Food Sec.

(2014) 6:861–878
DOI 10.1007/s12571-014-0391-z

ORIGINAL PAPER

Promoting food security and livelihoods for urban poor

through the informal sector: a case study of street food
vendors in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, India
Kirit Patel & David Guenther & Kyle Wiebe &
Ruth-Anne Seburn

Received: 14 February 2014 / Accepted: 19 September 2014 / Published online: 12 October 2014
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and International Society for Plant Pathology 2014

Abstract Although the street food sector plays an impor- capabilities of street vendors and, in doing so, improve
tant role in urban food security, state-led food security urban food security.
measures in India have failed to provide a role for poor
urban street food vendors to engage in the distribution and Keywords Food security . Informal sector . Street food .
consumption of healthy foods. Instead, state-led food Street vendors . Small millets . Diabetes . Urban poverty .
security schemes, whether production, distribution, or India
consumption oriented, have viewed the urban poor simply
as beneficiaries of subsidized grain. This case study illus-
trates how the street food sector, operated by poor urban
Introduction
vendors selling ready-to-eat, healthy millet-based por-
ridges in Madurai, has improved access to nutritious
Urban poverty and malnutrition
foods and created livelihood opportunities for the urban
poor. The paper provides an overview of the informal
India has registered impressive economic growth since 1991,
street food sector, socioeconomic conditions of vendors,
with substantial increases in GDP, per capita income, and total
gender-based division of labour, as well as the food pref-
food grain production (Planning Commission 2013).1 With
erences and health awareness of consumers. Analysis of
these economic gains, the percentage of individuals living
the data indicates the marginalization of street food ven-
below the poverty line has shrunk from 45 % in 1993–94 to
dors under the existing policy environment in urban India.
30 % in 2009–10 (Planning Commission 2012: 9). The eco-
The paper discusses how the state, as a regulatory body
nomic growth of the last two decades has also witnessed
and a service delivery agent, as well as research and
significant improvements to many development indica-
development organizations can strengthen the rights and
tors at the national level for education, health, transpor-
tation infrastructure, and life expectancy. However, de-
spite high levels of economic growth, urban India con-
K. Patel (*) tinues to be plagued by poverty and economic inequal-
International Development Studies Program, Menno Simons
College, A College of Canadian Mennonite University, Affiliated
ities (Planning Commission 2012). The poorest quartile
with The University of Winnipeg, 233-520 Portage Ave., Winnipeg, of the urban population, identified on the basis of month-
MB, Canada ly per capita expenditure (MPCE), shows the worst indi-
e-mail: [email protected] cators for access to health care, housing, water, and
D. Guenther
RESMISA Project, Menno Simons College, 233-520 Portage Ave.,
Winnipeg, MB R3C 0G2, Canada
1
According to recent statistics released by the Planning Commission
K. Wiebe : R.<A. Seburn (2013), India has registered substantial increases in GDP (9.32 % in
Menno Simons College, University of Winnipeg, 233-520 Portage 2010–11), per capita income (INR 36,342 per capita net national income
Ave., Winnipeg, MB R3C 0G2, Canada in 2010–11), and total food grain production (257 million tons in 2011–12).
862 K. Patel et al.

sanitation services as compared to the rest of the urban have been framed by three distinctive approaches: in-
population (Agarwal 2011). Further, the problems of creasing food production, enhancing food distribution
food insecurity, malnutrition, and non-communicable dis- and ensuring food consumption. Yaro (2004) described
eases, such as diabetes, prevail in urban areas. Data production-oriented measures as a food availability de-
collected by National Family Health Survey (NFHS)2 in cline (FAD) approach that presumes higher production
2005–06 indicate a high prevalence of underweight, will inevitably result in enhanced access and absorption
stunting, wasting, chronic energy deficiency, and anae- of food across socioeconomic strata and space. This
mia among urban children and women (International theoretical correlation between production and access
Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) and Macro was more of a reality for rural peasants in green revolu-
International 2007). A comparison of these health indi- tion regions, because it increased the productivity of
cators with those of other countries reveals that urban their small farms and created employment opportunities
India ranks quite poorly on the world stage (FAO 2013). for landless people. The benefits of production-oriented
At the local level, a study conducted by Chatterjee et al. measures for the urban poor were indirect and primarily
(2012) in Mumbai slums found 76 % of households limited to the presumed decline of consumer prices for
experienced severe to moderate food insecurity. These food grains due to increased supply in the market.3 The
trends are not limited to megacities such as Mumbai; distribution-oriented policy phase introduced major
several studies (Gopichandran et al. 2010; Agarwal changes to the colonial model of the public distribution
et al. 2011; Ghosh and Shah 2004) that focused on system (PDS), which had been focused on the poor
smaller Indian cities have reported similar trends in mal- living in urban food-deficit regions. The new National
nutrition and experiential food insecurity at the house- Production-cum-Distribution System (1971) created a
hold level. centralized system of procurement for food grains, name-
This paper explores how the informal sector street ly rice and wheat, from green revolution regions and
food vending chain, operated primarily by urban poor, distributed them at subsidized rates to the poor in urban
improves access to nutritious ready-to-eat (RTE) foods and rural food deficit areas.
and provides employment opportunities for urban poor in Irrespective of this production-oriented trigger, many
the state of Tamil Nadu, India. The introduction section scholars (Sen and Drèze 1989; Khera 2011) have
demonstrates how existing food security policies are underscored India’s success in distributing surplus food
misguided in terms of addressing the growing problem through state-led channels in food-deficit regions.
of malnutrition and diabetes among the urban poor, and H o w e v e r, t h e f i n a n c i a l s u b s i d i e s r e q u i r e d f o r
explores the informal sector’s role in mitigating these distribution-oriented programmes came under tremendous
problems. The subsequent sections consist of methodol- pressure during the structural adjustment period in the
ogy, results and discussion based on empirical field re- early 1990s (Patnaik 2010). This led to a permanent shift
search conducted in the city of Madurai. These sections in the PDS from nearly universal coverage to a targeted
illustrate the importance of street food vendors for en- PDS primarily focused on rural areas (Dev and
hancing access to nutritious food for the urban poor. The Suryanarayana 1991; Radhakrishna et al. 1997). Though
final discussion section of the paper argues that national urban areas still had more fair-price-shops4 than rural
policies for food security should strive to strengthen areas did, most of the urban poor were excluded from
livelihoods of the urban poor by supporting the role of PDS entitlements within a decade of the shift in PDS
street food vendors in the preparation and distribution of coverage (Athreya et al. 2010: 93). 5 Similarly,
nutritious RTE food.

Existing food security measures and the exclusion 3

From 1975–79 urban poor consumed 2,008 kcal of energy a day while
of the urban poor the rural populations consumed 2,340 kcal. This disparity increased by
1990 when daily per capita calorie consumption was at 1,896 versus
An examination of India’s various post-independence 2,283 kcal for the urban poor and rural people, respectively. During the
food security programmes reveals that these interventions same period of production-oriented food security policies, the rural pop-
ulation also exceeded the urban poor’s intake of protein, calcium, iron,
and vitamin A (FAO 2006: 114).
4
Fair-price-shops are retail outlets of the public distribution (PDS) chain
in India.
2 5
The NFHS report from 2005–06 showed that 40 % of children in urban At the all-India level, only one fourth of urban households of the bottom
India were stunted, 17 % were wasted, and 33 % were underweight. For 30 % of MPCE class were found to be receiving rice from the PDS system
urban women, 51 % had anaemia and 26.5 % had chronic energy (NSSO 2007). The percentage of urban households in the same MPCE
deficiency. class that received PDS wheat was merely 12 %.
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 863

consumption-oriented measures promoting ready-to-eat Box 1 Millet Porridge (Koozh): Nutritional Benefits and Methods
(RTE) food, such as the Integrated Child Development of Preparation
Schemes (ICDS) and Mid Day Meal (MDM) programme,
Millet porridges, locally known as koozh, are a part of
have also had a natural rural focus in coverage. As a traditional rural diets in southern India. Koozh can be
consequence of the rural biases inherent in these food prepared from various types of millets; however, kambu
security policies, many urban poor remain beyond the (pearl millet) and ragi (finger millet) porridges are the most
common types sold and consumed as street foods in South
purview of food entitlement or development schemes.
India. The scientific literature documents the superior
nutritional qualities of various millets, which contain high
levels of calcium, iron, phosphorus protein, dietary fiber,
Impacts of the PDS on dietary diversity and public health polyphenols, and carbohydrates (Subba Rao and
Muralikrishna 2001; Chethan and Malleshi 2007). For regular
consumers of millets, the dietary fiber and polyphenols found
Despite the pressures of economic reforms introduced under in millets offer antidiabetic, antioxidant, and
structural adjustment policies, some Indian states such as hypocholesterolaemic health benefits, and protect them from
Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have expanded on the federal diet-related chronic diseases (Devi et al. 2011). The
carbohydrates present in millets also have slower digestive
government’s targeted PDS scheme and now provide nearly
and assimilative properties than those in other cereals
universal coverage to people in their jurisdictions. However, (Kavitha and Prema 1995). Regular consumption of finger
these PDS schemes are still driven by available surpluses of millet helps to manage type 2 diabetes (T2D) and its
rice and wheat procured by the federal government rather than complications by regulating glucose homeostasis (Kumari and
Sumathi 2002; Shobana et al. 2010). The nutritional,
by the needs of the poor for nutritious, culturally preferred
therapeutic, and sensory properties of millet-based products
food. Several studies using temporal data from the National are affected by the dehulling process used for coarse grains,
Sample Survey Office (Kumar et al. 2007; Deaton and Drèze and by the methods and utensils used for cooking and storage
2009) have suggested a 50–70 % decline over the last two (Gupta and Nagar 2010).
decades in the consumption of nutritious coarse grains, espe-
The preparation of koozh is a long process and includes a
cially among lower income groups. The PDS’s replacement number of time-consuming steps at the vendor’s house.
of coarse grains with processed rice for daily consumption Although variations in the process exist among street
has reduced the dietary diversity of staples for the urban vendors, some of the major steps are described below:
1) The vendor collects a sufficient quantity of rice water
poor. This dietary shift may be contributing to malnutrition
(water that has been previously used to boil rice). If the rice
and higher incidences of type 2 diabetes (T2D) in water from a household’s daily quantity of cooked rice is
Southern Indian provinces (Ramachandran et al. 2008; insufficient, the vendor will procure additional supplies from
Mohan et al. 2009; Hu et al. 2012; Joshi et al. 2012; neighbours. Fresh millet flour is added to the rice water to
make a semi-liquid paste. The mixture is then left out in the
International Diabetes Federation 2013). Recent studies
sun during the day, allowing it to ferment.
also indicate that urban populations are more affected by 2) Upon returning from the vending stall in the evening, the
T2D (Radhika et al. 2009) as compared to rural commu- vendor adds the fermented mixture of millet and rice water to
nities. Although causes of the emerging epidemic of dia- boiling water, stirring it continuously with a long wooden
betes are still under investigation, many scholars stick. Women are responsible for this laborious and risky
operation, and often bear numerous scars on their palms and
(Bergamini et al. 2013; NAAS 2013) suggest that diversi- lower arms from burns due to splashes from the thick boiling
fying the supply-driven PDS by including coarse grains mixture. Once the mixture becomes uniformly viscous, it is
such as millets may help stem the epidemic. Traditionally removed from the fire and left to further ferment and cool
cultivated and consumed in South Asia, millets are known down over night.
for their superior nutritional qualities and low glycaemic 3) The following day, the viscous porridge mixture is diluted
with water to make it a consumable product. Although most
index (Box 1). However, as urban consumers have be- vendors dilute the porridge paste at home, some will bring it
come aware of the nutritional qualities of millets and to the vending location and dilute 6–8 servings at a time
the significance of dietary diversity, prices for millets instead of the whole mixture. Diluting smaller batches allows
have skyrocketed.6 These market trends could further for longer periods of fermentation, which results in a stronger
taste.
worsen the quality of life for urban poor, who have
4) At the stall, millet porridge is stored in either a metal
limited economic means for purchasing coarse grains container or a clay pot, per vendor preference, then served
to enhance their dietary diversity, health, and capacity to customers in small metal containers. Some customers ask
to manage T2D. for buttermilk with their porridge for a different flavour.
Customers may also add, or consume with their porridge, a
variety of side dishes such as raw onion, green mango,
chillies, and appalam to suit their individual tastes. Some
6 vendors also provide special side dishes of spices and fruits,
For instance, the wholesale market price of finger millet in Tamil Nadu
prepared using traditional family recipes, to offer the customer
has increased from INR 4.62 per kg in April 2002 to INR 19.05 per kg in
a unique culinary experience.
April 2014 (Agricultural Marketing Information Network 2014).
864 K. Patel et al.

In short, although India’s much-lauded state-led food security through active engagement of the informal sector, including
measures have been responsible for mitigating instances of star- street food vendors, offers an excellent strategy to strengthen
vation through increased caloric intake, they have also led to a livelihoods for the urban poor.
decline in dietary diversity within cereals and have contributed to The significance of such an initiative is high for the urban
an epidemic of malnutrition and diabetes. Although the govern- poor in a state such as Tamil Nadu, where more than 80 % of
ment’s intention for diversifying cereal intake is evident from the total non-agricultural workforce earns its livelihood from
recent policy measures such as the Ministry of Law and Justice the informal sector (Naik 2009). Several scholars (Sen and
(2013) and the Initiative for Ministry of Agriculture (2011) Drèze 1989; Yaro 2004) have emphasized the recognition of
scheme, so far the cereals provided through the public distribu- food security as a part of a livelihood strategy, based on
tion system have not changed, except in the state of Karnataka.7 different assets and capabilities of the poor, rather than merely
a means of increasing the poor’s access and entitlement to
food. Using the case study of street food vendors selling pearl
Street food vendors: promoting millet consumption millet and finger millet porridges in Madurai city, our research
and livelihoods for the urban poor seeks to advance food security for the urban poor by engaging
the ready-to-eat food distribution chain operated by the urban
In the absence of any state-led measures offering nutritious poor. The discussion, based on the findings of our study,
millets to the urban poor in Tamil Nadu, informal sector street points towards a reorientation in food security policies in
food vendors have become an excellent source for ready-to- which the urban poor are not simply passive recipients of
eat millet-based products. Despite two decades of intensive subsidized food but become active participants through their
economic reforms and modernization of infrastructure, street direct employment in food preparation and distribution within
food vendors continue to be highly visible within Indian the informal street food chain.
society. Bhowmik (2005) estimates that 2.5 % of India’s urban
population is engaged in street vending, offering food and
other consumable goods to urban dwellers. Urban poor, living
in illegal slums or at their work sites, are constrained by the Methodology
infrastructure and time required for cooking meals at home.
They rely primarily on street food vendors and curb-side food Research questions and survey design
stalls to meet their daily food needs. Yet despite the significant
contributions of the informal sector to the economy,8 employ- Tamil Nadu is one of the most urbanized states in India, with
ment, and food security, informal sector workers remain mar- 49 % of the population living in urban areas (Times of India
ginalized. Street food vendors in particular are forced to 2011). With a population of 1.4 million, Madurai is the third
operate on the social, legal, and economic margins of society9 largest city in Tamil Nadu. As a major urban centre, Madurai
because policymakers have tended to view them as both a is a common destination for many rural poor and landless
nuisance and a safety hazard. Their presence on busy streets is peasants who have been increasingly seeking employment in
blamed for traffic congestion, while their food products are urban areas during the last two decades of economic growth.
criticized for causing disease epidemics (Lintelo 2009). The link between the rural and urban population in Madurai is
Though several studies (FAO 2003, 2007; Tinker 1999; further strengthened by the city’s ancient Hindu temple,
Bhat and Waghray 2000; Wipper and Dittrich 2007; Etzold which, on a daily basis, attracts thousands of visitors from
2008; Floro and Swain 2013) highlight the significance of across the state. Thus, Madurai provides an excellent research
street food in India and other developing countries for provid- site for gaining understanding of informal sector street food
ing access to ready-to-eat nutritious food to lower income vending and for exploring rural and urban linkages.
urban consumers, all state-led food security measures have The study was conducted as part of a larger interdis-
failed to involve urban street food vendors. Addressing the ciplinary research project, “Revalorizing Small Millets
problem of food distribution, diversity, and consumption for Enhancing Food and Nutritional Security in South
Asia” (RESMISA), which promotes cultivation and con-
7
sumption of nutritious millets to enhance nutrition secu-
Karnataka is the only state out of total 29 states in India that has recently
rity. The initial understanding gained through the
introduced distribution of 2 kg finger millet per household per month at a
price of INR 1 per kg (The Hindu 2014). RESMISA project, about various processes governing
8
While precise estimates on the contribution of the non-agricultural access, distribution, and consumption of food and their
informal sector to Indian economy is a challenge, the NCEUS (2008) potential implications for poor and marginalized people,
calculated it as 22 % of the net domestic product (NDP).
9 led to the emergence of this study. Exploratory field
Of the 142 million people engaged in the non-agriculture informal
sector, one fourth are officially recognized as poor, based on their visits indicated Madurai’s street food sector to be ex-
MPCE in 2004–05 (NCEUS 2007: 240). tremely diverse, with a wide variety of street foods
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 865

including raw foods, semi-processed or prepared foods, Data collection and interpretation
and ready-to-eat cooked foods. In order to narrow the
scope of the inquiry, researchers focused exclusively on In total, 90 vendor surveys were conducted among
vendors selling ready-to-eat (RTE), cooked food prepared vendors selling RTE cooked food. Of these vendors,
on site. Initial understandings, gained from a literature 36 were porridge vendors who sold pearl millet and/or
review, exploratory field visits, informal interviews with finger millet porridges.10 Vendors were identified using
vendors, and consultations with community development a combination of stratified random sampling and snow-
professionals in Madurai helped to formulate the follow- ball sampling. Efforts were made to ensure that vendors
ing research questions: (1) Is there a potential role for represented diversity on the basis of their sex, scale of
street vendors to enrich dietary diversity among low operations, and location of enterprise. Diversity of
income urban consumers by promoting the consumption vending locations was ensured by selecting vendors
of nutritious RTE food, such as millet porridge? (2) from a variety of location types (residential, commer-
What are the sociocultural and economic characteristics cial, transportation-hub, and mixed-use areas) in various
of millet porridge vendors and how do these compare to neighbourhoods across the city. Vendors were classified
those of other street food vendors? (3) How do street on the basis of their infrastructure and the type of RTE
food vendors operate their businesses in the existing cooked food they sold (Table 1). Four distinctive cate-
institutional and policy environment? (4) What are the gories emerged from this classification, (i) hawkers sell-
sociocultural and economic characteristics of millet por- ing RTE cooked products with minimal or very little
ridge consumers? (5) What preferences do consumers infrastructure; (ii) porridge vendors selling finger millet
have in terms of food quality, nutrition, and hygiene in and pearl millet porridges from mobile pushcarts or
street foods? stalls; (iii) non-porridge pushcarts selling RTE cooked
A number of research instruments were developed products from mobile pushcarts, tricycles, or large ta-
through an inductive process that engaged various stake- bles; and (iv) curb-side food stalls selling RTE cooked
holders involved with street food vending. These instru- products from semi-permanent structures with open seat-
ments included separate semi-structured survey question- ing areas for up to 15 patrons.
naires, consisting of qualitative and quantitative ques- Consumer surveys were administered in public spaces
tions for vendors and consumers, and a list of participa- slightly away from vending sites in order to curtail
tory observations taken at vending stalls and food prep- answers that may have been influenced by the presence
aration sites. The vendor survey consisted of four sub- of the vendors. In total 236 surveys were administered
sections pertaining to (i) the sociocultural background and, of these, 169 respondents reported consuming millet
and economic status of the vendors; (ii) food products porridge from street food vendors. After the surveys
and preparation methods at and away from the food were collected there was a need to group consumers into
stalls; (iii) vendors’ indigenous or informal knowledge, meaningful socioeconomic categories. As many recent
procurement of raw material and food ingredients, usage studies indicate that income or monthly per capita ex-
of and interest in different types of millets; and (iv) penditure alone are not reliable indicators of economic
vendors’ management of their enterprises, including the poverty, nutritional status, or calorie consumption in
roles of men and women in different business operations. India (Deaton and Drèze 2009; Patnaik 2008; Shah
The consumer survey was developed to understand con- 2013) a wealth-ranking score was created. Consumers
sumer preferences towards street food vendors and their were assigned a score out of a maximum of 45 points
products. It included in-depth information about con- based on five key indicators: income from primary
sumers’ sociocultural and economic background, prefer- earners, income from secondary earners, types of hous-
ences for street food and types of vendors, frequency and ing, house ownership, and vehicle ownership. Based on
scale of consumption, practice of eating similar foods at the results of this exercise, natural cut points emerged
home, as well as knowledge and practices related to within the sample and classifications were made for poor
millets, nutrition, and personal and public health. In (0–15 points), lower middle class (16–26 points), and
addition to the surveys, focus group discussions with
key vendor informants helped to add qualitative insights
to the research. Finally, the research team conducted 10
While the results and discussion in the following sections include some
observations at the vending site related to cleanliness, comparisons between the different vendor categories, the paper’s primary
cooking, storage, handling, and serving of food. These focus is the analysis of the 36 millet porridge vendors and 169 porridge
consumers. Thus the high proportion of porridge vendors within the
observations were based on key variables for ensuring
sample can be attributed to the need to understand this specific group of
food quality, hygiene, and safety methods found in sim- vendors and is not necessarily representative of Madurai’s street food
ilar studies (Chakravarty and Canet 1996; Mishra 2004). vending population at large.
866 K. Patel et al.

Table 1 Typology of street food vendors in Madurai

Level of Infrastructure All infrastructure types

No infrastructure Pushcart/ tricycle Semi-permanent structure

Selling porridge – Porridge vendors (37) – 37

Selling other products Hawkers (21) Non-porridge pushcarts (13) Curb-side food stalls (19) 53
All products 21 50 19 90

upper middle class (27–45). This classification was then witnessed by the lack of material assets they owned, as none
used to understand consumer trends and preferences. of them conducted their operations on owned land, and only
19 % had a motorcycle.
Porridge vendors had very few qualifications in terms of
formal education and training. While male vendors had more
education than female vendors, education levels were low for
Results
both sexes. Of all porridge vendors, 83 % had obtained less
than a grade 11 education and 40 % reported that they were
Sociocultural and economic profile of vendors
illiterate. Given the informal nature of the street food industry
and the different skill sets needed for the preparation and sale
Collectively, the 90 street food vendors offered a total of 36
of street food, this lack of formal education among vendors is
distinct RTE cooked food items and dishes. The most com-
not surprising (Bapat 1990). The low socioeconomic standing
monly sold RTE street foods were rice-based products (idli,
of porridge vendors becomes even more evident when con-
dhosai, paniyaram, pongal, and fried rice dishes), millet-
sidering their precarious livelihood situation and the limited
based products (pearl millet porridge and finger millet por-
resources available to them. Although porridge vendors
ridge), wheat-based products (poori, parota, and chapatti) and
scored better then hawkers did in most socioeconomic cate-
pulse-based products (vada). Porridge vendors sold only two
gories (Table 2), they were the least likely among all vendors
products (pearl millet porridge and finger millet porridge) but
to have access to a bank account (16.7 %) or to have mem-
offered a wide array of side dishes and condiments.11 An
bership status with an NGO or self-help group (16.7 %). These
initial comparison of the socioeconomic characteristics among
statistics lend support to the notion that porridge vendors are
vendor categories revealed the hierarchical nature of the street
predominately poor, and have also been excluded from devel-
vending industry (Table 2). While all of the street food ven-
opment interventions that target more marginalized groups,
dors interviewed were poor, porridge vendors and especially
such as female hawkers.
hawkers were the most marginalized groups and scored lower
The majority of porridge vendors were 30–59 years old, yet
on all socioeconomic indicators. For example, while curb-side
despite their age most had been in the business for 10 years or
food stalls overwhelmingly supplied their clientele with seat-
less. Thus, it appears that, for many, porridge vending was not
ing, hawkers and porridge vendors were not even able to offer
their original profession of choice. Some were formal sector
their customers plastic chairs. Female vendors, consisting of
workers who lost their jobs during the period of economic
half of the total sample, were found in greater proportions
liberalization in the 1990s (Bhowmik 2005). Various reports
within these more marginalized vending categories.
have also noted the penetrable nature of the street food
The majority of street vendors (98 %) in our study
vending industry and the important role it plays in absorbing
belonged to lower castes, including Scheduled Caste (SC),
excess or laid-off labour from the formal sector and in acting
Backward Class (BC), and Other Backward Classes (OBC).
as a buffer between employment and unemployment
Amongst porridge vendors, almost half were either BC (12 %)
(Bhowmik 2003; FAO 2007). Interestingly, almost half
or SC (29 %), both of which are castes that have historically
(43 %) of the porridge vendors studied were rural migrants
suffered more social and economic marginalization than either
who came from rural parts of Madurai district as well as the
the OBC or General Caste (GC) groups. A large majority of
nearby Theni, Sivaganga, and Ramanathapuram districts in
porridge vendors (92 %) were in possession of a Green BPL
southern Tamil Nadu. On their arrival in Madurai, some
(Below Poverty Line) card, which confirms their poor eco-
worked as casual or contract labour for traders and large
nomic status. The intensity of their poverty is further
factories but found the work too physically demanding and
risky for their health.
11
Popular side dishes and condiments included buttermilk, raw onion, Beginning in the late 1990s, entrepreneurial rural immi-
green mango, chillies, appalam, pickles, beans, and dhal. grants in search of livelihoods in Madurai sensed a potential
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 867

Table 2 Socio-economic characteristics of street food vendors

Socio-economic indicators Vendor typology

Hawkers (21) Porridge vendors (37) Non-porridge pushcarts (13) Curb-side food stalls (19)

% illiterate 76 61 27 10
% low caste (SC, BC, OBC)* 100 94 100 100
% migrant 14 43 15 42
% with less than grade 11 education 91 83 92 63
% without land owned for business 100 100 100 86
% without seating area 90 94 61 0
% without bank account 71 83 38 22
% without motorized vehicle 90 81 69 42
% below poverty line (BPL card) 100 92 100 89

*Scheduled Caste (SC), Backward Class (BC), and Other Backward Classes (OBC)

opportunity for selling novel RTE food products, such as number of different strategies when purchasing millet. This
millet porridge, to urban consumers. Migrant street food ven- included buying millet in bulk from a wholesaler on a less
dors typically face the dual challenges of learning the tastes frequent basis or, in some cases, purchasing directly from a
and food preferences of urban consumers as well as entering farmer. These strategies demonstrate that vendors have both
into the crowded and competitive street food vending sector. the foresight and the financial and storage capacity to make
However, migrant porridge vendors had an advantage in wise business decisions (Bhowmik 2003; Bhowmik and Saha
overcoming these challenges as their novel millet-based prod- 2012).
uct did not face any resistance from other vendors who were Unlike other types of street food vending, porridge vending
selling very different RTE food products. Millet porridge is is exclusively a family business (Nambi et al. 2009). None of
essentially a rural food, based on rural knowledge, skills, and the porridge vendors hired any outside labour and all work,
food preferences.12 For many of those existing urban street whether at the stall or behind the scenes, was done by mem-
food vendors, the idea of selling any type of millet porridge bers of the porridge vendor’s household. Nonetheless, many
was daunting because they did not have the traditional knowl- vendors still required additional sources of household income
edge and skills needed to make the product. Thus, trailblazing to make ends meet. Nearly half (47.5 %) had at least one other
porridge vendors who pursued this emerging business oppor- source of income, which often took the form of a son or
tunity found fewer barriers to entry. spouse working outside of the business as a driver, in a retail
shop, or in a restaurant. When contrasted with curb-side food
stall operators, who directed all of their household labour
Business and management aspects of vending
towards their business, the results show that for porridge
vendors the addition of extra labour does not necessarily
Due to intense competition amongst vendors, the cost of
increase returns. Business is constrained, however, by some
porridge in Madurai is set at INR 10 per serving, making it
of the attributes of their enterprise, such as the physical size of
one of the cheapest street food options available to consumers.
the carts and the seasonal nature of the porridge vending
During peak season (February through October), vendors
business (Nambi et al. 2009). During the cold rainy season,
reported an average of 60 customers per day (420 per week),
porridge sales drop due to less foot traffic and reduced demand
resulting in revenues of around INR 4200 per week. Costs for
for pearl millet porridge.13
materials, transportation, and bribe payments to local officials
brought their profits down to approximately INR 1100 per
week. In order to keep costs down, vendors employed a 13
In Madurai, pearl millet porridge has greater consumer demand and is
perceived to be superior to finger millet porridge. This may be due to local
Ayurvedic understandings that the consumption of pearl millet produces a
12
Porridge vendors had a wealth of rural knowledge and skills relating to cooling effect on the body while finger millet generates a heating effect on
identification and consumption of millets. Our study found that porridge the body. Based on this understanding of consumers, pearl millet porridge
venders frequently consumed finger millet in their homes and were able is the more preferred product during the hot summer months while finger
to identify other lesser known millet varieties such as kodo, barnyard, millet porridge is more desirable during the rainy season. As overall, sales
little, and proso millets. Without this in-depth knowledge of millet crops for pearl millet porridge are higher than for finger millet porridge, vendors
and recipes, other existing street vendors with urban backgrounds con- who sell both types of porridge cannot afford to continue selling only
sidered porridge vending as a risky and less attractive venture. finger millet porridge during the rainy season.
868 K. Patel et al.

Although porridge vendors are technically mobile, they The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO 2007) notes
tend to operate from a single location. This is due to a number that livelihood opportunities for women within the informal
of factors, including the difficulty of transporting cumbersome sector tend to be concentrated in the niche of food preparation
liquid products in poorly maintained carts that have flat tires and food service. As a family business, porridge vendors
or bent rims. Because of the stationary nature of porridge would often operate as a husband-and-wife or mother-and-
vending, delivery services are less popular among porridge son team; however, in other cases vendors relied on additional
vendors than other street food vendors. Porridge vendors also female family members to help out as needed. Typically,
choose to remain in the same daily location due to the territo- female porridge vendors who were sole proprietors of their
rial aspects of the industry. By keeping to their turf, vendors businesses were younger than their male counterparts, with
avoid confrontation with competitors and are able to form the majority of them (81 %) under age 50. Many of these
stronger networks of reciprocity with other non-competitor women used vending to escape abusive relationship with their
vendors. Additionally, they are better able to form relation- husbands. Conversely, female hawkers tended to be older and
ships with the individual police officers and officials who only 59 % of them were under the age of 50. While it may be
might otherwise evict them for traffic offences or vending that older women are unable to manage the physical strain of
without a licence. These relationships are facilitated through handling a large pushcart, it is just as likely that older women
the regular payments of bribes, which is common practice for who are forced into street vending do not have the financial
vendors in India (Bhowmik and Saha 2012), as well as the capital required to invest in a cart. Thus the porridge vending
provision of free drinks of porridge. business does not seem suited, either financially or physically,
for older women who tend rather to become hawkers.
Role of women in street food vending Women in the street food vending industry face marginal-
ization on a regular basis. Even before they begin vending,
Women are essential to the functioning of the street food female vendors come into the industry at a disadvantage.
industry. Tinker’s Equity Policy Centre (EPOC) study of street While men are motivated to become vendors due to the
food vendors in lower and middle income countries found promise of business opportunities, women are far more likely
high levels of women’s involvement in eight of the nine to enter the industry as a result of push factors such as needing
countries studied (Tinker 2003). While fewer than half income, having no other education or options, or being unable
(43 %) of the porridge vendors (operators) we interviewed to do more physical labour. Nearly half of female vendors
were women, nearly all enterprises (95 %) had women work- were illiterate, compared to only one fifth of males. Female
ing at them, often as unpaid family labour (Table 3). Many porridge vendors also faced a discriminatory business envi-
tasks at the stall were performed interchangeably by either ronment on a daily basis. Vending operations are passed down
men or women, depending on who was available. However, from father to son, so that new female vendors must break into
the study identified several specific activities that were more this existing environment. They had fewer customers per day,
strongly associated with a particular gender. While men’s roles as well as a lower number of repeat customers, which resulted
tended to be more visible and socially interactive, such as cash in lower profits than their male counterparts earned. Female
transactions and procurement of supplies, women were often vendors also reported higher incidences of harassment, forced
more involved behind the scenes in the primary preparation shutdowns, and the payment of bribes to police and authori-
stages of the porridge and the washing of dishes. While the ties. In examining vendors’ attitudes towards expanding their
amount of time allocated to these tasks varied among vendors, business, Tinker found that women vendors chose to invest in
on average porridge vendors reported spending 4 h per day on their children through nutrition and education rather than
primary preparation alone. When a vending enterprise was investing in their business (Tinker 2003). By contrast, female
managed exclusively by women, both the more visible and porridge vendors in our study showed more of a desire to
less visible roles became the domain of women, resulting in a expand their enterprise than did their male counterparts. Thus,
significant increase in their workload. the entrepreneurial nature of Madurai’s female porridge

Table 3 Women’s involvement

in the Madurai RTE street food Vendor typology % of enterprises with % of enterprises with % of enterprises with
sector female owner/operator female workers female involvement

Porridge vendor 43 65 95
Non-porridge pushcart 23 85 100
Hawker 81 57 100
Curb-side food stall 42 79 100
Total 49 69 98
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 869

vendors should not be underestimated when designing low-paying jobs in the informal sector, participating in unpaid
gender-appropriate interventions. labour in the home, or assisting in small-scale family ventures.
Most female porridge consumers (87 %) were from lower or
OBC classes, while close to one fourth (22 %) were either
Sociocultural and economic profile of street food consumers separated or widowed. This implies that they were the most
marginalized of the urban poor women. The low proportion of
Although street foods are enjoyed by people from a variety of women consumers is not surprising given the social stigma
economic, social, and cultural backgrounds, several studies surrounding women eating on the street and the fact that millet
(Wipper and Dittrich 2007; Tinker 1999; FAO 2007) underline porridge is generally consumed on the street. Further, women
the role of street food vendors in providing affordable food to preferred to purchase other street foods that they could take
urban poor and working classes. In India, studies have de- home and share with their families. Exceptions to this trend
scribed the majority of urban street food customers as being were widows and young single women. Given their already
poor, less-educated, informal market traders (Chakravarty and low social status, widowed women were less concerned with
Canet 1996), daily wage labourers (Nambi et al. 2009), and this social stigma. Similarly, younger single women were also
having insufficient accommodation (Bapat 1990). These de- less concerned with the traditional social taboos and the ma-
scriptions support the notion that a large portion of street food jority of them (65 %) consumed millet porridge on the street.
consumers tend to be from poorer segments of society. Based
on the wealth ranking exercise, 40 % of the porridge consumers
in Madurai were poor, 47 % were lower middle class, and only Trends in street food consumption
13 % were upper middle class (Table 4). In terms of occupation,
more than one fifth (22 %) were casual daily wage labourers, In addition to millet porridges, the most popular street food
the poorest of the poor in the urban landscape. Other consumers products among porridge consumers were idli and dhosai.14
included petty traders and small business owners (14 %), home- Being signature dishes of South India, idli and dhosai were
makers (14 %), and students living on their own in the city widely available and sold by curb-side food stalls, pushcart
(17 %). Most consumers, with the exception of students, had vendors, and hawkers alike. Although these dishes are regu-
less than a grade 11 education, and more than one third were larly cooked at home in South India, individuals choose to
not fully literate. Additionally, more than one third of con- purchase these foods on the street due to their busy travel and
sumers were from low caste groups including Scheduled work schedules. Millet porridge on the other hand was gener-
Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Backward Classes ally not prepared in the homes of consumers. Given the
(BC). These determinants reiterate the notion that millet por- laborious preparation process (Box 1), which includes over-
ridge is primarily served by the poor to the poor. night fermentation, it is more efficient in terms of both time
Women made up only 36 % of all porridge consumers. and money for consumers to purchase millet porridge from
Many of these female consumers were poor and engaged in street vendors. Consumer preference for convenience is also
reflected in their consumption habits. Although some con-
Table 4 Socioeconomic characteristics of millet porridge consumers sumers walk to the vendors from their workplaces or residen-
cies, it is common for many to arrive via bicycle or motorbike.
Sex Male (64 %)
These customers immediately purchase and consume por-
Female (36 %)
ridge, or occasionally take it away in a plastic bag or container.
Age Majority (60 %) are under age 40.
As porridge vendors seldom provide seating, socialization and
Average age: 36 (young and middle age working
post-consumption loitering are not common. As a result,
population)
regardless of their means of transportation, most consumers
Caste Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (36 %)
stay only long enough to consume their porridge, lending
Other Backward Classes (53 %)
support to the notion that consumers of porridge are highly
General Caste (11 %)
transient and seek meals at their convenience.
Education Majority (55 %) have less than a grade 11
education On average, consumers spent INR 284 per month on street
Occupation Daily wage earners and casual labourers (22 %)
foods bought from mobile food vendors and INR 368 per month
Students (17 %)
on street foods purchased from curb-side food stalls (Table 5).
Homemakers (14 %)
While poor consumers generally spent less than lower middle
class and upper middle class consumers, on average they spent a
Other occupations (47 %)
Wealth Poor (40 %) 14
Both idli and dhosai are common breakfast dishes in South India. Idli is
Lower middle class (47 %) a steamed savoury cake made from fermented rice batter and black lentils
Upper middle class (13 %) (dhal). Dhosai is a thin pancake also made from fermented rice batter and
black lentils.
870 K. Patel et al.

Table 5 Socioeconomic class, monthly income, and spending on street foods

Socioeconomic classes Household income Average monthly spending (INR)

per month (INR)
At mobile food vendors* At curb-side food stalls

Total spending (INR) As % of income Total spending (INR) As % of income

Poor (67) 8,091 247 3.0 % 263 3.2 %

Lower middle class (80) 16,406 319 1.9 % 374 2.3 %
Upper middle class (22) 23,182 269 1.2 % 683 2.9 %
Total (169) 14,027 284 2.0 % 368 2.6 %

*Mobile food vendors include porridge vendors, non-porridge pushcart vendors, and hawkers

larger proportion of their income on street foods. This is consis- heavy work until their lunch break. This is important given
tent with Tinker’s findings that poorer families spend a higher that more than two thirds of all poor consumers indicated that
percentage of their food budget on street foods (Tinker 1999). they did not eat lunch on the street. Instead, these workers
Furthermore, it also asserts the unique characteristic of the street would bring small quantities of food from home in metal
vending industry, which is that it is primarily operated by the containers or skip lunch altogether.
poor, and intended to serve the poor. While the majority of
consumers bought street food at least once a week, food from
mobile food vendors was purchased more frequently than food Enhancing dietary diversity and managing diabetes
from curb-side food stalls. This trend can be explained by the
fact that food from curb-side food stalls was relatively more Among all consumers (N=236) surveyed, 72 % consumed
expensive than food sold by other street food vendors. For the millet porridge from street vendors. These consumers were
same reasons, a larger percentage (37 %) of poor customers also aware of positive health benefits linked to the consump-
purchased food from mobile food vendors a minimum of once tion of millet porridges and other millet-based products. More
every 2 days. Their higher frequency of consumption and nor- than 75 % of millet porridge consumers cited at least one
mal routine of purchasing street food suggests that the poor are positive health benefit related to the consumption of millet-
dependent on street food as a primary source of their daily food based products. However, indigenous knowledge and practice
and nutritional intake, as compared to the higher class con- related to consuming millets at home varied across socioeco-
sumers who treat street food more as a novelty. nomic classes. Poor consumers, in particular, consumed mul-
Whether consumers frequently ate at mobile food vendors tiple varieties of millets in their homes and the majority of
or curb-side food stalls depended on their socioeconomic them had in-depth indigenous knowledge related to identifi-
status and which meal they were eating (Table 6). Breakfast cation and usage of different types of millets. Conversely,
was the most commonly eaten “street meal” for poor and middle-class consumers were found less knowledgeable about
lower middle class consumers and was usually purchased millets in general and seldom consumed multiple varieties of
from mobile food vendors. This is not surprising given the millets in their homes. This conclusion concurs with the
fact that millet porridge is a dish generally eaten for breakfast sociocultural notion of millets as a low status food. The public
and is only available from mobile porridge vendors. Poor food distribution system, solely based on rice and wheat,
labourers en route to work often noted their preference for reflects the preferences of higher socioeconomic classes and,
millet porridge as a morning meal, stating that it would leave as a consequence, the consumption of those millets preferred
them with a “full belly” and the “stamina” required to do by lower middle class and poor has declined.

Table 6 Socioeconomic class and type of meal consumed at mobile food vendors

Consumers who ate Percentage of street food consumers Total

street food for:
Poor Lower middle class Upper middle class

Meals Breakfast 64.2 55.7 40.9 57.1

Lunch 14.9 24.1 9.1 18.5
Dinner 13.4 12.7 9.1 12.5
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 871

Table 7 Prevalence of diabetes amongst consumers and their households (figures are % of total sample)

Consumer Only Consumer & Household Member Household member Only No Diabetes Total

Poor (57) 12.3 0 15.8 71.9 100.0

Lower middle class (74) 10.8 1.4 29.7 58.1 100.0
Upper middle class (21) 9.5 9.5 38.1 42.9 100.0
Total (152) 11.2 2.0 25.7 61.2 100.0

The high prevalence of diabetes in Madurai15 and other respondents also listed specific types of street food that they
cities in Tamil Nadu has perhaps helped bridge conventional would never eat, including non-vegetarian dishes, foods
class divides among street food consumers. The statistics cooked in oil, spicy foods, sliced fruits, and boiled yams.
presented in Table 7 indicate a potential correlation between Interestingly, millet porridge varieties were not high on the
millet porridge consumption and increased incidence of dia- list of foods to avoid. This demonstrates that the urban poor,
betes in upper middle class consumers. More than half (57 %) while thought to be illiterate and unconcerned with food safety
of upper middle class consumers identified themselves or and public health, have significant knowledge and ability to
someone from their household as diabetic. While these num- employ discretion when choosing among various street foods.
bers were lower among poor and lower middle class con- Urban consumers’ concerns pertaining to the unhygienic
sumers, it is worth noting that the low prevalence of self- conditions of street food has also manifested itself in the
reported diabetes for these groups does not necessarily mean cultural etiquette and practices of consumption. Millet por-
that they are less vulnerable to diabetes. A study in the nearby ridge is typically served in a reusable metal cup or glass with a
city of Chennai found a high prevalence of previously unde- rounded lip. While this may seem unsanitary, consumers go to
tected diabetes as well as other pre-diabetic conditions among great lengths to pour the liquid porridge directly into their
lower class industrial workers (Jagannathan et al. 2014). mouths without letting their lips come in contact with the
Sensing the growing demand for millet products among upper vessel. Although this practice is widely used for the consump-
middle class diabetic patients, some porridge vendors have tion of water and other liquid products by the poor who cannot
strategically located their businesses near hospitals and parks afford disposable or private utensils, porridge consumers have
that these clientele frequent. However, millet porridge vendors noted its ability to mitigate the potential risk for contracting
may be even more important for poorer diabetics. Eating diseases or experiencing negative health effects. Additionally,
subsidized rice three to four times a day puts poor people at 20 % of consumers preferred eating food from a specific
high risk while their ability to manage diabetes through diver- vendor, as they perceived products from “their” vendors to
sified low-glycaemic food is very limited. In such circum- be better in terms of nutrition and quality than the same
stances, porridge vendors may be among the very few sources products of other street vendors. Thus, our study indicates
for these poor diabetic patients of healthy millet-based food at that urban poor consumers are not simply aware of the
an affordable price. nutritional benefits of millet consumption but are also
conscious of quality, hygiene and safety of the street foods
Street food quality and hygiene: consumers’ awareness they consume. This behaviour differs from an earlier study by
and preferences Wipper and Dittrich (2007) in Hyderabad, which reported that
the urban poor were less concerned with the quality and
Consumer perceptions regarding the health and sanitation of hygiene of street food. The fact that the urban poor in
street foods have important implications for policy interven- Madurai are concerned with the quality and hygiene of street
tions aimed at promoting the consumption of millets among foods should not come as a surprise given that they depend
the urban poor or at improving the livelihoods of street food heavily on street foods for their nutrition and caloric intake,
vendors. Nearly half of all street food consumers included in more so than the upper and middle classes.
the study clearly recalled negative health effects, such as
indigestion or upset stomach, jaundice, ulcers, and fever, Street food quality and hygiene: street vendors’ practices
which they experienced from eating street food. Many and limitations

15
Street vendors understand that their customers have prefer-
A recent survey conducted by the Madras Diabetic Research Institute,
ences related to quality and health, and do their best to ensure
which involved screening of more than 10,000 people above age 30 in
Madurai, showed 13 % were suffering from diabetes and that another that their products are perceived as healthy, safe, and nutri-
12 % were in the pre-diabetic stage (The Hindu 2013). tious. The porridge vendors we surveyed were acutely aware
872 K. Patel et al.

of health-related issues pertaining to street food and the ma- indigenous knowledge and practice of eating millet-based
jority (62 %) claimed to have taken some steps to prevent food at home, have ventured to offer an innovative and nutri-
health-related risks among their customers. Most porridge tious millet-based product with a low glycaemic index. The
vendors were found to be diligent in their efforts to reduce study underlines the fact that the majority of consumers are
contamination from dust and dirt that are prevalent in high poor, depend heavily on street foods for their caloric and
traffic areas, keeping the porridge covered with a lid at all nutritional intake, and are exposed to considerable health risks
times until serving. Vendors also mentioned that they tried to due to the limited capacity of street food vendors to ensure the
keep their dishes, utensils, products, and serving area clean. quality and hygiene of their food products and facilities.
They stressed that their products were high quality, nutritious, Based on interactions with street food vendors and other
and made with a personal touch. No extra fillers or additives stakeholders, the following sections discuss how the state, as
were used to stretch staple ingredients, and no old or leftover a regulatory body and a service delivery agent, as well as
food was sold. These actions ran contrary to the belief of some development organizations and research institutions, can
consumers who voiced concerns surrounding the use of rice in strengthen the rights and capabilities of street food vendors.
millet porridges to reduce the cost of production. In terms of a
personal touch, vendors strove to meet consumer expectations
Providing an enabling policy environment for street food
that food should look and taste homemade.
vendors
Despite their best intentions to be hygienic, vendors were
constrained by limited access to clean vending sites and
Since the early 1990s, the state has gradually withdrawn from
sanitation infrastructure such as clean running water and waste
its role as a service provider; however, its role as a regulatory
disposal facilities. Observations of porridge vendors made
agency has been strengthened. Throughout this period the
during visits to their stalls and homes, where preliminary steps
upper middle class has been instrumental in coercing the state
of preparation were normally carried out, indicated that al-
into introducing several policies related to the environment,
though many vendors were self-aware of health issues, few
food safety, public health, public safety, and transportation
translated this awareness into more hygienic practices. Due to
that victimize street food vendors. These policies are based on
a limited supply of water, washing of dishes was commonly
middle-class notions that urban spaces should be clean, green,
done in dirty dishwater without soap, and vending surfaces
safe, and automobile friendly (Baviskar 2004) and that street
were not always wiped down. Few vendors had waste bins
food vendors are a public nuisance that cause traffic conges-
and most threw their waste in piles around their carts. Of
tion, engage in illegal activity, and pose a risk to public health
course, this disparity between street vendors’ health aware-
(Lintelo 2009). The very idea of “public interest” has become
ness and their vending practices is not irrational. In the ab-
more exclusionary and anti-poor during the last two decades
sence of any efforts from the state, consumer protection
in India (Bhushan 2004; Patel and Dey 2013). It has provided
groups, or development organizations, the cost associated
political and moral power to the democratic state for introduc-
with increasing health and safety measures will be imposed
ing anti-vending policies resulting in mass evictions of street
on the few individual street vendors who take initiative. When
vendors16 from urban spaces across the country (Bhan 2009).
the profit margin is so slim due to the fierce competition in the
Without any official legal status, entitlements, or rights, ven-
food vending business, it is unlikely that poor porridge ven-
dors are at the mercy of police, authorities, and public health
dors will be motivated to take the initiative. Unless some kind
officials, and are significantly disadvantaged in their struggle
of governance structure led by street vendors is established to
for access to public vending space. Over a one-year period,
ensure fair distribution of costs related to additional food
more than a third of all street vendors interviewed in Madurai
safety and health measures, the gap between the health claims
faced some form of harassment, including increased bribe
of vendors and their actual practices will continue to prevail.
payments, relocation, and threats of being shut down. An even
greater proportion of female street vendors (40 %) reported
harassment by the state administration during the same period.
In the event of any epidemics or public health and safety
Discussion
concerns, the municipal administration tends to unilaterally
The case of Madurai’s porridge vendors illustrates that poor
street food vendors are capable of contributing to urban food 16
On November 16–17, 1996, Kolkata officials forcibly removed over
security by facilitating supply and providing access to a fill- one hundred thousand street vendors and confiscated their equipment.
ing, healthy, and nutritious RTE food for the urban poor. As The raid, which would become known as “Operation Sunshine”, was
carried out to uphold a 1980 Kolkata Municipal Corporation Act that
urban consumers have become aware of the negative impacts
prevents vendors on the street (Chakravarty and Canet 1996). In Patna,
of excessive consumption of subsidized rice from Tamil Bihar, the police can arrest a street vendor without a warrant and convict
Nadu’s universal PDS, these vendors, drawing on their or fine the person if found violating any law (NCEUS 2007: 61).
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 873

call for closures of street food vending outlets. While it may be Engaging street food vendors in implementing food security
possible to justify these extreme measures for public safety schemes
reasons, in the absence of any insurance or social safety nets
for poor street vendors and their workers, the costs of public The state has played an instrumental role in implementing
health becomes externalized to these vendors. For many por- India’s massive food security schemes and has recently dem-
ridge vendors in Madurai, street vending is the sole source of onstrated its commitment to spend up to 5 % of its GDP to
income for their household, and the closure of their vending support these initiatives. According to the Department of Food
business directly affects their access to food and livelihood. and Public Distribution (2013) and the Ministry of Women
Finally, rather than leading to better hygiene practices, this and Child Development (2013), the government of India spent
system of bribes, harassment, and forced closures actually acts a total of INR 1.2 trillion ($19.4 billion US) on implementing
as a disincentive for vendors to invest in better quality infra- the Public Distribution Scheme, Mid Day Meal (MDM) pro-
structure and hygiene measures, and limits the quality of food gramme, and Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)
available to consumers. scheme in the 2012–13 budget year. In 2013–14 this budget
In recent years harsher policy measures directed at street was increased by 22 % (INR 1.48 trillion or $23.7 billion US)
vendors have given way to organized efforts by some NGOs to meet the additional coverage requirements under the new
and development stakeholders for policy advocacy. Food Security Act (2013).17 These new state-led food security
Throughout the 2000s an advocacy coalition led by the Self initiatives do not provide any significant employment oppor-
Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) has been influential tunities for the poor, but instead treat them simply as passive
in promoting government legislation advocating for greater beneficiaries of subsidized food grains. As discussed in the
rights for street vendors (Lintelo 2010). This process began introduction, the scope for engaging the urban poor in
with the formulation of the Ministry of Housing & Urban production-related food security programmes is minimal;
Poverty Alleviation (2004), which recognizes that street ven- however, distribution- and consumption-related schemes do
dors have rights to engage in business and trade, and that to offer space for direct engagement of the urban poor in their
deny these rights would conflict with the democratic process implementation. For instance, street food vendors can provide
as well as the interest of the public who patronize the vendors their services for the implementation of the MDM and ICDS
(Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation 2009). schemes that provide RTE food to the poor. The state, through
Other proposed legislation included the Unorganized Sector these schemes, spends a considerable amount on the prepara-
Social Security Bill and the Unorganized Sector Worker’s tion and distribution of ready-to-eat (RTE) food. Analysis of
Bill. In 2014, the efforts of the advocacy coalition culminated the MDM scheme shows that most of its budget (79 %) was
in the passing of The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood directed towards cooking (labour and ingredients), kitchen
and Regulation of Street Vending) Act (2014), which seeks to infrastructure, and transportation costs (Kapur and
legitimize and regulate street vending. Chowdhary 2013).18 The government either uses its existing
Perhaps the most consistent problem with vendor policy lower-level functionaries or contract workers to provide these
has been the lack of vendors’ participation, especially among services related to the preparation and distribution of RTE
women who are over represented in the poorer categories of food. On the other hand, the informal street vending industry
street vendors, within the policymaking process. For example, already offers quality RTE food to the poor and is highly
the Confederation of Indian Industry and their affiliated insti- capable of expanding its reach to provide RTE food for these
tutions have developed a policy manual for food safety, state-led food security schemes. Though the current Indian
recommending that street food vendors use serving gloves, state is usually keen to withdraw its direct engagement and
disposable plates and cutlery, wash their hands each time after create business opportunities in the formal private sector, it
collecting cash from consumers, and use treated water and a has not yet shown any interest in exploring opportunities to
refrigerator at the stall (Confederation of Indian Industry(CII) work with the informal sector.
2008). These policy prescriptions are derived from a corporate There are a number of possible ways to incorporate street
mind-set that obviously does not reflect the realities faced food vendors as a part of the existing or new state-led food
by Indian street food vendors or their consumers. distribution chains for RTE food. For instance, a recent
Additionally, despite the rise of rights-based advocacy
groups such as the SEWA coalition, vendors are still 17
While these government estimates are very conservative, estimates
vastly underrepresented in the decision-making bodies provided by independent experts for implementing all provisions under
that influence their livelihoods. Even more progressive the Food Security Act range from INR 2.41 trillion (Gulati et al. 2012) to
legislation, such as the Street Vendors Act (2014), has INR 3.14 trillion (The Indian Express 2013a; P. Mishra 2013), which
amounts to 3–6 % of the total annual GDP (INR 55 trillion) for the year
been criticized due to the concentration of power given to
2012–13.
the Town Vending Councils (TVCs) which have largely 18
By contrast, only 21 % of the total mid-day meal budget is spent on the
excluded the participation of vendors (The Hindu 2012). purchase of food grains.
874 K. Patel et al.

scheme launched by the Tamil Nadu government, providing the government’s role in ensuring food safety and quality in
RTE food to the poor in Chennai, is one potential platform. the street food sector.
Under this initiative, the government has created 73 outlets
(popularly known as Amma Unavagams19) across Chennai to Role for non-governmental organizations
provide RTE cooked food to urban poor at a subsidized price20
(Nadar 2013). Amma Unavagams employ members of local Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working in
women’s self-help groups as cooks and service providers. India have tended to see poverty and food insecurity as
However, the participation of poor women in the Amma largely rural problems. There is a growing realization
Unavagams is far from ideal as they are contract employees among development organizations of the need for diver-
rather than entrepreneurs or managers of the state-sponsored sification of agriculture in the post–green revolution era
food outlets. These women are not involved in any business and establishing linkages between small-scale millet pro-
decisions and have little stake in how the business operates. ducers and urban consumers. NGOs, promoting the diver-
Critics of the scheme have also argued that it puts existing sification of agriculture through the cultivation of millet
street food vendors out of business, as they are unable to crops, have launched intensive efforts to promote millets
compete with artificially low prices at government-run outlets in urban niche markets through organic stores, food fairs,
(The Economic Times 2013; Rajendran 2013). However, if a high-end shops, and restaurants serving the elite business
policy were in place to employ experienced local RTE food and political classes. Their underlying assumption is that
vendors, either to operate these government RTE food outlets rural and urban poor will consume millet once it finds a
or to provide similar services from their existing vending place on the plates of the urban elite in India. This is
location on the street, the problem of competition would be based on the contentious concept of sanskritization, first
less of an issue. coined by M. N. Srinivas in the 1960s, which states that
Another potential avenue to enhance food security for the the behaviour of elites and upper classes will be emulated
poor through active engagement of the informal sector is to by lower castes and classes. Unfortunately, street food
issue vouchers for purchasing food from street vendors. These vendors serving millet porridge to the poor across cities
vouchers could be used only at RTE street food outlets, thus in South India are outside the imagination of most of the
supporting the self-employed street vendors. Open competi- NGOs seeking rural-urban linkages for supporting small
tion among vendors and some regulation from the government farmers. Our study suggests a vast opportunity for linking
would ensure the affordability, diversity, quality, and safety of street vendors’ procurement of millet and other food in-
street food. The concept of food vouchers has been employed gredients directly from smallholder farmers. This will
in many countries by the World Food Programme (WFP). increase earnings for poor vendors as well as smallholder
Such schemes have been found effective for delivering food farmers without increasing any costs to the urban poor
assistance when food is locally available but economically who consume street food.
inaccessible for the poor, while also injecting money back into Rights-based approaches championed by advocacy
the local economy and adding choices for consumers (Foliot groups such as the SEWA coalition have led to greater
2011). In many ways, informal street food markets in South awareness and recognition of the rights of street vendors,
Asia are ideal for the introduction of food vouchers. A street and particularly women vendors, yet vendors still often
food voucher system would strengthen existing links between lack the capacity to exercise their rights. Our study re-
street food vendors and their poor urban clientele while giving veals that only 20 % of porridge vendors were involved
vendors access to a portion of the state’s food security expen- with any NGO, only 17 % had access to a bank account,
diture. Furthermore, the influx of money (in the form of and only a single vendor was using a bank loan to run
vouchers) into the street food vending industry would enhance their business. This shows that as a group, porridge ven-
livelihood opportunities for the urban poor while maintaining dors have not been invested in, and that there is an
low prices for street food consumers. It would also legitimize opportunity for NGOs and banking institutions to fill this
void. NGOs and development institutions can have a
direct impact by providing microcredit, facilitating
vendor-led participatory research on improved nutrition,
19 quality, and diversity of street foods, and offering various
Tamil Nadu has a history of introducing several schemes intended to
enhance the poor’s access to RTE food, such as the enforcement of price capacity-building programmes for street vendors. The
controls on idli being sold by restaurants and shops (The Economic Times Madurai porridge vendors in our study were entrepreneur-
2013). The Amma Unavagam (translated literally as “Mother restaurant”) ial and open to the ideas of training, interventions, and
scheme, while an improvement over these past food consumption
expanding their enterprises. They were interested in train-
schemes, is not immune to political motivations or other limitations.
20
These shops charge INR 1 for idli, INR 3 for curd rice, and INR 5 for ing in food preparation, recipes, marketing, and business,
Sambar rice (Nadar 2013). but due to their low level of involvement with local NGOs
Street food’s role in food security and livelihoods of urban poor 875

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cations by finger millet (Eleusine coracana L.) seed coat matter in Millets in South Asia)
streptozotocin-induced diabetic rats. British Journal of Nutrition, project. David’s research is fo-
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878 K. Patel et al.

Kyle Wiebe is a recent graduate Ruth-Anne Seburn is a student

of the International Development in the International Development
Studies Honours program at Studies Honours program at
Menno Simons College, a college Menno Simons College, a college
of the Canadian Mennonite Uni- of the Canadian Mennonite Uni-
versity affiliated with the Univer- versity affiliated with the Univer-
sity of Winnipeg. He is a research sity of Winnipeg and with a dual
assistant with the IDRC funded major in Political Science. She is
RESMISA (Revalourizing Small a student researcher in the IDRC
Millets in South Asia) project led funded RESMISA project under
by Dr Kirit Patel. Kyle continues the principal investigator Dr. Kirit
to expand his research by Patel. She was awarded the Cana-
returning to Indian project sites dian International Development
to further assess the role of the Agency/Association of Universi-
informal sector and street food ties and Colleges of Canada Stu-
vendors in securing urban food security. dents for Development grant in 2012 for her work on the CIFSRF project.