Ampatuan Case Research
Ampatuan Case Research
Ampatuan Case Research
MANILA, Philippines – The Supreme Court on Tuesday granted the Department of Justice's
motion to transfer the venue of the rebellion case against members of the Ampatuan clan from
Cotabato City to Quezon City. Midas Marquez, spokesperson of the high court, said it decided in
an en banc session to grant Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera's motion for the transfer of the
case to a Quezon City court. He said the motion was based on concerns over security and 'the
influence exerted by the family in the area.' Marquez pointed out that the rebellion case was
'totally different' from the multiple..
http://article.wn.com/view/2010/01/12/Rebellion_case_vs_Ampatuans_transferred_to
_QC_court/
Ini-raffle na ng Quezon City RTC kaninang umaga ang kaso ni Datu Unsay mayor
Andal Ampatuan Jr., ang pangunahing suspek sa Maguindanao massacre. Pero
tinanggihan ng nabunot na judge ang kaso. Exclusive mula sa Quezon City RTC
nagpa-Patrol Jay Ruiz. TV Patrol World, Martes, Disyembre 15, 2009 ... "TV Patrol
World" "Disyembre 15 2009" "Jay Ruiz" "Quezon City" judiciary "martial law"
kidnappings "Maguindanao massacre" "election-related violence" "halalan 2010"
crimes Maguindanao politics ...
By Benjamin G. Maynigo*
The most significant event in the Philippines during 2009 is what is now called the Maguindanao
massacre. I believe that based on the reports and comments of respected journalists, columnists
and media outlets, the murderous acts would qualify as a “crime against humanity”. Let us read
what they all said:
Jose Ma. Montelibano: “the barbarism of the Maguindanao massacre is a class of its own in the
history of brutality in the Philippines.”
Philippine Daily Inquirer, “Roots of the Massacre”: “THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE, a
crime so horrific, so unspeakable that it led people to ask whether it was committed by animals
or monsters…”
Nestor P. Burgos, Jr., Chair, National Union of Journalists of the Philippines: “the Ampatuan
massacre was not only the worst single attack on the press in history but a continuation of the
series of assaults on press freedom…”
According to investigators: “the victims were shot at close range, some with their hands tied
behind their backs, before being dumped or buried in shallow graves on a remote hillside.”
Witness “Boy”: Ampatuan, Jr. had ordered the gunmen to kill all the members of a rival political
clan, including women and children, and to make sure no evidence was left behind.” Hiding for
fear of his life, he further said; “all of the women in the group had been raped before being killed
and their bodies dumped in mass graves that had already been dug out using an excavator.”
Solita Collas-Monsod: “…..the Maguindanao massacre, the biggest black mark in the nine year
performance record of her administration, reducing to insignificance any of its achievements. It
is with the massacre that she will be connected, when history judges her.”
Rodel Rodis: “…the barbaric slaughter of 61 innocent people, including 30 working journalists. I
also viewed on the Internet gruesome close-up photos of the mangled, brutalized bodies of the
victims, images which still haunt me.”
Analyn Perez and TJ Dimacali of GMANews.TV, “All in all, 35 victims are found buried in the
three graves, while 22 are found lying on the ground or inside vehicles for a total 57 fatalities.
There are still three to four unidentified bodies, and at least four missing.
It is now confirmed that 31 of those killed are journalists, thus-making it “one of the deadliest
single events for the press in memory” and giving the Philippines the title, “the world’s worst
place to be journalist”, according to International Press Freedom watchdo Committee to Protect
Journalist (CPJ). Since 2001, the start of the regime of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA), 99
journalists had been killed in the Philippines.”
Datu Michael Mastura: “I will tell you, the word “impunity” does not even suit it. It’s
inappropriate.”
Reviewing my notes in International Criminal Law and going over the relevant applicable laws
and cases, the acts described above definitely fall under the definition of “crimes against
humanity”
which is as follows: “any of the following acts when committed
as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with
knowledge of the attack:
(a) Murder;
(b) Extermination;
(c) Enslavement;
(d) Deportation or forcible transfer of population;
(e) Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules
of international law;
(f) Torture;
(g) Rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, or any
other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity;
(h) Persecution against any identifiable group or collectivity on political, racial, national, ethnic,
cultural, religious, gender as defined in paragraph 3, or other grounds that are universally
recognized as impermissible under international law, in connection with any act referred to in
this paragraph or any crime within the jurisdiction of the Court;
(i) Enforced disappearance of persons;
(j) The crime of apartheid; and
(k) Other inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally causing great suffering, or serious
injury to body or to mental or physical health.”
The fact that the attack was directed against a group of protected parties under International Law,
more particularly a civilian population which included children, women, and journalists, leaves
me no doubt that this massacre is a crime against humanity.
Some reactions to these criminal acts against humanity struck me and correspondingly propelled
me to consider alternative measures for the victims to receive justice and for all those responsible
to be tried and punished.
Noted columnist, lawyer and a Facebook friend Rodel Rodis expressed this view: “the issue went
beyond GMA and that even if Fernando Poe, Jr. had been president in November of 2009, the
Ampatuans would still have been warlords of Maguindanao and the ARRM and this same
massacre would have likely still occurred. The cancer of feudal warlordism is more deep-seated
and existed before GMA became president and will continue no matter who is elected president
in May 2010.”
Former Filipinas Magazine Editor & Publisher Mona Lisa Yuchengco wrote: “Why aren’t more
people up in arms (no pun intended) over this massacre demanding for justice? Will this, like all
other atrocities, be buried in our national consciousness? No wonder we’re always in the dumps!
Sorry, but I am very pessimistic about the government doing the right thing right now.”
Daniel j. Austria Rodis responded: “Lisa, there’s no reason based on our past and most recent
history to expect otherwise.”
Charging the Ampatuans, GMA and other senior officials for committing “crimes against
humanity” means that the case or cases would fall under “universal jurisdiction”. The trial is
heard outside of the Philippines free from the judicial corruption, intimidation, fear, political
intervention and further commission of inhumane acts. The nationality of the victims is
irrelevant. The crimes do not have to be committed in time of war or in connection with crimes
against peace. The assertion that the alleged acts are legal under domestic law is no defense
against it.
The Statute of Limitations also does not apply to crimes against humanity. So, GMA and her
cohorts can be charged this year, next year or anytime in the future. There was a specific
Convention on the Non-Availability of the Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes
Against Humanity, U.N. GAOR Res.2391 (XXIII) (1968). In fact, under the same Convention,
covered are not just direct participants and accomplices, even representatives of the authority that
tolerated the commission of the crimes.
In certain cases, even “ex post facto law” was considered not in violation of the rule of law.
Why should GMA be included in the charge?
A great writer and a Facebook friend Conrado de Quiros said it best: “She (GMA) not only stole
lives—though that is staggering enough in itself, ushering as it did the culture of impunity, which
is really a pale phrase to describe the murder of crows or the slaughter of the innocents or the
gunning down of suspects and burying them in shallow graves—she stole everything else. She
stole this country’s hope, she stole this country’s spirit, she stole this country’s life.
Being congressman did not save Romeo Jalosjos from jail for the rape of a minor. Being
congresswoman will not save Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo from jail for the rape of a nation.”
The degree of responsibility is always commensurate to the degree of powers and resources that
one has to meet that responsibility. GMA had all the powers to prevent or stop the Ampatuans
from committing this “orchestrated attack on the very dignity of man” as described in Article
6(a) of the Nuremberg Charter.
Let me show you what other respected writers say about GMA’s responsibility and
accountability:
Jose Ma. Montelibano: “the barbarism happened because the barbarians were encouraged by
their unholy alliance with Gloria that anything goes for as long they do their part in keeping
Gloria in power. The arms that have been discovered so far around the barbarians’ complex also
came from the AFP and DND as well as from other sources. The unholy alliance gave not only a
signal of encouragement but arms to affirm support beyond the law.” Further, “Such brazenness
would not have been possible without presidential support, even presidential initiatives asking
the barbarians to do everything possible to ensure political victory and control.”
Solita Collas-Monsod: “SHE (GMA) CODDLED THEM. That is the only way one can describe
the relationship of President Macapagal-Arroyo and the Ampatuans of Maguindanao. And that
coddling has resulted in the Maguindanao massacre…”
Monsod further wrote about the forms of coddling:
“First, and the most damaging is that she allowed the Ampatuans to arm themselves….And that
seemingly altruistic move created a monster, legitimizing the Ampatuans’ private army, helping
the clan consolidate its power through fear and intimidation, with at least some of the weapons
and ammunition even provided by the military.
‘Then there is the matter of unexplained wealth. It is common knowledge in Maguinganao that
they were not a major player until 2001. But it seems they made up for lost time – building
mansions in Maguindanao, another set of mansions, at least one each, in Davao and Makati.
Where does a governor get that kind of money?‘How indeed? Yet President Arroyo’s
Ombudsman-given the authority by the Constitution to “Investigate on its own, or on complaint
by any person any act or omission of any public official, employee, office or agency, when such
act or omission appears to be illegal, unjust, improper, or inefficient”- has turned a blind eye all
these years to the flaunting of the Ampatuan wealth.”
Another report: “The government’s glacially slow reaction in the immediate aftermath of the
massacre was proof to many that the president was trying to shield the Ampatuans who helped
deliver Maguindanao during her 2004 reelection.
‘Whatever the outcome of this sordid event, it is clear to most that the Ampatuans and other
political warlords who rule vast regions of the country through terror can only do so with the
implicit approval of the national government. Gloria Arroyo’s coddling of the Ampatuans for all
these years has now blown-up in her face. A hundred years hence, history will likely see Gloria
Arroyo as the enabler of the butcher of Maguindanao and judge her as guilty.”
Nestor P. Burgos, Jr.: “the Ampatuan massacre was not only the worst single attack on the press
in history but a continuation of the series of assaults on press freedom, abetted not just by official
inaction but by this administration’s many attempts to muzzle the independent Philippine
media…consequence of a system of governance that not only nurtures but also arms the likes of
the Ampatuan clan.”
Following the doctrine enunciated in the Yamashita case and in other International law cases,
Command Responsibility as a legal basis for criminal liability has been accepted. Command
responsibility is an omission mode of individual criminal liability: the superior is responsible for
crimes committed by his subordinates and for failing to prevent or punish. In the Yamashita case,
Yamashita was charged solely on the basis of responsibility for an “omission”. Ironically, it
involves Japanese troops engaged in atrocities against thousands of Filipino civilians. He was
charged, found guilty and executed with “unlawfully disregarding and failing to discharge his
duty as a commander to control the acts of members of his command by permitting them to
commit war crimes.”
In fact, in the other cases, actual knowledge by the superior or commander of the criminal acts is
not necessary. A lesser level of knowledge is sufficient.
These doctrines of Command Responsibility and Universal Jurisdiction are incorporated in the
Statutes of ICTY, the ICTR, and the ICC and the Belgian Anti-Atrocities Law. Atrocities similar
to the Maguindanao massacre have been investigated in Belgium, Spain, Rwanda and
Yugoslavia. The laws of Australia, Germany, New Zealand and South Africa have been amended
to allow such investigations as well. Austria, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and
Switzerland brought alleged perpetrators to trial on the basis of universal jurisdiction.
Spain’s indictment of former Chilean President Augusto Pinochet is an example. He was charged
for crimes committed mostly in Chile and against Chileans. Cases have been filed in Belgium
against Mauritanian President Maaouya ould Sid’Ahmed Taya, then-Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, former Chadian
President Hissene Habre and many others.
Like many Filipinos, I have not given up on the Philippines. We always find a way to face
challenges. Cory’s People Power made world history. We indicted, detained and convicted a
president (Estrada.) Unfortunately, GMA pardoned him. We indicted, detained, convicted and
sentenced to the electric chair Governor Rafael Lacson and his cohorts in the Moises Padilla
case. We indicted, convicted and imprisoned Bingbong Crisologo for burning entire barrios
(villages). We sentenced Congressman Jalosjos to life imprisonment for raping a minor. These
are all despite what had been described as a “culture of impunity”.
If the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines led by its Chair Nestor Burgos, supported
by the writers/journalists mentioned in this article, other journalists worldwide, some lawyers,
and Filipinos overseas would lead efforts to pursue this case, we might yet make another journey
to history.
*An International /Cyber Lawyer, Benjamin G. Maynigo is the Founding Chairman of the
LEXIS KUBERNETES Group. He earned his Bachelor of Laws Degree from San Beda College;
Master of Laws from American University; and Master of Arts in Education from George
Washington University.
http://www.pinoyherald.org/news/politics/crime-against-humanity-vs-gma-
ampatuan-et-al.html
As we strongly condemn the massacre by the Ampatuan warlords, we also strongly condemn the
declaration of Martial Law in Maguindanao. This action will not serve the interest of justice but
of the Ampatuan warlords and its master the US-Arroyo regime who intends to:
First, said Martial Law declaration deprive the mass media and the public from directly
monitoring the ongoing investigation and related issues. By this the possibility that the cornered
Ampatuans will expose the role of the AFP and Malacañang in the illegal establishment of
Ampatuan's private army and the maneuvers to push GMA's victory in the past presidential
election, will be prevented.
Second, the Martial Law declaration based on a rebellion case will diminish the seriousness of
the crime and make easy the Ampatuans' criminal defence. The massacre of 57 innocent civilians
merit grave punishment, which will be diminished if said crime will be made part of the rebellion
case. It is however clear that the killing of 57 civilians have nothing to do with rebellion. Those
killed were not armed forces or officials of the government. The arming of the Ampatuan
warlords is not a basis of rebellion because the AFP and Malacañang themselves clearly and
secretly armed the Ampatuan warlords to pit against the struggling Moro people and commit
election fraud.
With the rebellion case, the Ampatuan warlords can easily evade their crimes, as mass murder
will be put under rebellion, according to the law on rebellion cases, they will no longer be liable
for mass murder. The Ampatuans will also find it easy to rationalize that their private army is
part of the AFP forces, CAFGUs and CAAs. And because there is no strong basis that they were
rising against the government, the court will eventually dismiss the case and the barbaric and
violent Ampatuan warlords will evade punishment for their crimes.
The rebellion case depicts the Ampatuan warlords in struggle with a political ideology, in truth
they are simply barbaric, terrorists and common criminals. As opposed from this, it has been the
regime's practice to file cases of common crimes against the true revolutionaries.
Third, Martial Law is meant to end the Moro people's struggle. There are but a few Ampatuna
warlords and their minions compared to the millions of people victimized by the repressive
martial law. Under Martial Law, the media can no longer monitor victims of military abuse,
especially those who struggle for self-determination.
Fourth, the Maguindanao Massacre and the declaration of Martial Law in said province will
become the basis for the declaration of Martial Law in the country so Arroyo and her underlings
will remain in the seat of power.
Fifth, through Martial Law in Maguindanao, the victory of the administration's candidates will be
ensured.
Under the US-Arroyo regime, no justice will be achieved by the victims of the massacre and the
more than a thousand victims of extra-judicial killings in the country since GMA sat in power.
The master of the criminal Ampatuans and mother of extra-judicial killings in the country will
never give justice to the victims of the Ampatuan Massacre.
GMA's creation of a commission to disband private armies in the country is a big joke. GMA's
close allies are politicians, drug lords, kidnap-for-ransom, guns-for-hire and other syndicates
with private armies. This is just another way to disarm and repress the opposition and ensure that
the allies of GMA will win in the coming elections through terrorism. Above all, the AFP along
with the CAFGU and CAA is the biggest private army paid for with taxpayers' money but
serving the interests of the US-Arroyo regime and her allies.
The people must unite and oppose Martial Law of the US-Arroyo regime!
http://www.philippinerevolution.net/cgi-bin/statements/stmts.pl?
author=ndfnm;date=091209;lang=eng
Nearly 200 charged in Philippines massacre
Clan is alleged to have shot political rivals, supporters
By Oliver Teves
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MANILA - Philippine prosecutors filed charges yesterday against the head of a powerful clan
and 195 others in the biggest and deadliest murder case since the country’s World War II war
crimes trials.
Discuss
COMMENTS
(1)
The indictment said Andal Ampatuan Sr. and the others were part of a conspiracy to ambush and
kill members of the rival Mangudadatu family and supporters, who were gunned down Nov. 23
on a hilltop in Maguindanao Province. In all, 57 people died in the massacre apparently to
prevent Esmael Mangudadatu from challenging the Ampatuans’ control of the province in a
gubernatorial election.
Among those killed were 30 journalists and their staff who were to cover the filing of
Mangudadatu’s candidacy papers.
The massacre was unprecedented even for the country notorious for election violence and
political killings that have claimed hundreds of lives this decade. Only the war crime trials of
World War II Japanese commanders in the Philippines involved higher numbers of victims.
“I would say it is the biggest [trial] since the war, but I would even say in Philippine history
because I don’t put this in the same category of wars or those political crimes where you talk of
numbers of victims,’’ said Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera.
“Legally, it will take a little while because every accused has a right,’’ she said.
Mangudadatu, who said he had received death threats from the Ampatuans, sent his wife and
other female relatives and supporters to the provincial capital in the hope that his rival would not
harm the women.
Before yesterday’s indictment, only the patriarch’s son, Andal Ampatuan Jr., had been formally
charged.
“From the witnesses presented . . . it can be deduced that the commission of the crime was
planned deliberately by the perpetrators and that, until its consummation, there was an inexorable
resolve to kill,’’ the indictment document said. “Consequently, their plan was carried out leading
to the mass murder.’’
Andal Ampatuan Jr. has pleaded not guilty and is seeking bail.
No date has been set for the arraignment of his father, brothers, and the others accused.
The 69-year-old clan patriarch, an ally of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, has denied any
involvement and said the charges have been fabricated.
Andal Ampatuan Jr., a town mayor in southern Maguindanao province where his family ruled
unopposed for years, has been initially charged with 41 counts of murder in the Nov. 23 attack
on an election caravan in the volatile southern Philippines.
Ampatuan, the only one charged with murder so far, entered a plea of not guilty as his trial got
under way amid tight security in the national police headquarters.
Sporting a luxury watch and neckless with an "A," Ampatuan stood emotionless beside his
lawyer in front of Regional Trial Court Judge Jocelyn Solis Reyes as a court staffer read the
charges accusing him of "conspiring, confederating and mutually helping" others in the
gruesome murders.
Prosecutors said there was "evident premeditation" in the killings, characterized by the use of
"superior strength, treachery and cruelty."
Prosecutors said they have witnesses who will testify that Ampatuan led more than 100
government-armed militiamen and police in stopping the caravan at a security checkpoint outside
Ampatuan township, then forcing the victims at gunpoint to a hilltop clearing where they were
gunned down and buried in mass graves.
Among those killed were at least 30 journalists and their staff in what is considered the world's
deadliest single attack on media workers. The carnage has sparked international outrage,
prompting President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to briefly impose martial law in Maguindanao to
crack down on the powerful Ampatuan clan, a key political ally, and its private army.
Ampatuan's father, the former provincial governor who heads the clan, and several other close
relatives also have been accused of involvement in the killings but have yet to be indicted. They
too have denied any role in the massacre.
The victims included the family and supporters of the Ampatuans' election rival, Esmael
Mangudadatu, who sent his wife, sisters and other female relatives to file his candidacy papers
hoping they would not be harmed. Mangudadatu said Ampatuan threatened to kill him if he ran
for governor in national elections in May.
Prosecutors presented Ricardo Diaz of the National Bureau of Investigation as their first witness.
He said he received autopsy reports, statements from witnesses, pictures and video footage of
bodies and the crime scene.
Ampatuan's lawyer, Sigfrid Fortun, won a ruling from the judge disallowing as evidence a flash
disk that purportedly contained video and pictures of the victims on grounds that Diaz did not
personally record them.
Prosecutors said they will present investigators who recorded the images at the next hearing
scheduled for Jan. 13.
Fortun has filed a motion for his client to be released on bail, which prosecutors opposed
Tuesday citing possible reprisals against witnesses, Chief State Prosecutor Jovencito Zuno told
reporters after the hearing.
Dressed in a striped polo shirt, Ampatuan yawned and appeared tired during the hearing, said
Dante Jimenez, head of the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption, a citizens' group.
Editha Tiamzon, widow of Daniel Tiamzon, a driver for the private UNTV television network,
said she felt anger. "It's my first time to see him ... I want justice."
Mangudadatu said he was "still grieving but happy" that the trial had begun more than a month
after the killings.
"Let us help each other and pray that the victims will get justice and those responsible for this
heinous crime be found guilty," he said.
Arroyo's political backing of the clan, which helped her win crucial votes during the 2004
elections, has allowed the Ampatuans to flourish dangerously for years in Maguindanao, a
predominantly Muslim province about 560 miles (900 kilometers) south of Manila, the
International Crisis Group, a prominent think tank, said last month.
Arroyo's aides have acknowledged her close alliance with the Ampatuans but said that did not
authorize them to commit crimes. The Ampatuans were expelled from Arroyo's ruling party after
the killings.
http://newsx.com/story/69852
Jose Ma. Montelibano: “the barbarism of the Maguindanao massacre is a class of its own in the history of brutality in the
Philippines.”
Philippine Daily Inquirer, “Roots of the Massacre”: “THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE, a crime so horrific, so unspeakable that it
led people to ask whether it was committed by animals or monsters…”
Witness “Boy”: “Ampatuan, Jr. had ordered the gunmen to kill all the members of a rival political clan, including women and children,
and to make sure no evidence was left behind.
Rodel Rodis: “…the barbaric slaughter of 61 innocent people, including 30 working journalists. I also viewed on the Internet
gruesome close-up photos of the mangled, brutalized bodies of the victims, images which still haunt me.”
Analyn Perez and TJ Dimacali of GMANews.TV, “It is now confirmed that 31 of those killed are journalists, thus-making it “one of the
deadliest single events for the press in memory” and giving the Philippines the title, “the world’s worst place to be a journalist”,
according to International Press Freedom watchdog Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Since 2001, the start of the regime of
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA), 99 journalists had been killed in the Philippines.”
Reviewing my notes in International Criminal Law and going over the relevant jurisprudence, the acts described above definitely fall
under the definition of “crimes against humanity.” Under the law, “any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread
or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack:(a) Murder; (b) Extermination; (c)
Enslavement; (d) Deportation or forcible transfer of population; (e) Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in
violation of fundamental rules of international law; (f) Torture; (g) Rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy,
enforced sterilization, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity; (h) Persecution against any identifiable group or
collectivity on political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender as defined in paragraph 3, or other grounds that are
universally recognized as impermissible under international law, in connection with any act referred to in this paragraph or any crime
within the jurisdiction of the Court; (i) Enforced disappearance of persons; (j) The crime of apartheid; and (k) Other inhumane acts of
a similar character intentionally causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health.”
The fact that the attack was directed against a group of protected parties under International Law, more particularly a civilian
population which included children, women, and journalists, leaves me no doubt that this massacre is a crime against humanity.
Reactions to these criminal acts against humanity struck me and correspondingly propelled me to consider alternative measures for
the victims to receive justice.
Former Filipinas Magazine Editor & Publisher Mona Lisa Yuchengco wrote: “Why aren’t more people up in arms (no pun intended)
over this massacre demanding for justice? Will this, like all other atrocities, be buried in our national consciousness? No wonder
we’re always in the dumps! Sorry, but I am very pessimistic about the government doing the right thing right now.”
Charging the Ampatuans, GMA and others for committing “crimes against humanity” means that the case or cases would fall under
“universal jurisdiction”. The trial is heard outside of the Philippines free from the judicial corruption, intimidation, fear, political
intervention and further commission of inhumane acts. The nationality of the victims is irrelevant. The crimes do not have to be
committed in time of war or in connection with crimes against peace. The assertion that the alleged acts are legal under domestic
law is no defense against it.
The Statute of Limitations also does not apply to crimes against humanity. So, GMA and her cohorts can be charged this year, next
year or anytime in the future. There was a specific Convention on the Non-Availability of the Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and
Crimes Against Humanity, U.N. GAOR Res.2391 (XXIII) (1968). In fact, under the same Convention, covered are not just direct
participants and accomplices, even representatives of the authority that tolerated the commission of the crimes. In certain cases,
even “ex post facto law” was considered not in violation of the rule of law.
A great writer and a Facebook friend Conrado de Quiros said it best: “She (GMA) not only stole lives—though that is staggering
enough in itself, ushering as it did the culture of impunity, which is really a pale phrase to describe the murder of crows or the
slaughter of the innocents or the gunning down of suspects and burying them in shallow graves—she stole everything else. She
stole this country’s hope, she stole this country’s spirit, she stole this country’s life.
Being congressman did not save Romeo Jalosjos from jail for the rape of a minor. Being congresswoman will not save Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo from jail for the rape of a nation.”
The degree of responsibility is always commensurate to the degree of powers and resources that one has to meet that
responsibility. GMA had all the powers to prevent or stop the Ampatuans from committing this “orchestrated attack on the very
dignity of man” as described in Article 6(a) of the Nuremberg Charter.
Let me show you what other respected writers say about GMA’s responsibility and accountability:
Jose Ma. Montelibano: “the barbarism happened because the barbarians were encouraged by their unholy alliance with Gloria that
anything goes for as long they do their part in keeping Gloria in power. The arms that have been discovered so far around the
barbarians’ complex also came from the AFP and DND as well as from other sources. The unholy alliance gave not only a signal of
encouragement but arms to affirm support beyond the law.” Further, “Such brazenness would not have been possible without
presidential support, even presidential initiatives asking the barbarians to do everything possible to ensure political victory and
control.”
Solita Collas-Monsod: “SHE CODDLED THEM. That is the only way one can describe the relationship of President Macapagal-
Arroyo and the Ampatuans of Maguindanao. And that coddling has resulted in the Maguindanao massacre…”
Another report: “Gloria Arroyo’s coddling of the Ampatuans for all these years has now blown-up in her face. A hundred years
hence, history will likely see Gloria Arroyo as the enabler of the butcher of Maguindanao and judge her as guilty.
Nestor P. Burgos, Jr.: “the Ampatuan massacre was … abetted not just by official inaction ..consequence of a system of governance
that not only nurtures but also arms the likes of the Ampatuan clan.”
Following the doctrine enunciated in the Yamashita case and in other International law cases, Command Responsibility as a legal
basis for criminal liability has been accepted. Command responsibility is an omission mode of individual criminal liability: the
superior is responsible for crimes committed by his subordinates and for failing to prevent or punish. In the Yamashita case,
Yamashita was charged solely on the basis of responsibility for an “omission”. Ironically, it involves Japanese troops engaged in
atrocities against thousands of Filipino civilians. He was charged, found guilty and executed with “unlawfully disregarding and failing
to discharge his duty as a commander to control the acts of members of his command by permitting them to commit war crimes.” In
fact, in the other cases, actual knowledge by the superior or commander of the criminal acts is not necessary. A lesser level of
knowledge is sufficient.
These doctrines of Command Responsibility and Universal Jurisdiction are incorporated in the Statutes of ICTY, the ICTR, and the
ICC and the Belgian Anti-Atrocities Law. Atrocities similar to the Maguindanao massacre have been investigated in Belgium, Spain,
Rwanda and Yugoslavia. The laws of Australia, Germany, New Zealand and South Africa have been amended to allow such
investigations as well. Austria, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland brought alleged perpetrators to trial on the
basis of universal jurisdiction.
Spain’s indictment of former Chilean President Augusto Pinochet is an example. He was charged for crimes committed mostly in
Chile and against Chileans. Cases have been filed in Belgium against Mauritanian President Maaouya ould Sid’Ahmed Taya, then-
Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, former Chadian President
Hissene Habre and many others.
Like many Filipinos, I have not given up on the Philippines. We always find a way to face challenges. Cory’s People Power made
world history. We indicted, detained and convicted a president (Estrada). Unfortunately, GMA pardoned him. We indicted, detained,
convicted and sentenced to the electric chair Governor Rafael Lacson and his cohorts in the Moises Padilla case. We indicted,
convicted and imprisoned Bingbong Crisologo for burning entire barrios (villages). We sentenced Congressman Jalosjos to life
imprisonment for raping a minor. These are all despite what had been described as a “culture of impunity”.
If the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines led by its Chair Nestor Burgos, supported by the writers/journalists mentioned
in this article, other journalists worldwide, some lawyers, and Filipinos overseas would lead efforts to pursue this case, we might yet
make another journey to history.
*An International / Cyber Lawyer, Benjamin G. Maynigo is the Founding Chairman of the LEXIS KUBERNETES (Laws in
Cyberspace) Group. He earned his Bachelor of Laws Degree from San Beda College; Master of Laws from American
University; and Master of Arts in Education from George Washington University. He was also the former President of the
Philippine American Bar Association (PABA).
http://jns4fils.blogspot.com/2010/01/crime-against-humanity-vs-gma-ampatuan.html
10 more Ampatuan clan members face rebellion raps
•
MANILA, Philippines - The Philippine National Police filed rebellion charges against 10 more
members of the Ampatuan clan and more than 600 "rebellion sub-leaders" and supporters.
Chief Superintendent Leonardo Espina, PNP spokesman, said in an update on Wednesday that
rebellion charges were referred to the Department of Justice (DOJ) on Saturday, the same day
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo lifted Proclamation No. 1959 declaring martial law and
suspending the writ of habeas corpus in parts of Maguindanao province.
The 10 are Mayor Banarin Ampatuan of Mamasapano town, Mayor Yacob Ampatuan of Rajah
Buayan town, Datu Ulo Ampatuan, Datu Upi Ampatuan, Vice-Mayor Kanor Ampatuan of Salibo
town, Vice-Mayor Sukarno Badal of Sultan Sabarongis town, Mayor Alexander Tumawis of
Barira town, Mayor Ombra Sinsuat of Datu Udin town, Mayor Abu Talib of Parang town and
provincial administrator Nurie Unas.
Espina said 17 leaders of Civilian Volunteer Organization from several towns in Maguindanao
were also charged with rebellion. The PNP classified the CVO leaders as "sub-leaders" of the
alleged rebellion.
The PNP spokesman said a total of 611 CVO members were included in the rebellion case
referred to the DOJ.
Espina said the charges are in addition to the rebellion charges earlier filed by the DOJ before the
Cotabato City regional trial court against 5 members of the Ampatuan clan including its patriarch
former provincial governor Andal Ampatuan Sr. and son, Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan, and 19 followers.
Meanwhile, the PNP said there has been no let up in the operations for the recovery of more
firearms and ammunition in Maguindanao, which remains under a state of emergency.
The PNP said joint military and police teams recovered on Tuesday morning a large arms cache
in Barangay Timbangan, Shariff Aguak town, the bailiwick of the Ampatuans in the province.
Among the unearthed items were 7 pieces of M60 rifles, 1 Minimi light machine gun, 4 units of
M14 rifles, an AK 47 rifle with a magazine, 2 Browning rifles; a 60mm mortar with with a
bipod, a barrel for for an M14 rifle, 4 M60 bolts, 9 links for M16 ammunition, 273 rounds of
AK 47 ammunition; 1 long steal magazine; 2 bandoliers; 1 sling bag with nametag "Ibrahim A
Shariff Aguak Maguindanao", a black bag, a barrel pouch.
The recovered items have been brought to the police regional headquarters in Cotabato City. –
Report from Noel Alamar, radio dzMM
http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/12/16/09/10-more-ampatuan-clan-members-face-rebellion-
raps
Live coverage of the trial was prohibited and all photographers and cameramen were told to
leave the court room before the start of the trial.
But an insider said the 600-square-meter makeshift court room was not filled to its maximum of
200 seating capacity.
Ampatuan Jr. was seated on the right side of the court room, facing presiding Judge Jocelyn
Solis-Reyes. With him were his five lawyers, led by lawyer Sigried Fortun, insiders said.
Clad in a pink polo shirt, Ampatuan was brought into the court room in handcuffs but these were
removed just before the trial started.
The trial started at exactly 8:30 a.m. and the motion for bail was expected to be tackled, as well
the petition of the relatives of the slain journalists to have Ampatuan transferred to the Quezon
City jail.
Seated on the opposite row was Buluan vice mayor Ismael "Toto" Mangudadatu and his
counsels, as well as the relatives of the slain journalists and their counsel lawyer Harry Roque.
A team from the Commission on Human Rights led by chairperson Leila De Lima was also
present as observers of the trial.
Ampatuan Jr. is charged with multiple murders over the killings of at least 57 people in
November, including pregnant women who were relatives of a political rival and about 30
journalists, in the violence-wracked Mindanao.
More than 30 heavily-armed police escorts will take Ampatuan to a special court inside the
Philippines' national police headquarters for a bail hearing, the first step in judicial proceedings
that many fear could drag on for years.
"This is something that everyone must monitor every step of the way," said Ramon Casiple, a
political analyst with the Institute for Political and Economic Reform.
"What we are facing here is a very strong clan with very strong political connections and the
capability to intimidate or even kill witnesses," he told AFP.
"This puts the justice system to a test because past cases with heavy political overtones have
never been satisfactorily concluded."
Casiple cited as an example the trial of former president Joseph Estrada's trial, who was deposed
in a military-backed popular revolt in 2001, for massive corruption.
After a marathon six-year trial, he was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment, only to be
pardoned and set free by successor Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
"At the end of the day, it's still politics talking. And these warlords will not go down quietly,"
Casiple said.
Some in Ampatuan Jr.'s battery of high-profile lawyers also worked in the Estrada trial, and they
are expected to raise technicalities to delay the case, he said.
One judge has already backed out from the explosive case, saying he feared for his life. There
have also been calls from prosecutors for the justice department to ensure the safety of witnesses.
Ampatuan Jr. allegedly led 100 of his men in stopping a convoy carrying members of a political
rival and journalists on November 23.
The dead were systematically murdered and buried in shallow pits or dumped in grasslands just
near the national highway in Maguindanao province, where Ampatuan Jr.'s father and namesake
was governor.
Ampatuan Sr. as well as several other clan members were later arrested after martial law was
imposed in Manguindanao and charged separately with rebellion.
In her report to Congress defending martial law, Arroyo said those massacred bore "marks of
despicable torture, contempt, and outrageous torment."
She also said that clan followers had threatened to carry out attacks if their patrons were arrested.
The Brussels-based International Crisis Group said last month, however, that Arroyo was partly
to blame for the massacre because she had allowed a "local despot to indulge his greed and
ambition."
Ampatuan Sr. had controlled Maguindanao province for most of the past decade and was
grooming his son to take his place as governor in this May's national elections.
Ampatuan Sr.'s influence and power grew because Arroyo allowed him to maintain a 3,000-
strong heavily armed militia as part of a government strategy to contain Muslim separatist
insurgents in the south.
In exchange for the support, Ampatuan also helped deliver votes from the province to Arroyo
and her candidates in the 2004 election allegedly through cheating.
The shocking crime forced her to cut political ties with the clan, but critics say the Ampatuans
may still hold enough political power to avoid the penalties many believe they deserve.
"I have serious doubts about the whole exercise," Harry Roque, chairman of the advocacy group
Center Law Philippines, who is also a private prosecutor representing the slain journalists, said
of the case.
"There is a genuine fear from the victims' families that justice will not be served," he said.
With reports from AFP
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20100105-
245598/Ampatuan_Jr._trial_begins
Voice of Revolution condemns the U.S. arming and backing of the Philippine government and
brutal paramilitary forces, responsible for the massacre of 64 civilians in Maguindanao province,
Mindanao, Philippines on November 23. We demand that the U.S. government denounce this
massacre and stop arming and funding these forces. Much as is occurring in Colombia and more
recently in Honduras, the U.S. claims to be a defender of human rights and “free and fair”
elections, yet is repeatedly exposed as the force arming and backing the most reactionary forces
responsible for civilian massacres and fraudulent elections. And, once again, President Barack
Obama is remaining silent about the massacre in the Philippines.
The Maguindanao Massacre where a large number of women and children, 29 journalists and
two human rights lawyers were killed, is part of a campaign of state-terror and violence
organized by the U.S. and the U.S-backed Philippine government of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Most recently, this included a 9-day period from December 4-12 where martial law and
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus was imposed on Maguindanao province. This campaign
is aimed at intimidating and disrupting the Philippine people’s revolutionary movement for the
political renewal of their society so as to build a new and sovereign Philippines and end once and
for all U.S. military occupation of their country and its subjugation through fascist governments.
The U.S. has a long history of brutalizing the Filipino people, beginning with outright colonizing
the country in 1898, then installing one fascist government after the other, including the
infamous Ferdinand Marcos government (1965-1986), notorious for its human rights abuses and
open theft of the wealth of the people.
The Structure of Reactionary Violence and Human Rights Violations in the Philippines
Professor José Maria Sison
Chairperson, International League of Peoples’ Struggles, November 28, 2009
The International Coordinating Committee and all member-organizations of the International
League of Peoples’ Struggle condemn with all their moral conviction and strength the monstrous
massacre of at least 57 people, including many women and children, 29 journalists and two
human rights lawyers, in Ampatuan, Maguindanao on November 23, 2009.
The abominable crime against humanity was perpetrated by the private army of the Ampatuan
ruling clan in collaboration with units of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Philippine
Army (PA). The private army consists of armed units designated as Civilian Armed Force
Geographical Units (CAFGU) and Civilian Volunteers Organization (CVO), subsidized by
public funds and operating as auxiliary paramilitary units of the PNP and PA.
The Ampatuans are governors of both Maguindanao and the Autonomous Region of Muslim
Mindanao (ARMM) and include a cabinet undersecretary, congressmen and several town
mayors. They have maintained their dominant warlord status because they are aligned with the
Arroyo regime and have delivered to it large numbers of fraudulent votes in the 2004 and 2007
reactionary elections. Thus, they are allowed to oppress and exploit the people and crush with
armed force any opposition.
But it is not enough to see only the relationship of the Arroyo ruling clique and the Ampatuan
ruling clan in Maguindanao or even the rotten and violent character of the entire oppressive
ruling system in the Philippines. The official designation and government financing of the
Ampatuan private army as CVO and CAFGU paramilitary auxiliaries of the PNP and PA are in
line with the national internal security plan called Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL, Operation Plan
Freedom Watch). This has been designed and directed by the U.S. under its global war of terror
policy.
http://www.usmlo.org/arch2009/2009-12/VR091221.htm
THE truth is that the culture of Maguindanao natives as to what kind of justice
should be meted out to the murderers is still prevailing among all Muslim Filipinos. The
justice practices are similar among the tribesmen in Lanao del Sur, Lanao del Norte,
Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi.
With this reality, can we expect that the victims will never take justice into their
hands?
One proof to this is: Pax Mangudadatu won three straight terms as governor of
Sultan Kudarat province despite the fact that he was running against Christian
opponents in a place where non-Muslim voters are only 25 percent. He then won the
lone congressional seat and his son also won handily.
It is but natural for the voters to vote politicians who do no harm or who do more
good than harm.
With this reputation about the attitude and character of the Mangudadatus, can
they withstand the pressure of extreme grief and anger over the loss of their women
who have been insisted to have been raped before having been killed brutally in that
unforgettable November 23, 2009 massacre in Ampatuan, Maguindanao?
Buluan Vice-Mayor Toto Mangudadatu has been spewing outrage in all television
footages. He always stressed that Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. of Datu Unsay town and
the latter’s 100 armed goons must answer.
Toto has been consistent in telling the world that his eyewitnesses now in his
custody saw how his wife was raped, speared off of her private parts, shot on two boobs
and the private part, and fired upon point-blank on her face.
He is also consistent in insisting that his two sisters, both pregnant, also suffered
the fate of his wife.
What is more, Toto’s outrage has been fueled further by his moral obligation to at
least 27 media persons whom he invited to accompany his wife and his two lady
lawyers in filing his certificate of candidacy for the governorship of Maguindanao.
He cannot back out from this obligation to the people other than his relatives
because it was his desire to run for governor, represented by a piece of paper, that cost
their lives.
Pax, considered as the patriarch of the Mangudadatus, has strictly ordered his
relatives not to start a bloody revenge and give the justice system a chance.
But the killing is, unarguably, too extreme to resist to take justice in their own
hands.
Actually, what has not been expected and talked about is the possible revenge of
the Ilonggo families who lost their relatives in the November 23, 2009 infamous
massacre in Ampatuan town.
The Ilonggo victims in that most-brutal-ever massacre are reporters and the two
lady lawyers.
Lest, no one should forget that during the height of Moro National Liberation
Front rebellion in the early 1970s, it was the Ilonggo group known as “Ilaga” that fought
toe-to-toe against the Moro fighters—in manner not far less brutal than the Ampatuan
massacre.
‘Rido’ system
You can describe this system of justice as: BLOOD FOR BLOOD.
The original sinners feel now they have the better right to kill and they would now
plan to take lives from the other clan.
In many cases, “rido” is a never-ending story. Not even time can heal the
wounds.
In other cases, the thought of “rido” actually discourages many not to start or it
will give meaning to the saying: “You reap what you sow.”
The bigger the clans are involved, the deadlier the “rido” becomes.
The families of the victim do not think of coming to court where justice wheels run
for five years to 15 years in full course before the judgment can be executed. It
becomes a talk of justice delayed justice denied.
The story on “blood for blood” war is expected to be far different in the case of
the massacre of at least 57 women, children, lawyers and journalists in that bloody
carnage where Andal Jr. has been positively identified to be the one who directly gave
orders to kill anybody in sight.
The degree of shock and the fact that it is unquestionably revolting to conscience
would drastically change the color of the game of “rido.”
Everybody agrees, even if Andal Jr. is cut into pieces it is not enough as a justice
to the 57 innocent human beings whose bodies were mangled, assuming he is guilty.
The surrender or arrest of Andal Jr. to the authorities may have alleviated a bit
the outrage from both Muslim and Christian communities in Mindanao.
Definitely, this does not yet define what would be expected in the few more days
as the country runs up to the highly-anticipated 2010 elections, particularly the
gubernatorial race in Maguindanao.
During the inquest proceedings done by the Department of Justice at the airport
in General Santos City, the extreme outrage nearly broke out when Toto saw Andal Jr.
face to face.
Thanks to the cooler heads and the overwhelming presence of law enforcers, a
possible bloody revenge was averted.
The face of Andal Jr. showed a picture of a man who has not slept for days; his
eye bags were dark and deep.
The more outrage was fueled when he denied having a hand in the goriest-ever
massacre and pointed to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as the culprits.
MILF spokesman Eid Kabalu immediately debunked this claim, insisting that
MILF has no interest in local politics.
Fears of whitewash
or manipulation
Given the kind of justice system the Philippines has for over 100 years, it is no
secret that it affords many opportunities for the accused to play around with.
In the case of Andal Jr., even if he is guilty, which is likely, it is possible that he
would make up a play to call in some of his men to own up the massacre in exchange
for money in order to free him from jail.
In the case of the late Mayor Honorato Galvez of San Ildefonso, Bulacan, his
bodyguards owned up the crimes and were the ones who were kept in jail while the
mayor was freed, in addition to the account of the police crime laboratory that the bullets
that killed the victims did not fit the gun of Galvez.
What happened to Galvez is not far to happen in the case of Andal Jr.
And if there is apparent whitewash, the “blood for blood” backlash is inevitable.
With the vivid details of reports, photos and footages so far that have been
bombarded on the public, the witnesses mentioned by Father Jun Mercado as having
positively identified the Ampatuan son as the leader of the band, and the fact that the
provincial government backhoe was there, coupled with the coming of a witness who
was among those ordered to rape and brutally kill, and the fact that there have been no
other persons interested in killing the wife and sisters of Toto, his lady lawyers and the
27 journalists, it cannot be explained to the public how Andal Jr. can be declared
innocent-and why the gunmen were not arrested.
Conclusions
Given these considerations, anybody can just sigh to ask: (a) Will the present
justice system work? and (b) Will “blood-for-blood” justice erupt?
Additionally, the present justice system cannot work because no fiscal and judge
of Maguindanao would ever find probable cause and sentence the Ampatuans as guilty
of the world’s worst massacre of journalists.
Recommendation
To avoid the repeat of the goriest-ever massacre, the only option is to change the
system of justice.
It is proposed that the country now adopts Hukuman ng Mamamayan, or the
Filipino-designed Jury System. This is to ensure that laws on crimes are implemented to
preclude the possibility of breeding and the molding again of criminals as worst as the
Ampatuan massacre killers, who were said to have used to killing ordinary
Maguindanao people for ten years that they developed the habit of fearless mass killing.
The Ampatuans are examples of warlords who have been treated as “babies” by
the administration of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo for delivering the needed votes where
Fernando Poe Jr. got zero and where her senatorial candidates were 12-0 winners.
The Hukuman ng Mamamayan is composed of two bodies: the Grand Jury and
the Trial Jury.
The Grand Jury shall be composed of ordinary folks whose names and faces
shall be hidden and they will be chosen by raffle from the voters’ list to exercise the
power to decide who shall be arrested, brought to court for trial, the power to jail bought
or threatened witnesses who refuse to testify until they agree to talk, the power to jail
arrogant or threatened policemen and other law enforcers until they agree to work as
detectives.
The Trial Jury shall be composed of ordinary folks whose names and faces shall
be hidden and chosen in the same manner. It will decide as to which claims are true
and which are false.
Tags: clan war, maguindanao massacre, ampatuan massacre, justice, maguindanao politics, rido
Prev: A BENEFIT CONCERT FOR THE TYPHOON VICTIMS AND TRIBUTE TO THE
VOLUNTEERS AND DONORS on November 24, 2009
http://ondoyrelief.multiply.com/journal/item/111
THE truth is that the culture of Maguindanao natives as to what kind of justice
should be meted out to the murderers is still prevailing among all Muslim Filipinos. The
justice practices are similar among the tribesmen in Lanao del Sur, Lanao del Norte,
Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi.
With this reality, can we expect that the victims will never take justice into their
hands?
One proof to this is: Pax Mangudadatu won three straight terms as governor of
Sultan Kudarat province despite the fact that he was running against Christian
opponents in a place where non-Muslim voters are only 25 percent. He then won the
lone congressional seat and his son also won handily.
It is but natural for the voters to vote politicians who do no harm or who do more
good than harm.
With this reputation about the attitude and character of the Mangudadatus, can
they withstand the pressure of extreme grief and anger over the loss of their women
who have been insisted to have been raped before having been killed brutally in that
unforgettable November 23, 2009 massacre in Ampatuan, Maguindanao?
Buluan Vice-Mayor Toto Mangudadatu has been spewing outrage in all television
footages. He always stressed that Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. of Datu Unsay town and
the latter’s 100 armed goons must answer.
Toto has been consistent in telling the world that his eyewitnesses now in his
custody saw how his wife was raped, speared off of her private parts, shot on two boobs
and the private part, and fired upon point-blank on her face.
He is also consistent in insisting that his two sisters, both pregnant, also suffered
the fate of his wife.
What is more, Toto’s outrage has been fueled further by his moral obligation to at
least 27 media persons whom he invited to accompany his wife and his two lady
lawyers in filing his certificate of candidacy for the governorship of Maguindanao.
He cannot back out from this obligation to the people other than his relatives
because it was his desire to run for governor, represented by a piece of paper, that cost
their lives.
Pax, considered as the patriarch of the Mangudadatus, has strictly ordered his
relatives not to start a bloody revenge and give the justice system a chance.
But the killing is, unarguably, too extreme to resist to take justice in their own
hands.
Actually, what has not been expected and talked about is the possible revenge of
the Ilonggo families who lost their relatives in the November 23, 2009 infamous
massacre in Ampatuan town.
The Ilonggo victims in that most-brutal-ever massacre are reporters and the two
lady lawyers.
Lest, no one should forget that during the height of Moro National Liberation
Front rebellion in the early 1970s, it was the Ilonggo group known as “Ilaga” that fought
toe-to-toe against the Moro fighters—in manner not far less brutal than the Ampatuan
massacre.
‘Rido’ system
You can describe this system of justice as: BLOOD FOR BLOOD.
The original sinners feel now they have the better right to kill and they would now
plan to take lives from the other clan.
In many cases, “rido” is a never-ending story. Not even time can heal the
wounds.
In other cases, the thought of “rido” actually discourages many not to start or it
will give meaning to the saying: “You reap what you sow.”
The bigger the clans are involved, the deadlier the “rido” becomes.
The families of the victim do not think of coming to court where justice wheels run
for five years to 15 years in full course before the judgment can be executed. It
becomes a talk of justice delayed justice denied.
The story on “blood for blood” war is expected to be far different in the case of
the massacre of at least 57 women, children, lawyers and journalists in that bloody
carnage where Andal Jr. has been positively identified to be the one who directly gave
orders to kill anybody in sight.
The degree of shock and the fact that it is unquestionably revolting to conscience
would drastically change the color of the game of “rido.”
Everybody agrees, even if Andal Jr. is cut into pieces it is not enough as a justice
to the 57 innocent human beings whose bodies were mangled, assuming he is guilty.
The surrender or arrest of Andal Jr. to the authorities may have alleviated a bit
the outrage from both Muslim and Christian communities in Mindanao.
Definitely, this does not yet define what would be expected in the few more days
as the country runs up to the highly-anticipated 2010 elections, particularly the
gubernatorial race in Maguindanao.
During the inquest proceedings done by the Department of Justice at the airport
in General Santos City, the extreme outrage nearly broke out when Toto saw Andal Jr.
face to face.
Thanks to the cooler heads and the overwhelming presence of law enforcers, a
possible bloody revenge was averted.
The face of Andal Jr. showed a picture of a man who has not slept for days; his
eye bags were dark and deep.
The more outrage was fueled when he denied having a hand in the goriest-ever
massacre and pointed to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as the culprits.
MILF spokesman Eid Kabalu immediately debunked this claim, insisting that
MILF has no interest in local politics.
Fears of whitewash
or manipulation
Given the kind of justice system the Philippines has for over 100 years, it is no
secret that it affords many opportunities for the accused to play around with.
In the case of Andal Jr., even if he is guilty, which is likely, it is possible that he
would make up a play to call in some of his men to own up the massacre in exchange
for money in order to free him from jail.
In the case of the late Mayor Honorato Galvez of San Ildefonso, Bulacan, his
bodyguards owned up the crimes and were the ones who were kept in jail while the
mayor was freed, in addition to the account of the police crime laboratory that the bullets
that killed the victims did not fit the gun of Galvez.
What happened to Galvez is not far to happen in the case of Andal Jr.
And if there is apparent whitewash, the “blood for blood” backlash is inevitable.
With the vivid details of reports, photos and footages so far that have been
bombarded on the public, the witnesses mentioned by Father Jun Mercado as having
positively identified the Ampatuan son as the leader of the band, and the fact that the
provincial government backhoe was there, coupled with the coming of a witness who
was among those ordered to rape and brutally kill, and the fact that there have been no
other persons interested in killing the wife and sisters of Toto, his lady lawyers and the
27 journalists, it cannot be explained to the public how Andal Jr. can be declared
innocent-and why the gunmen were not arrested.
Conclusions
Given these considerations, anybody can just sigh to ask: (a) Will the present
justice system work? and (b) Will “blood-for-blood” justice erupt?
Additionally, the present justice system cannot work because no fiscal and judge
of Maguindanao would ever find probable cause and sentence the Ampatuans as guilty
of the world’s worst massacre of journalists.
Recommendation
To avoid the repeat of the goriest-ever massacre, the only option is to change the
system of justice.
It is proposed that the country now adopts Hukuman ng Mamamayan, or the
Filipino-designed Jury System. This is to ensure that laws on crimes are implemented to
preclude the possibility of breeding and the molding again of criminals as worst as the
Ampatuan massacre killers, who were said to have used to killing ordinary
Maguindanao people for ten years that they developed the habit of fearless mass killing.
The Ampatuans are examples of warlords who have been treated as “babies” by
the administration of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo for delivering the needed votes where
Fernando Poe Jr. got zero and where her senatorial candidates were 12-0 winners.
The Hukuman ng Mamamayan is composed of two bodies: the Grand Jury and
the Trial Jury.
The Grand Jury shall be composed of ordinary folks whose names and faces
shall be hidden and they will be chosen by raffle from the voters’ list to exercise the
power to decide who shall be arrested, brought to court for trial, the power to jail bought
or threatened witnesses who refuse to testify until they agree to talk, the power to jail
arrogant or threatened policemen and other law enforcers until they agree to work as
detectives.
The Trial Jury shall be composed of ordinary folks whose names and faces shall
be hidden and chosen in the same manner. It will decide as to which claims are true
and which are false.
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A fair trial is too More Inbox World
much to expect ›Is it time for boxing superstar Manny Pacquiao to hang his gloves?
Ignacio Anacta, Metro ›At this point, have you already made your mind up as to your choice of president?
Manila: A fair trial in
our present justice ›What can you say about Manny Pacquiao's latest performance?
system is more of a
dream than a reality, ›Are you actively campaigning for a particular candidate? Why or why not?
especially if our First
Family is involved, no ›Do you harbor any doubt on President Arroyo's assurance of a smooth turnover of p
matter how remotely. ends?
›Are you actively campaigning for a particular candidate? Why or why not?
Just the allegation alone
that she was coddling ›What can you say about rumors of a grand conspiracy to manipulate the results of t
the Ampatuans, who
are said to have ›Will Manny Pacquiao knock out Joshua Clottey in their upcoming welterweight bo
“assisted” her
immensely in winning ›What do you think of the church's vehement opposition to all forms of contraceptio
the presidency in 2004,
is enough to put her ›Who do you believe has the best economic platform among the presidential bets?
into shame.
Unfortunately for us ›After 'Ondoy' and 'Pepeng', do you believe that most Filipinos now know better abo
Filipinos, most of our the environment?
political leaders have ›What is your eulogy for President Corazon Aquino?
lost their delicadeza. So
help us God! ›What rating would you give President Arroyo's July 27 SONA?
Chris Navarro, Las
Piñas City: Since when Inbox World archives
has a fair trial happened
in the Philippines?
Ruel Bautista, Lagun:
I’ve grown old and lost
most of my hair, but
I’m willing to bet
what’s remaining of it
that justice won’t be
served.
Ed Ledesma, Iloilo
City: I most certainly
do, although expecting
a fair trial and actually
having one could be
two entirely different
things in this country.
Ricardo Tolentino,
Laoag City: In our
country, there is no
such thing as a fair trial,
especially a case like
that of the Ampatuans.
Intimidation, threats,
and bribery will decide
the outcome.
Yes, if at all possible
Felix Ramento, USA:
Yes, and as Bongbong
Marcos has suggested,
if a marathon trial is
possible, so be it. By
slaying the monster
herself, PGMA could
bring her government
to a climactic end.
Depends on the judge
Rhomar Cabrales,
Narvacan, Ilocos Sur:
It depends on the judge.
If she will not accept
any amount of money
from the Ampatuan
family, I would expect
a fair trial.
Myle Alexis Chua,
Cabanatuan City: I
expect that there will be
a fair trial with Judge
Jocelyn Solis Reyes.
Let’s hope that justice
will be served.
Rudy Tagimacruz,
Malaybalay City,
Bukidnon: Our justice
system may be flawed,
but most of those at its
helm are objective and
fair jurists.
Fortunato Aguirre,
Bulacan: Judge Solis
Reyes has guts, unlike
the chicken male judge
who cowered in fear. I
believe she can deliver
a fair trial sans fear.
The government must
secure her safety.
Ryan Pahimulin,
Rizal: Yes, the judge
appears to be a person
of integrity and probity.
Gil Balajadia,
Northern Samar: I
have no doubt Judge
Reyes was fair when
handling low-profile
cases, how much more
this high-profile case of
the Ampatuans?
Pedro Alagano Sr.,
Vigan City: Yes, the
sensationalism of the
case is an ingredient to
rule the case fair and
square based on the
pieces of evidence at
hand. Long live the
judge!
Lincoln Alagad,
Parañaque City: We
are not Nostradamus. A
fair trial will depend on
the judge and jury.
Maricel Maralit, Naga
City: With Judge
Jocelyn Solis-Reyes
presiding over the case,
I believe that there will
be a fair trial. The
guilty must be
punished; the victims
must get justice.
There should be
justice
Johann Lucas,
Quezon City: Yes,
because the law applies
to all, otherwise none at
all.
Lucas Banzon
Madamba II, USA:
There should be a fair
trial of the Ampatuan
multiple murder case.
There should be due
process of law. If the
evidence is strong
enough, then the
accused must face the
consequences of his
actions.
Manny Cordeta,
Marikina City: From
the start, I’ve expected
all parties to get a fair
deal. Judge Jocelyn
Solis-Reyes’ demeanor
has all the more
strengthened my belief.
She is staying true to
her sworn oath to
uphold her profession
with nary a bit of
mental reservation, but
with much courage and
conviction,
notwithstanding the
background of the
accused perpetrators.
Meanwhile, I join the
local and international
human rights advocates
in wishing the
prosecution panel
success in its goal of
arriving at an error-free
decision, that swift
justice be served
deliberately at the
earliest time possible.
Erwin Espinoza,
Pangasinan: Let’s be
optimistic. Let’s just
hope that Andal
Ampatuan would be
meted 57 times seven
years in jail without
pardon for the heinous
crime.
Nestor Buñag,
Mandaluyong City:
Already, a trial by
publicity has taken
place. With evidence so
strong and a most
sinister lifestyle
discovered, no one
sensible would buy a
decision favoring the
Ampatuans.
Not with PGMA
around
Elpidio Que, Vigan: A
fair trial of the
Ampatuan multiple
murder case is not
believed to happen until
probably after May
2010. The Ampatuans,
as GMA’s mouthpiece
let slip, are GMA’s
friends despite their
being the principal
suspects in the carnage.
FPJ, an idol of the
Muslims, got a zero in
these warlords’ domain
and this helped GMA
climb to power. The
enraging unremorseful
behavior of this mad
dog in the custody of
NBI agents suggests
that she is only feigning
anger on the gruesome
massacre. In the first
place, who would
believe that she did not
know of the arms and
ammo caches with
government markings
unearthed in her
friends’ domain?
Rose Leobrera,
Manila: As long as
PGMA is around, we
cannot expect anything.
Her money will move
the case in favor of the
Ampatuans so she
herself will be
protected from
indictment. Her alalays
must be crawling in the
dark to save the
Ampatuans. Money
will still talk, but for
now, I trust the judge
handling this case.
C.K. Yeo, Iloilo City:
If the Supreme Court
can’t even be trusted in
making fair decisions,
how much less a lower
court? It will depend
much on the whims of
Pres. Arroyo.
Justine Godines, Iloilo
City: No, PGMA owes
the Ampatuans big
time. Hence, Judge
Solis Reyes will be
pressured to acquit all
the suspects with
former Justice
Secretary Raul
Gonzalez ghostwriting
the decision finding
that the 57 victims
committed mass
suicide.
Yes, the whole world
is watching
Rey Onate, Palayan
City: The world is
closely watching. On
the shoulders of the
presiding judge rests
the credibility of our
justice system and our
democracy. Go, go, go
Judge Jocelyn!
Ric Vergara, Calamba
City: Yes, because the
world is watching us.
Magiging sobrang
kahiya-hiya tayo.
Miguelito Herrera,
Cabanatuan City:
Yes, I expect a fair trial
since the whole world
is watching and waiting
for an immediate
resolution to this case.
We can expect delaying
tactics from the
defense, as usual.
Ella Arenas,
Pangasinan: Yes,
because there is strong
evidence and there are
plenty of witnesses.
Besides, it’s a very
sensational case given
its extreme nature. With
the involvement of the
media whose members
on duty were
mercilessly killed, a fair
trial is bound to be
religiously observed.
L.C. Fiel, Quezon
City: We don’t just
expect, but we demand
a fair trial, especially
because the world is
keenly watching the
case, having been
shocked by the
gruesome murders of
helpless women and a
large number of media
practitioners.
Ernesto Oliquiano,
Las Piñas City: Yes, I
believe so. With the
local and international
media watching the
proceedings, I am quite
sure Judge Solis-Reyes
would not risk her
reputation and will
surely decide this case
based on its merits.
Let’s just hope for a
speedy trial so that this
case will be resolved
immediately for the
benefit of both the
accused and the
aggrieved parties.
A test case for RP
justice
Alexander Raquepo,
Ilocos Sur: I am
hoping and praying that
we can show the world
that justice is served in
the Philippines.
Whether we like it or
not, this case will
become a “mirror” for
our country in the
management and
application of our
justice system. On the
other hand, other cases,
big or small, should not
be sidelined and must
also be given due
attention and process.
Armando Tavera, Las
Piñas City: This is
going to be an acid test
on the judge handling
of the case. The verdict
will see how our justice
system is working in
this country.
The nation has been
vigilant
Rossini Ann Torres,
Cabanatuan City:
Yes, if and only if the
public won’t take their
eyes off the case.
Louella Brown,
Baguio City: I expect a
fair trial of the
Ampatuan multiple
murder case. The
Filipino nation has been
vigilant from the start
and it will be so until
conviction.
Col. Ben Paguirigan
Jr., Ret., Zamboanga
City: Every Pinoy
wants a fair and speedy
trial, save for the
Ampatuan fanatics, so
heirs of the massacre
victims will get justice.
(Editor’s Note: We
have just added
another channel to
reach Inbox World via
the growing Facebook
community. If you have
a Facebook account,
add up PhilStar Inbox
and give us a glimpse
of your views on raging
issues of the day.
Selected comments will
be published in The
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World. Readers may
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For Reference:
“The declaration of Martial law in Maguindanao only fans the flames of violence and state
terrorism of the Arroyo government. This is President Arroyo’s trial balloon for her plot to
continue holding on to power beyond 2010,” Maza said.
Maza also cited KARAPATAN’s report on the human rights situation in the Philippines that
showed the bloody record of the Arroyo government in its almost nine years of rule that has
wrought 1,118 documented victims of extrajudicial killings, 1026 victims of torture, 204 victims
of enforced disappearance and over a thousand victims of forcible evacuation and displacement
due to military operations in the rural areas.
“How can we expect this present administration to seriously address this case if it has not solved
a single case of over a thousand extrajudicial killings since 2001?” Maza said.
Maza expressed fears of possible whitewash on the Maguindanao massacre as authorities have
painted a nonsensical picture depicting the monstrous crimes of murder, torture, rape and sexual
assault to women victims as mere “rebellion”.
“Justice for the 57 victims of the brutal killings dims as days pass with Martial law in
Maguindanao still in place. With her unspeakable track record, she will absolutely use this
occasion to further her self-seeking agenda at the expense of the Filipino people,” Maza stressed.
As the historic joint session of Congress continues, Maza called on all concerned Filipinos to
appeal to their Congresspersons and Senators to revoke Proclamation 1959. “At this time when
our civil liberties and fundamental freedoms are at stake, we should altogether rise up versus the
Arroyo administration that has spawned all these injustice and crimes against the Filipino people.
Allowing Arroyo’s Martial law to continue will be her very vehicle to perpetuate to power
beyond 2010,” Maza said.
http://www.gabrielawomensparty.net/news/press-releases/justice-maguindanao-massacre-dims-
martial-law-maguindanao-continues-maza
http://www.kilusangmayouno.org/news/2009/12/release-arroyo-ampatuans-giving-rebellion-bad-
name
Manila (AsiaNews / Agencies) – The Muslim clan accused of the massacre of 23 November in
the province of Maguindanao in the southern Philippines, are believed to be responsible for 200
other homicides. This according to the National Commission for Human Rights, which has
denounced that the discovery of several mass graves in areas controlled by Ampatuan.
Leila de Lima, President of the Commission confirms "at least 200" politically motivated
assassinations linked to the Ampatuan clan, a political ally of Philippine President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo and power in the province since 2001.
The bodies are buried in several mass graves, scattered in the province of Maguindanao. The
cases have emerged only now, following the arrest of Andalo Ampatuan Jr. - son of the powerful
local governor - because witnesses did not report them "for fear of retaliation."
Among the 57 civilians killed in the attack on 23 November were relatives and supporters of
Ishmael "Toto" Mangudadatu, vice-mayor of Buluan and candidate for governor of
Maguindanao, of which 26 are women and 32 journalists. The police reports that "161 people are
suspected of having taken part in the massacre.
Under the martial law in force in the province, the police have arrested 62 people, including clan
leader Andalo Ampatuan Sr. Those arrested will have to answer to charges of rebellion and
murder.
The Ampatuan family, with the government approval, set up its own army and ruled
unchallenged for years in the province. It was a decision made by Manila in an attempt to contain
the rebellions of Muslim separatists.
Following the massacre, Arroyo has removed all agreement with the clan: the Maguindanao
province is under martial law and the Ampatuan face charges of rebellion.
Manila (AsiaNews / Agencies) - Andalo Ampatuan Jr., the alleged author of the massacre in
Maguindanao which killed 57 people, has been indicted on charges of multiple murder. This is
confirmed by the investigators who made the charge based on the evidence gathered in
investigations.
At least 10 people have reported seeing the mayor of Datu Unsay, son of the provincial governor,
head the commando that on 23 November last killed relatives and supporters of Ishmael "Toto"
Mangudadatu. He is a political rival of the Ampatuan family and intends to run for governor's
chair in Maguindanao, a province in southern Philippines.
In the days following the massacre Andalo Ampatuan Jr., a political ally of Philippine President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, had surrendered to the police, but had denied all charges. He is being
charged with 25 murders.
Prosecutors have entered him in the register of suspects before a court in Cotabato City,
responsible for the area, the prosecution sources report that, for security reasons, the trial will be
held in Manila. 20 other suspects, including prominent Ampatuan police officials - town where
the massacre took place - are still in jail and under investigation.
http://www.asianews.it/news-en/Massacre-in-Maguindanao:-Andale-Ampatuan-Jr.-accused-of-
multiple-homicide-17005.html
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"From Abra in the far north to Mindanao in the south, the political landscape of the Philippines is
dominated by family dynasties that have ruled their particular area of influence for decades like
feudal landlords through violence, fear and intimidation. They rule with impunity, knowing
national political leaders rely on them for support and votes. Political rivals are usually dealt with
through the barrel of a gun rather than the election box.
"The political dynasties have amassed vast wealth, businesses and influence in a country of 90
million people where more than half live on less than US$2 (Dh7.3) a day."
Roy Greenslade said: "It is now reported that 21 journalists were killed in the massacre that took
place in the Philippines' southern province of Maguindanao on Monday.
"The Manila-based Centre for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) told the International
Press Institute that a total of 34 journalists are believed to have been part of a convoy that was
ambushed by over 100 gunmen at a police checkpoint.
"The convoy was travelling to file candidacy papers for gubernatorial candidate and local mayor
Esmael Mangudadatu. He was not on board the convoy."
The Christian Science Monitor reported: "Nothing is yet proven, but survivors of the attack,
national politicians, and police officials all say the likely perpetrators were loyalists of Andal
Ampatuan, a former provincial governor who has used his private army to control politics in the
province for a decade. Mr Ampatuan was term-limited out of the governorship this year. In his
three election campaigns, no local politician dared to run against him.
"His son, Andal Jr, was gearing up for a similarly unopposed run to replace his father. But
Ismael Mangudadatu, a former ally of the Ampatuans, had other ideas. On Monday morning, he
dispatched a convoy of cars (mostly women and journalists, on the theory that would afford
some protection against attack) to file papers in the provincial capital Shariff Aguak to run
against the younger Ampatuan. Mr Mangudadatu remained at home.
"The people in the convoy never made it. Instead, they were waylaid when they came to
Ampatuan (the clan's stronghold), dragged from their cars, and summarily executed."
The Telegraph said: "Mangudadatu said on Wednesday that he had sent his wife, two sisters and
aunt, along with other women, to register his nomination because he had been given warning that
it was too dangerous for him to do it himself.
" 'We sent women because in the Muslim culture you don't hurt women,' he said.
" 'My youngest sister was five months' pregnant, while my aunt was into her sixth month of
pregnancy.'
"All of his relatives in the convoy were killed, along with two female lawyers and at least 13
journalists, according to police.
The New York Times reported: "Using a backhoe, the authorities on Wednesday unearthed two
vehicles they said had been crushed and torn apart by a bulldozer found on the site, which the
police said belonged to the government of Maguindanao Province here...
"One of the crumpled vehicles belonged to UNTV, a Philippine television network whose crew
members were among the journalists killed. Pages of blood-smeared newspapers swirled around
the recovery site Wednesday, some becoming stuck in the grass. Victims' belongings were
scattered on the ground - sandals, a purse, a wristwatch, a shawl, a coin purse, press cards.
" 'They planned this very well,' said a police superintendent, Felicisimo Khu, who was
overseeing the retrieval operations Wednesday. He said the victims were stopped along the
highway in Ampatuan and driven toward the hilltop along a rough dirt road. The men were then
separated from the women, and the victims were all shot at point-blank range. He said the
vehicles were buried on one side of the hill, the bodies on the other."
Virginia M Moncrieff wrote in The Huffington Post: "Members of the Ampatuan clan - political
allies of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA) - were seen and readily identified as being
in the gang that hijacked the Mangudadatus convoy. The son of the governor was in the attack
gang, as was the local mayor.
"Pushing aside her allegiance to the Ampatuan clan, President Arroyo has ordered the
'immediate, relentless pursuit' of the killers.
"The deadly rivalry of the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan clans may overshadow another shocking
aspect of this Shakespearian tale. The Philippines is one of the most unsafe places in the world to
be a journalist - and certainly the most unsafe country that's not embroiled in an all out war."
According to the International Federation of Journalists, the Philippines now surpasses Iraq as
being the most dangerous place in the world for journalists. While 74 journalists have been killed
over the last eight years, there have been only four convictions for crimes against media workers.
Ramon Tulfo, writing for the Philippine Daily Inquirer said: "A Malacañang [presidential
palace] insider told me that President Gloria hemmed and hawed hours after she was informed
about the massacre in Maguindanao, instead of ordering the arrest of the Ampatuans.
"As a result, the Ampatuans - Zaldy, governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM), and his father, Maguindanao Gov Andal Sr - the alleged masterminds in the dastardly
massacre can no longer be arrested without a court warrant since the prescribed 24-hour period
had lapsed.
"The President was told the Ampatuans could have been responsible for the massacre by one of
the Mangudadatus, their political enemies, according to my Palace informant.
"After receiving the information about the massacre, GMA talked with Gov Andal Ampatuan Sr,
who denied masterminding the massacre.
"The President, according to the Malacañang insider, told Ampatuan she was sending
investigators to Maguindanao.
"She could have told Ampatuan that he would have to surrender because there were witnesses
linking him and his relatives to the dastardly act.
"But GMA didn't do that because the Ampatuans are her very close political allies in
Maguindanao."
http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?
AID=/20091126/GLOBALBRIEFING/911269991/1009/ART?template=globalbriefing
Printversie
March 8, 2010
Related Materials:
Scared Silent
Witnesses won't come forward if there is a
`second Maguindanao
massacre' of witnesses and their families.
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Dit is een bericht uit het Nieuwsbank persberichtenarchief. Gegevens in dit bericht kunnen verouderd zijn.
Overname is toegestaan onder voorwaarden. Eventueel in dit bericht vermelde (e-mail) adressen en
telefoonnummers zijn uitsluitend bedoeld voor journalisten.
http://www.nieuwsbank.nl/en/2010/03/08/R056.htm
I had wanted to keep this weekend light for JamBayan, but the developments in Maguindanao
dashed all hopes of that. I got wind of the declaration of martial law in Maguindanao Province
around 1:15 a.m. on December 5, and even though it was an ungodly hour I sent a text to
Secretary Jesus Dureza, Presidential Adviser on Mindanao, asking him to confirm it. I guess he
was asleep because his reply did not come until exactly 6:34 a.m.:
“Jon, just saw ur txt. No info on dat. Lets wait. Those decisions are made n d highest level. Am
here now n dvo.”
We now know, of course, that less than an hour later Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita would
give a press conference confirming that President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo had indeed declared
martial law in Maguindanao through Proclamation 1959.
Now I don’t care how allegedly necessary it was to place the province under military rule, the
term “martial law” just distresses me. I was six years old when then-President Ferdinand Marcos
placed the entire country under martial law on September 21, 1972, and being a kid I couldn’t
really understand what was happening. All I knew was that the grown-ups appeared to be afraid
of something, and there was this thing called a karpyu that was frightening them out of their wits
and forcing them to come home early. I pictured this karpyu as a monster that prowled the city at
night, attacking those who happen to be still out. It was a little later that I realized that the word
was “curfew.”
I have heard a number of people say martial law was necessary in Maguindanao because the
government could not arrest the prime suspects — members of the powerful Ampatuan clan —
in the November 23 massacre any other way. But when I heard the news my brain automatically
rushed back to 1986-1987 and recalled that the framers of the new constitution had wanted to
place safeguards so that no President could impose martial law in order to perpetuate himself (or
herself) in power as Marcos had done.
I googled the 1987 Constitution and, sure enough, this is what Section 18 of Article VII says:
“In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not
exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines
or any part thereof under martial law.”
The rest of Section 18 does not give any other reason for the imposition of martial law: it may
only be declared in case of invasion or rebellion. Was there an invasion or a rebellion in
Maguindanao? I don’t think anyone is buying Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera’s statement
that government “noticed and observed that there was a rebellion in the offing.” A rebellion is
not something one “notices” or “observes.” It is something one is confronted with, an in-your-
face uprising that requires an immediate military response.
Senators Noynoy Aquino and Mar Roxas — two men who obviously have a political reason for
everything they say these days — nevertheless came up with some very valid points in their joint
statement regarding the declaration of martial law in Maguindanao. They say there is “no
additional advantage to having a martial law regime – legally and militarily.”
“It does not strengthen the position of government to serve justice to the victims of the massacre.
The declaration of martial law can even lead to changing the character of the crimes committed
in Maguindanao:
1. The crimes allegedly committed are murder, rape, kidnapping and more. These capital crimes
are non-bailable. In a state of martial law, these common crimes may be absorbed into the single
crime of rebellion.
2. Except for its leaders, supporters of the rebellion are bailable. And worse, all those charged
with rebellion may be subject to amnesty. Are they laying the basis for a political solution to the
crimes committed?
3. The other offenses of rape and mutilation are aggravating for a case of multiple murders which
results in maximum penalties. These would be overtaken by the absorption into rebellion.
4. The only difference is 36 hours – presently an accused must be charged with capital offenses
within 1 ½ days. Under martial law the accused must be charged within 3 days but only with the
lesser crime of rebellion. Does this 36-hour difference provide sufficient substantial advantage to
justify the imposing of martial law?”
They also pointed out that President Arroyo “need not declare martial law” because:
“She could have swiftly ordered that charges be filed against all those who carried out the
lawless orders allegedly of Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr.
She could have directed that all those charged be preventively suspended.
She could have ensured the filing of non-bailable charges like multiple murder and allowed the
succession of local officials under the Local Government Code take effect.”
They closed their statement with an appeal to their colleagues to follow the Constitution and
“come together immediately and ascertain the validity of this imposition.” That is, however,
becoming less and less probable given that the Speaker of the House, Davao City’s own Rep.
Prospero Nograles, has already said there is “no need to convene Congress” because most of its
members agree with the President’s decision.
“Joint session [is] needed only if Congress wants to revoke the decision. It’s not needed to go
into joint session if we agree with the President,” Nograles said.
Begging your pardon, Mr. Speaker, but the Constitution requires you to convene within 48 hours
of the imposition of martial law. If you do not do so, you will not only be breaking the law but
you will be setting a precedent for Mrs. Arroyo and future Presidents to follow. They would
know they can impose martial law without Congress raising a hoot, and that’s an extremely
dangerous thing.
http://jambayan.net/2009/12/martial-law-in-maguindanao-a-dangerous-precedent/
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