The Methods of Ethnology, Franz Boas 121

and culture for almost two decades. Through the In most European universities, archaeology and
1950s and 1960s, linguists and psychologists linguistics are separate departments from social
sought to test the notion of linguistic determinism. anthropology, and biological anthropology is
The concept of linguistic relativity was typically a part of biology. The four-field focus of
instrumental in the development of the anthropology departments in American universities
e t h n o s c i e n c e and cognitive anthropology schools. today is a reflection of Boas and his students ' view of
In particular, the influence of the Sapir-Whorf anthropology.
hypothesis is evident in the studies of subjects such Though anthropologists today rarely identify
as ethnobotany and ethnomedicine in the 1960s and themselves as historical particularists, it is almost
in work such as Conklin ' s (see essay 27). impossible to overestimate the influence of Boas
The essay chosen for this volume is Whorf's and historical particularism on main-stream
"The Relation of Habitual Thought and Behavior to American anthropology. The effects of Boas'
Language." It is one of Whorf ' s best known critical insights are seen most clearly in the work of
statements of linguistic determinism, containing his students in the first half of this century, but
many examples derived from his i n v estigative clear echoes of Boasian thought are present in
work for the Hartford Insurance Company and his ethnoscience and cognitive anthropology, as well as
study of the Hopi language. in the symbolic and postmodern approaches to the
study of culture.

9. The Methods of Ethnology

FRANZ BOAS (I 8 5 8 - 1 9 4 2 )

DURING THE LAST ten years the methods of

impressed him with the importance of diffusion and
migration. The problem of diffusion was taken up in
inquiry into the historical development of civi- detail particularly in America, but was applied in a
lization have undergone remarkable changes. much wider sense by Foy and Graebner, and finally
During the second half of the last century evolu- seized upon in a still wider application by Elliot
tionary thought held almost complete sway and Smith and Rivers, so that at the present time, at
investigators like Spencer, Morgan, Tylor, Lub- least among certain groups of investigators in
bock, to mention only a few, were under the spell England and also in Germany, ethnological research
of the idea of a general, uniform evolution of cul - is based on the concept of migration and
ture in which all parts of mankind participated. The dissemination rather than upon that of evolution. '
newer development goes back in part to the
influence of Ratzel, whose geographical training

(1920)

1 In this essay, Boas attacks evolutionary theorists such data correspond with prevailing biblical interpretation
as those represented in this volume. He also attacks (Harris 1968:379). In Cologne, Graebner worked as
diffusionists, whom we have discussed in notes only assistant to museum director Willy Foy (1873-1929).
(see essay 3, footnote 15, for example). He mentions Graebner and Foy collaborated on Graebner's book
some particularly eminent diffusionists here. Fritz Graebner Die Methode der Ethnologie (1911), which Boas brutally
(1877- 1934) and Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904) were critiqued in an essay in Science that same year. Grafton
founders of the German Kulturkreis ("culture circle") Elliot Smith (1871-1937) and William Halse Rivers
school of diffusionism. Kulturkreis members were tightly Rivers (that's right, Rivers Rivers) (1864-1922) were radi-
linked to the Catholic church, and in much of their work cal English diffusionists who believed that all civilization
they attempted to make newly available ethnographic had diffused from Egypt.
122 Historical Particularism

A critical study of these two directions of hypothesis of one single general line of develop-
inquiry shows that each is founded on the appli- m e n t c a n n o t be m ai nt ai ned .
cation of o ne fu nda me nta l h y p o t h e s i s . T h e evo- O p p o s e d to these as su mp ti on s is the m o d er n
lutionary point of view pr e s u p p o s e s that th e t e n d e n c y to deny t h e existence of a general evo-
c our se of historical c h a n g e s in the c ultura l life of lutionary s c h e m e wh ich would repre sen t t he
m a n k i n d follows definite laws which are applica- history of t h e c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t t h e world
ble everywhere, and which bring it a b o u t that cul- ovens T h e hypothesis that the re are inner c ause s
tural de ve l op me nt is, in its main lines, the s a m e which bring a b o u t similarities of de vel op me nt in
a m o n g all races a nd all peoples. T hi s idea is re mo te parts of th e globe is rejected a nd in its
clearly expresse d by 'hylor in th e i nt ro duc to ry place it is a s s u m e d that identity of de vel op me nt in
pages of his classic work "Primitive Cultur e ." As two different parts of the globe m u s t always be d u e
soon as we admit that the hypothesis of a uniform to m ig rat io n a n d diffusion. O n this basis historical
evolution has to be proved before it c a n be ac- c o nt a c t is d e m a n d e d for e nor mo us ly large areas.
cepted, the whole str uc tur e loses its foundation. T h e theory d e m a n d s a high degree of stability of
It is true that there are indications of parallelism c ultura l traits s u c h as is a p pa rently observed in
of d e ve l o p m e n t in different parts of the world, and many primitive tribes, a n d it is f u r t h e r m o r e based
that similar c u s t o m s are fo u n d in the most diverse on the s u p p o s e d correlation b e t w e e n a n u m b e r of
and widely separated parts of the globe. T h e diverse and mu tu a l ly indep e n d e n t c u l t u ra l tra its
oc c ur r e nc e of these similarities, which are w hic h re ap p ea r in t he s a m e co mb in at io ns in
distributed so irregularly that they c a n n o t readily d is ta nt parts of the world. In this s e n s e , m o d e r n
be explained on the basis of diffusion, is o ne of investigation takes up a n e w G e r l a n d 's th eor y of t h e
the founda tions of the evolutionary hypothesis, as per siste nc e of a n u m b e r of cultural traits which
i t w a s t he f o u n d a t i o n o f B a s t i a n ' s 3 p s y c h o l o g i z i n g were developed in o n e c e n te r and carried by man in
treatment of cultural p h e n o m e na . On the other his migrations from c o n t i n e n t to c o nt in e n t.
ha n d , it may be recognized tha t the hypothesis It seem s to me that if the hypothetical foun-
implies the th ou gh t that our m o d e r n Western da ti on s of these two ext reme forms of ethnological
Eur opea n civilization represents the highest cul- research are broadly stated as I have tried to do
tural de velopme nt towards which all other mor e here, it is at o n c e clear tha t the c or re c t ne s s of t h e
primitive cultural types tend, and that, therefore, a s s u m p t i o n s has not been d e m o n s t r a t e d , but that
retrospectively, we construct an orthogenetic4 de- arbitrarily the o n e or the o t h e r has be e n selected
velopme nt towards o u r own modern civilization. It for the p u r p o s e of o bt ai ni ng a consistent picture of
is c le a r t h a t i f w e a d m i t t h a t t h e r e ma y b e d if f e r e n t cultural de ve lopme nt.' T he se me thods
ultimate and co-existing types of civilization, the

6
2 B o a s ' a t t a c k o n t he e v o l u t i o n i s t s r e s t e d o n w h a t h e T h is pa ra g ra p h is ty p ica l o f Bo a s' me th o d of a tta c k :
considered a logical flaw in their argument. According to H e d o e s n o t a t ta c k p a r t ic u la r e x a m p l e s b u t l o o k s f o r
him, their argument assumes what it is trying to prove: that flaws in methodology. Trained in physics, mathematics,
historical changes in human culture follow general laws. and geography, Boas brought a striving for meticulous
Boas supported the Darwinian model of biological evolu- scientific methodology to anthropology. Essentially, he
tion but was hostile to its application to social evolution. faults his opponents for sloppy thinking. Writing in
' A d ol f Ba st ia n (1826-1905) w a s a G e r ma n t h e o r i st o f this way, he seems to imply that a rigorously scientific
psychic unity who believed that a few fundamental ideas, presentation of the data might allow the construction of
common to humankind, were the building blocks of an ev olutio na ry mo del of hu ma n society. In fac t Boa s
culture. Bastian was acquainted with Boas in Berlin in the s t a u n c h l y o p p o s e d e v o l u t i o n a r y e x p la n a t i o n s . H e b e -
e a r l y 1880s. lieved profoundly in human equality and viewed social
evolutionary theories as undermining this position.
' Orthogenetic: e volution a long d ef in ite , p re d e ter min e d Thus, while Boas couches his arguments against so-
lines. cial evolution in methodological terms, his ultimate rea-
s Above, Boas has focused his assault on cultural evolu- sons for making such arguments are deeply held moral
ti o n is ts . H e r e he t ur n s h is a tt a c k t o th e d if f u si o n is ts . convictions.
 The Methods of Ethnology, Franz Boas 123

are essentially forms of classification of the static America with that of Melanesia. The simple fact
phenomena of culture according to two distinct that in these areas elements occur that may be in-
principles, and interpretations of these classifica- terpreted as eyes, induced him to assume that both
tions as of historical significance, without, how- have a common origin, without allowing for the
ever, any attempt to prove that this interpretation is possibility that the pattern in the two a r e a s - e a c h
justifiable. To give an example: It is observed that of which shows highly distinctive characteristics-
in most parts of the world there are resem blances may have developed from independent sources. In
between decorative forms that are representative this attempt Schurtz followed Ratzel, who had
and others that are more or less geometrical. already tried to establish connections between
According to the evolutionary point of view, their Melanesia and Northwest America on the basis of
development is explained in the following manner: other cultural features.
the decorative forms are arranged in such order While ethnographical research based on these
that the most representative forms are placed at the two fundamental hypotheses seems to characterize
beginning. The other forms are so placed that they the general tendency of European thought, a
show a gradual transition from representative forms different method is at present pursued by the
to purely conventional geometric forms. This order majority of American anthropologists. The
is then interpreted as meaning that geometric difference between the two directions of study may
designs originated from representative designs perhaps best be summarized by the statement that
which gradually degenerated. This method has been American scholars are primarily interested in the
pursued, for instance, by Putnam, Stolpe, Balfour, dynamic phenomena of cultural change, and try to
and Haddon, and by Verworn and, in his earlier elucidate cultural history by the application of the
writings, by von den Steinen. While I do not mean results of their studies; and that they relegate the
to deny that this development may have occurred, solution of the ultimate question of the relative
it would be rash to generalize and to claim that in importance of parallel-ism of cultural development
every case the classification which has been made in distant areas, as against worldwide diffusion, and
according to a definite principle represents an stability of cultural traits over long periods to a
historical development. The order might as well be future time when the actual conditions of cultural
reversed and we might begin with a simple change are better known. ' The American
geometric element which, by the addition of new ethnological methods are analogous to those of
traits, might be developed into a representative European, particularly of Scandinavian,
design, and we might claim that this order archaeology, and of the researches into the
represents an historical sequence. Both of these prehistoric period of the eastern Mediterranean
possibilities were considered by Holmes' as early area.
as 1885. Neither the one nor the other theory can It may seem to the distant observer that
be established without actual historical proof. American students are engaged in a mass of
The opposite attitude, namely, origin through detailed investigations without much bearing upon
diffusion, is exhibited in Heinrich Schurtz's at- the solution of the ultimate problems of a
tempt to connect the decorative art of Northwest philosophic history of human civilization. I think
this interpretation of the American attitude would
be unjust because the ultimate questions

Notice Boas' passing reference to William Henry Holmes trained. The particular issue of cultural change with which
(1846-1933), who was John Wesley Powell's successor at they were concerned was the acculturation and disap-
the Bureau of American Ethnology. In 1919, the year before pearance of Native American groups. Despite Boas' claim
this essay was published, Holmes led the American Anthro- that American anthropologists analyze culture change,
pological Association's successful effort to censure Boas. he and his followers were often faulted for producing an
8 When Boas speaks here of American anthropologists, he essentially static anthropology unable to deal effectively
is really referring to himself and the many students he with change.
124 Historical Particularism

are as near to our hearts as they are to those of than to follow up developments due to inner forces,
other scholars, only we do not hope to be able to and the data for such a study are obtained with
solve an intricate historical problem by a formula. ` ' much greater difficulty. They may, however, be
First of all, the whole problem of cultural observed in every phenomenon of acculturation in
history appears to us as an historical problem. In which foreign elements are remodeled according to
order to understand history it is necessary to know the patterns prevalent in their new environment, and
not only how things are, but how they have come to they may be found in the peculiar local
be. In the domain of ethnology, where, for most developments of widely spread ideas and activities.
parts of the world, no historical facts are available The reason why the study of inner development has
except those that may be revealed by not been taken up energetically is not due to the fact
archaeological study, all evidence of change can be that from a theoretical point of view it is
inferred only by indirect methods. Their character unimportant, it is rather due to the inherent
is represented in the researches of students of methodological difficulties. ' It may perhaps be
comparative philology. 1 ' The method is based on recognized that in recent years attention is being
the comparison of static phenomena combined with drawn to this problem as is manifested by the
the study of their distribution. What can be done by investigations on the processes of acculturation and
this method is well illustrated by Dr. Lowie ' s ' of the interdependence of cultural activities which
investigations of the military societies of the Plains are attracting the attention of many investigators.
Indians, or by the modern investigation of The further pursuit of these inquiries emphasizes
American mythology. It is, of course, true that we the importance of a feature which is common to all
can never hope to obtain incontrovertible data historic phenomena. While in natural sciences we
relating to the chronological sequence of events, are accustomed to consider a given number of
but certain general broad outlines can be causes and to study their effects, in historical
ascertained with a high degree of probability, even happenings we are compelled to consider every
of certainty. phenomenon not only as effect but also as c a use. ' 3
As soon as these methods are applied, primi- This is true even in the particular application of' the
tive society loses the appearance of absolute sta- laws of physical nature, as, for instance, in the
bility which is conveyed to the student who sees study of astronomy in which the position of certain
a certain people only at a certain given time. All heavenly bodies at a given moment may be
cultural forms rather appear in a constant state considered as the effect of gravitation, while, at the
of flux and subject to fundamental modifications. same time, their particular arrangement in space
It is intelligible why in our studies the prob- determines future changes. This relation appears
lem of dissemination should take a prominent much more clearly in the history of human
position. It is much easier to prove dissemination civilization. To give an example:

Boas was concerned with methodology rather than the- Boas' reference here is to Lowie's 1913 article, "Military
ory. European anthropologists often accused Boas and his Societies of the Crow Indians."
students of producing an atheoretical anthropology con- '2
Note that Boas does not claim his opponents' conclu-
cerned only with the collection of data. In the following sions are necessarily wrong, simply that they are not
paragraphs, he attempts to answer this charge. supported by competent research.
10
Philology: the study of written records, their Boas here defines the position that came to be called
authenticity and original form, and the determination historical particularism: Rather than operating under the
of their meaning. constraints of some universal law, cultures are sui generis
' 1 Robert Lowie (1883-1957), a student of Boas and, later, (that is, they create themselves). Thus, cultures can only be
professor of anthropology at Berkeley, was an influential understood with reference to their particular historical
voice in American anthropology in the 1930s and 1940s. development.
 The Methods of Ethnology, Franz Boas 125

a surplus of food supply is liable to bring about an present time. We refrain from the attempt to solve
increase of population and an increase of leisure, the fundamental problem of the general development
which gives opportunity for occupations that are not of civilization until we have been able to unravel the
absolutely necessary for the needs of every-day life. processes that are going on under our eyes. ' '
In turn the increase of population and of leisure, Certain general conclusions may be drawn from
which may be applied to new inventions, gives rise this study even now. First of all, the history of
to a greater food supply and to a further increase in human civilization does not appear to us as
the amount of leisure, so that a cumulative effect determined entirely by psychological necessity that
results. leads to a uniform evolution the world over. We
Similar considerations may be made in regard to rather see that each cultural group has its own unique
the important problem of the relation of the history, dependent partly upon the peculiar inner
individual to society, a problem that has to be development of the social group, and partly upon the
considered whenever we study the dynamic con- foreign influences to which it has been subjected.
ditions of change. 14 The activities of the individual There have been processes of gradual differentiation
are determined to a great extent by his social as well as processes of leveling down differences
environment, but in turn his own activities influence between neighboring cultural c e nt e rs, but it would
the society in which he lives, and may bring about be quite impossible to understand, on the basis of a
modifications in its form. Obviously, this problem is single evolutionary scheme, what happened to any
one of the most important ones to be taken up in a particular people. An example of the contrast
study of cultural changes. It is also beginning to between the two points of view is clearly indicated
attract the attention of students who are no longer by a comparison of the treatment of Z u n i civilization
satisfied with the systematic enumeration of by Frank Hamilton Cushing " ' on the one hand, on the
standardized beliefs and customs of a tribe, but who other by modern students, particularly by Elsie
begin to be interested in the question of the way in Clews Parsons, A. L. Kroeber and Leslie Spier. "
which the individual reacts to his whole social Cushing believed that it was possible to explain Z u n i
environment, and to the differences of opinion and culture entirely on the basis of the reaction of the
of mode of action that occur in primitive society and Z u n i mind to its geographical environment, and that
which are the causes of far-reaching changes. the whole of Z u n i culture could be explained as the
In short then, the method which we try to development which followed necessarily from the
develop is based on a study of the dynamic changes
in society that may be observed at the

74
Notice Boas' focus on the effects of an individual on historical development. Building theory, on the other
society. During his life, Boas moved from a position that hand, necessarily involves comparison and generaliza-
gave individuals little importance to one that gave them tion. Thus, it seems unlikely that Boasian-style anthropol-
much more. The issue split Boas' followers. Kroeber ar- ogy could ever generate broad theoretical propositions.
gued that individuals had little importance (see essay 10); Harris has noted that Boas "could never ... feel at ease in
Kadin contended that anthropology should concentrate the presence of a generalization" (1968:260).
on individual life histories (see essay 1 1) . 16
Frank Hamilton Cushing (1857-1900) spent five years
'5 In other words, Boas' approach was to be purely induc- with the Z u n i people (1879-1884) and was initiated into
tive. Theoretical claims, he believed, could not be sup- their Bow Priest Society. He wrote extensively on Z u n i
ported without the collection of large amounts of data. religion and technology. Here, Boas critiques Cushing's
He is generally understood to have believed that the work as ahistorical.
attempt to formulate a general theory was not wrong, just " Kroeber and Leslie Spier (1893-1961) were trained by
extremely premature. However, Boas insisted that cultures Boas. Elsie Clews Parsons (1875-1941) worked extensively
could only be understood with respect to their unique with him (one of his monographs is dedicated to her).
126 llistorical Particularism

position in which the people were placed. Cushing's While on the whole the unique historical
keen insight into the Indian mind and his thorough c h a r a c t e r of cultural growth in each area stands
knowledge of the most intimate life of the people out as a salient element in the history of cultural
gave great plausibility to his interpretations. On the development, we may recognize at the same time
other hand, Dr. Parsons' studies prove conclusively that certain typical parallelisms do occur. We are,
the deep influence which Spanish ideas have had on however, not so much inclined to look for these
Zuni culture, and, together with Professor similarities in detailed customs but rather in certain
Kroeber's investigations, give us one of the best dynamic conditions which are due to social or
examples of acculturation that have come to our psychological causes that are liable to lead to
notice. The psychological explanation is entirely similar results. The example of the relation
misleading, notwithstanding its plausibility; and between food supply and population to which I
the historical study shows us an entirely different referred before may serve as an example. Another
picture, in which the unique combination of ancient type of example is presented in those cases in
traits (which in themselves are undoubtedly which a certain problem con-fronting man may be
complex) and of European influences has brought solved by a limited number of methods only. When
about the present condition. we find, for instance, marriage as a universal
Studies of the dynamics of primitive life also in st it ut ion, it may be recognized that marriage is
show that an assumption of long continued stability possible only between a number of men and a
such as is demanded by Elliot S m i t h s is with-out number of women; a number of men and one
any foundation in fact. Wherever primitive woman; a number of women and one man; or one
conditions have been studied in detail, they can be man and one woman. As a matter of fact, all these
proved to be in a state of flux, and it would seem forms are found the world over and it is, therefore,
that there is a close parallelism between the history not surprising that analogous forms should have
of language and the history of general cultural been adopted quite independently in different parts
development. Periods of stability are followed by of the world, and, considering both the general
periods of rapid change. It is exceedingly economic conditions of mankind and the character
improbable that any customs of primitive people of sexual instinct in the higher animals, it also does
should be preserved unchanged for thou-sands of not seem surprising that group marriage and
years. Furthermore, the phenomena of acculturation polyandrous marriages should be comparatively
prove that a transfer of customs from one region speaking rare. Similar considerations may also be
into another without concomitant changes due to made in regard to the philosophical views held by
acculturation is very rare. It is, therefore, very mankind. In short, if we look for laws, the laws
unlikely that ancient Mediterranean customs could relate to the effects of physiological,
be found at the present time practically unchanged psychological, and social c ondi t i ons, not to
in different parts of the globe, as Elliot Smith ' s sequences of cultural achievement. "
theory demands.

'8 Asmentioned above, the diffusionist Grafton Elliot eties is not necessarily evidence either for psychic unity or
Smith had theorized that all complex cultural traits dif- large-scale diffusion. They may be the result of convergent
fused from Egypt. The radical diffusionists believed that evolution and independent invention. Note also a key
humans were not inherently inventive, and as a result, point in this passage: Boas says that one reason for the
societies remained static for long periods. Boas disagreed development of similar institutions is that logically, certain
with this contention. things can only be done in a limited number of ways.
Thus, in his example here, one reason for similarities in
Equifinality is a key aspect of Boas' theoretical position. marriage patterns is the low number of ways it is possible
He argues that the presence of similar traits in many soci to construct an institution such as marriage.
 The Methods of Ethnology, Franz Boas 127

In some cases a regular sequence of these may ically performed in the life of the individual and of
accompany the development of the psycho-logical society.
or social status. This is illustrated by the sequence I have not heretofore referred to another aspect
of industrial inventions in the Old World and in of modern ethnology which is connected with the
America, which I consider as independent. A period growth of psycho-analysis. Sigmund Freud has
of food gathering and of the use of stone was attempted to show that primitive thought is in many
followed by the invention of agriculture, of pottery respects analogous to those forms of individual
and finally of the use of metals. Obviously, this psychic activity which he has explored by his
order is based on the in-creased amount of time psycho-analytical methods. In many respects his
given by mankind to the use of natural products, of a t t e m p t s are similar to the interpretation of
tools and utensils, and to the variations that mythology by symbolists like Stucken. Rivers has
developed with it. Al-though in this case taken hold of Freud's suggestion as well as of the
parallelism seems to exist on the two continents, it interpretations of Graebner and Elliot Smith, and we
would be futile to try to follow out the order in Find, there-fore, in his new writings a peculiar
detail. As a matter of fact, it does not apply to disconnected application of a psychologizing
other inventions. The domestication of animals, attitude and the application of the theory of ancient
which, in the Old World must have been an early transmission. 2 2
achievement, was very late in the New World, While I believe some of the ideas underlying
where domesticated animals, except the dog, hardly Freud's psycho-analytic studies may be fruitfully
existed at all at the time of discovery. A slight applied to ethnological problems, it does not seem
beginning had been made in Peru with the to me that the one-sided exploitation of this method
domestication of the llama, and birds were kept in will advance our understanding of the development
various parts of the continent. 2 0 of human society. It is certainly true that the
A similar consideration may be made in regard influence of impressions received during the first
to the development of rationalism. It seems to be few years of life has been entirely underestimated
one of the fundamental characteristics of the and that the social behavior of man depends to a
development of mankind that activities which have great extent upon the earliest habits which are
developed unconsciously are gradually made the established before the time when connected memory
subject of reasoning. 2 ' We may observe this begins, and that many so-called racial or hereditary
process everywhere. It appears, perhaps, most traits are to be considered rather as a result of early
clearly in the history of science which has grad- exposure to a certain form of social conditions.
ually extended the scope of its inquiry over an Most of these habits do not rise into consciousness
ever-widening field and which has raised into and are, therefore, broken with difficulty
consciousness human activities that are automat-

20
This paragraph is an attack on Morgan (see essay 3), foundly affected by portions of Freud's work, they entirely
who used the presence of specific technologies or items rejected his treatment of the origins and development of
of material culture to mark eras in his scheme of cultural society. However, for many of Boas' students, some of
evolution. Freud's other insights were critical. Margaret Mead and
21
It is curious that, having attacked the principle of Ruth Benedict developed their views on culture and
psychic unity, Boas here relies on a statement about the personality partially in reaction to Freud's ideas. Others,
universal nature of humankind. such as Cora Du Bois (1903-1991) and Abram Kardiner
(1891-1981), attempted to apply Freudian psychology to
22Freud's psychoanalytic theory was extremely popular in anthropology (see the section "Culture and Personality" in
the 1920s. Although Boas and his students were pro- this volume).
128 Historical Particularism

only. Much of the difference in the behavior of the philosophy of all times. It is present not only in
adult male and female may go back to this cause. primitive life, but the history of philosophy and of
If, however, we try to apply the whole theory of theology abounds in examples of a high devel-
the influence of suppressed desires to the opment of symbolism, the type of which depends
activities of man living under different social upon the general mental attitude of the philosopher
forms, I think we extend beyond their legitimate who develops it. The theologians who interpreted
limits the inferences that may be drawn from the the Bible on the basis of religious symbol-ism were
observation of normal and abnormal individual no less certain of the correctness of their views,
psychology. Many other factors are of greater than the psycho-analysts are of their interpretations
importance. To give an example: The phenomena of thought and conduct based on sexual symbolism.
of language show clearly that conditions quite The results of a symbolic interpretation depend
different from those to which psycho-analysts primarily upon the subjective attitude of the
direct their attention determine the mental investigator who arranges phenomena according to
behavior of man. 2 3 The general concepts his leading concept. In order to prove the
underlying language are entirely unknown to most applicability of the symbolism of psycho-analysis,
people. They do not rise into consciousness until it would be necessary to show that a symbolic
the scientific study of grammar be-gins. interpretation from other entirely different points of
Nevertheless, the categories of language compel view would not be equally plausible, and that
us to see the world arranged in certain definite explanations that leave out symbolic significance or
conceptual groups which, on account of our lack reduce it to a minimum would not be adequate. 2 4
of knowledge of linguistic processes, are taken as While, therefore, we may welcome the ap-
objective categories and which, therefore, impose plication of every advance in the method of
themselves upon the form of our thoughts. It is not psychological investigation, we cannot accept as an
known what the origin of these categories may be, advance in ethnological method the crude transfer
but it seems quite certain that they have nothing to of a novel, one-sided method of psychological
do with the phenomena which are the subject of investigation of the individual to social phenomena
psycho-analytic study. the origin of which can be shown to be historically
The applicability of the psycho-analytic theory determined and to be subject to influences that are
of symbolism is also open to the greatest doubt. not at all comparable to those that control the
We should remember that symbolic interpretation psychology of the individual. 2 '
has occupied a prominent position in

2Linguistics was a particular interest of Boas and his stu- collection of empirical data that anthropologists could
dents. In this paragraph, Boas refers to the idea that lan- hope to understand cultures.
guage determines the categories we use to think. This line 25 The particular attacks Boas makes in this essay are
of reasoning was pursued by Boas' student Edward Sapir repeated frequently in anthropology. For example, Boas'
(1884-1939) and Sapir's student and colleague, Benjamin
criticism of psychology as dependent on "[the] subjec-
Lee Whorf (1897-1941). Today, it is known as the Sapir- tive attitude of the investigator who arranges phenomena
Whorf hypothesis. according to his leading concept" is repeated almost
24
Boas' assault on psychoanalysis is similar to his attack on word for word by ethnoscientists and cognitive anthro-
evolutionists and diffusionists: He faults it on methodolog- pologists in the 1950s and 1960s in their critique of other
ical grounds. All of Boas' criticisms are intended to rein- forms of anthropology (see essays 27 and 28) and in
force his call for an inductive methodology in anthropol- slightly different form by postmodernists as well (see
ogy. He insisted that it was only through the meticulous essays 38 and 39).