l'n friends. If you will allow a personal reference, for
thrl'e gelll'rations our families ha\'e been friends. But that did not pre\'ent my
att,Kking Dr. Syama Prasad \lookerjee's ideas and ideologies, and policies
,md principles much more sharply than anybody on the Treasury Benches
had the gumption to do. I ha\'e done that. But that is no reason for me to
keep quid today. That is why I say that the Gm'ernment of this country has,
for some peculiar reason, come to certain extraordinary impressions about
the Opposition. I know it. I know that that is the reason why so many things
th,lt haH' been said here are treated in a completely ca\'alier fashion by
nll'mbl'rs of the Treasury Bl'nches, and that is why they haye deyeloped an
indifference to\\'ards thl'ir critics. It is that kind of sentiment \\'hich led them
to giH' him medical treatment of a sort which has been so sharply criticised
by other Illl'dical experts. I know Dl)ctors differ. I am not going to say, Sir,
th,lt tIll' medical gentlemen who treated Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee did it
all negligently and deliberately. But there are certain charges of inefficiency
rl'garding till' Illl'dical treatment. Those charges of inefficiency ha\'e been
sl'condl'd and supported by the Home Minister in the speech which he has
made todav.
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee was arrested and put in jail-and that is not
the kind of thing which we are in a position to do-but as far as the facts of
the death are concerned, as far as the allegations regarding the negligence or
inl'fficiency or both are concerned, there must be an inYestigation. If you do
not have that investigation, you are setting up a precedent, this Government
would be setting up a wry very bad precedent and that would be a most
disastrous infraction of the rights of the citizens of India.
Acharya Narendra Deva*"
Permit me to associate myself and the Party I represent in the Lok Sabha
with the sentiments of deep sorrow which ha\'e already been expressed by
• L.S, Del", 18 Scptl'mber 1953, [Spoke whill' participating in tht.' discussion lll1 the Detention
and Death of Dr, Syama Prasad Mookerjl'e],
.. L.S, Del", 20 February 1950.
531
the Home Minister. Some of us h.l\"t~ been in the Congrl'ss Sodalist Party, of
which Acharya Narendra Deva was a flmnder and Il'.ldl'r, but th.lt, [ think,
is the least part of the story. Acharya Narendra Dl'\'Ll was OI1l' of those
participants in our national movement whose names ha\'e bl'come SlHlll'thing
of a legend and that happened not because of any \'l'ry sPl'ct,Kular and
obtrusive qualities but because of sht'er char.lctl'r. He had l'rudition Llnd that
peculiar integration of spirit which make for real pl'rsonality, Llnd that is why
he had a position in the country which hardly anybody l'Ise can fill in till'
present context. I feel also that he had another quality which is charactl'ristic
of the culture of our country, and that was the quality of ddachn1l'nt. And
that is why we han:, found him ne\"l'r in the \"llftl'X of pO\\'l'r politics. I Ie \\"as
in political life, but not quite of it, and that was perhaps why thl'rl' was lL'nt
to his character a certain quality of dignity clnd graciollsness \\"hich \\"e miss
wry often in our political life.
I wish to associate myself and my Party again with the expfl'ssinns of

condolence which have fallen from the lips of the Homl' Ministl'r.
G. V. Mavalankar*
May, I, Sir, on behalf of my party in this HOllse, add my \'oin' to that of

the Prime Minister in expressing our profound grid at the passing ,1\\'.1)' of
Shri Mavalankar?
This session a cruel fatality seems to be dogging us, and we are ha\"ing
blow upon blow, overwhelming in its impact and creating national problems
of replacement which I fear cannot be easily sol\"l'd.
As far as our Speaker was concerned, I:'\"(.'n this morning we read the
bulletin in the papers and we hoped that he would recover, but that was not
to be.
Speaking as a member of the Opposition, I think I may say categorically

that to most of us it is a rea\, cruel blow and it is inconceivable that we shall
come to this House and not see him in the Chair, not see his smile, his
gracious bearing, his dignity and the shine of his personality. I remember the
Prime Minister perhaps in the first session of this Parliament saying that it
was almost inconceivable to think of anybody else in the Chair of this House.
We had our differences with Shri Mavalankar, but as far as our personal
relationships were concerned, there was never a trace of bitterness and we
had occasion to find out ever so often that he had a passion which very few
people have-at least I have met nobody else who had that passion in his
measure-and that was a passion to see parliamentary forms worked in this
"L.S. Deb., 27 February 1956.

country in a manner which would be in conformity with our political

traditions, and to that passion he ga\'e all the talent that he possessed-and
talent he posst'ssed in plenty as everybody who knew him would testify.
That is why I ft.'el that he was a person whose like we shall not easily see
again and our sorrow is deep and genuine, and I wish you, on behalf of our
party particularly and on behalf of everybody in this House, to com·ey to the
nwmbers of Shri Ma\'alankar's family how deeply distressed we are at his
p,lssing a\\"ly at this juncture of our national life.
Jawaharlal Nehru"
\k Speaker, Sir, on behalf of the Communist Party in Parliament and on
my own L·whalf, I join in trying to express our sorrow which is truly
inexpressible at the passing away of Ja\,,·aharlal Nehru.
Dl'ath, the necessary end, will come wht'n it will come. Yet the \·oid that
h,lS desCl'nded upon us will nen'r be filled. This Parliament and our country
is a bk'ak and desolate place today without Jawaharlalji and the loss of so
m<lI1Y of us who Im·ed him dl'arlY cannot bl'ar speaking about. I fear it will
takl' SOIlW time to colkct ourseln's.
I Iwed not rder to the stl)ry of his life. His magnificent role in the fight
for our frl'edolll when he was the idol of India's youth, his unique grip on
world perspectin's which made him realise the link between our fight and
thl' fight of oppressed peopk's in Asia, Africa and elsewhere, his dedication
to sl'nllarism and lkmocracy and people's well-being which drew him
strongly towards socialism, l'conomic planning and world peace;-all this
clnd more, is a mattl'r of record, an open book which was his lift', and in
which, whateH'r our differences, was in India haye all gloried.
A Vl'ry human and fallible but ilwariably noble and incessantly acti\·e life
has come to an end. He was too often lonely but no man in politics has
perhaps ever been so belo\"t.'d. India had clasped him to her heart where his
place for all time in secure.
There have been and are formidable figures in world politics, most of
them perhaps big in bulk rather than in essence. Jawaharlal was different and
of a finer grain. He had charity in the sense in which St. Paul spoke about
it to the Corinthians. En.'n more, he had the quality of compassion which the
Bllddha had taught us and these are qualities which we hardly see in any
other personality that we can think of.
He was the architect of free india, if any single man can be called so. He
achieved many positive things for his country and for the \"\'orld. But his
*1..5. Del!., 2'1 May 1%-1.

tenure of unchclllengl'd pm\"t'r has not been a mere success story. Hl' It'aH's
cmcial tasks and difficult problt'ms unsoIH'd. But hl' has fought, as no man
has fought in his time, for sensibility and neighbourli!1l'ss at home and abroad,
qualities without which our distracted world cannot go al1l'ad, qualitil's which
I hope we shall always cherish.
Who but a Jclwaharlal could say indl'lible things with a be.llltiful simplicity
that none else can match? Who but he could say, as he did soml' time back,
regarding the twin e\'ils of pOH'rty and war, that the ll'.us of mankind today
could fill the seH'n OCl'ans? Who but j,l\\".lharlal carril'd in his mind ,md
heart that sense of ache which mc1de him, as a true Indi.m should be, the
world's kin-\~N{dlltliL'tl klltllll1btlktllll.
Work was the only worship he carried for, and 11l' has died, ,1S 11l' wisllL'd
to, in harness, unto the last. He has gone, but life flows on, and his spirit l\llls
on us to shed mere sentiment and sloth. Let all peoplt' of good-\\"Ill join to
gi\'e effect to the best in his legacy-the strugglt' for <1 new Ind;<1, rid l)f tIll'
blight of pm'erty and superstition and till' nllgdrising taint of Big \lonl'Y,
happy in unity and in the pride of achieH'll1ent, and acti\'l' in till' t,lSks of
world peace and well being.
Let us pledge ourseln~s that if re\'i\'alisll1 ,md rl'action try to l'xploit his
no longer being at the helm, we shall spare no l'ffort to ddl'at them.
His successors ha\'e a difficult task, for his sceptre was the bow of Ullf~~C~
'which could not be drawn by any wl',lker hand. We shall all 11l'lp if
Shri Nanda and his colleagues implement thl' policil's for which jawaharl,dji
had an unceasing passion-ad\'ance towards socialism, dynamic non-
alignment, friendship with countries that ha\'e suffered like oursL'h'es so that
India could find her rightful place in a world without war.
We have lost a gem of a man, a man who ne\'l'r stoppl'd to pettiness, who
brought more than the breath of poetry and of historic vision to the tasks of
politics, a lover of children, of animals, of light and laughtl'r, a gentle Colossus
who no longer strides the Indian scene.
jawaharlalji is dead, but he will Ii\'(' as long as our India l'Ildures.
Balwantrai Mehta'"
Mr. Speaker, Sir, it was a shock, as the Prime Minister has s'lid, for us to
learn this morning of the passing away of Shri Balwantrai Mehta. If YOll will
permit me to say so, it was an even greater shock to It'arn from the Prime
Minister the suspected circumstances of his death. If it is true-and I fear, it
'/.,5, Deb" 20 Scptembl·r 1%5,

is trul,-that an unidl'ntifil'd plane, which means an enemy plane, shot down

till' plalll' in which Shri Mehta, his wife and his companions were travelling,
this is an instance of barbaric, dastardly desperation \·... hich is almost \'vithout
paralll'l in tlw annals of international relations.
Shri Balwantrai Ml'Ilta has died, as the Prime Minister said, in harness
,1I1d thl' rircumstalKl'S of his death make us say that it has been a martyr's
death. ere,lter lon' than this hath no man that he lays ~o\\'n his life for his
country ,md Shri Balwantrai \.khta along with his companions has laid down
his lifl' for his (l)untr~·. Th,lt was in kel'ping with the story of his career with
which till' Prinw Minister is more familiar than I am. But I ha\'e known
~uffil-ienth' of thl' charactl'r of Shri Balwantrai Mehta to be able to tell you
\\'h,lt I fl'l'l about him.
Ill' W,)S ,1 kadl'r l)f till' struggle of our States' peoples at a time when it
\\',lS ,1 krribly difficult job to larry on the democratic mOH?ml'nt in the so-
lalk'd Indi,lI1 st,lks. But Ill' h'pt up the banner of freedom in those States and
Ill' sh,ul'd with till' rest of our people the glory ()f ha\'ing achie\'ed the freedom
of our country in tIll' so-c,ll1l'd Indian States as well as in, ",-hat "'e would call
to our shanll', British India.
We haH' Sl'l'n him in this House as a nll'mber from 11;)52 onwards and
pl'rhaps ,1 most distinguishl'd period in the history of the Estimates Committee
W,lS tlw period \\'11l'n Shri Bal\\"antrai \khta was its Chairman. I saw him at
about tIll' tin1l' \\'Iwn tIll' Kutch disturbances were going l)J1 and I noticed in
him again that quality which struck me ml)st and to which the Prime Minister
abo madl' rl'fl'rl'IKl'-an equanimity l)f tl'mpt'r which nothing could ruftle. I
am surl' that it was in that kind l)f equanimit~· of mind and soul that he faced
till' death which was so brutally imposed upon him.
I do not want to go into any daboration of the Clmtribution which he has

madl' to Indian politics. But I am sure that if India has any contribution to
makl', originally speaking, to the solution of probkms of social de\"elopment.
the COlKl'pt of Panchayati Raj surl'ly is one of those ideas and it was in order
to popularize and to impll'I1wnt successfully the concepts of Panchayati Raj
and dl'mocratic dl'centralization that Shri Balwantrai l\.khta de\'oted nll'st of
his l'l1lil'anlUrs and perhaps for that he would bl' rl'membered for \'l'ry long
in India's history.
I associate myself with the sl'ntiments and condolences \·\'hich have already
been expressed and I request you to convey, on bl'half of our Party as well
as others, our fedings of profound sorrmv at the passing (tway of a great
patriot.
Lal Bahadur Shastri"
Mr. Speaker, Sir, I associate my party and myself with tlw sentiments of
sorrow which ha\"e fallen from you, the Prime Minister and Prof. Ranga. Wl'
ha\"e had a dismal recess, to which testimony is furnisl1l'd by this long obituary
list. We ha\'e lost friends and colleagues, the first among them being
Lal Bahadur Shastri. When I think of the mal1l1l'r of his death, I feel like
saying that it was a IO\'ely way of dying at the hl'ight of one's achie\'ement,
and in a blaze of glory. A quiet and self-effacing man, perhaps the most
undramatic of men on the world political state, passed away into history at
Tashkent in a moment of high drama.
\Ve ha\'e seen Lal Bahadur Shastri III this House and outside and the
impression he produced on us from the H'ry first was that of a good man
and true, whose strength lay in his quietness and his humility. Son1l'thing of
his mettle \vas seen, as you ha\"e said, when he rl'signed his office of Railway
\1inister. It was an ele\'ating act, almost an anachwnism, when till' normal
failing is to try to stick anyhow to office.
His real mettle came out when he became Prime \1inistl'r. Following
upon Jawaharlal Nehru was no easy job, but after d shaky beginning, Iw
attained a stature, v"hich was the most em·iable.
He was a member of the 'Servants of the People Society', founded by the

illustrious Lala Lajpat Rai, and he was a servant of the people in ewry Sl'nse
of the term. He emerged out of the people and he remained one with them.
De\"oid of the hereditary and other advantages which e\"en today mean
a great deal in public life he showed what character could achie\'e in our
country.
During the Indo-Pakistan confrontation his character shone at its bl'st

and the world saw the massive reserves of strength that lay behind his mild
exterior and also his insight and his understanding. He did not flinch whl'n
it became necessary for this country to fight, but this House perhaps will
never forget how on one occasion in this House, in the last session, for a
moment his voice broke when he referred to the people having to suffl'r
deeply. He recovered himself, but that one moment showed his humanity.
It is difficult also to forget that a perverse foreign publicity agency stooped
so low as to make a monstrous caricature of that grl'at moment in
parliamentary history.
At Tashkent, with the Soviet Prime Minister's memorable good offices,

Lal Bahadur Shastri gave along with President Ayub of Pakistan, a pledge to
''-.5. Deb., 14 February 1966.

peace and good neighbourliness, a pledge which I am sure a grateful and

sorrowing country will redeem.
This House will never cease to miss him, and the country will remember
him as one who in his humility and his quiet strength embodied the qualities
described in the Gita as Stitlw Prajlla. I am sure you will be conveying to his
family the feelings of deep sorrow and sympathy on behalf of all sections of
us in this House.
Din Dayal Upadhyaya*
Mr. Speaker, Sir .... Death will come when it will come and we can put
in no on'eats in regard to that, but insofar as the death of Din Dayal
Upadhyaya is concerned, I am afraid the whole country would feel deeply
perturbed, particularly because of the circumstances in which his death
appears to have occurred. I did not know him too well, but I had occasion
to meet him and I could see something of the man, his simplicity and the
uttl'r dedication with which he had espoused the cause that he had taken up.
He has died in circumstances which are extremely disturbing and I support
the plea which has been already put forward by my friends that there should
be a thorough-inn'stigation into the circumstance in \\'hich he met with his
death. In his death, we have lost a front rank figure in the political life of the
country and it is a thousand pities that our country's condition appears to be
that the death of such a man could take place in the conditions \\'hich have
bel'n reported to us.
C. N. Annadurai ....
You will permit me, Mr. Speaker, to associate my party and myself with
the sentiments of deep sorrow which we all share at the passing away of
three distinguished colleagues of ours.
We ha\'e felt with a particular shock the death of Shri CN. Annadurai
who was, if I may be permitted to put it that way, a \'ery unique figure
among the politicians of our country, speaking for myself, I haw a feeling
that much of the politics of our country has something trivial but it is only
a few people who can raise politics out of the rut of triviality and I think
Shri Annadurai was one of those exceptional people who succeeded in lending
a certain stamp to our public life.
He was a vital and versatile man, sensitive as a writer alone can be and
a journalist for sometime because in conditions of unfreedom a writer in any
• LS. Deb., 12 February 1968.

"LS. Deb., 17 February 1969.
country gravitates generally towards journalism. But the uniqueness about

him was something to which my friend Prof. Ranga has already made a
reference. I sometimes wonder how it is that in the deep South, generally
known outside that region to be a citadel of orthodoxy and conservatism, a
movement could be started by such extraordinary man as the Periyar and
then carried on by such a very distinguished figure as Shri Annadurai. Blessed
is a man who earns the love of millions of his people and we all know how
when Shri Annadurai passed away, there were scenes of such genuine sorrow.
One felt as if the hearts of his people were broken and I think the fulfilment
of politics can only be in such phenomena as could be seen of Shri Annadurai,
who is no longer there.
I think we owe it to ourselves to try and understand the fundamental

motive force which works behind the movement of which Shri Annadurai
was such a very distinguished representative. If in the South, we could bring
about a condition of affairs where orthodoxy and the rigidities of caste, let
alone the practice of such abominable things as untouchability, were thrown
overboard by the assertion of the people's own self-respect it is something
whose essence we ought to discover in order to be able to inject it all over
the country and bring about the kind of transformation, the social revolution
as Prof. Ranga has put it, of which Shri Annadurai was the representative.
We have differed on many occasions, but we know how it was that

Shri Annadurai always took a patriotic attitude we have seen how at a certain
point of time, he had felt it necessary for the Tamil people to remind themselves
of their own particular heritage in the larger context of Indian civilisation.
We have seen how at a particular point of time, in order to redress the
balance of Indian politics, he was championing a certain demand which even
amounted to something like a request for the right to secede from the rest of
India. But we saw also how he could rise to the height of the situation and
in a statesman like fashion, he got his own people roused as they had never
been before, to associate themselves entirely with the mainstream of Indian
life. This is why, even though we have sometimes missed certain ideological
aspects in the kind of thought and action to which Shri Annadurai permitted
himself, we have admired him a great deal. We know that the grassroots of
his contacts with his people were so genuine and true that that alone is the
only thing which matters in a creative kind of politics. Here was a person,
therefore, who belonged to a very different category. He was not a politician
of the usual type. He was a leader of the people, one who own the affection
of the masses. He was a master of words, but he was not a peddler of
phrases. He had won the heart of his people and no better achievement can
ever come to a person in public life. We are all shocked that so prematurely
he has passed away and the country has been deprived of a talent, which
was of such an effulgent character.
I wish you to convey to the families of the three deceased persons the
sympathy of the House and particularly of the party to which I belong.
Humayun Kabir"
Mr. Speaker, I was stunned last night, as so many of us were, when I got
the shocking news of the sudden passing away of Prof. Humayun Kabir. It
was only last Saturday that he and I met and talked in the Central Hall of
Parliament, and it is difficult to believe that he is no longer with us.
Prof. Humayun Kabir and I had known each other nearly all our lives
and, in spite of our having followed different ways and having many political
differences, which particularly got rather acute in the last few years, the
friendship that we had for each other had never waned.
As everyone knows, he had a brilliant and glittering academic career in

Calcutta and Oxford, and it was only by a very short margin that in a difficult
period for Indians abroad he missed being elected the first Indian President
of the Oxford Union. He was one of the most versatile men in our country,
and he switched over from literature to philosophy without the slightest
lessening of his academic excellence in those subjects.
We know the rest of his career. But I am glad the Prime Minister as well
as Professor Ranga have referred to Professor Kabir's work in connection
with the Rabindranath Tagore Centenary. It is a very happy accident that at
that point of time Jawaharlal Nehru was the Prime Minister and Prof. Kabir
was in charge of the celebrations in regard to that centenary.
I do not have very much to say, and there is no need either, in regard to
his political life. It is an open book. We have all seen him as a most highly
talented person, as a remarkable man on any computation, and his loss is
something which the country will find extremely hard to make up.
On my own behalf as well as on behalf of the party which I represent in

this House, I wish you, Sir, to convey to the bereaved family our heartiest
condolences.
President G. A. Nasser....
Mr. Speaker, on behalf of my party, I associate myself with the sentiments
of grief that have already been expressed in this House at the passing away
of President Nasser of United Arab Republic.
"L.S. Deb., 19 August 1969.

"L.S. Deb., 9 NoVt'mber 1970.
In regard to President Nasser, I am glad our Parliament is performing the

duty of recording its appreciation of the life of a great man who has passed
into history. He was the leader of the resurgent Arab world. He was the
leader in the fight against imperialism in an area which the imperialists of
se\'eral generations ha\'e looked upon as strategically the most important in
the globe. He had to encounter difficulties of a sort which would have beaten
down the most formidable patriots and freedom fighters, but he over-came
all odds. That job which he did with tremendous courage-the Ililtiollllli~atioll
(~f the Slit': Callill at a point of time when other people thought that it would
be much too fool hardy an operation-shows what courage and character
could achieve even in the face of the most tremendous odds. He il'Il~ po~~i/Jly
tilt' greatest Arab in modem times, a great friend of India, a great friend of
freedom and a great friend of social re\'olution. And, that is why I am glad
our Parliament is using this opportunity of expressing our appreciation of a
man whose life had come to such an untimely end. But as I said, he has
passed into history and his name would be remembl'red for all time.
Dr. K. M. Munshi*
Sir, in the beginning of e\'ery session, we ha\'l~ to pl.1Cl' on rl'cord our

sense of loss at the passing away of our erstwhile colleagues. And we know
death will come when it will come. On e\'ery occasion, tl1l're is not much
point in mourning because the human span is limited. But there are occasions
when death takes away from our midst people who should ha\'l~ been with
us a great deal longer than they were permitted to remain with us, I do not
think there is much need to say a great deal about people who ha\'e died full
of years and honours like Dr. K.M. Munshi whose devouring passion in life
was an interest in the resuscitation of the values of Indian culture and which
is a variegated one, I think, he will be remembered almost entirt:'iy through
the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavall which has conducted such magnificent work and
which remains a memorial to a son of India who deserves to be cherished in
the memory of his death.
Bimla Prasad Chaliha**
When we learnt of the death of Shri Bimla Prasad Chaliha-we knew he

was ailing for a long enough time-we were not quite ready for his death,
because he was a type of person who should have been spared a great deal
longer in the interests of our country. I remember him very vividly as a
member of the First Lok Sabha. His very presence was an influence. As the
Prime Minister said, there was about him a sense of calm and poise which
nothing could disturb and his qualities came into the picture when the politics
'L.S, Deb .. 23 March 1971.

uL.S. Deb .. 23 March 1971.
of Assam, which is a paradise of ethnologists and a sort of laboratory for

political experimentation, came into the limelight; when the problems of Assam
pushed themselves into prominence, it was a man only of the type of
5hri Bimla Prasad Chaliha who could tackle them.
I remember when some of us went to Nagaland, we met him in 5hillong

and on other occasions also. We could see how he had earned the respect and
confidence of the people belonging to the multitudinous tribes we ha\'e in
that emerald area of our country. It was his being at the helm of affairs v\'hich
at ont.' time had meant the safeguarding of the interests of Assam as well as
of India. I think he is one of the \'ery few people in the recent political history
of the country who will be regarded as a person endowed with the qualities
of statesmanship, and it is a \'ery great pity that he has gone away.
Nath Pai"
But the pity of all pities is the passing away of 5hri Nath Pai who will
ever be missed by whoever came in contact with him. And it is not only
members of Parliament who came in contact with him but the \-"hole country,
because his name was a name to conjure with not only in Maharashtra but
in the rest of India.
He should ha\'e gone hereafter. So many of us stay behind, but he went
away, and in a manner which, in some ways, is, of course, most desirable. He
made c1 speech, I think it was somewhere near Belgaum. He spoke longer
than he should ha\'e, because of the condition of his health, I remember on
so many occasions in this House. We would try to restrain him, because we
knew he had a heart ailment and it was wrong of him to put himself to any
avoidable strain; but he just could not avoid the strain because he thought
that was part of his duty to his country. No greater low than this that he laid
down his life for his country, and Nath Pai's speaking in Belgaum or
somewhere else in Maharashtra and dying a few hours after he made that
important speech, would remain cherished in the memory of our people.
But we in this House who miss him, who have watched him in action,
who have heard his mellifluous phrases, who have noticed his appropriately
youthful exuberance in regard to certain matters, who have appreciated his
dexterity not only with words and phrases but with all the subtleties of
constitutional and parliamentary technicalities, who have known him as a
human individual with a warmth of heart and sensith'ity of feeling-for us
the loss is so big and so great that it can never be compensated. It is the pity
of pities that he has gone. He is gone, and that is all there is to it, and all that
we can say is that our hearts are heavy with sorrow, particularly at the
passing away of a man who died in his prime, who should have been spared
• L5. Dt'l,., 23 March 1971.

a great deal longer for the sake of this country, but who was not. Those
whom the Gods love die young, but between Gods and man there is a sort
of tussle going on, which is the definition of civilisation. And men would
never be reconciled to the kind of thing which has at once taken away from
our midst and the midst of the Indian people a person of the calibre of
Shri Nath Pai.
Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq"

Mr. Speaker, Sir, it was a terrible shock when yesterday we learnt suddenly
of the death of Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq. Many of us in this House had the
privilege of personal friendship with Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq. His passing
away is not only a grievous personal loss to so many of us but a loss whkh
the country could very ill afford at this particular point of time. As the
Prime Minister pointed out, Sadiq was a politician of a very different dye
and I think of him as perhaps the most shining symbol in Kashmir of that
spirit of democracy, secularism and socialism, which today is our greatest
weapon in the fight into which India has had to embark. His leadership of
the State at so many critical junctures shows how a man, who was the very
pink of courtesy, was at the same time indomitable in his convictions and
was capable of performing those task which fell to his destiny.
Today there is taking place something like a fulfilment of the basic

principles of India's policy, particularly in the sphere of international affairs.
Today our country is engaged in a struggle which is merged with the struggle
for liberation of areas in our region, which have been crying for that liberation
for so long. Today is the point of time when Kashmir, which is the shining
luminous symbol of India's attachment to democracy, secularism and
socialism, needed the leadership of which Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq was
capable in a most pre-eminent measure he has been wrenched away from us,
There is nothing you can do about it at this point of time except to offer our
condolences and our heart-felt sympathy to his family, to the people of
Kashmir and to the people of India, who have lost a leader of a stature which
is not very easy to find. I associate my party and myself with the sentiments
of sorrow at the passing away of Shri Sadiq and also of our former colleague
from Uttar Pradesh and I would request you to convey our condolences to
the bereaved families.
·L.S. Deb., 13 December 1971.

PART IV
TRIBUTES TO PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE
TRIBUTES TO PROF. HIREN MUKERJEEE
Shri Somnath Chatterjee, Speaker, Lok Sabha* :

Hon. members, I have to inform the House of the sad demise of... ......
Shri Hirendra Nath Mukerjee.
Prof. Hifl'ndra Nath Mukerjee was a member of the First to Fifth

Lok Sabhas. He represented the Calcutta North-East Parliamentary
Constituency of West Bengal in the First, Fourth and Fifth Lok Sabhas from
1952 to 1957 and again from 1967 to 1977; and the Calcutta Central
Parliamentary Constituency in the Second and Third Lok Sabhas from
-1957 to 1967. He was the Deputy Leader of the Communist Party of India
in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 196~ and 1967 to 1971 and was its Leader from
19M to 1967.
Prof. Mukerjee was educated at the Presidency College, Calcutta and

St. Cathl'ril1l"s Collegl' at Oxford Cniversity and Lincoln's Inn, London from
whl're he became a Barrister. He had a uniformly outstanding record as
student. He stood first in the Intermediate Arts Examination, stood First
Class in B.A. History Honours, in his M.A. Examination he stood First Class
First from Calcutta Universitv.
He was the winner of Duff, Ishan, Gwalior, Burdwan and many other
scholarships, medals and prizes. He was the Go\'ernment of Bengal Scholar
at St. Cathl'fine's College at Oxford. Prof. Mukerjee was a Lecturer of History
and Political Philosophy at Andhra Unin'rsity during 1934-35 and later at
the Unin>rsity of Calcutta from 19~0 to 19~. He was Head of the Department
of Hbtory at Surendranath Collegl>, Calcutta from 1936 to 1962. He joined the
Calcutta High Court as ,1 Barristl'r but did not continue there long. While in
England, he was drawn to Communism and joined the Communist Party of
India in 1936. Following the 'popular front' policy of the party, he was elected
member of All-India Congress Committee in 1938-1939. He was an elected
member of the National Council of the Communist Party of India in 1958. He
was arrested twice for political reasons in 1940 and 1941 again detained
without trial in 1948 and 1949.
A v('rsatile genius, Shri Mukerjee belonged to a genre of people who
·1..5. 1.>.-/1.. 16 August 2004
545
parliamentarians of India, Shri Mukerjee was highly respected in

parliamentary circles for his enlightening contributions to the deliberations
of the House. He was known for his respect for and mastery over the rules
of procedure and also for his vast knowledge, brilliant and spell-binding
speeches, incisive and logical arguments and legendary oratorical skills. The
gamut of issues raised by Shri Mukerjee within and outside the House had
a holistic perspective. Through his speeches, he unfailingly articulated a
national vision.
During his long parliamentary career, he served on various parliamentary
committees. He guided the deliberations of the Public Accounts Committee,
as its Chairman, during 1976-77.
He also served with distinction as the First Honorary Advisor to the
Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training of the Lok Sabha Secretariat.
His indefatigable zeal for public service led him also to serve causes
other than political. An ardent social activist and educationist, he was
associated with various organisations in different capacities. He served as the
President, Bengal Provincial Students' Conference; All-India Students'
Conference, Nagpur; and Bengal Motion Pictures Employees' Union; and as
the Vice-President, Bengal Provincial Trade Union Congress. He was the
Founder Member of the All-India Progressive Writers' Association and of the
Friends of Soviet Union.
He was also a member of the Central Advisory Board of Archaeology
from 1952 to 1955; 1957 to 1960 and 1972 to 1975. He was member, Education
Panel, Planning Commission; National Integration Council, 1962; and Central
Advisory Board of Education from 1972 to 1975. He served as a member of
the Senate of Calcutta University from 1953 to 1961; and Samsad (Court) of
the Visva Bharati from 1972 to 1975. He was Executive member of the National
Committee for Gandhi Centenary; he was a Trustee, Jawaharlal Nehru
Memorial Trust and Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Trust. He took keen interest
in sports and was the member of All India Council of Sports from 1953 to
1971.
A prolific writer, Shri Mukerjee was the author of many books in English and
Bengali. He has written extensively on historical, literary and political themes.
He edited an anthology of modern Bengali poetry and was the author of
"History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)" and some of his
works in English are: "An Introduction to Socialism"; "India Struggles for Freedom";
"India and Parliament"; "The Gentle Colossus: A Study of Nehru" and
"Portrait of Parliament". He was the author of studies of Mahatma Gandhi,
Rabindranath Tagore, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Swami Vivekananda and
Raja Ramrnohan Roy. His books in Bengali include "National Movement in India";
"A History of India" in two volumes, and "Modern Bengali Poetry".
He was the Editor of "Indo-Soviet !ournal", Calcutta, from 1941 to 1945;

and Joint Editor, "Calcutta Weekly Notes", a law journal, from 1945 to 1952.
Shri Mukerjee was conferred many honours in recognition of his
exceptional erudition and achievements. He was awarded honorary doctorates
by the Universities of Calcutta, Andhra, North Bengal, Rabindra Bharati,
Kalyani and Vidyasagar. He was awarded the "Padma Bhushan" in 1990 and
"Padma Vibhushan" in 1991 for his contribution to public life. He received
the "Vidyasagar Award" in 1992 and "Nazrul Award" in 2000 for his literary
work from the Government of West Bengal.
He received the 'Soviet Award' for his book on the Second World War
and 'Dimitrov Memorial Award' from Bulgaria in the 1980s. He was also
conferred 'Maulana Azad Award' by the Muslim Cultural Association in
1994 and the 'Muzaffir Ahmed Award' by the CPI (M) in 2000. He also
received the "Soviet Land Nehru Award" in 1977.
Since its formation in 1987, Shri Mukerjee had been the Honorary
Chairman of the Mass Media Centre of the Government of West Bengal and
was also the Honorary Advisor to the Bureau of Parliamentary Studies of the
West Bengal Legislative Assembly till his death.
A widely travelled person, Shri Mukerjee was a member of the Indian
Delegation to Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference held in Canberra,
Australia in 1959 and the Indian Parliamentary Delegation which visited the
erstwhile USSR and Hungary in 1968. He also attended the Inter-Parliamentary
union Meeting at Yaounde, Cameroon in 1972 and the 60th Inter-Parliamentary
Conference at Paris, France in 1972.
His humility endeared him to all those who came into his contact.
However, beneath his gentle demeanour lay a steely determination to
optimally utilize the forum of Parliament of redressal of grievances of the
people. His contributions to the Indian Parliamentary System were exemplary
and would serve as a guiding light for legislators.
Shri Mukerjee's life was dedicated to the cause of the downtrodden, the
deprived and the exploited sections of the people. He steadfastly fought for
a society where there will be no discrimination behveen person and person
and for a classless society where the people irrespective of differences of
caste, creed, language, religion etc. will have equal rights and for a society
where there will be no exploitation of men by men. Till the last breath of his
life, Shri Mukerjee fought for the working class, the common people and for
the establishment of a society free from hunger and privation and for a
strong, progressive and resurgent India. In his passing away, the country has
lost an outstanding Parliamentarian, a leader of the masses and champion of
the down-trodden and of the working class and a multifaceted personality.
Shri Hirendra Nath Mukerjee passed away on 30th July, 200"* at Kolkata,
West BengaL at the age of 97, after a brief illness.
2. Tributes paid by Eminent Leaders

Dr. Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister of In dill ... "He was one of the
most distinguished parliamentarians of our time whose oratorical skills not
only influenced the course of many debates in Parliamt'nt, but were also
appreciated by Pandit Nehru. He was a national leader of grl'at standing and
whose qualities are worthy of emulation today".
Smt. Sonia Gandhi, Presidmt of All India Congress CommitteL' ...

"Prof. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee was c1 legendary Communist leader and a
remarkably gifted parliamentarian. His parliamt'ntary debates were marked
by his intellectual thinking and oratory. In his demise, tht' countr~' has lost
one of its \'eteran leaders and a writer of repute. Our countrymen will
remember Prof. Mukerjee's contribution to parliamentary dt·mocracy for many
years to come".
Shri Hashim Abdul Halim, Speaker, West Bengal Legislative Assembly

"Hirendra Nath Mukerjee was a rare politician who always fought for
socialism and never allowed dogmatism to dominate his liberal outlook. As
Hirendra Nath Mukerjee himself confessed in one of his writings: "I hesitate
to judge people too sternly: one of my favourites is the Somerset Maugham
character who said he did not fancy one particular job, namely, "God's, on
Judgment Day."
Shri Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, Chief Minister of West Bengal... "Until
the last day he believed in the need to change society, and despite the existing
problems in the rebuilding of a new one ... Jawaharlal Nehru was well aware
that Hiren Mukerjee was the conscience of the Left. This is true, going by
what Hiren Mukerjee wrote in an article: "India's ordeal [and the world's
also] continues, more acutely than ever and History's latest 'ironies' have to
be faced. In his death, we have lost 'a guardian' ... ".
Shri 10K. Gujral, former Prime Minister of India ... "I met Prof. Hiren
Mukerjee for the first time as a student when he came to Lahore to preside
over the All India Students' Federation Conference. His eloquence and
thoughts left a deep impact on my generation. It was my privilege that in the
subsequent years we were together in Parliament. He impressed both sides
of the House. Late Jawaharlal Nehru appreciated his intellect on several
occasions" .
Shri Rabi Ray, former Speaker, Lok Sabha .... "Whenever Hiren Babu rose
to speak in Lok Sabha on various issues including subjects like literature, arts
and culture he was heard with rapt attention in the House. His oratorical
skill was such that it had an instant impact on the minds of his listeners. in
his death, India has lost one of the outstanding parliamentarians of our time,
and an intellectual of high calibre and a fine human being. Now he belongs
to the ages"2.
Prof. Madhu Dandavate, Former Union Minister ... "1 had the opportunity
to have association with Hiren Mukerjee in the Lok Sabha for some years. I
was often surprised to find the learned Professor expoullding his proletarian
ideology in chaste 'Oxford English'. Those members of Parliament, who were
conversant with the English language wondered whether even Englishmen
could speak such chaste English. Those who did not follow Professor Hiren
!\1ukerjee's high-f1m'\'n English, were allured by his silver tongue and golden
,·oice. I recollect the mlwing speech of Hiren Mukerjee in Lok Sabha on the
occasion of Sikkim's integration in India. He traced in his characteristic style
the legacy of the cultural roots and the spiritual splendour of the Himalayas.
In an emotional strain he obsen'ed that this heritage symbolised by Sikkim
now beautifully blended with India".
"During my association with Hiren Mukerjee in the Lok Sabha, I had
profound respect for his intellectual as well as humane qualities, which
he reciprocated with warm affection for me. These reminiscences, I can
never afford to forget".
Shri Jyoti Basu, fonner Chief Minister of West Bengal ... "Through his
speeches in Parliament, the Communist Party of India (CPI) gained the respect
of the people. He was successful in drawing many bourgeois intellectuals to
the fold. Nehru was particularly attracted to his speeches ... the two got intimate
as a result.
Thiru M. Karunanidhi President, D.M.K. and fonner Chief Minister of
Tamil Nadu. "Even though I had no opportunity to mm'e with him closely,
what I have known about him has made me have great regard for him. As
former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's fa\'ourite Parliamentarian, Hiren
Mukerjee's participation in Parliamentary debates drew admiration from
members of all parties. It is said that every time Hiren Mukerjee participated
in d debate, Nehru would rush to the House from his South Block Office. His
diction, both in English and Bengali and also in Urdu, were remarkably rich
and attractive. Hiren Mukerjee's loyalty to the cause of the exploited millions
was much more than cerebral. Hiren Mukerjee was equally vibrant in his
Trade Union acitivities. As an ardent Communist, and a senior leader of CPI
he was said to have remained a bridge between the CPI and CPI(M). My
request to his followers is to carryon his mantle and fulfil his wishes."
2Mai/lstream, 14 August, 2004

Shri Gopal Gandhi, Ambassador of India in Norway ... "My generation

of students at University was stirred by... Prof. Hiren Mukerjee's unsparing
I;riticism of government and of the social organisations that held India in
their vice-like grip. The veteran of debate received the most undivided
attention of the Treasury benches headed by Jawaharlal Nehru. Hiren Babu's
study of Nehru, The Gentle ColoSSl/s, is as much a tribute to the objectivity and
receptivity of the politics of those times as it is a critique of India's first
Prime Ministership."
Other Dignitaries
Shri Ashok Mitra, CPl(M) Leader... "It is pointless to recollect that, half
a century ago, Mukerjee was Jawaharlal Nehru's favourite parliamentarian.
Every time the Communist Member of Parliament would participate in a
debate, Nehru would remove himself from his South Block office and scamper
into Parliament House; he could not possibly miss-Hiren's speech. What
particularly drew the admiration of Nehru and others was the splendour of
Hiren Mukerjee's vocabulary and his total command o\'er the manner in
which he deployed it. His accent was impeccably Oxonian. That was the least
part of it though, it was Mukerjee's passion, welded into his ideology, which
mattered. To have passion, he was determined to prove, does not harm the
cause of ideology; it enhances it. This not subscribing to the ideology would
still salute the integrity of this most passionate man".
Shri Mrinal Sen, Veteran Filmmaker... "He was an outstanding individual,

the rarest of rare. I remember him helping me with notes that I made use of
while writing the script of my documentary on a moving perspective of the
history of India in 1966."
Shri Narahari Kabiraj, Historian ... "He wasn't India's first

Prime Minister's friend in Parliament, though he wrote the
'Gentle Colossus: A Study on Nehru'. I don't agree that he has been rather soft
about his criticism, on Nehru."
3. Tributes paid by Political Parties

Communist Party of India ... "Prof. Hiren Da remained an active figure
in politics and literature. Participating and speaking in meetings almost till
his last year, he strode the scene all through the 20th century.
The National Council of the Communist Party of India and all Indian
Communists pay their respectful homage to the memory of this legendary
figure in the Indian Freedom and Communist Movement. The Party dips its
banner to his memory".
Communist Party of India (Marxist) ... "The Central Committee of the

Communist Party of India expresses its deep grief over the death of Comrade
Hiren Mukerjee ... His versatile talent and his grasp of scientific socialism
found expression in his books. He was a powerful orator, a parliamentarian,
and a history teacher.... He worked and wrote with tireless energy despite his
old age and failing health. His large number of books and articles in
popularizing Marxist ideas earned him all-round appreciation.
The Central Committee of the CPI(M) pays its respectful homage to the
memory of Comrade Hiren Mukerjee, who devoted his entire life to the
cause of the toiling people and the advance of the forces of socialism".
All India Forward Bloc ... "The All India Forward Bloc deeply mourns
the death of Comrade Hiren Mukerjee, the veteran and one of the founder
members of the CPI. He was one of the dedicated Communists and undaunted
fighters for the cause of toilers of our country.
He was an outstanding parliamentarian and represented the left and

progressive movement in Parliament for a long time since 1952. He became
the synonym of the voice of the working class in Parliament".
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) ... "We deeply mourn the demise
of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, a great parliamentarian and a senior most thinker
of the Communist Party of India. Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was not only a
seasoned thinker but also a great historian. He was firmly committed to the
principle dear to him till he breathed his last.
He had a very high opinion about Periyar E.V.R. and respected him
much. Whenever we requested, he used to send promptly, messages of best
wishes for the Periyar's Birthday Special issues of Viduthalai, the Tamil
Rationalist daily.
Hiren Babu, as he was known to all leaders and public servants, led a
perfect life. His death is not only a great loss to the Communist parties of
India but also to public life in general. Educated at Oxford, the Professor
dedicated his life and work for the welfare of the poor and the downtrodden."
Socialist Unity Centre of India ... "We are deeply shocked to learn the
news of demise of Comrade Hiren Mukerjee, who for a long period had been
a distinguished leader of the c.P.1. and played a crucial role both within
Parliament and outside in strengthening the cause of toiling people, for
communal harmony, and above all, for strengthening the cause of left
democratic movement throughout the country".
4. Tributes paid by Other Countries

Communist Party of Bangladesh ... "The Central Committee of the
Communist Party of Bangladesh is deeply grieved by the news of the death
of the veteran revolutionary Communist leader of the Communist Party of
India and the outstanding Marxist theoretician of our subcontinent and a
great friend of the Communist Party of Bangladesh Comrade Hiren Mukerjee.
Comrade Hiren Mukerjee has lived an illustrious revolutionary life, which
will illuminate the path of revolutionary movement of our subcontinent for
long years ahead. His contributions to the struggle for freedom, democracy,
social progress and for the emancipation of mankind has placed him among
the leading personalities of the International Communist Movement and of
the Communist Movement of India and our subcontinent. He will be
remembered with great gratitude for his creative contributions to the teachings
of Karl Marx and his staunch effort to ensure that the Communist movement
remains in the right track after the fall of "Soviet Union."
Shri Tran Trong Khanh, Ambassador of Socialist Republic of Vietnam ...

"We are deeply grieved to learn of the Comrade Hirendra Nath Mukerjee's
death, an irreparable loss to his family and the CPI. His death has removed
from us a brave fighter, a veteran Communist and d parliamentarian who
devoted his whole life for the people and nation of India.
We wish to send our deep condolences to the family member~ and

comrade of the comrades Hirendra Nath Mukerjee with deepest sympathies
and regards".
LIST OF SPEECHES DELIVERED BY
PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE IN
PARLIAMENT (1952-1977)
LIST OF SPEECHES DELIVERED BY PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE
IN PARLIAMENT (1952-1977)
SI.No. Date Column No. (s) Title
2 3 4
1952
1. 22-Mav-52 0340-50 Motion of Thanks on the Address by the
President
2. 23-May-52 0451-53 Displaced Persons (Claims) Amendment Bill
3. 27-May-52 0646-52 Railways Budget-General Discussion
4. 03-Jun.-52 1047 General Budget-General Discussion
5. 04-Jun.-52 1089-95 General Budget-General Discussion
6. 05-Jun.-52 1150 Flying of British Flag over Parliament House
7. 12-Jun.-52 1604, 1613-21 General Budget: Demands for Grants
8. 25-Jun.-52 2433 Motion for Adjournment Procedure of
9. 28-Jun.-52 2717-24 General Budget: Demands for Grants
10. 04-Jul.-52 322,3224-25, Appropriation (Railways) No.2 Bill

3230-34, 3264
11. 08-Jul.-52 3436-40 Constitution (Second Amendment) Bill
12. 09-Jul.-52 3451-57 Constitution (Second Amendment) Bill
13. 09-Jul.-52 4083-88,4160-75 Preventive Detention (Second Amendment)

Bill
14. 11-Jul.-52 3624,3627-30 Code of Criminal Procedure

(Second Amendment) Bill
15. ll-Jul.-52 3945-46 Indian Tariff (Third Amendment) Bill
16. 17-Jul.-52 4003 Papers Laid on the Table
17. 17-Jul.-52 4041-45 Indian Companies (Amendment) Bill
555
1 2 3 4
18. 01-Aug.-52 5020-22, 5024-25, Preventive Detention

5134-42 (Second Amendment) Bill
19. 04-Aug.-52 5403-04 Preventive Detention
20. 05-Aug.-52 3458,5508-14 Pre\'entive Detention
21. 06-Aug.-32 3613, 5676-77 Preventive Detention
22. 07-Aug.-32 5876-83 Motion re : Kashmir State
23. 05-i\ov.-52 4 Motions for Adjournment re : Rise in
Food Prices
24. 1O-i\ov.-32 248-59 Estate Duty Bill
25. 14-~ov.-52 514 Motions for Adj(lurnment re :
Promulgation of Se(tion 1-14 in and
around Agartala
26. l5-N'ov.-52 592, 630-40, 679 Motions re : Migration between Pakistan
and India
27. 18-i\ov.-52 842-44 Motion re : Food Situation
28. 19-Nov.-52 851-52 Commonwealth Economic Conference
29. 19-Nov.-52 902-05 Additional Excise Duty Bill
30. 27-Nov.-52 1267-68 Food Adulteration Bill
31. 27-Nov.-52 1272 Statement by PM re: Industrial Finance
Corporation (Amendment) Bill
32. 02-Dec.-52 1427, 1485 Industrial Finance Corporation
(Amendment) Bill
33. 03-Dec.-52 1502 Business of the House
34. 03-Dec.-52 1505-06, 1509-21 Industrial Finance Corporation
(Amendment) Bill
35. 04-Dec.-52 1726 Motion for Adjournment re : Condition of
Refugees
36. 06-Dec.-52 1760-69 Influx from Pakistan (Control)
Repealing Bill
37. OB-Dec.-52 1822, 1825-26 Motion for Adjournment re : Condition of
Refugees
1 2 3 4
38. 08-Dec.-52 1853-56, 1886 Iron and Steel Companies Amalgamation

Bill, 1952
39. 09-Dec.-52 1928-38 Iron and Steel Companies Amalgamation
Bill, 1952
40. lO-Dec.-52 1977-78 Question of Pri\"ileges
41. 15-Dec.-52 2379-83 Resolution re : Five Year Plan
42. 16-Dec.-52 2442 Motion for Adjournment re : death of
Potti Sriramulu for the cause of separate
Andhra Pradesh
43. 16-Dec.-52 2461-73 Resolution re : Five Year Plan
44. 17-Dec.-52 2561 Statement re : loans sanctioned by
Industrial Finance Corporation
45. 17-Dec.-52 2589-90 Resolution re : Fi\-e Year Plan
46. IS-Dec.-52 2652 Resolution re : Fi\-e Year Plan
47. 19-Dec.-52 28lO Resolution re : Five Year Plan
1953
48. B-Feb.-53 0056-65 Motion of Thanks on the Address by the
President
49. 19-Feb.-5) 0545-46 Demands for Supplementary Grants for
1952-53
50. 25-Feb.-53 08801-90 Railway Budget~eneral Discussion
51. 26-Feb.-53 1011 Railway Budget-Demands for Grants
52. 03-Mar.-53 1261-66 Motion for Adjoumment re : Visit of US
destrowrs to Calcutta
53. 04-Mar.-53 1405-17 General Budget~eneral Discussion
54. 04-Mar.-53 1448-019 Eviction of some MPs from Windsor
Place
55. 05-Mar.-53 10171-75,1478-80 Motion for Adjournment re : E\-iction of
some MPs from Winds or Place
56. 09-Mar.-53 15701-75, 1586-88 Motions for Adjournment /"t' : Firing on
refugees at Yole Camp
57_ 12-Mar_-53 1890, 1900-01, Resolution re: President's Proclamation
1938-43 on PEPSU
58. l3-Mar.-S3 1989-90 Privilege Issue re : Firing on refugees at
Yole Camp in Dharmasala, Kangra
1 2 3 4
59-60. 16-Mar.-53 2078-87,2145-46 Demands for Grants-Ministry of

External Affairs
61. 18-Mar.-53 2255 Govt. Premises (Eviction) Amendment
Bill
62. 25-Mar.-53 2883-88,2145-46 Situation in Jammu
63. 28-Mar.-53 3133-42 Demands for Grants-Ministry of
Communication
64. 08-Apr.-53 3926-32 Appropriation Bill-Provision for the
payment of Rs. 10,20,000 to the United
Kingdom towards expenses of an
organization called "Commonwealth
Relations Office"
65. 17-Apr.-53 4061 Resolution re : Investigation into
Wealth & Property of Govt.
66. 17-Apr.-53 4422-29 Resolution re : Safeguarding of National

Security Rules
67. 22-Apr.-53 4818-27 Industries (Development & Regulation)
Amendment Bill
68. 27-Apr.-53 5152-53 Business of the House

69. 27-Apr.-53 5166-68 Indian Merchant Shipping (Amend.) Bill
70. 27-Apr.-53 5184-85 Salaries and Allowances of Officers of
Parliament Bill
71. 28-Apr.-53 5233-46 Salaries and Allowances of Officers of
Parliament Bill
72. 29-Apr.-53 5395-97 Comptroller and Auditor-General

(Conditions of Service) Bill
73. 05-May-53 5853-59 Industries (Development & Regulation)
Amendment Bill
74. 06-May-53 5884-85 Indian Income Tax (Amendment) Bill
75. 06-May-53 5965-66 Business of the House
1 2 3 4
76. 07-May-53 6037-42 Discussions re : Restrictions on Trade

with China
77. 08-May-53 6120-26 Air Corporations Bill
78. 08-May-53 6183 Tea Bill, 1953
79. 09-May-53 6283, 6289-91, Vindhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
6337 (Prevention of Disqualification) Bill
80. 12-May-53 6404-05 Public Accounts Committee
81. 12-May-53 6425-34 Vindhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
(Prevention of Disqualification) Bill

84. 15-May-53 6688 Retrenchment in Ordnance Depots
85. 06-Aug.-53 243-49 Collection of Statistics Bill
86. 07-Aug.-53 414-21 Calling of Troops in Calcutta

87. 12-Aug.-53 650-60 Estate Duty Bill
88. 01-Sep.-53 1923-29 Sugarcane Prices
89. 05-Sep.-53 2524-28 Future of Automobile Industry
90. 09-Sep.-53 2946, 2948, 2960, Estate Duty Bill

2974-76
91. 12-Sep.-53 3824,3957-59 President's Proclamation on PEPSU
92. 15-Sep.-53 3691, 3697-3700, Project for a new Steel Plant

3719-22
93. 16-Sep.-53 0076-84 Rehabilitation Finance Admn.
(Amendment) Bill
94. 16-Sep.-53 3963-66 Business of the House
95. 17-Sep.-53 00198-201 Sea Customs (Amend.) Bill
96. 17-Sep.-53 4003, 4015-30, Motion re : International Situation

4052,4156,4159
1 2 3 4
97. 18-Sep.-53 4215-19 Detention and Death of S.P. Mookerjee

98. 17-Nov.-53 0195 Sea Customs (Amend.) Bill
99. 18-Nov.-53 261-62 Coir Industry Bill
100. 19-Nov.-53 347-57, 395, Ancient and Historical Monuments &
1393-95 Archaeological Sites & Remains
(Declaration of National Importance) Bill
10 I. 21-Nov.-53 437-39 Unemployment
102. 23-Nov.-53 509 Business of the House
103. 25-Nov.-53 0721-32 Dhoties (Add!.) Excise Duty Bill
104. 30-Nov.-53 1030-32 Parliamentary Propriety
lOS. OI-Dec.-53 1160-70, 1228 Banking Companies (Amendment) Bill
106. 04-Dec.-S3 1488-89 Resolution re : Unemployment
107. 9-Dec.-S3 3963-66 Business of the House
108. 18-Dec.-S3 2430 Special Marriage Bill
109. 18-Dec.-S3 2518-31 Resolution re : Unemployment
110. 18-Dec.-S3 2573-74 Resolution re : Application of Industrial
Disputes Act to Journalists
Ill. 23-Dec.-S3 299S-3011 Motion re : International Situation
1954
112. IS-Feb.-S4 0020 Motion for Adjournment re : death of
Railway Passengers during Kumbh Mela
113. 16-Feb.-54 0033 Papers laid on the Table
114. 16-Feb.-54 0101-05 Issues of Ordinances
115. 17-Feb.-S4 0139-41 Motion for Adjournment re : Law & order
situation in Calcutta
116- 18-Feb.-54 0239-40, 0243, Motion for Adjournment-Procedure
117. 0297,302
118. 18-Feb.-54 0254 Statement re : Commonwealth Finance
Ministers' Conference held in Sydney
1 2 3 4
119. 18-Feb.-54 0265-78 Motion of Thanks on Address by the

President

President
121. 23-Feb.-54 0459-60 Motion for Adjournment re : Violent
attack on Shri A.K. Gopalan, MP
122- 26-Feb.-54 0830-32, Motion re : First Report of the Committee
124. 0835-36 on Private Members' Bill
125. 27-Feb.-54 0898-912 Control of Shipping (Amendment) Bill
126. 02-Mar.-54 1058 Business of the House
127. OS-Mar.-54 1292-99 Railways Budget
128. OS-Mar.-S4 1306-07 Railways Budget
129. 06-Mar.-54 1386-87, 1400, Demands for Grants-Railways

154t 1638-39
130. 1O-Mar.-54 1725, 1732 Press (Objectionable Matter) Amendment
Bill
131- 11-Mar.-54 1834-35, 1838, Press (Objectionable Matter) Amendment

132. 1840-41, 1845-60 Bill
133. 16-Mar.-54 2338-49 General Budget-General Discussion
134. 23-Mar.-54 2769 General Budget-General Discussion
135- 23-Mar.-54 2786,2805-18 Demands for Grants-Ministrv of

137. 2867-70 External Affairs
138. 07-Apr.-54 4310 Demands for Grants-Ministry of

Information & Broadcasting
139. 1O-Apr.-54 5057-75 The Finance Bill
140. 12-Apr.-54 4588-89 Demands for Grants-Ministry of Health
141. 15-Apr.-54 4810 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent

Public Importance Procedure
1 2 3 4
142. 24-Apr.-54 5682-86 High Court Judges

143. 27-Apr.-54 5901-06, 5907-11 Factories (Amendment) Bill
144. 28-Apr.-54 5914-15 Motion for Adjournment
145. 3O-Apr.-54 6144-45 Companies Bill
146. 30-Apr.-54 6174-79 Motion re : Seventh Report of Committee

on Private Members' Bills and
Resolutions
147. 02-May-54 7990-91 Statements re : Purchase of Tractors for

Central Tractor Organization
148. 03-May-54 6363-70,6371-74, Companies Bill

6421
149. 10-May-54 7018-23, 7027 Peaceful uses of Atomic Energy
150. 14-May-54 7405,7441-46 Salaries and Allowances of Members of

Parliament Bill
151. 15-May-54 7522-34,7550 Motion re : International Situation
152. 18-May-54 7677-78 High Court Judges

153. 19-May-54 7794-95 Special Marriage Bill
154. 3O-Aug.-54 0567-77,0605-608, Govt. Order Modifying Decision of

0616 Labour Appellate Tribunal on Bank
Disputes
155. 01-Sep.-54 0788-94, 0895, Special Marriage Bill

1209-12
156- ll-Sep.-54 1538-39,1581-90 Motion re : Food Situation in India

157.
158. 13-Sep.-54 1635-38, 1654-55 Business of the House
159. 13-Sep.-54 1659 Motion re : Food Situation in India
160. 13-Sep.-54 1661 Constitution (Third Amendment) Bill
161. 15-Sep.-54 2035,2039-40 Sale of Soviet Publications on Railway

Platforms
1 2 3 4
162. 16-Sep.-54 2145,2166,2201-10 Special Marriage Bill

163. 23-Sep.-54 2969-74 Constitution (Third Amendment) Bill
164. 24-Sep.-54 2997-98 Motion for Adjournment re
Appointment of the Rajadhyaksha
Tribunal
165. 24-Sep.-54 3127-40 Resolution re : Security of Service to Govt.
Employees
166. 28-Sep.-54 3650-56 Allegations of Corruption against the
Deputy Shipping Master, Calcutta Port
167. 29-Sep.-54 3728-40 Motion re : International Situation
168. 02-0ec.-54 1743-47 Andhra State Legislature
(Delegation of Powers) Bill
169. 08-0ec.-54 2177-86 Code of Criminal Procedure
(Amendment) Bill
170. 09-0ec.-54 2373-76,2395 Preventive Detention (Amendment) Bill
171. 11-0ec.-54 2676 Preventive Detention (Amendment) Bill

172. 13-0ec.-54 2686-87 Alleged Association of Minister with a
Bank
173. 13-0ec.-54 2692-2706,2708-09 Preventive Detention (Second

Amendment) Bill
174. IS-Dec.-54 2957-67 Resolution re : Report of Railway
Convention Committee
175. 20-0ec.-54 3488-3503 Motion re : Economic Situation

1955
176. 22-Feb.-55 0030 Motion for Adjournment re : Conducting
free and fair elections
177. 23-Feb.-55 0170-17,0173-88 Motion of Thanks on Address by the
President
178. 03-Mar.-55 1002-11 Railways Budget for 1955-56

179. 07-Mar.-55 1327-29 Demands for Grants for 1955-56-Railways
180. 10-Mar.-55 1636-40 Working Journalists (Industrial Disputes)

Bill
1 2 3 4
181. ll-Mar.-55 1777-82 Resolution re : Separation of Posts and

Telegraphs Finance
182. 12-Mar.-55 1935-39 Sea Customs (Amend.) Bill
183. 14-Mar.-55 1975-87 Constitution (4th Amendment) Bill
IS-!. 19-Mar.-55 2657-67 General Budget for 1955-56
185. 31-Mar.-55 3912-27, 3994-96 Demands for Grants for 1955-56

186. 04-Apr.-55 4278-86 Demands for Grants for 1955-56
187. 12-Apr.-55 5104-10 Constitution (4th Amendment) Bill
188. 18-Apr.-55 5560 Finance Bill
189. 22-Apr.-55 6012-18 Finance Bill
190. 23-Apr.-55 6136-48 State Bank of India Bill (Nationalisation

of Imperial Bank)
191. 30-Apr.-55 6160,7169,7173-74, State Bank of India Bill (Nationalisation

7176,7213-14 of Imperial Bank)
192. 05-May-55 7968-76 Hindu Marriage Bill, 1955
193. Oi-May-55 8165-76 Hindu Succession Bill, 1954
194. 29-Jul.-55 8828-35, 8839 Indian Coinage (Amendment) Bill
195. 12-Aug.-55 9995-10000 Resolution re : Appointment of a Pay

Commission
196. 18-Aug.-55 10368-70 Motion for Adjournment re

Demonstrations against Portuguese
atrocities
197. 19-Aug.-55 10538-39 Motion re : Report of Press Commission
198. 20-Aug.-55 lO652-67 Motion re : Report of Press Commission
199. 31-Aug.-55 11747-53 Regrouping of Railways
200. 02-Sep.-55 11971 Companies Bill

1 2 3 4
202. 09-Sep.-55 13077-85 Resolution re: Appointment of

Commission for Development of Indian
Shipping
203. 1O-Sep.-55 13190-201 Companies Bill

205. 13-Sep.-55 13409, 13516-25 Motion re: Displaced Persons

Compensation and Rehabilitation Rules
206. 15-Sep.-55 14040-44 Pondicherry Assembly
207. 16-Sep.-55 14076-87 Motion re : Reports of Commissioner for

SCs and STs for 1953 and 1954
208. 17-Sep.-55 14277 \1otion regarding International Situation -

Mass Satyagrah in Goa
209. 26-Sep.-55 152.+ 1-42 Prize Competitions Bill
210. 27-Sep.-55 15524 All India Council of Sports
211. 29-Sep.-55 15709-15 Motion re: Flood Control Projects in

Second Fiw Year Plan
212. 21-Nov.-55 25-28 Press and Registration of Books

(Amendment) Bill
213. 23-Nov.-55 272-8'+ Uni\'ersitv Grants Commission Bill
214. 25-Nov.-55 561-62,690-94 Universitv Grants Commission Bill
215. 30-Nov.-55 869-71 Constitution (7th Amendment) Bill
216. 03-Dec.-55 1086-92, 1157-64, Citizenship Bill

1206-07
217. 05-Dec.-55 1286, 1292-93, Citizenship Bill

1341, 1389-90
218. 06-Dec.-55 1427-33, 1475-76 Citizenship Bill
219. 08-Dec.-55 1751, 1761, 1805-07 Constitution (8th Amendment) Bill
220. 09-Dec.-55 1931-32 Motion re : Suspension of Rule 321
221- 23-Dec.-55 3932-43, 3983 Motion re: Report of the States

222. Reorganization Commission
1 2 3 4
1956
President
224. 20-Feb.-56 0288-89 Death of Acharya Narendra Deva
225. 23-Feb.-56 00822 Motion of Thanks on Address by the
President
226. 27-Feb.-56 00959-60 Death of Shri G.y' Mavalankar
227. 01-Mar.-56 1244-45, 1250 Demands for Supplementary Grants:
1955-56
228. 03-Mar.-56 1478-85 Life Insurance (Emergency Provision) Bill
229. 06-Mar.-56 01697-98, 1703 Leakage of Budget Proposals
230. 07-Mar.-56 01816-19, 1821-22 Question of Privileges
231. 07-Mar.-56 01942-43 Demands for Grants-Railways
232. 08-Mar.-56 01958-60 Election of Speaker
233. 09-Mar.-56 02092-95 Demands for Grants-Railways
235. 2S-Mar.-56 03598-99, 03710-11 Business of the House
236- 28-Mar.-56 03620-22,03686-89, Demands for Grants-External Affairs
238. 04697 Ministry
239. 23-Apr.-56 06051,6054-58 Motion re : Suspension of First Provision
to Rule 92
240. 29-Apr.-56 06092-6104 States Reorganization Bill
242. 14-May-56 08139 States Reorganization Bill
243. 15-May-56 08426-35, 8822-23 Representation of the People
244. IS-May-56 08902 Life Insurance Corporation Bill
245. IS-May-56 08910-12 Mines Amendment Bill
1 2 3 4
246. 21-May-56 09044-5, 9081 Life Insurance Corporation Bill

247. 23-May-56 09249 Motion for Adjournment and Calling
Attention to Matter of Urgent Public
Importance re : Strike of Railway
Employees
248. 25-May-56 09505-11 Resolution re : ceilling of income of an
Individual
249. 28-May-56 09777 Travancore-Cochin State Legislature
250. 28-May-56 09814-19,9850-52 Strike Situation in Kharagpur

251. 30-May-56 10133-38 Discussion re : Exodus of Hindus from
East Pakistan to India
252. 20-Jul.-56 0362 Business of the House
253. 20-Jul.-56 0397-403 Reserve Bank of India (Amendment) Bill
254. 25-Jul.-56 0846-58 Bihar and West Bengal (Transfer of

Territories) Bill
255. 27-Jul.-56 1205-06 Committee on Private Members' Bills

and Resolutions
256. 31-Jul.-56 1563, 1566-67 Situation in Naga Hills
257. 06-Aug.-56 2235-36 States Reorganization Bill
258. 07-Aug.-56 2389-95 States Reorganization Bill
259. 1O-Aug.-56 2783-89 States Reorganization Bill
260. 13-Aug.-56 3086 Committee on Subordinate Legislation
261. 13-Aug.-56 3088 Re : Expunction from Debates
262. 16-Aug.-56 3437-52 Bihar and West Bengal (Transfer of

Territories) Bill
263. 31-Aug.-56 5116 Resolution re: Appointment of

Committee on working of DPSP
264. 01-Sep.-56 5179-80 Motion for Adjournment (Bomb

explosions in Delhi)
1 2 3 4
265. 01-Sep.-56 5187 Representation of the People

(Third Amendment) Bill
266. 01-Sep.-56 5195-5200 Resolution re : President's Proclamation
in Tra\'ancore-Cochin
267. 03-Sep.-56 5380-86 Central Excises and Salt (Amendment)
Bill
268. 05-Sep.-56 5652,5689-91, Constitution (9th Amendment) Bill
5759-6-1
269. 05-Sep.-56 5779, 5783-8-1 Train Accident between Jadl:herla and

Mahbubnagar
270. 08-Sep.-56 6313-33 Resolution re : Second Five Year Plan
271. 10-Sep.-56 6570-78 Resolution re: Dr. Appleby's Report on

re-examination of India's Administrative
System
272. 11-Sep.-56 6614 Netaji Enquiry Committee Report
273. 20-Nov.-56 511-27 Motion re : International Situation
274. 30-Nov.-56 1615-22 Motion re : Nationalisation of Collieries
275. 08-Dec.-56 2205-22 Standards of Weight and Measures Bill
276. 14-Dec.-56 3060-64 Resolution re : Scholarships for Children

of Political Sufferers
277- 18-Dec.-56 3335-36,3351-53, Demands for Supplementary Grants

278. 3378,3406-09 for 1956-57 and Demands for Excess
Grants (Railways) 1953-54
279. 21-Dec.-56 3839-95 Ariyalur Train Disaster
280. 21-Dec.-56 4049-52 Code of Civil Procedure (Amendment)

Bill
1957
281. 17-Jul.-57 3844-54 Expenditure Tax Bill
1 2 3 4
282- 23-Jul.-57 4734,4749-64 Demands for Grants-Ministry of

283. External Affairs
284. 05-Aug.-57 7034 Essential Services Maintenance Bill
285. 06-Aug.-57 7405-7413 Essential Services Maintenance Bill
286. 28-Aug.-57 10451-10463 Finance (No.2) Bill
287. 31-Aug.-57 11195-11209 Expenditure Tax Bill
288. 02-Sep.-57 11331-11342 Motion re : International Situation
289. 05-Sep.-57 12075-12076, Legislative Councils Bill
12078-12079
290. 09-Sep.-57 12753-54 Business Advisory Committee
291. 25-Nov.-57 2121-26 Naga Hills Tuensang Area Bill
292. 05-Dec.-57 3764-65 Pre\'entive Detention (Continuance) Bill
293. 05-Dec.-57 3771 Parliament (Prevention of
Disqualification) Bill
294. 16-Dec.-57 5613-5614 Motion for Adjournment re
electrification of the suburban railway
system of Calcutta
295. 18-Dec.-57 6162 Motion for Adjournment re
electrification of the suburban railway
system of Calcutta
296. 18-Dec.-57 6164 Papers Laid on the Table
1958
297. 12-Feb.-58 0368 Motion for Adjournment re : the concept
of contempt of Parliament
298. 12-Feb.-58 0374,0378 Business of the House
299. 14-Feb.-58 0895 Resolution re : Appointment of a
Committee to review the working of
Banks for the purpose of Nationalisation
300. 17-Feb.-58 1091 Motion of Thanks on the Address by the
President
301. 20-feb.-58 1759-69 Motion re : Report of the Commission of
Inquiry into the Affairs of the Life
Insurance Corporation
1 2 3 4
302. 20-Feb.-58 1773 Personal Explanation by a Member

303. 09-Apr.-58 9071-83 Demands for Grants re : Capital outlay
of the M / 0 External Affairs
304. 28-Apr.-58 12021 Annual Report of Hindustan Shipyard
Private Ltd.
305. 14-Aug.-58 0904 Banaras Hindu University
(Amendment) Ordinance and BHU
(Amendment) Bill
306. 30-Aug.-58 3700-01 Twenty-eighth report-Business
Advisory Committee
307. 08-Sep.-58 5226-27, 5229, Motion for Adjournment re : food
5231-33,5238, problem
5240-41
308. 10-Sep.-58 5721-22 Motion for Adjournment re : Abstention
by opposition Members from U.P.
Assembly session
309. 15-Sep.-58 6436-39,6442,6445 Motion for Adjournment re : Statement
by Finance Minister in Washington re :
Quemoy and Matsu Islands
310. 17-Sep.-58 7036-37, 7045-48, Merchant Shipping Bill
7059-63
311. 23-Sep.-58 8055-56 Re : Question of Privilege
312. 24-Sep.-58 8381-87,8456-58 International Finance Corporation
(Status, Immunities and Privileges) Bill
313. 27-Sep.-58 8995-99, 9031 Motion of Privilege
314. 19-Nov.-58 598-607 Discussion re : Ganga Barrage Project
315. 27-Nov.-58 1688, 1693 Motion of Privilege
316. 20-Dec.-58 6716-17 Representation of the People
(Amendment) Bill
1959
317. 10-Feb.59 151-156 Motion re : Breach of Privileges:- re :
Press Statement of Shri M.O. Mathai,
employed in Prime Minister's
Secretariat
1 2 3 4
318. 12-Mar.-59 5844-45, 6016-22 Motion for Adjournment re : Firing by the

Pakistani Armed forces on Bengal Border
319. 18-Mar.-59 6944-56 Demands for Grants-Ministry of Law

320. 19-Mar.-59 7191-202 Demands for Grants-Ministry of Home
Affairs
321. 22-Mar.-59 6149 Statement re : Agreement for Military Aid

between U.s.A. and Turkey, Iran and
Pakistan
322. 20-Mar.-59 7533-37 Demands for Grants-Ministry of Home

Affairs
323. 01-Apr.-59 9017-20 Motion for Adjournment-Impact of

Activities in Kalimpong in regard to
Tibet-China
324. 01-Apr.-59 9037-38 Motion for Adjournment re : Allegations

against Members having connection with
foreign embassies
325. 02-Apr.-59 9264-67 Motion for Adjournment re : Release by

Chinese Embassy of Article in People's
Daily
326. 04-May-59 14818-28 Motion re ; Report of the UGC
327. 05-May-59 15053 Motion re ; Report of the UGC
328. 05-May-59 15104-112 Motion re Report of Sanskrit

Commission
329. 06-May-59 15312-323 Companies (Amendment) Bill
330. 08-May-59 15960-970 Resolution re ; Inclusion of English in the

Eighth Schedule of the Constitution
331. 02-Sep.-59 5863-64 Motion for Adjournment re ; Resignation

of the Chief of the Army Staff
332. 02-Sep.-59 5886-87 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent

Public Importance
333. 04-Sep.-59 6413-15 Motion for Adjournment re ; Misuse of

the Preventive Detention Act
1 2 3 4
334. 19-Nov.-59 780-85 Motion re : Report of Damodar Valley

Corporation
335. 26-Nov.-59 2049-56 Motion re : India-China Relations
336. 30-Nov.-59 2455-60 Constitution (8th Amendment) Bill
337. 01-Dec.-59 2670-71 Re: Explosion in Asansol

338. 14-Dec.-59 4886-95 Indian Statistical Institute Bill
339. 16-Dec.-59 5382-84 Re: Order in the House

340. 22-Dec.-59 6669-71 Discussion re : Sino-Indian Relations
1960
341. 10-Feb.-60 0320, 0325-26 Termination of Suspension of Member
342. 03-Mar.-60 4079-4086 Motion re : Dandakaranya Development
Authority
343. 10-Mar.-60 5172 Motions for Adjournment re : Firing on
some displaced persons in Mikir Hills
344. 14-Mar.-60 5692-94 Motions for Adjournment re : Suspension
of sentence on Commander Nanavati
345. 16-Mar.-60 6251-63,6320-26, Demands for Grants-Ministry of
6329 External Affairs
346. 25-Apr.-60 13570-71, 13576-77 Statement re: Finance Minister's Reply to
General Discussion on Budget (General)
347. 29-Apr.-60 14789-95 Motion re : Talks between the Prime
Ministers of India and China
348. 01-Aug.-60 0106-07,0126-27 Motions for Adjournment re : Strike of
Central Government Employees
349- 04-Aug.-60 0905,1128 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent
350. Public Importance
351. 08-Aug.-60 1546-47 Discussion re : Rise of price of cloth
352. 10-Aug.-60 1907 Re : Motion for Adjournment (re
Preventive Detention Act)
1 2 3 4
353. 1l-Aug.-60 2239-49 Motion re: Report of University Grants

Commission
354. 23-Aug.-60 4280-90 Motion re: Draft outline of Third Five
Year Plan
355. 01-Sep.-60 6207 Motion re: International Situation
356. 01-Sep.-60 6254-68, 6727, Motion re: Situation in Assam
6732-33, 6737
357. 17-Nov.-60 0857-58 Re: Question of Privilege
358. 21-Nov.-60 1356-59 Motion for Adjournment re: Explosion in
Bombay
359. 21-Nov.-60 1374-78 Maharaja Pratap Singh Estates (Repeal)
Bill
360. 22-Nov.-60 1623-26 Motion re: International Situation
36l. 25-Nov.-60 2358-62 Companies (Amendment) Bill
362. 29-Nov.-60 2893-97 Companies (Amendment) Bill
363. 30-Nov.-60 3087-88 Statements re: Incidents in Congo
364. 01-Dec.-60 3361-67 Companies (Amendment) Bill
365. 01-0ec.-60 3403 Preventive Detention (Continuance) Bill
366. 02-Dec.-60 3587-88 Motion for Adjournment re : Transfer of

Berubari to Pakistan
367- 05-Dec.-60 3861,3873-74 Statement re: Transfer of Berubari to

368. Pakistan
369. 07-0ec.-60 4474-79 Funds for West Bengal
370. 08-Dec.-60 4657-74 Motion re: Sports in India
37l. 09-Dec.-60 4916-20 Indian Institute of Archaeology Bill
372. 16-0ec.-60 5982 Re: Point of Order
373. 16-Dec.-60 5984-88, 5994-97 Acquired Territories (Merger) Bill
374. 16-0ec.-60 6008-10 Constitution (9th Amend.) Bill
375. 19-0ec.-60 6267-79 Acquired Territories (Merger) Bill &

Constitution (9th Amendment) Bill
1 2 3 4
1961
376. 06-Mar.-61 2931-32 Motion for Adjournment re : Need for a
Parliamentary Committee to monitor
disbursement of funds during President
Rule in a State
377. 06-Mar.-61 3236 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent
Public Importance
378. 08-Mar.-61 3667-74 Resolution re: Proclamation in respect of
Orissa
379. 15-Mar.-61 5170 General Budget-General Discussion
380. 17-Mar.-61 5781-84 Resolution re: Devanagari as Common
Script for all regional languages
Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs
382. 07-Aug.-61 0172 Motion for Adjournment re : Situation in
Assam
383. 07-Aug.-61 197-210 Motion re: Report of University Grants
Commission
384. ll-Aug.-61 1648-49 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent
Public Importance
385. 16-Aug.-61 2390-91 Motions for Adjournment (Fast unto
death by Master Tara Singh)
386. 17-Aug.-61 2847-57 Extradition Bill
387- 18-Aug.-61 3048-49, 3059-60, Motion re: 13th Report of Committee of
388. 3066 Privileges
389. 19-Aug.-61 3365-74 Committee of Privileges
390. 28-Aug.-61 5317-19 Motion re: Privileges
391. 29-Aug.-61 5584-94 Discussion re: Statement made by Prime
Minister regarding Punjabi Suba
392. 3O-Aug.-61 5905-16 Indian Penal Code (Amendment) Bill
393. 31-Aug.-61 6183 Motion of No-Confidence
1 2 3 4
394. 05-Sep.-61 7113 Business of the House

395. 13-Sep.-61 4453 Motion for Adjournment
1962
396. 06-Aug.-62 0113 Re: Point of Order
397. 06-Aug.-62 0129 Statement re: Situation in Ladakh
398. 06-Aug.-62 142-43 Statement re: Railway Accident at
Dumraon
399- 07-Aug.-62 0470-81,0526-31 Extradition Bill
400.
401. 1O-Aug.-62 1181,1189 Motion for Adjournment and Calling
Attention to a Matter of Urgent Public
Importance re : Allocation of work
between various departments or
ministries of the Central Govt.
402. 1O-Aug.-62 1293-95 Motion for Adjournment-Procedure
403. 13-Aug.-62 1506-15 Motion re: Indo-China Border Situation
404. 21-Aug.-62 3191 Re: Point of Order

405. 31-Aug.-62 3548-51 Cartoon published in a Bengali
Newspaper (C.A.)
406. 08-Nov.-62 143-52 Resolution re: Proclamation of
Emergency and Aggression by China
407. 22-Nov.-62 2983-93 Defence of India Bill
408. 28-Nov.-62 3719-20,3723-24, Defence of India Bill

3728-33
409. 04-Dec.-62 4307-15 Motion re: Report on Indian and State
Administrative Services
410. 05-Dec.-62 4486-95 Working Journalists (Amendment) Bill
411. 10-Dec.-62 5101-08 Motion re: Border Situation resulting

from the invasion of India by China
1963
External Affairs
1 2 3 4
413. 19-Mar.-63 4757-62 Regarding Conduct of Certain Members

during President's Address
Education
415. 22-Mar.-63 5556-59 Working Journalists (Conditions of
Service) and Miscellaneous Provisions
(Amendment) Bill
Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs
417. 25-Mar.-63 5904-06, 5907-08 Regarding Remarks made by Shri Bagri
418. 13-Apr.-63 09436 Business of the House
419. 15-Apr.-63 09766-80 Demands for Grants-Ministrv of
Economic Affairs & Defence
Coordination
420. 16-Apr.-63 10026-34 Demands for Grants-Ministry of
Finance
421. 22-Apr.-63 11093-94 Business Advisory Committee
422. 22-Apr.-63 11237 Compulsory Deposit Scheme Bill
423. 23-Apr.-63 11400-414 Official Languages Bill
424. 26-Apr.-63 12234-40 Official Languages Bill
425. 26-Apr.-63 12300-01 Compulsory Deposit Scheme Bill
426. 27-Apr.-63 12409-10, 12432-33, Official Languages Bill
2470-72
427. 27-Apr.-63 12528 Compulsory Deposit Scheme Bill
428. 29-Apr.-63 12623-26 Motion for Adjournment re : Failure of
Government to increase food production
in the country
429. 3O-Apr.-63 12873-875 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent
Public Importance
430. 01-May-63 13139 Motion regarding Termination of
Suspension of Member
431. 02-May-63 13413-22 Constitution (16th Amendment) Bill
1 2 3 4
432. 04-May-63 13916 Re : Alleged Leakage of Report of

Attorney-General on Bose Commission
Inquiry
433. 19-Aug.-63 1242-59 Motion of No-confidence in the Council
of Ministers
434. 06-Sep.-63 4888-96 Discussion regarding Distribution of

National Income

Public Importance (re : right of congress
Party)
436. 13-Sep.-63 6028 Business of the House re : Alleged

contempt of the House
437. 16-Sep.-63 6281-6300 Motion re: International Situation
438. 19-Nov.-63 0380-87 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance
439. 19-Nov.-63 0391 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance
440. 19-Nov.-63 0409 Statement Regarding Rice Position in the

Country
441. 20-Nov.-63 0667-68 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance
442. 03-Dec.-63 2741-42 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance
443. 06-Dec.-63 3428 Regarding Procedure about Calling

Attention Notices
444. 06-Dec.-63 3509-10,3513 Constitution (Amendment) Bill
445. 12-Dec.-63 4431-33 Arrest of Shri B.P. Maurya
446. 12-Dec.-63 4439-40 Point of Clarification
447. 12-Dec.-63 4461-62 Regarding Quorum
448. 20-Dec.-63 6009-15,6032 Disclosure of Assets of Ministers Bill

1 2 3 4
1964
449. 12-Feb.-64 0306-07,0310-28 Motion regarding Communal
Disturbances in East Pakistan and
West Bengal
450. 24-Feb.-64 2147 Papers Laid on the Table
451. 24-Feb.-64 2254 Motion for Adjournment rt': Mischievious
activities of Pakistan
452. 05-Mar.-64 4155 Statement regarding certain observations
made by Shri Swell about Assam Police
453. 09-Mar.-64 4415 Motions for Adjournment and Calling
Attention ~otices rt' : Violation of air
regulations by Pakistan
455. 1O-Mar.-64 4646 Papers Laid on the Table
456. 1O-Mar.-64 4651,4684 General Budget-General Discussion
Education
458. 20-Mar.-64 6621-27 Resolution regarding Minorities in East
Pakistan
External Affairs
460. 1Q-Apr.-64 9531 Demands for Grants re : Refugee problem
461. 24-Apr.-64 12507-12509 Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment)
Bill
462. 01-May-64 13869 Business of the House
463. 04-May-64 14083-84 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent
Public Importance re : Hike in bus fare in
Delhi
464. 06-May-64 14505 Regarding Discussion on Kashmir
465. 06-May-64 14529-31 Durgah Khawaja Saheb (Amendment)
Bill
1 2 3 4
466. 29-May-64 85-86 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance
467. 29-May-64 146-48 Obituary Reference Gawaharlal Nehru)
468. 05-Jun-64 1407-11 Resolution re : National Policy on
Education
469. 07-Sep.-64 111 Retirement of Shri Kaul and
Appointment of Shri Shakdher as
Secretary, Lok Sabha
470. 07-Sep.-64 151-68 Motion regarding Food Situation
471. 07-Sep.-64 243-44 Statement regarding Communique' of
Commonwealth Prime Ministers'
Conference
472. 08-Sep.-64 401-02 Motion for Adjournment re : No

Confidence Motion
473. 09-Sep.-64 766 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent

Public Importance re : Law & Order in
the Country
474. lO-Sep.-64 904 Suspension of lAC Services
475. 11-Sep.-64 1221-22 Business of the House re : Performance at

the Commonwealth Prime Ministers'
Conference.
476. 14-Sep.-64 1457-78 No-Confidence in the Council of

Ministers
477. 18-Sep.-64 2541-43 No-Confidence in the Council of

Ministers

Public Importance rt' : Rehabilitation of
the Refugees
479. 24-Sep.-64 3538-44, 3578-80 High Court Judges

480. (Conditions of Service)
481. 25-Sep.-64 3867-70 Salaries and Allowances of Members of

Parliament (Amendment) Bill
1 2 3 4
482. Ol-Oct.-64 4886-87 Calling Attention to Matters of Urgent

Public Importance-Procedure
483. 01-0ct.-64 4928-30 Supreme Court Judgement relating to
Nationalization of Bus Routes
484. 17-Nov.-64 0156-58,0161-62, Motions for Adjournment re : Failure of
0266-74, 0338-40 the Administrative mechanism in Orissa
485. 18-Nov.-64 0455 Regarding Motions for Adjournment re :
Procedure
486. 18-Nov.-64 0533-43 Anti-Corruption Laws (Amendment) Bill
487. 26-Nov.-64 1903 Hunger-Strike in the Lobbies of the
House
488. 27-Nov.-64 2230-32 Resolution re : National Integration
489. 27-Nov.-64 2241-42 Resolution re : Goa
490. 27-Nov.-64 2279-82, 2289 Resolution regarding manufacture of

Nuclear Weapons
491. 30-Nov.-64 2413 Calling Attention to a Matter of Urgent
Public Importance re : Death in Jail
492. 3O-Nov.-64 2430-33, 2446-48 Demands for Supplementary Grants

(General)
493. 01-Dec.-64 2708-18 Wealth Tax (Amendment) Bill
494. 02-Dec.-64 2968-70 Wealth Tax (Amendment) Bill

495. 02-Dec.-64 2980-84 Standards of Weights and Measures
(Amendment) Bill
496. 03-Dec.-64 3178-89 Foreign Exchange Regulation

(Amendment) Bill
497. DB-Dec.-64 3835-41 Demands for Supplementary Grants
(Kerala)
498. 21-Dec.-64 5922 Suspension of Members
499. 23-Dec.-64 6444-45 Regarding Calling Attention Notice re :
Ministers in due influence in the working
ofLokSabha
1 2 3 4
500. 23-Dec.-64 6500-01,6566-67 Gold (Control) Bill

501. 24-Dec.-64 6807 Discussion on Matters of Public
Importance re : Setting up of Treasury
Benches
1965
502. 18-Feb.-65 0120 Motion for Adjournment re : Failure of
Govt. in handling language issue
503. 18-Feb.-65 0124-25 Papers Laid on the Table
504.- 18-Feb.-65 0239-47, 330-34 Motion for Adjournment re : Language
505. Issue
506. 22-Feb.-65 0445 Motion for Adjournment re : Arrest under
D.I.R.
President
508. 22-Feb.-65 0810,0817-18 Allegations against States' CMs.
509. 24-Feb.-65 1192 Regarding Regulation of Question Hour
510. 25-Feb.-65 1447-49, 1456 Language Issue
511. 03-Mar.-65 2237-41 CBI Report re : Summary of the final
findings of the Cabinet Sub-Committee
512. 05-Mar.-65 2750-54, 2756 CBI Report re : Summary of the final
findings of the Cabinet Sub-Committee
513. 09-Mar.-65 3212, 3270-71 No-confidence Motion in the Council of
Ministers
514. 10-Mar.-65 3466-73,3480 Detention of Left Communist Leaders
(CA)
515. 11-Mar.-65 3830-38 Anti-National activities of Communists
516. 12-Mar.-65 4053,4058 Anti-National activities of Communists
517. 15-Mar.-65 4302,4308 Motion of No-Confidence in the Council
of Ministers
518. 24-Mar.-65 5700-03 President's Rule in Kerala
519. 25-Mar.-65 5827, 5831-35, 584:2 Regarding Calling Attention Notices and
Adjournment Motions
1 2 3 4
520. 26-Mar.-65 6121 Election to Committees

521. 26-Mar.-65 6126-27 Kerala Budget
522. 26-Mar.-65 6248 Use of Gas by U.s. in Vietnam
523. 26-Mar.-65 6617-18 Development of Calcutta Metropolitan
Area
524. 3O-Mar.-65 6682 Pakistan Rifles firing on West Bengal
Border
External Affairs
526. 02-Apr.-65 7431-32 Meeting between Sheikh Abdullah and
Chinese Premier
527. 02-Apr.-65 7467 Business of the House re : Kerala
proclamation
528. 06-Apr.-65 7906 Indian Ambassador at Nepalese banquet
to Chinese Foreign Minister
529. 08-Apr.-65 8444-45, 8450 Suspension of Member
530. 09-Apr.-65 8792-8806,8845-48 Resolution regarding Development of
Calcutta Metropolitan Area
531. O9-Apr.-65 8859-60 Obituary Reference (Dr. Punjabrao
Deshmukh)
532. 12-Apr.-65 8960-61 Leave of Absence
533. 12-Apr.-65 9016 Demands for Grants-Ministry of
Rehabilitation
534. 12-Apr.-65 9100-01 Situation on Kutch-Sind Border
535. 14-Apr.-65 9198 South African Doctor's visit to A.I.I.M.5.
(CA.)
536. 15-Apr.-65 9464-65 Business of the House re : Allocation of
fund for Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha
537. 19-Apr.-65 9728-29 Question of Privilege
538. 19-Apr.-65 9741-42 Business of the House re : Quorum of
House
539. 26-Apr.-65 10978 U.S. and U.K. Nuclear bases in Indian
Ocean
1 2 3 4
540. 26-Apr.-65 10984-87,11603-12 Pakistan attack on Kutch border

541. 05-May-65 13287, 13345-48 Finance Bill, 1965
542. 05-May-65 13334 Situation on Kutch Border
543. 06-May-65 13494-95 Question of Privilege
544. 06-May-65 13498 Motion for Adjournment re : Latest
situation is Indo-Pak war
545. 06-May-65 13539-50 Proclamation regarding: Kerala State
Legislature
546. 07-May-65 13806-07 Writ Petition by a Member
547. 11-May-65 14281-82 Death due to bomb dropped from a plane
in a Ludhiana Village
548. ll-May-65 14301 Pakistani force in Lathitilla Border
549. 11-May-65 14412-13 Statement by Prime Minister
550. 16-Aug.-65 0118 Regarding President's Assent to Bills
551. 16-Aug.-65 379 Motion of Adjournment re : Assistance
from Centre to State
552. 17-Aug.-65 395-96 Motion of Adjournment re : Arrest of
Mr. Maurya
553- 18-Aug.-65 715-16, 0732 Indo-Pak Agreement on Gujarat-West
554. Pakistan Border
555. 23-Aug.-65 1248-54 Situation in Jammu & Kashmir
556. 24-Aug.-65 1518-20 Question of Privilege
557. 26-Aug.-65 2666-67 No-Confidence Motion in the Council

of Ministers
558. 6-Sep.-65 3977-82 Aligarh Muslim University

(Amendment) Bill
559. 8-Sep.-65 4477-78 Timing of the House re : Extention of

the duration of the House
560. 17-Sep.-65 6216-17 Business of the House re : Continuation

of House inspite of worrying situation
with Pakistan and China
1 2 3 4
561. 20-Sep.-65 6340-42 Obituary Reference (Sh. Balwantrai

Mehta)
562. 21-Sep.-65 6793-6801 Judges (Inquiry) Bill
563. 22-Sep.-65 7016-18 Goa, Daman and Diu (Extension of the

Code of Civil Procedure etc.) Bill
564. 23-Sep.-65 7169-70 Regarding Point of Privilege

565. 23-Sep.-65 7192-93 Demand for Punjabi Suba
566. 23-Sep.-65 7305 Circular Railway in Calcutta
567. 24-Sep.-65 7460-70 Cease-fire and India Quitting
Commonwealth
568. 3-Nov.-65 79-99 Motion of Adjournment re : setting up
of Committee regarding Punjabi Suba
569. 4-Nov.-65 375-84 Proclamation regarding Kerala
570. 8-Nov.-65 893-909 Proclamation regarding Kerala

571. 12-Nov.-65 1590 Retrenchment in Heavy Engineering
Corporation
572. 12-Nov.-65 1664-65 India Quitting Commonwealth
573. 12-Nov.-65 1672-31, 1725-31 Resolution regarding Import of
Foodgrains Under PL 480
574. 18-Nov.-65 2640-48 Taxation Laws etc., Bill
575. 18-Nov.-65 2760 Appropriation (No.5) Bill
576. 19-Nov.-65 2876 Business of the House (re : food situation

in country)
577. 19-Nov.-65 2883, 2887-93 Appropriation (No.5) Bill
578. 22-Nov.-65 3108, 3368-69 Calling Attention Motion re : States

under President's Rule
579. 24-Nov.-65 3645-55 Banaras Hindu University (Amendment)

Bill
580. 2S-Nov.-65 3868-69 Banaras Hindu University (Amendment)
Bill
1 2 3 4
581. 3-Dec.-65 5535-38 Constitution (Amendment) Bill
582. 6-Dec.-65 5729 Food Situation and Drought Conditions
583. 1O-Dec.-65 6958-61 Tashkent Talks etC'.
1966
584. 14-Feb.-66 27-28 Obituary References (Lal Bahadur
Shashtri)
585. 16-Feb.-66 634-35, Tashkent Declaration

639-40,
661-73
586. 16-Feb.-66 586 Statement re: Indo-China Border
587. 17-Feb.-66 906-07 Reported letter from President of North

Vietnam to the President of India and
the reply thereto
588. 17-Feb.-66 917 Motion of Adjournment re : Food

Situation in West Bengal
589. 21-Feb.-66 1216 Incidents in Banaras Hindu University

Campus
590. 21-Feb.-66 1236-37 Motion of Adjournment rc : Food

Situation and Kerosene Supply
591. 21-Feb.-66 1246 Tashkent Declaration
592. 24-Feb.-66 2089 Talks between Prime Minister of India

and President of Ghana
593. 28-Feb.-66 2497-98 Re: Absence of Ministers
594. 28-Feb.-66 2768-71 Demise of Veer Savarkar
595. 28-Feb.-66 2839, 2844-49 Supreme Court judgment in D.I.R. cases
596. 01-Mar.-66 3049-3050 Release of Members on Parole
597. 01-Mar.-66 3065, 3074 Motion of thanks on the President's

address
598. 02-Mar.-66 3353-54 Statement re: Right of Member on Parole

to attend House
1 2 3 4
599. 03-Mar.-66 3588, 3597 Calling Attention re: Textile Workers'

Strike
600. 03-Mar.-66 3697-3704 Motion for Adjournment: Situation in

Mizo District, Assam
601. 04-Mar.-66 3933-34 Statement re: Indo-Pakistan Ministerial

meeting at Rawalpindi
602. 08-Mar.-66 4241-47, 4274-81 Statement re: Situation in West Bengal
603. 09-Mar.-66 4522-24, 4757-59 Re: Parole of Shri Umanath

604. 1O-Mar.-66 4788-4802 General Budget-General Discussion
605. 1O-Mar.-66 4879 Resignation by Shri A.P. Jain as

Governor of Kerala
606. 11-Mar.-66 5030-32, 5037- Situation in West Bengal

38, 5041-42
607. 14-Mar.-66 5338-40, 5344, Re: Parole of Shri Umanath

5347-48
608. 15-Mar.-66 5680-86 Disturbances in Delhi

(Adjournment Motion)
609. 16-Mar.-66 5876-77 General Budget (General Discussion)

West Bengal (CA.)
610. 16-Mar-66 6146 Re: Question of Privilege

611. 16-Mar.-66 6157-58 Re: Point of Order re : Burning alive of
some Congressmen in Punjab
612. 16-Mar.-66 6164-65 Orissa Legislative Assembly

(Extension of Duration) Bill
613. 17-Mar.-66 6276-79 Statement re: Incident at Panipat
614. 18-Mar.-66 6437, 6442 Business of the House
615. 18-Mar.-66 6451-52 Extension of Time for Presentation of

Report of Joint Committee
616. 18-Mar.-66 6458, 6466-67 Demands for Grants on Account

1966-67
1 2 3 4
617. 18-Mar.-66 6646-48 Constitution (Amendment) Bill

(Omission of Articles 152, 170 etc.)
618. 21-Mar.-66 6782-86 Armed Forces (Special Powers)

Amendment Bill
619. 22-Mar.-66 7054-55 Point re: proceedings

620. 25-Mar.-66 7899 Situation in Mizo Hills
621. 28-Mar.-66 8162-64 Re: Bastar Incident
622. 28-Mar.-66 8200-208 Demands for Grants (1966-67) Ministry
of Information & Broadcasting
623. 30-Mar.-66 8723 Starvation deaths in Orissa
624. 30-Mar.-66 8734 Re: Food situation in West Bengal
625. 30-Mar.-66 8836-37 Adjournment Motion and Calling
Attention on Bastar Incident
626. 01-Apr.-66 8968 Calling Attention re : health of certain
Members in Detention
627. 01-Apr.-66 8975-76 Business of the House

628. 01-Apr.-66 9000-07 Demands for Grants, 1966-67 Ministry
of Law
629. 01-Apr.-66 9066-70 Constitution (Amendment) Bill

(Omission of Articles 152, 370 etc.)
630. 15-Apr.-66 10812-13 Re: Report of Privileges Committee

631. 15-Apr.-66 11104-05 Release of a Member on Parole
632. 15-Apr.-66 11196, 11207- Constitution (Amendment) Bill

212
633. 18-Apr.-66 11381-82 Statement re: Reorganisation of Punjab

State
634. 18-Apr.-66 11354-55, 11360 Calling attention: re: Attack on Indian

Border Police Patrol by East Pakistan
(Privilege Motion)
635. 18-Apr.-66 11370 Re: Leave of absence from Members

detained by Police
1 2 3 4
636. 19-Apr.-66 11618-19 Calling attention on Reported

communication from World Bank re:
foreign participation in Fertilizer deal
637. 19-Apr.-66 11634 Order of discussion of Demands for

Grants
638. 21-Apr.-66 12283, 12291 Motion of adjournment and CaBing

Attention re : Explosion in Railway Train
at Lumding
639. 22-Apr.-66 12576-92 Demands for Grants-External Affairs
Ministry
640. 22-Apr.-66 12553-56 Business Advisory Committee's Report
641. 22-Apr.-66 12652-57 Resolution re: Pacific Concord against
Communist Chinese Expansionism
642. 25-Apr.-66 12781-82, 12786 Regarding Calling Attention-Lifting of

Emergency and Release of DIR
643. 25-Apr.-66 12891-96 Motion re: Situation arising out of recent

explosions at Lumding and Dipnu
railway station
644. 26-Apr.-66 13102-04, 13115 Demands for Grants-External Affairs
Ministry
645. 05-May-66 14902-03, 14906-07 Finance Bill, 1966
646. 06-May-66 15066 Question of Privilege
647. 06-May-66 15069 Re: Portrait of Pt. Nehru

648. 06-May-66 15076-78, 15082 Business of the House
649. 06-May-66 15099, 15104 Re: Inaccuracy in statement

650. 06-May-66 15203-04 Expulsion of Rajasthan M.L.A.s from
Vidhan Sabha
652. 11-May-66 15990-91 Re: Planning Minister's statement

653. 12-May-66 16331 Entry of Armed Naga Hostiles into Mizo
district
1 2 3 4
654. 12-May-66 16356-58 Press Reports on Planning Minister's

visit to U.s.A.
655. 13-May-66 16656-57 Press Reports on Planning Minister's
visit to U.s.A.
657. 14-May-66 16848-53 Reorganization of Punjab
658. 14-May-66 16956-67 Urbanisation of Areas
659. 16-May-66 17104 Statements showing Action Taken by
Government on Assurance etc.
660. 17-May-66 17290-91 Calling Attention Motion (Proposed
Tripartite Summit Meeting between
India, Yugosland and UAR)
661. 17-May-66 17311 Statement Re: Area of India as published
by UNO, and the survey of India in 1952
and 1964
662. 18-May-66 17640-48 Statement re: Defence of India and
Defence of India Rules
663. 25-Jul.-66 138-40, 0177-78 Re: Motion for Adjournment and Calling
Attention Notices
664. 25-Jul.-66 195-98, 0209-212 Motion of No-confidence in the Council

of Ministers
665. 25-Jul.-66 236-37 Motion re: Present Economic situation

in the country
666. 26-Jul.-66 449-50 Decorum in the House
667. 28-Jul.-66 1017 Extension of time for presentation of

Report of Joint Committee
668. 02-Aug.-66 1949-53 Motion re: paragraphs 4:39 to 4:52 of

50th (Third Lok Sabha) Report of Public
Accounts Committee
669- 03-Aug.-66 2276,2430 Calling Attention Notice re : arrest of

670. Shri Indulal Yajnik, MP and others at
Ahmedabad
671. 04-Aug.-66 2717-28 Motion of No-confidence in the Council

of Ministers
1 2 3 4
672. 05-Aug.-66 3040-5, 3100- Resolution re: Indo-US Foundation

3104
673. 10-Aug.-66 3899-3900 Calling attention re : certain charges

made against CPI
674. 10-Aug.-66 3920 Question of Privilege
675. 10-Aug.-66 3939-42 Constitution (20th Amendment) Bill
676. 1O-Aug.-66 4041-42 Employment of Ex-Servicemen
677. ll-Aug.-66 4208-09 Strategy of Sabotage by Left Communist

Party
678. ll-Aug.-66 4236 Re: Question of Privilege

679. 12-Aug.-66 4541-42 Re: Question of Privilege
680. 12-Aug.-66 4546-47, 4557 Business of the House re : allegations
against Minister
681. 12-Aug.-66 4605 Adjournment Motion re : situation in
Assam
682. 16-Aug.-66 4959 Help to Mizo & Naga Hostiles by

Pakistan and China
683. 17-Aug.-66 5176, 5180-81 Question of Privilege against

Subramanium
684. 17-Aug.-66 5196-97 Re: Question of Privileges against Bihar

Chief Minister
685. 19-Aug.-66 5907-08 Punjab Legislature (Delegation of

Powers) Bill
686. 19-Aug.-66 5777-78 Question of Breach of Privilege
687. 19-Aug.-66 5792 Business of the House
688. 19-Aug.-66 5856-61 Resignation of Council of Ministers prior

to General Election
689. 22-Aug.-66 6084-86, Public Accounts Committee's 55th Report

6228-29
690. 31-Aug.-66 8120 Arrest of Member

1 2 3 4
691. 31-Aug.-66 8122 Leave of Absence from the sittings of

the House
692. 01-Sep.-66 8471 Petition re: measures to check rise in

prices etc.
693. 02-Sep.-66 8822 Regarding disturbances in Tripura
694. 03-Sep.-66 8995 Seating arrangement of group leaders
695. 05-Sep.-66 9237 Committee on Government Assurances

(Minutes)
696. 05-Sep.-66 9259-60 Detention of Members (Shri Dasaratha

Deb and Shri Biren Dutta)
697- 06-Sep.-66 9411-12, 9421-22 Statement by Member under Direction

698. 115 re: Pakistan spies and Minister's
reply thereto
699. 07-Sep.-66 9750, 9756-57, 9768 Re: Question of Privileges
700. 07-Sep.-66 9798-99, 9809 Statement by Finance Minister

re: Messers Orr Dignam & Co.
70l. 07-Sep.-66 9822-23 Statement bv Member under Direction
115 and reply by Minister thereto
re: Cochin Shipyard
702. 01-Nov.-66 146-47 Motions for Adjournment and Calling

Attention Notices re : Focus on the most
issues of the country
703. 03-Nov.-66 820 Papers Laid on the Table
704. 03-Nov.-66 839 Finance Minister's visit to Canada and

U.s.A.
705. 03-Nov.-66 849-51 Business Advisory Committee

(50th Report)
706. 04-Nov.-66 1212-13 Business of the House re : Provisions of

the Constitution
707. 04-Nov.-66 1306-07 Constitution (Amendment) Bill
708. 05-Nov.-66 1376 Statement re: location of steel plant

1 2 3 4
709. lS-Nov.-66 3024-25 Motion under Rule 109 re: Debate on

Representation of People (Amendment)
Bill and Constitution (Twenty First)
Amendment Bill
710. 16-Nov.-66 3363-64 Proposed Students National Manch in

Delhi
711. 17-Nov.-66 3660-61 Reported Protest by the Defence

Authorities of Eastern Zone against
Mismanagement of the Railways in that
area
712. 18-Nov.-66 4060-61 Arrest of Member
713. 18-Nov.-66 4079 Suspension of Member
714. 25-Nov.-66 5649 Business of the House
715. 29-Nov.-66 5928 No-day-yet-named Motion
716. 3O-Nov.-66 6446-47 Goa, Daman and Diu (Opinion Poll) Bill
717. 01-Dec.-66 6701-05 Goa, Daman and Diu (Opinion Poll) Bill
718. 02-Dec.-66 6968 Eviction etc. of Government Employees

at Port Blair
719. 02-Dec.-66 6973 Resignation of Members
720. 02-Dec.-66 6990-91 Point of Personal Explanation
1967
721. 18-Mar.-67 107 Motion for Adjournment and
Motion of No-Confidence in the
Council of Ministers
722. 21-Mar.-67 516 Departure of Mrs. Swetlana Allelueva

from India to the West
723. 21-Mar.-67 571-576, 628-641 Motion of Thanks on President's Address
724. 23-Mar.-67 757-758 Regarding Writ Petition against Speaker

etc.
725. 28-Mar.-67 1279-80 Clarification by Minister

1 2 3 4
726. 28-Mar.-67 1284-85 Election of Deputy Speaker

727. 05-Apr.-67 2910-11 Seminar on Asian Defence in New Delhi
(Calling Attention)
728. 05-Apr.-67 2938, 2965-67 Motion of Privilege
729. 06-Apr.-67 3214-15 Proposed Purchase of Islands by U.K. in
Indian Ocean
730. 08-Apr.-67 3726-27 Question of Privileges
731. 22-May-67 151, 158-60 Statement re : External Affairs Minister's
visit to Kuwait, Iran, Geneva, Malaysia
and Singapore
732. 25-Mav-67 887-88 Situation in West Asia
733. 29-Mav-67 J.!15-16 Alleged Interference by Union Home
Minister in regard to 'Gheraos' in West
Bengal
734. 29-May-67 1430-31 Matter Under Rule 377 re : Allegations
against Ministers being on the pay-roll
of the Birlas
735. 30-Mav-67 1752-54 Matter Under Rule 377 re : Allegations
against Ministers being on the pay-roll
of the Birlas
736. 30-May-67 1786-87 Foodgrain Supplies to Kerala
737. 31-May-67 2071-73 Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Bill
738. 5-Jun.-67 2922-23 Calling Attention Motion on Air violation
by Pakistan
739. 8-Jun.-67 3827-28 Reported refusal of Central Govt. to make
available to Orissa Govt. CB.I. Report
on Shri J.B. Patnaik
740. 8-Jun.-67 3937-40 Development in West Asia Situation
741. 13-Jun.-67 4781-84 Situation in Naxalbari and Kharibari
742. 14-Jun.-67 5078-82 Mis-treatment of Indian Diplomat in

China
743. 15-Jun.-67 5317-18, 5420-23 Use of Foreign Funds in General
Elections
1 2 3 4
744. 16-June-67 5664-65 Anti-Corruption Laws (Amendment) Bill
745. 16-June-67 5731 Behaviour of Chinese Embassy Staff

746. 19-June-67 5914-16 Statement under Direction 115(1) re :
situation in Naxalbari
747. 07-July-67 10446-47 "Son Et Lumiere" spectacle at the Red
Fort, Delhi
748. 10-July-67 10725 On Vietnam
749. 13-July-67 11687-91 Abolition of Privy Purses

750. 15-July-67 12179-91 Demands for Grants-Ministry of
External Affairs
751. 17-July-67 12449-54 Motion of Adjournment re : Attacks by
Naga Hostiles
752. 20-July-67 13464-69 Prorogation of Madhya Pradesh
Assembly
753. 21-July-67 13712-13 Selection of Speakers-Procedure
754. 22-July-67 13797 Demands for Grants-Min. of Works,

Housing and Supply
755. 01-Dec.-67 4247 Obituary References
756. 01-Dec.-67 4266-74, 4559-67 Situation in West Bengal
757. 06-Dec.-67 5150-58 Report of Education Commission and
M.Ps. Commission on Education
758. 07-Dec.-67 5441-42, 5458-60 Official Languages (Amendment) Bill
759. 12-Dec.-67 6308-9 Reported U.s. interference in General

Election (Calling Attention)
760. 13-Dec.-67 6639-45 Official Languages (Amendment) Bill
761. 20-Dec.-67 8568-71 Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Bill
762. 22-Dec.-67 9486-91 President's Rule etc. for West Bengal

1968
763. 12-Feb.-68 42 Obituary References (Sh. Charanjit Rai,
Sh. Rupnath Brahma and other Members)
764. 14-Feb.-68 752-57 Motion of Adjournment re : Disturbances

in Assam
1 2 3 4
765. 27-Feb.-68 246-53 Motion of No-Confidence in the Council

of Ministers
766. 29-Feb.-68 806-07 Delhi School Teachers Agitation
767. 06-Mar.-68 2028-32 Commonwealth Immigrants Bill
768. 14-Mar.-68 852-55 Constitution (Amendment) Bill
769. 22-Mar.-68 2701-02 Activities of Left Communist Party
770. 25-Mar.-68 2998 Deportation of Kenya Asians
771. 25-Mar.-68 3010-11 Regarding Question of Privilege
772. 25-Mar.-68 3020-21 Sale of Cars by M.P.s
773. 29-Mar.-68 839 Matter Under Rule 377 regarding AIR's

"Today in Parliament"
774. 29-Mar.-68 841 Demands for Grants-Ministry of

Defence
775. 02-Apr.-68 1620-22 Governor's Assent to Punjab

Appropriation Bills

External Affairs
777. 04-Apr.-68 2389-93 Incidents regarding Harijans
778. 19-Apr.-68 1904 Recognition of German Democratic

Republic (East Germany)
779. 03-May-68 1851-60, 1903-05 Recognition of East Germany
780. 06-May-68 2153 Estate Duty (Amendment) Bill
781. 06-May-68 2186-89 Demands for Grants (West Bengal)
782. 08-May-68 2815-20 Central Laws (Extension to Jammu and

Kashmir) Bill
783. 09-May-68 3171-73 Re: Question of Privilege

784. 10-May-68 3553-54, 3567-68 Judgement on Punjab Appropriation Acts
785. 22-July-68 38145 Obituary References (Sh. Nesamony, Sh.

Mariyapa and Harish Chandra Mathur)
786. 26-July-68 1957-58 Business of the House

1 2 3 4
787. 30-July-68 2892 Enemy Property Bill

788. 30-July-68 2929-32 Strike by Newspaper Employees
789. 31-July-68 3169-74 Inter-State Water Disputes (Amendment)
Bill
790. 02-Aug.-68 3906-07 Banking Laws (Amendment) Bill
791. 07-Aug.-68 989-91 Advocate (Amendment) Bill

792. 09-Aug.-68 1322-25 Constitution (Amendment) Bill
793. 14-Aug.-68 2307 Business of the House
794. 14-Aug.-68 2397-2401 Li ber ali sa tion Movement in
Czechoslovakia
795. 19-Aug.-68 2674-77 Judges (Inquiry) Bill
796. 29-Aug.-68 2979 Matter under Rule 377 re : Personal
Explanation
797. 13-Nov.-68 162 No-Confidence Motion in the Council of
Ministers
798. 14-Nov.-68 246 Matter under Rule 377 re : Prime
Minister's Meeting with Opposition
Leaders on Central Govt. Employees
Strike
799. 18-Nov.-68 184-85 Petrol Shortage in Calcutta
800. 18-Nov.-68 260,305-13 Statement on Flood Situation
801. 19-Nov.-68 203-04 Calling Attention Motion re : Centre's
order and Kerala Govt.
802. 22-Nov.-68 225-27 Matter under Rule 377 re : Motion on
Flood Situation
80l 22-Nov.-68 233-36 Madras State (Alteration of Name) Bill
804. 22-Nov.-68 348-49 Status of Jammu and Kashmir
805. 27-Nov.-68 168 Re: L.I.c. Employees Strike
806. 05-Dec.-68 285-88 Essential Services Maintenance Bill
807. 06-Dec.-68 241-47 Status of Jammu and Kashmir
1 2 3 4
1969
808. 17-Feb.-69 34-35 Obituary Reference (Sh. Annadurai)
809. 18-Feb.-69 279-88 No-confidence Motion
810. 21-Feb.-69 282-283 Committee on Private Members' Bill and

Resolutions (43rd Report)
811. 03-Mar.-69 220 Calling Attentaion Motion re : Recall of

Governor of West Bengal
812. 03-Mar.-69 246-249 Question of Privilege
813. 06-Mar.-69 206,217-218 Calling Attention Motion re : Sheikh

Abdulla's Pro-Pak Speech
814. 1O-Mar.-69 243-254 General Budget 1969-General

Discussion
815. 1O-Mar.-69 281-282, 322-329 Gowrnor's Address to West Bengal

Legislature-Statement
816. 12-Mar.-69 211, 224, Governor's Action and Ministrv

251-256, 0274 formation in Madhya Pradesh
817. 17-Mar.-69 190-191 Presidential Order of 1954 regarding

J.&K.
818. 20-Mar.-69 196, 208 Oath-taking in U.P. Assembly (Calling
Attention)
819. 24-Mar.-69 293-96 Armed Forces (Spl. Powers) Continuance

Bill
820. 25-Mar.-69 222-25 Re: Calling Attention Notices

821. 1O-Apr.-69 173-74 Statement regarding Strike by Doctors of
Delhi Hospitals (Motion under Rule 388)
822. 23-Apr.-69 147-49 Kashmir Bye-elections (CA.)
823. 25-Apr.-69 321-25 Investigation Commission for Birlas

Group Concerns
824. 13-May-69 252-53 Matter under Rule 377 re : withholding

of Result of Bye-election
825. 25-July-69 253 Business of the House

1 2 3 4
826. 04-Aug.-69 236 Police Vandalism in West Bengal

Assembly (Calling Attention)
827. 05-Aug.-69 259-63 Salaries and Allowances of Members of
Parliament (Amendment) Bill
828. 08-Aug.-69 216-17 Election of the Speaker
829. 13-Aug.-69 191-94 Calling Attention Motion re : Reported
Dispute between the Staff and the
Administration of National Library.
Calcutta
830. 19-Aug.-69 5 Obituary Reference
831. 26-Aug.-69 251-53 Burning of Al-Aqsa Mosque
832. 29-Aug.-69 283-84 Regarding Incidents in U.P. Legislature
833. 17-Nov.-69 34,78 Obituary Reference (Dr. Ram Sub hag

Singh)
834. 19-Nov.-69 195-96 Mid-term Parliamentary Elections
(Calling Attention)
835. 20-Nov.-69 6 Obituary Reference (Smt. Violet Alva)
836. 24-Nov.-69 199-200 Regarding Business of the House
837. 24-Nov.-69 204-205 Reported Massacre in South Vietnam
838. 24-Nov.-69 218-20 Eighth Report of Privileges Committee
839. 03-Dec.-69 195-96, 205 Hunger Strike by West Bengal C.M.

(Calling Attention)
840. 03-Dec.-69 219-220 Regarding Meetings between

Government Officials and T.T.
Krishnamachari
841. 05-Dec.-69 254-60 Motion Regarding Communal Situation

in the country
842. 09-Dec.-69 213-15 Election of Deputy Speaker
843. 23-Dec.-69 6-7 Obituary Reference (Prof. D.C. Sharma)
1970
844. 20-Feb.-70 36-37 Obituary References (Sh. Jinachandran
and Sh. Bhatkar
1 2 3 4
845. 26-Feb.-70 239-40 Calling Attention: regarding Closure of

Cultural and Information Centres of
United States
846. 26-Feb.-70 323-33 Motion of Thanks on the President's
Address
847. 08-Mar.-70 259-63 British Arms Supply to South Africa
(Calling Attention)
848. 31-Mar.-70 214-15 Statutary resolution and Calcutta Port

(Arndt.) Bill
849. 31-Mar.-70 279 Attack on Shri Jyoti Basu
850. 02-Apr.-70 310-11 Gajendragadkar Commission's
Recommendation regarding Jammu and
Kashmir
851. 06-Apr.-70 235-37, 314-15 Motion of Adjournment on beating of
M.Ps. by Police
852. 07-Apr.-70 199-200 Regarding Medical Attention to Persons
injured in Lathi Charges
853. 07-Apr.-70 226-28, 309-16 Demands for Grants-Ministry of
External Affairs
External Affairs
855. 08-Apr.-70 270-74 Motion of Adjournment re : beating of
M.Ps. by Police
856. 08-Apr.-70 301-094 Demand for Steel Plant for Orissa
857. 22-Apr.-70 253-54 Matter under Rule 377 re : Relations

between Parliament and the judiciary
858. 23-Apr.-70 360-65 West Bengal State Legislature

859. 24-Apr.-70 211-12 Matter under Rule 377 re : Third Pay

Commission
860. 28-Apr.-70 176-77 Launching of Earth Satellite by China
861. 14-May-70 237-38 Matter under Rule 377 re : Facilities to

the Leader of the Opposition
1 2 3 4

863. 15-May-70 297-303 Economic and Social Problems of
West Bengal
864. 19-May-70 285-91 Motion regarding Commission of Inquiry
(CSIR)
865. 08-Jun-70 254-58 Reported Refusal to grant of Statehood
to Manipur (Calling Attention)
866. 27-July-70 02 Obituary References (Sh. Govinda

Menon, . Sh Mehr Chand Khanna,
Smt. Leela Roy and other members)
867. 27-Aug.-70 221 Closure of B.B.C. Writ (Calling Attention)
868. 28-Aug.-70 238-39 Business of the House
869. 29-Aug.-70 45-50 Patents Bill
870. 09-Nov.-70 09-10 Obituary Reference (President Nasser)
871. 09-Nov.-70 225-26 re : Motion of Adjournment

872. 16-Nov.-70 204 Cyclone in East Pakistan
873. 18-Nov.-70 242 Question of Privilege
874. 18-Nov.-70 279-86 Subversive Activities in the Country
875. 20-Nov.-70 228 re : Maharashtra Government Servant's

Strike
876. 23-Nov.-70 203-204, 216 Regarding Motion for Adjournment
877. 23-Nov.-70 291-94 Statement regarding Murder in

24 Parganas Distt. of West Bengal
878. 25-Nov.-70 214-15 Regarding Unemployment Situation in

the Country
879. 08-Dec.-70 196 Escape of two Pakistani women with

Documents (Calling Attention)
880. 08-Dec.-70 352-55, Sports Policy
881. 09-Dec.-70 205-8 Calling Attention Motion re:

Representation by Jute Workers in
West Bengal
1 2 3 4
882. 1O-Dec.-70 186-187 Calling Attention Motion re : reported

closure of the daily Basumati and its
allied publication
883. 12-Dec.-70 270-73 Conferment on Decorations-on Persons
(Abolition) Bill
884. 14-Dec.-70 215-17 Calling Attention Motion re : former
revolutionaries and freedom fighters
885. 14-Dec.-70 234-35 Calling Attention Motion re : Mid term
poll
886. 14-Dec.-70 274-75 Calling Attention Motion re : Report of
the Commission in Maharashtra-
Mysore-Kerala Boundary Disputes
887. 14-Dec.-70 274-82 Statutory Resolution re : Prevention of
Violent Activities Act and West Bengal
Maintenance of Public Order Act
888. 14-Dec.-70 202-3 Judgement on Derecognition of Princes

Order
889. 18-Dec.-70 229 Calling Attention Motion re: procedure

for dealing with allegations against
outsiders
890. 18-Dec.-70 236-37 Re: Strike of jute workers
1971
891. 23-Mar.-71 24-26 Obituary References (Dr. K.M. Munshi,
Sh. Bimla Prasad Chaliha and Sh. Nath
Pai)
892. 27-Mar.-71 18-21 Developments in East Bengal State
893. 29-Mar.-71 258-63 West Bengal Budget, Demands and

Resolutions re: proclamation
894. 25-May-71 228-235 Discussion on influx of refugees from

East Bengal
895. 26-May-71 162 Misappropriation of Rs. sixty lakhs from

the State Bank of India, New Delhi
896. 26-May-71 170 Business of the House

1 2 3 4
897. 28-June-71 134-140 Shipment of American anns to Pakistan

898. 14-July-71 155-58 Calling Attention Motion on Killing of
political prisoners in Alipore Special Jail
899. 19-July-71 232-239 Demands for Grants Ministries of
Agriculture and External Affairs
900. 22-July-71 163 Re: Question of Privilege
901. 23-July-71 151 Re: Calling Attention Motion
902. 26-July-71 144-50 West Bengal Budget, Demands,
Resolutions etc.
903. 28-July-71 275 Re: Question of Privilege
904. 29-July-71 145-46 Shelling by Pakistanis into Assam and
Tripura
905. 04-Aug.-71 189 Pakistan military regime's threat to
execute Sheikh Mujibur Rehman
906. 04-Aug.-71 403-406 The Constitution (Twenty Fourth
Amendment) Bill
907. O9-Aug.-71 292-299 Demands for Grants (General) relating
to Bangladesh Refugees
908. 09-Aug.-71 331-335 Accidents on Eastern Rly.
909. 15-Nov.-71 5-7 Obituary References (Sh. Yashpal Singh,

Sh. Madhava Menon and other members)
910. 29-Nov.-71 266-75 Visva-Bharati (Amendment) Bill
911. 30-Nov.-71 186-92 Reported killings of Political Prisoners in

Alipore Central Jail
912. 04-Dec.-71 86-87, 109-11 Defence of India Bill
913. 06-Dec.-71 34 Recognition to Bangladesh
914. 10-Dec.-71 7 Business of the House
915. 13-Dec.-71 4-5 Obituary References (Sh. Ghulam

Mohammed Sadiq)
916. 15-Dec.-71 9-10 Re: Movement of Seventh Fleet of U.S.

1 2 3 4
917. 20-Dec.-71 76-81 Diplomatic Relations (Vienna

Convention) Bill
918. 22-Dec.-71 4-5 Re: Question of Privilege
919. 22-Dec.-71 22-24 Constitution (28th Amendment) Bill
920. 22-Dec.-71 156-58 Supreme Court and High Court Judges
(Conditions of Service) Amendment Bills
1972
921. 14-Mar.-72 260-70 Motion of Thanks on the President's
Address
922. 24-Mar.-72 143-47 Re: Calling Attention Notice
923. 14-Apr.-72 249-252 Film Industry Workers Bill
924. 17-Apr.-72 247-252 Situation arising out of escalation of U.S.
Bombing of Hanoi
925. 25-Apr.-72 191 Matter under rule 377: Reported token
strike by LIC employees
926. 25-Apr.-72 228-235 Demands for Grants (1972-73)-Ministry
of External Affairs
927. 05-May-72 248 Resolution regarding Nationalisation of
leading industrial houses
928. 05-May-72 158 Submission re : Breach of Parliamentary
Convention
929. 17-May-72 155 Calling Attention Notice-Procedure
930. 18-May-72 152-153 Alleged donation made by a company
to the ruling Congress for election
compaign
931. 19-May-72 265-270 Nationalisation of leading industrial
houses
932. 26-May-72 188 Question of Privilege against alleged
misleading of Committee on Public
Undertakings by Managing Director of
National Development Corporation
933. 3O-May-72 231-232 Motion Under Rule 388 re : suspension
of Rule 74 in respect of General Insurance
Business (Nationalisation) Bill
934. 3O-May-72 253-57 University Grants Commission
(Amendment) Bill
1 2 3 4
935. 30-May-72 284-288 Discussion regarding: alleged payment

of Rs. 60 lakhs to Shri Nagarwala by
Chief Cashier of State Bank of India,
Delhi
936. 01-June-72 139-144 Aligarh Muslim University

(Amendment) Bill
937. 31-July-72 006-08 Obituary references (Sh. Indulal Yajnik,

Shri Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed,
Sh. Ramanand Das and the Maharaja of
Bhutan)
938. 03-Aug.-72 0199 Matter under Rule 377 on Press report re :

Newspaper Companies Bill, 1972
939. 04-Aug.-72 0229 Re. Proceedings of the House
940. 04-Aug.-72 285-289 Diplomatic Relations (Vienna

Convention) Bill-Amendment of Ninth
Schedule
941. 04-Aug.-72 292-293 Constitution (Arndt.) Bill-Amendment
of Ninth Schedule
942. 08-Aug.-72 350-355 Regarding expunctions from proceedings
943. 08-Aug.-72 358-364 Diplomatic Relations (Vienna

Convention) Bill
944. 21-Aug.-72 247-252 The Wild Life (Protection) Bill
945. 25-Aug.-72 176 Demands of employees of Reserve Bank

of India, Calcutta and Government's
reaction re: decorum of the House
946. 25-Aug.-72 246-250 Resolution re: Urgent problems of

Economic stagnation in West Bengal
947. 28-Aug.-72 319-326, 330-331 General Insurance Business

(Nationalisation) Bill-Practice &
Procedure
948. 02-Sept.-72 30-31 Delhi School Education Bill
949. 02-Sept.-72 96-98 Meeting of the representatives of India

and Pakistan in New Delhi
950. 16-Nov.-72 241-43, 249-51, 258 Indira Gandhi University Bill

1 2 3 4
951. 17-Nov.-72 250-251 Question of Privilege

952. 27-Nov.-72 254 Business Advisory Committee Report
953. 07-Dec.-72 190-98 Motion re: International Situation
954. 20-Dec.-72 284-295 National Library Bill
955. 22-Dec.-72 254 Charges against Tamil Nadu Chief
Minister and his cabinet colleagues
956. 22-Dec.-72 273 Policy of Government in regard to
manufacture of car
1973
957. 02-Mar.-73 310-317 Nationalisation of Foreign Oil Companies
and other Vital Industries
958. 12-Mar.-73 222 Reported purchase by Foreign interests
of shareholdings in Metro Theatres,
Calcutta and Bombay without permission
of Reserve Bank of India
959. 13-Mar.-73 217 Alleged wrong statement by Minister
960. 16-Mar.-73 309 Nationalisation of Foreign Oil Companies
and Other Vital Industries
961. 20-Mar.-73 199 Statement regarding: Letter of resignation
by the Minister of Tourism and Civil
Aviation
962. 30-Mar.-73 283-287 Resolution re : Nationalisation of Foreign
Oil Companies and other Vital Industries
963. 02-Apr.-73 351-360 Motion for Adjournment re : reported
Statement of Attorney General before the
Supreme Court about amending
Maintenance of Internal Security Act
964. 12-Apr.-73 125, 127-132 Calling Attention to Matter of Urgent

Public Importance re : reported demand
by Foreign Oil Compames further
increase in Crude Price.
965. 25-Apr.-73 235 Re: Breakdown of Power Supply in Delhi

External Affairs
1 2 3 4
967. 26-Apr.-73 139 Re: Appointment of Chief Justice of India

968. 02-May-73 358-68 Re: Appointment of Chief Justice of India
969. 07-May-73 232-235 Style of names of members of Parliament
970. 03-July-73 218-226 Regarding alleged wrong statements
made by Ministers
971. 12-Nov.-73 265 Statement regarding Price and Supply
position of Crude Oil
972. 12-Nov.-73 283 Regarding Certain electrical installations
in Central Hall of Parliament House
973. 13-Nov.-73 249-50 Re : Ordinance increasing e'\cise duty on
Petrol, Kerosene Oil, etc.
974. 20-Nov.-73 253-61 Motion regarding reports of UGC for

1970-1971 and 1971-1972
975. 21-Nov.-73 276-288 Motion of No-(onfidence in the Council
of Ministers
976. 29-Nov.-73 206-208 Alleged maltreatment of political
prisoners
977. 3O-Nov.-73 267-268 Business of the House
978. 04-Dec.-73 326-329 Industries (Development and Regulation)

Amendment Bill
979. 07-Dec.-73 226-236 Central Excise and Salt (Amendment)

Ordinance
980. 1O-Dec.-73 270-271, 281-283 Question of Privilege: Reference of
Privilege motion against Shri G.G. Swell,
Deputy Speaker, Lok Sabha, to Privileges
Committee of Meghalaya Legislative
Assembly
981. 13-Dec.-73 143 Motion for Adjournment re : Communal
Violence in country
982. 13-Dec.-73 156-167 Statement by Minister re : alleged
inaccuracy in the Information given by
the Minister
1 2 3 4
983. 13-Dec.-73 174-181 Constitution (Thirty-second) Amendment

Bill
984. 13-Dec.-73 245 Statement by Minister-Procedure
985. 14-Dec.-73 252-253 Business of the House
986. 17-Dec.-73 263 Regarding Adjournment Motion-
Increase in Excise Duty during
Parliament Session-without informing
the Parliament
987. 18-Dec.-73 188-192 Personal Explanation by Member
(Shri Jyotirmay Basu)
988. 22-Dec.-73 166 Question of Privilege: Non Intimation to
the Speaker of arrest of Shri Krishna
Chandra Halde, MP at Burdwan
989. 22-Dec.-73 173 Discussion regarding: Text of the

Historical documents Buries with the
time capsule
990. 22-Dec.-73 68-69 Re : TImely intimation on Bill in regard

to the Law on Preventive Detention
1974
991. 18-Feb.-74 35 Obituary References (Sh. Kamal Nath
Tiwari)
992. 19-Feb.-74 226-233 Cinematograph (Second Amendment)

Bill
993. 19-Feb.-74 300-307 Vice-Presidential Elections (Amendment)

Bill
994. 27-Feb.-74 242-250 Motion of Thanks on the President's
Address
995. 06-Mar.-74 225-227 Motion for adjournment re : situation in

Gujarat
996. 14-Mar.-74 268-273 Discussion regarding Expansion of
Coca Cola Export Corporation's
Activities in Bihar
997. 18-Mar.-74 231 Situation in Bihar

1 2 3 4
998. 18-Mar.-74 234-236 Leave of Absence from the sittings of the

House
999. 18-Mar.-74 241-242 Statement regarding Junior Doctor's

strike in Delhi Hospitals
1000. 20-Mar.-74 203-207 Situation in Bihar
1001. 28-Mar.-74 301 Demands for Grants, 1974-75 Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting
1002. 28-Mar. -74 332 Statement re: procurement and pricing
policy of wheat for 1974-75 season
1003. 29-Mar.-74 186-187 Motion for adjournment
1004. 02-Apr.-74 251 Pondicherry Budget
1005. 03-Apr.-74 197 Distribution of allegedly offensive
calendars to M.P.'s
1006. 03-Apr.-74 232-233 Statement re: President's order in regard
to the authorization of expenditure out
of consolidated fund of Pondicherry
1007. 05-Apr.-74 290-295 Ancient Monuments and Archaeological
Sites and Remains (Amendment) Bill
1008. 09-Apr.-74 200-201 Regarding Inaccuracy in Minister's

Statement in alleged bayonet charge by
RP.F. Personnel at Lakhisarai Railway
Station
1009. 1O-Apr.-74 221-230 Question of Privilege
1010. 17-Apr.-74 203-205 Question of Privilege
1011. 24-Apr.-74 216-220 Power Supply in West Bengal (C.A.)
1012. 24-Apr.-74 244 Matters under rule 377
1013. 29-Apr.-74 452 Statement regarding Presidential

Elections
1014. 02-May-74 214 Demands for Supplementary Grant

(Pondicherry )
1015. 02-May-74 231-242 Finance Bill, 1974

1 2 3 4
1016. 03-May-74 215-218 Demonstrations in Delhi

1017. 03-May-74 265-267 Constitution (34th) Amendment Bill
1018. 08-May-74 216-217 Motion for adjournment
1019. 09-May-74 200-201 Question of Privileges
1020. 18-Nov.-74 215-217 Presidential Order dated 16.11.74 on
MISA (laid on the Table) and
adjournment motions thereon
1021. 19-Nov.-74 284-291 Motion for adjournment
1023. 25-Nov.-74 233 Question of Privilege
1024. 26-Nov.-74 229-233, 246 Question of Privilege; Import Licence
Case
1026. 02-Dec.-74 232-251 Question of Privilege
1027. 05-Dec.-74 183, 185 Motion for adjournment re : Question of
Additional Dearness Allowance to
Central Government Employees
1028. 06-Dec.-74 226-228 Motion for adjournment
1029. 13-Dec.-74 240 Questions of Privilege against Shri R.N.
Goenka, M.P.
1030. 20-Dec.-74 280-282 Regarding Import Licence Case
1975
103]. 18-Feb.-75 245-250 Calling Attention to a matter of urgent
public importance: reported resumption
of arms supply by USA to Pakistan
1032. 27-Feb.-75 330-333 Statutory Resolution regarding

Continuance of Proclamation issued in
respect of Gujarat
1033. 03-Mar.-75 227-228 Question of Privilege

1 2 3 4
1034. 03-Mar.-75 265-271 Motion regarding Prime Minister's

Statement on J&K
1035. 05-Mar.-75 261 Gujarat Budget 1975-76
1036. 20-Mar.-75 223-224 Pondicherry Budget
1037. 25-Mar.-75 290-296 Statutory Resolution regarding: Approval
of Proclamation in relation to Nagaland,
Nagaland Budget, 1975-76-General
Discussion, Demands for Grants on
Grants on Account (Nagaland), 1975-76
and Supplementary Demands for Grants
(Nagaland) 1974-75
1038. 15-Apr.-75 279-288 Demands for Grants (Ministry of External
Affairs) 1975-76
1039. 09-May-75 270 Question of Privilege against
Shri Janeshwar Misra, M.P. for his having
read out in the Hou~e an alleged forged
letter said to have been written by
employees of Hindalco
1040. 28-Jul-75 168-173 Statutory Resolution regarding
Continuance in Force of Proclamation in
respect of Nagaland State Legislature
1041. 07-Aug.-75 7,018-019 Constitution (Fortieth Amendment) Bill
1976
1042. 19-Jan.-76 274-277 Statutory Resolutions regarding
Disapproval of Voluntary Disclosure of
Income and Wealth Ordinances, 1975 and
Voluntary Disclosure of Income and
Wealth Bill
1043. 08-Mar.-76 252-260 High Court Judges (Conditions of
Services) Amendment Bill
1044. 12-Mar.-76 234-238 Constitution Amendment Bill (Amendment
of Part m) By Shri Bhogendra Jha
1045. 24-Mar.-76 150-162, 274-283 Statutory Resolution regarding
Disapproval of Comptroller & Auditor-
General's (Duties, Powers & Conditions
of Service) Amendment Ordinance Bill
1 2 3 4
1046. 01-Apr.-76 129 Life Insurance Corporation

(Modification of Settlement) Bill
1047. 15-Apr.-76 200-214 Resolution regarding Multinational
Corporations
1048. 30-Apr.-76 315-323 Resolution regarding Multinational
Corporations
1049. 07-Apr.-76 150-158 Demands for Grants 1976-77 Ministry of
External Affairs
1050. 18-May-76 43-56 National Library Bill
1051. 20-May-76 103-108 Life Insurance Corporation (Modification
of Settlement) Bill
1052. 21-May-76 6 Business of House: regarding
Amendment of Cinematograph Act
1053. 17-Aug.-76 171-173 Territorial Waters, Continental Shelf,
Exclusive Economic Zone and other
Maritime Zones Bill
1054. 17-Aug.-76 182-184 Contingency Fund of India
(Amendment) Bill
1055. 02-Sept.-76 15-16 Motions regarding 17th Report of
Privileges Committee
1056. 26-0ct.-76 104 Constitution (Forty-Fourth
Amendment) Bill
1057. 01-Nov.-76 237 Constitution (Forty-Fourth
Amendment) Bill-Procedure
1058. 02-Nov.-76 15-16 Constitution (Forty-Fourth
Amendment) Bill-Procedure
1059. 03-Nov.-76 54-55 Supplementary Demands for Grants
(Railways) 1976-77 and Demands for
Excess Grants (Railways), 1974-75
1060. 08-Dec.-76 179, 183-187 Calling Attention: regarding reported
closure of Jute Mills and fall in price of
Raw Jute
INDEX
INDEX
Abdullah, Sheikh 203, 204, 205, 206, 426 Ayyangar, Gopalaswami 489
Adjournment Motion 6, 15 Azad, Maulana Abdul. Kalam 33, 115,353,412
Ahmad, Fakhruddin Ali 417, 436 Babri Masjid 58
Ahmed, Muzaffar 4, 9, 23 Banaras Hindu University 3, 339-345
Alexander the Great 93 Banerjee, S.M. 149, 280

Banerjee, Surendranath 2
Ali, Maulana Mohammad 484
Bank Nationalisation 77, 189, 282
Aligarh Muslim University 341, 342
Basu, Jagdish Chandra 3
Aligarh Muslim University (Amendment) Bill Basu, Jyoti 10, 37, 549
336-338
Basu, Jyotirmoy 5
All India Congress Committee 4, 10, 180, 192, Bengal Motion Picture Employees' Union 521
267, 545 Bengal Provincial Trade Union Congress
All India Council of Sports 9, 518 (BPTUe) 9
All India Forward Bloc 551 Beru Bari 67
Bhagat, Dr. Bali Ram 32
All India Students Federation (AISF) 21
Bhagavadgita 45, 47, 107, 314
All-India Radio 176 Bhakti Movement 69
Ambedkar, Dr. B.R. 83, 84, 473 Bhargav, Thakur Das 125
Amrita Bazar Patrika 115, 166, 249, 256 Bhatia, R.L. 29
Bhatt, Krishna 387
Ancient Historical M(muments & Archaeological
Sites 295-299 Bhattacharya, Buddhadeb 21, 40, 548
Bhattacharya, Chaplakanta 177
Andhra-Demand for 3, 7, 10
Bhattacharya, Kalidasa 349
Andhra University 25, 38 Bhavan, Bharatiya Vidya 540
Anglo-Indian Community 80 Bhutan 439
Annadurai, C. N. 537-539 Bolsheviks Bhutan 9

Bombay Plan 224
Anthony, Frank 80, 82
Bose, Biman 40
Anti-Corruption Laws (Amendment) Bill 154-Ul) Bose, Netaji Subhas Chandra 9, 25, 29, 187
Apartheid 518 Buddha 533
Bulgaria to
Asiatic Society 22
Bureau of Parliamentary Studies & Training
Association of Progressive Writers 33 (BPST) 3, 7, 18-19, 34, 45, 60
Attlee, Clement 131 Caesar, Julius 93, 156, 185
Ayyangcu; Ananthasayanam 16, 32, 106, 328, 519 Calcutta 8, to, 504, 506-517
615
Calcutta Electric Supply Corporation 51-1 Colonization Society of India 117

Calcutta High Court 75, 90 Commonwealth 403-09
Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Organisation Commonwealth Defence Conference 369
508, 510, 51-1, 515, 516
Commonwealth Parl4l.mentary A'Nriltion 365, -11-1
Calcutta University 22, 25, 3-t 50, 5-15
Commonwealth Parliamt·ntary Conference 8, 5-17
Calling Attention Motion -19
Communalism 58, 101. 138, 3-10--12, -109,
Cambodia -129
-180-48-1,
Cambridge University 33, -l-t 222
Communism 51. 52, 59, 172, 236, 377, 379,
Cameroon 8
382, 386, -138, -1M, -183, 507-08
Canal, Suez 5-10
Communist 19, 55
Canal Waters Treaty 387-388
Communist Movement 1. 2, 4, 9, 10, 35, -12
Canberra 8
Communist Party of Bangladesh 552
Castro, Fidel 381
Communist Partv of China 51
CENTO 207, 388, -103
Communist Part\' of Great Britain 38
Central Board of Archaeology 298
Communist Party of India 1, 2, -I, 7, 13,
Centre-State Relationship 192, 206
21, 22, -10, -15, -17, 50, 53-57, 138,
Chaitanya 70 146--17, 18-1, 368, 400 , 5-15, 550
Chakravartt)', Renu 11-1, 256 Communist Party of India (Marxist) 22,
Chaliha, Bimla Prasad 540--11 53, 54, 56, 57, 551
Chatterjee, H.P. 256, .w4 Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU)
Chatterjee, N.e. 36, 126-27, 460-62, 466-70, -178 51, 56, 57
Chatterjee, Somnath 10, 13, 72, 90, 198, 199, Community Development Project 242, 31-1
201, 212, 353, 545-48 Comptroller and Auditor General (Condition
Chhattisgarh 25 of Service) Bill, 492--193
Chaturvedi, T.N. 20 Congress Party 56, 77, 106, 112, 117,
121, 137, 141. 162, 225, 257
Chaudhuri, Sachindra 170
Chaudhuri, Tridib Kumar 501-503 Congress Socialist Party 4, 532
Chettiar, Avinashalingam 305 Conservative Party 158
China 53, 55, 232, 267, 307, 366, 367, 371, Constituent Assembly 77, 83, 198
373-74, 378, 385, 396-402, 403, 419, 420, Constituent Assembly 78
426-28, 478
Constitution (16th Amendment) Bill 65
Chisti, Moinudin 58, 322
CIA 133, 167, 177, 207, 265
Coalition Government 53
Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act 77
Cold War 29
Colombo Conference 377
Constitution Amendment-Procedure for 67
Colombo Proposal 67
Constitution of India-Article 3-118 Desai, Morarji 194, 480-81, 483

-Article 14-181 Devanagri 317-19
-Article 15-17, 18, Deva, Acharya Narendra 531
19-181
Dimitrov, George 23
-Article 34-182, 193
Directive Principles of State Policy 77, 181, 217
-Article 39-84
Disarmament Commission 373
-Article 44-217
Dum Dum Airport 513-514
-Article 291-181
Dutt, Toro 323
-Article 314-182, 193
Dutta Committee 273, 281
-Article 358, 359-72
ECAFE Conference 224
-Articles 366-112
Election Commission 126, 129, 131
Curzan, Lord 246
Emergency 78, 87, 88
Czechoslo\'akia 55
Estate Duty Bill 119, 211-220
D.MK 68, 187, 192, 551
Estimates 6
Damodar Valley Corporation 456, 504
Estimates Committee 283-84, 535
Dandavate, Prof. Madhu 549
Extradition Act 389-90
Dang, Satya pal 21
Extradition Bill, 1961 389-395
Dange, S.A. 4, 42, 52
Fascism 55
Das Commission 157
Farakka Barrage 516
Das Gupta, !'Iiibaan 115
Farooqui, \1. 56
Das, Go\'ind 339, 340, 343
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce &
Dasgupta, Surendranath 3
Industry 270, 282
Dayal, Rajashwar 381, 383
Fernandes, George 36
De Gaulle's Liberation Committee 444
Feroz Gandhi Act 88
De, Harinath 357
Film Industry Workers' Bill, 1972 521-523
Death Duty 214, 219
Finance Bill 286-291
Defence of India Act 143
Fh'e Year Plan 221, 239, 280, 451, 499
D£'fence of India Bill, 143-153
Forward Block 53, 54
Delhi High Court 90
Friends of Sodet Union 39
Demands for Grants-Ministrv of External
Affairs 423-430 ' Fundamental Duties 77
Democracy 81, 205 Fundamental Rights 65, 72, 75, 77, 80, 83,
100-02, 122, 181
Deo, PK 416
Gadgil, D.R. 212, 219, 248, 260, 269, 276, 295
Departmentally-Related Standing Committees
(DRSCS) 18 Gajendra Gadkar, Justice P.B. 72, 73
Gandhi Peace Foundation 169 Hathi, Jaisukhlal 154, 156, 160, 503
Gandhi, Gopal 22, 550 Hazari, R.K. 276
Gandhi Mahabna 1,2,4, 9-10, ~24, 27, 32, 46, High Court Judges (Conditions of Service)
85, 121, 173, 200, 229, 250, 288, 312, 322, +lO, Amendment Bill 91
480, 481, 483, 484
Himat Singka, Prabhu Dayal 155
Gandhi, Smt. Indira 32, 35, 48, 54, 194,
Hindu Mahasabha 342, 462
275-76, 279, 346
Hindu Marriage Bill, 460-465
Gandhi, Smt. Sonia 548
Hindu Succession Bill. 466-471
Gandhian Plan 223-24
Hinduism 343
Ganga Barrage 500-505
Hitler, Adolf 55, 483
Garibi Hatao 86, 269, 277, 286, 291
Gaur, Babulal 31 Holmes, Oliver Wendell 82, 191
Geneva Conference 372-73, 385, 391. 429 House of Commons 14, 88, 106
Geological Survey of India 500 Hungary 8

German Democratic Republic 267, 276, Hyderabad 7
279, 408, 415, 430, 431-39
ICAO 446
Ghosh, Ajoy 52, 53
Iliad 45
Ghosh, Atul Chandra 115
IMF 163, 174-75, 263
Gita 2, 314, 537
Imperial Bank 457
Globalisation 58
Imperialism 57, 371, 421, 424, 428, 432
Gokhale, Gopal Krishna 23, 77, 79, SO, 82,
88, 281. 284 Income-Tax Investigation Commission 215, 223
Gopalan, A.K. 5, 42, 204, 242 Indian Chamber of Commerce 224
Gorbachev, Mikhail 56 Indian for Democracy 78, 79
Government of India Act , 1935 38, 89 Indian Historical Records Commission 314
Indian Hockey Federation 519
Gujral, I.K. to, 548
Indian Law Institute 65, 67
Gupta, Bhupesh 5, 33, 34, 40
Indian National Bibliography 358
Gupta, C.B. 173
Indian National Congress 51
Gupta, Indrajit 83, 88
Indian People's Theatre As.'>OCiation 9, 13, 4a,45
Gurumukhi Script 317
Indonesia 444
Half-an-Hour Discussion 6
Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and
Halim, Abdul Hashim 4, 37, 548 Mutual Cooperation 54
Hallstein Doctrine 432, 437 Indus Valley Civilization 296
Hanumanthaiya 75 Industrial Disputes Act 498
Harrington, John 81 Industrial Policy, 1948 231
Hasan, S. Nurul 346, 356 Industrial Policy, 1956 243
Industries (Development & Regulation) Khan, Abdul Gaffar 336, 405, 480
Amendment Bill 231-38 Khan, Abdul Hamid 404
Inter-Parliamentary Conference 8 Khan, Ali Akbar 423
Inter-Parliamentary Union 8 Khan, Ayub 342, 403, 405, 536
Inter-Universities Board 301 Khan, Yahya 445
International Control Commission 169, 170, Khanh, Tran Trong 552
178
Khanna, M.e. 117
INTUC 230
Khusro, Amir 338
Islam, Nazrul 3, 417
Kiesinger, Henry 436
Islam, Nurul 254, 257
Kolkata 3, 4, 9
Israel 421, 422, 424
Konark Temple 296
J.N.U. 79
Korea 363-371
Jadhav, Tulshidas 185
Kriplani, Acharya 438
Jain, A.I'. 267
Kriplani, Sucheta 105, 179
Jammu & Kashmir-Constituent Assembly 102
Krishnagiri 22
Jammu and Kashmir 67, 99-105, 203-07, 375,
404, 406, 40R, 410, 426 Krishnamachari, y.T. 454, 457
Jan Sangh 415, 425, 436 Kumarappa Committee 229
Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Trust 8-9 Kunzru, H.N. 474, 476
Jha Committee 353, 360 Kured, P.L. 473
Jim Corbett National Park 524 Kutch 535
Jnyaneswar, Sant 70 Labour Party 158
Joint Committee, Parliament 65, 74, Ladakh 101, 206

109-12, 184, 198-99, 300, 302, 306, Lahiri, Somnath 4, 55
3OR, 339-41, 466-67, 497
Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Trust 9
Joshi, P.e. 4, 33, 52, 55
Land Revenue Commission 453
Kabiraj, Narhari 550
Latin America 306
Kalam, Dr. A.P.J. Abdul 10
Law Commission 389-90, 395
Kabir, Himayun 3, 539
Leader of Opposition 5
Kalyani University 25
Lenin, 45
Kamath, H.V. 66
L1C 274, 275, 282
Karlekar, Hiranmay 50
Limaye, Madhu 180, 433
Kartis, Emarve 145
Lincoln, Abraham 35, 74, 81
Karunanidhi, M. 549
Lincoln's Inn 3, 22, 55
Kashi Vishva Vidyalaya 339, 342-43
Katju, Kailash Nath 473 Lohia, Dr. Ram Manohar 33, 36, 247, 249-50
Madha\"acharya 69 Monopolit.'s Inquiry Commission 269,

273-274, 281
Madhok, B'llraj 425, 427, 482
~h)okerjee, Dr. Syam,l I'r,ls.ld 16, 33, lib,
~1ahabharata 2, 45, 47, 252, 314-25, 4b3
213, 478, 531
~tahalanot-is Committee 263, 281. 399
~tahar'lja of Bik,lnt.'r 215
~taharaia of Kashmir 99, IO\), 104
\lukl'rjl'l', Aj'l~' :;3, 54
~taharaja of ~tysort.' 214
\lUkl'rjl'l', Ashuto"h 152, 3(12
~tahatat-, Harekrish,ln 330
~ll1kl-ril'l', 5,lm.1r 2111
~fahishi, Dr. Sarojini 47
~ll1kl-rjl'l', S,ll'hinJr,ln.1th 2
~tahtab, L'dav Chand 3
\llIn~hi. K.M. 5-ltl
~fala\"iya, K.D. 285
\llIrth~', B.s. 473
~lal\"iya, ~ladan ~1l)han 339, 3-42-43
\IlItllal St.-Cllrity I'n)~ramnll'
~fani, A.D. 18-1
\lyrdaL C;unnM 2SI!
~larx, Karl 2, 45, 47, 53, R3, 353, 379,
437, 46-l
~tasani. ~1inoo 174, 17R, 246, 2M)-02,
265, 427 \:aidu, SMojini 323
Mashruwalla, K.G. 229 \:amboodiripad, E.\tS. 52, 53, 54, 5ft, 144
Ma\"\ankar, G.V. 32, 532 \:anak, Guru 58
Max Mueller 311 :-":anda, GlI\zari L.ll 159, 100, 172, 534
Mehta, Ashoka 128, 162, 174, 178, 239, 260, !\:andikonda Project 298
263, 281 :-.Jarasimhan, c.R. 22
Mehta, Balwant Rai 404, 534, 535 Narayan Jayaprakash 6, 289
Mehta, Zubin 423 Narayan, R.K. 323
Menon, Krishna 33, 36, 174, 177, 408 Nasser, G.A. 539, 540
Merchant Shipping Bill, 1958 497-499 Nath Pai 74, 80, 191, 541-42
Middle East 421, 424, 430 National Committee for Gandhi Centenary 8
Middle East Defence Organisation 366, 368 National Council of Applied Economic
MISA 289 Research 249
Mishra, Syamanandan 204 National Defence Bill, 1957 132
Mishra, L.N. 275 National Income Committee 224
Mitra, Ashok 506, 510, 550 National Integration Council 484
Mohini Cotton Mill 85 National Library Bill, 1972 353-360
Monopolies Commission 182, 263 National Planning Committee 187, 223

Nationalisation of Foreign Oil Companies Partition Commission S02

281-85
Pataskar, H.V 460, 465, 466, 468
NATO 366, 382
Patel, Sardar Vallabh Bhai 192
Nayar, Kuldt·t.·p 90
Patel, Vithalbhai 106
;-";EFA 429, 475, 47n
Patil, S.K. SOL S03, S05, 514
~l'hru Rl'pmt 110
PEPSU 474
\l.·hru, Jawaharlal 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, Ill, 32, 40,
PL 480 176, 177, 242, 264, 288
4.1, -l-l. -In, 51, 52, 711, H7, 157, 159, 1&t, In7, 177,
178, 181, 187, 190, 194, 20-l-{l5, 278, 285, Planning Commission 8, 225, 227, 228,
34t>, 351-353, 409, 42n, 427, 432-33, 232, 244, 269, 287, 454-55, 516
437, B8, 443, 458. 533. 539 Pope, Alexander 68, 70
Potti Sriramulu 139
\;inm of Hvder,lbad 100, 104. 214-15 Praja Socialist Party 189
\;izamuddin. Hazrat 322 Preamble 77
;-";on-alignm.·nt 3'J9. 400, 425 Prt.'Sidency College 25
;-";,'rth Ikngal 10 President's Rule, Kerala 48
\l,'rth 8t>ngal Lniwrsity 34 Press and Registration of Books (Amendment)
October Revolution 56 Bill, 1952 494, 496
Od vsSt'v 45 Press Commission 494
Official Languages Bill, 1963 68, 320-35 Prince of Wales 3
OPEC 285 Progressive Writer's Association 13, 45

Public Accounts Committee 6, 7, 59, 489, 494
Opposition 17, 22, 28, 532
Public Undertakings 6, 18
Oxford University 22, 44, 47, 55, 211, 303,
539, 545 Question Hour 6
Padma Bhushan 23, 547 Quit India Movement 55
Padma Vibhushan 26, 547 Quran 45
Pakistan 85, 404-05, 410, 425, 445, 482, Rabindra Bharati 25

502, 504 Radcliff Commission 502
Pal, Rupchand 44 Radhakrishnan Commission 305, 308-09
Palestine 443 Radhakrishnan, Dr. SarvapaIli 3, 22, 44
Panchayati Raj 45, 535 Radical Democratic Party 50
Panchsheel 400 Rai, Lal Lajpat 536
Parliament 6, 8, 13-14, 19 Railways 487-491
Parliament Act, 1911 88 Rajagopalachari, C. 70, 314, 334
Parliament Library 68, 297 Ram, Chandgi 519
Parliamentary Democracy 16, 286 Ramanuja\Charya 69

Ramayana 2, 45, 47, 152, 314, 461 Sathe, Vasant 76

Ranga, Prof. N.G. 70, 188, 192, 335 Savarkar, Veer 391
Rao, y.K.R.y. 269 Sawai Madhopur Sanctuary 524
Rao, K.L 514 SC & ST Commission 477
Rao, Rajeswar 52, 56 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
472-79
Rashtrapati Bhavan 66, 67
SEATO 207, 403
Ray, Rabi 36, 548
Secularism 57, B3, 205
Ray, Siddhartha Shanker 74-75, 270, 279, 346,
349, 350 Security Council 384, 407. 422
Ray, Smt. Renuka 240-41 Select Committee 90, 91. 94, liB, 125, 126,
218, 231, 235. 353, 35<)-60, 389, 395,
Representation of the People (Second
466, 526-27
Amendment) Bill 125
Sen, Bhabhani 4
Representation of the People Act 66, 125,
126, 129 Sen, Mrinal 550
Rikhy, Avtar Singh 59 Sen, Dr. Ranen 4
Ripon College (Surendranath College) 3,22,47 Sen, Ronen 55, 445
Roy, B.C. 116 Sengupta, N.C. 3B9-9O, 392, 395
Roy, M.N. SO, 52, 56 Shah, Manubhai 175, 242, 265
Roy, Prafulla Chandra 3 Shah, Jeewan Lal M. 27
Roy, Raja Rammohan 9, 25, 322, 462, 506 Shah, K.T. B3, 84, B5
RSS 482 Shah, Viren J. 27
Russel, Bertrand 167, 168 Shakespeare 326

Shantiniketan 346, 349-52
Russian Revolution 251
Sharma, Nanda Lal 460, 461
Sabarmati Ashram 251, 312, 480
Shastri, Lal Bahadur 32, 163, 244, 326,
Sadachar Committee 158, 159
332, 432, 489, 536
Sadiq, Ghulam Mohammad 542 Shastri, Prakash Vir 317, 426
Saha, Dr. Meghnad 113 Shastri, Vidhusekhara 515
Sahai, Krishna Ballabh 103, 104 Sheik, Mujibur Rahman 444
Salaries and Allowances of Members of
Shenoy, B.R. 239
Parliament (Amendment) Bill 1969 184
Shipping Resolution, 1947 497
Sanskrit 17, 22, 45, 48, 303, 304, 311-16
Shekhawat, Bhairon Singh 10
Sanskrit Commission 311-14
Shrimali, K.L. 313
Santhanam Committee 155, 158, 159
Saraf, Sham Lal 69 Sikkim 429, 439
Sardesai, S.G. 52 Singh, Dr. Karan 525
Sarkar Commission 281 Singh, Dr. Manmohan 10, 548

Singh, Jaipal 123, 472, 475, 477 Taiwan 428

Singh, Kami 518, 519 Takru Commission 285
Singh, Krishnapal 339, 340, 342-43 Tanjore 22
Singh, Master Tara 136, 138, 141 Tariff Commission 272
Singh, Raghunath 498 Tashkent Declaration 410-420, 536
Singh, Ram Narayan 212 Tata-Birla Plan 221-223, 225
Singh, Surendra Pal 428 TELCO 244, 275, 489
Singh, Swaran 82, 86, 171, 442 TlSCO 275
Singh, T.N. 243 Twenty-Point programme 78
Sinh.l, Satyanarayan 115 UGC 355
Socialism 42, 45, 51. 58, 83, 84, 86, 212, 219, Unemployment 451-459
240, 269, 277, 278, 285, 328
UNESCO 79, 358
Sondhi. \1.L. 436 Union Public Service Commission 324
5<.)\"it't Award 26 United Arab Republic 421-434, 539
5<.l\'il't Land !\lehru Award 26 United Front 53
5<.,viet Union 39, 50, 54, 56, 57, 83 United Kingdom 66, 82, 175, 262. 388, -W5, 406,
Sports Policy 518-520 412, 414, 421. 423, 424, 452
Sri Nikl,tan 351 L:nited Nations 103, 105, 227, 247, 370,
374-75, 380, 384-85, 390, -W5, 408, 412,
51. Catherine's College 23, 545 420, 422, 423, 425, 429, 441-42
Stalin, J()Sl'ph 47 United States 57, 66, 77, 82, 104, 133, 162,
State Bank 457 164-65,168-69, 171. 175-76, 190, 194, 218,
242, 261. 265, 289, 299, 364, 365, 388, -W5,
States Re()rgani~ation Bill, 1956 loq, 128
406. 412, 414, 421. 425, 428. 444, 452. 519
States Rt.'(lrg.misation Commission 113. 115,
Untouchability Offence Act 476
120, 478
Upadhyaya Deen Dayal 537
5ubramaniam, C. 253
USSR 8, 169. 381. 394. 412, 432, 436. 519
sucr
.K)9,
551
UTI 275
Sunderam, Lamba 102
Vajpayee, A.B. 36
Supreme Court 72, 82
Vallabhacharya 69
Suft'ndra Nath College 22, 47, 545
Vidya Sagar Prize 34
Swadeshi Movement 165, 173, 265-66
Vidya Sagar, Iswar Chandra 10, 462
Swatantra Party 188, 240, 246, 334, 343
Vidyasagar University 25
Syndicate Swatantra Sangha 187, 193-94, 484
Vietnam 35, 167, 168-71, 177-78, 193, 552
Tagort', Abanindranath 3
Vishnu Purana 69
Tagore, Rabindranath 2. 3, 9, 25, 30, 47, Visva Bharati 10, 343
323-24, 346, 418, 506 , 539
Visva Bharati (Amendment) Bill 346-52
Viswswarayya Plan 22-1 Wilf Life Protection Bill, 1972 524-27

Vivekananda, Swami 2, 9, 25, 40, -15, 46, -17 World Bank 163, 165, 17-1-75, 261, 263, 2n5,
-188, -189, 502, 507, 5 \0
VOA Agreement 167
War Services Committee 365 Yagnik, Indulal 483
West Asia -121-22, -128 Yaounde 8
West Bengal -I, 7, 53, 501 Yechury, Sita Ram 55
West Gennany -12-1 Yugoslavia -134, -li6, 512
WHO 512 Zt.>dong, M,w 51

Hiren Mukerjee Parliament

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Hiren Mukerjee Parliament

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Hiren Mukerjee Parliament

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

HIREN MUKERJEE IN PARLIAMENT

LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT

© LoK SABHA SECRETARIAT, 2004

Price : Rs. 800.00

Published under Rule 382 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of

Shri Hirendra Nath Mukerjee, Professor of History and Political

A leader of firm convictions, a champion of masses, a veteran Marxist, a

Despite belonging to a quite well-to-do family, Prof. Mukerjee chose to

In life, the man who called himself as an "unrepentant Communist" was

I remember Hiren Babu as a great orator and a prolific writer whose

New Delhi SOMNATH CHAITERJEE,

Prof. Hirendra Nath Mukerjee was an extraordinary public figure of the

In Parliament, Prof. Mukerjee was determined to challenge those

His regard for Marxism-Leninism did not prevent him from

This publication is a humble tribute on our part to Prof. Hiren Mukerjee

The publication comprises four parts : Part I of the publication,

Part II, 'Articles' carries reminiscences and memories of Prof. Mukerjee

We would, however, like to emphasize that the views expressed in various

Part IV contains rich tributes paid to him in and outside Parliament by

We express our sincere gratitude to esteemed Shri Somnath Chatterjee,

We would like to place on record the unstinted cooperation received

We hope that this publication will be read with interest by members of

New Delhi G. C. MALHOTRA

I am happy to know that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is publishing

Shri Hiren Mukerjee who served as a Member of Parliament for

I extend my greetings and felicitations to all those associated with the

I am happy to know that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was a parliamentarian par excellence, symbolising

I pay my respectful homage to the sacred memory of Prof. Hiren Mukerjee

I am glad to learn that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

New Delhi \~~~ ,

I am glad to learn that the Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a

FOREWORD. ................................................................................................ (i)

PREFACE. ...................................................................................................... (v)

MESSAGES. ................................................................................................. (ix)

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee: A Legend in His Life lime

The Constitution (Sixteenth Amendment) Bill, 1%3..................... 65

Situation in Kashmir ............................................................................ 99

Nt.,t.'d for Solving People's Problems ................................................ 187

The Estate Duty Bill, 1Y52 ................................................................... 211

The Ancient and Historical Monuments and Archaeological

Cease-fire in Korea .. ......... ............. ........... ............................ .... ............ 363

India's Role in the Cold War Era ...................................................... 380

Unemployment Situation: Challenges Ahead ................................. 451

Efficient Functioning of Railways-An Approach ......................... 487

Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee .................................................... ......... 531

Deen Dayal Upadhyaya ...................................................................... 537

LIST OF SPEECHES DELIVERED BY PROF. HIREN MUKERJEE

INDEX. ........................................................................................................... 613

AICC All-India Congress Committee

MRTP The Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act

Prof. Hirt:'ndra Nath Mukerjee, popularly known as Hiren Mukerjee, a

He was enrolled at the Presidency College after matriculating from Taltala

Hirl'ndra Nath stood first in the Intermediate Arts Examination in 1924.

Hirl'ndra Nath Wl'nt to tIlt' St. Catherinl"s College at Oxford on a State

A DEDICATED LEADER AND A PARTY WORKER

Prof. Mukerjee, who jocularly referred to himself as "a jack oj sL'z'Cral

On his return to India he joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) in

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee was one of the five Communist member5 of

I["dian Express, 31 July 2004.