Are Machines Stealing Our Jobs?: Andrea Gentili, Fabiano Compagnucci, Mauro Gallegati and Enzo Valentini
Are Machines Stealing Our Jobs?: Andrea Gentili, Fabiano Compagnucci, Mauro Gallegati and Enzo Valentini
Are Machines Stealing Our Jobs?: Andrea Gentili, Fabiano Compagnucci, Mauro Gallegati and Enzo Valentini
doi:10.1093/cjres/rsz025
Advance Access publication 9 February 2020
Received on February 28, 2019; editorial decision on November 27, 2019; accepted on December 17, 2019
This study aims to contribute empirical evidence to the debate about the future of work in
an increasingly robotised world. We implement a data-driven approach to study the techno-
logical transition in six leading Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) countries. First, we perform a cross-country and cross-sector cluster analysis based
on the OECD-STAN database. Second, using the International Federation of Robotics
database, we bridge these results with those regarding the sectoral density of robots. We
show that the process of robotisation is industry- and country-sensitive. In the future, par-
ticipants in the political and academic debate may be split into optimists and pessimists
regarding the future of human labour; however, the two stances may not be contradictory.
inclusion, or conversely, mass unemployment, of robots and the pace of their technological
mass inequality and social exclusion, leading to growth have been industry-sensitive (Bessen,
a “re-feudalisation” of Western societies’.1 The 2017; Camagni, 2017; Compagnucci et al., 2019;
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This cutting-edge technology includes the de- robots on our societies. Unlike other contri-
velopment of social robots and their applica- butions based on IFR data (Acemoglu and
tion to human–robot interactions (Breazeal Restrepo, 2018; Graetz and Michaels, 2017),
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labour compared with automated tasks, and the transformations during the last three decades:
impossibility of absorbing the surplus work- the ongoing process of globalisation and polar-
force in alternative employment opportunities. isation of manufacturing activities in China; the
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needs that are oriented toward new technolo- will fall, leading to the expulsion of the labour
gies and new products, thus reinforcing the force. In the case of barriers to labour mobility,
growth of the whole sector. Finally, the new in- the workforce surplus remains trapped in the
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investment, arguably they do not spread simul- Although the log (WSS) and the PRE sup-
taneously throughout each country–sector. On ported this value, they did not preclude that
the contrary, it is more likely that they spread we could also consider the k = 11 solution. In
13.5
600000
13
log(WSS)
12.5
WSS
400000
12
200000
11.5
11
0
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
k k
.4
1
.8
.3
.6
.2
PRE
2
.4
.1
.2
0
−.1
0
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
k k
Figure 1. WSS, log (WSS), η2 and PRE for all K cluster solutions.
Note: Authors’ elaboration from the STAN database.
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Cluster Productivity Value added Relative price Hourly wage Hours worked Total wages
Note: Authors’ elaboration from the STAN database. Mean and median values are computed on the ‘n’ country sectors in
the cluster.
Specifically, the dynamics of each cluster was Other question could be raised regarding
as follows: ICT services and transport and equipment
in the UK. The prices of ICT services de-
• A++: increasing productivity, increasing
creased because of the strong international
value added, decreasing prices, increasing
competition during the period of analysis.
hourly wages, increasing hours worked
Productivity, as well as demand and added
and increasing total wages. This cluster
value, increased because of continuous
included knowledge-intensive and
technological advances, whereas hours
high-tech activities, such as Information
worked remained stable. Here again, as the
and Communications Technology (ICT)
increase in hourly wages signalled, workers
(in every country but Denmark), transport
benefited from the increased productivity.
equipment (in Germany and the UK), and
In these sectors, the demand for skilled
electrical, electronic and optical equip-
workers is often higher than the supply,
ment (in Germany). Some comments could
which leads to an adequate compensation
be raised about the presence of transport
level. All these considerations applied to
equipment, which is generally considered
transport equipment in the UK because
a mature market (that is, increasing prod-
of the relative importance of the manu-
uctivity, decreasing prices and stagnating
facture of aircraft and spacecraft in that
demand). Regarding Germany, the hours
sector. The manufacture of aircraft and
worked did not decrease because of the
spacecraft is a high-tech sector in which
increasing competitiveness of German
the UK plays a leading role. Therefore, this
automotive production9 in the global
cluster showed the most positive return to
market. However, the increase in ‘hourly
increased productivity. Increasing prod-
wage’ showed that workers benefited from
uctivity was associated with an increase
the increased productivity, which was
in employment as in the case of elasticity
confirmed by the increase in total wages.
of demand larger than one (Bessen, 2017).
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This cluster mainly supported the positive may have caused increasing wage inequality
vision of the structural effects of robots and unemployment.
and AI. • A-: Increasing productivity, decreasing
• A+: Increasing productivity, increasing value added, decreasing prices, increasing
value added, decreasing prices, increasing hourly wages, substantially decreasing
hourly wages, decreasing hours worked and hours worked and decreasing total wages.
increasing total wages. Despite the reduction All sectors included in this cluster be-
in the number of hours worked, this cluster longed to manufacturing. It is worth
fully recovered the loss in aggregate de- noting that the textile sector in all coun-
mand by increasing wages. This cluster was tries was included in this cluster and
compatible with skill-biased technological that the UK had the highest number of
change theory (Autor et al., 2003; Autor and manufacturing sectors in this cluster, fol-
Dorn, 2013). On the one hand, technological lowed by Denmark and Italy. A- was com-
improvement and capital raised the demand patible with sectors where the elasticity of
for highly skilled workers, and consequently, demand was lower than 1 (Bessen, 2017),
their wage premium; on the other hand, they which meant that increasing productivity
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generated negative structural effects. It be- the austerity policies following the 2007
haved as a fast-growing sector facing the crisis. Financial and insurance activities,
inelastic demand of ECT; hence, its labour on the contrary, were affected negatively
60
60
110
100
50
50
90
40
40
30
30
20
20
10
10
0
2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015 2000 2005 2010 2015
B− A− Total hours, 2000=100, right scale B− A− wages/value added, 2000=100, right scale
Figure 2. Labour dislocation: clusters shares of hours worked (left) and wages (right).
Note: Authors’ elaboration from the STAN database.
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of the total hours worked in 2000, showed a dislocation. To the best of our knowledge, IFR
clearly declining path, thus supporting the la- is the most comprehensive database on installed
bour dislocation literature. Moreover, cluster industrial robots per sector and country since
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highest level of robotisation. Both clusters were (for example, the construction sector after the
characterised by the highest growth in prod- 2007 crisis), or they could have had a measure-
uctivity, although there were important differ- ment problem (for example, the outcome in
ences. As discussed in the previous section, A++ the education sector was difficult to measure).
showed increasing productivity coupled with Moreover, because productivity was given by
increasing employment and labour remuner- the ratio between output value added and em-
ation. These peculiarities, however, were shown ployees when robotisation affected traditional
in a very limited number of sectors: electrical, industries, increased productivity was limited
electronic and optical equipment in Germany; (for example, food, beverages and tobacco).
transport equipment in Germany and the UK This cluster, which included very different in-
(Table 2). The A+ cluster, faced with raising dustries, requires further investigation.
productivity, experienced increased wages in The role of robotisation in the service sector
line with increased productivity, but the work- was difficult to assess. In the IFR database, all
force decreased. Finally, A- and, to a lesser industries in the service sector are in only two
extent, B- had the lowest intensity of robots al- categories: all other non-manufacturing, and
though the latter showed the highest increase education/research. Information about the
in the number of robots. former is provided in Table 5. It was not sur-
Although causal inferences are not appro- prising that the evidence of robotisation was
priate when the panel of data is limited, these not comparable with the values observed in
results suggest that in manufacturing clusters manufacturing because services are generally
with the highest robotisation growth rates the provided by human activity. However, other
number of hours worked was decreased: A+, A- results were significant. First, there were im-
and B- showed this common trend. Nonetheless, portant differences in the relative weight of
the cluster that expanded in terms of both em- each cluster among countries. Second, the
ployment and wages was also the cluster most growth rate of robotisation in this macro-group
significantly affected by the robotisation pro- was particularly high. While it is quite normal
cess. Cluster B- experienced the highest robot to have high growth rates starting from values
growth rate and the worst productivity per- close to 0, the potential expansion of robotisa-
formance and decrease in employment. This tion in these sectors is huge. Because of the de-
result suggests that the economic activities velopment of AI, it is likely that these sectors
included in this cluster may have been nega- would also be substantially affected by auto-
tively affected by a fall in aggregate demand mation and would have the same consequences
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Conclusion
Table 5. Education and robots
The results of previous theoretical and em-
pirical investigations differ regarding the
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Nonetheless, B-, which experienced faster ro- of the fastest economic growth in Europe’s history
botisation, showed labour dislocation. (Crafts and Toniolo, 2012).
The ‘doomsayers’ perspective’ seems far from 6
UK National Statistical Office.
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employment, and the labor share, Brookings Centre for Economics and Business Research
Papers on Economic Activity, 2018: 1–87. (CEBR) (2017) The Impact of Automation:
Bárány, Z. L. and Siegel, C. (2018) Job polariza- A Report for Redwood. Available online at: https://
tion and structural change, American Economic cebr.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Impact_
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Meliciani, V. (2001) Technology, Trade and Growth OECD. Available online at: www.oecd.org/going-
in OECD Countries: Does Specialisation Matter? digital/productivity-growth-in-the-digital-age.pdf.
Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy. Pew Research Center (2017) Automation in Everyday
London: Taylor & Francis. Life. Available online at: http://www.pewinternet.
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Appendix A
Table 1A. Robot intensity and robot average growth rate: Denmark, France and Germany
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Table 2A. Robot intensity and robot average growth rate: Italy, UK and USA
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