Metaphors in Everyday English: Torda Gábor Anglisztika Konzulens: Dr. Ajtay-Horváth Magda PHD
Metaphors in Everyday English: Torda Gábor Anglisztika Konzulens: Dr. Ajtay-Horváth Magda PHD
Metaphors in Everyday English: Torda Gábor Anglisztika Konzulens: Dr. Ajtay-Horváth Magda PHD
Torda Gábor
Anglisztika
2014
Abstract
The present paper shows the development of the concept of metaphor since
Aristotle’s first definition until the interpretations provided by cognitive linguists in the
second half of the 20th century. In the ancient philosophies metaphor was considered an
ornamental device, appropriate for poetry only. This classical view radically changed in the
twentieth century and since then numerous conceptualizations have been proposed to
reinvent the notion of metaphor. Recent studies in cognitive science by Zoltán Kövecses
and George Lakoff have shown that metaphors are a fundamental part of human cognition.
Their dynamic structure helps us to better understand abstract scientific concepts, trigger
emotions, and enrich our everyday language. This work provides an overview of the
method of comparison, I analyse some conventional English metaphors and their Hungarian
counterparts in support of the idea that metaphor is omnipresent in our everyday language;
1. Introduction ........................................................................................ 1
7. Conclusion .......................................................................................... 33
References ................................................................................................................. 34
1. Introduction
of language, accessible only to poets, writers and other creative people. This view, first
advocated by Aristotle, was dominant up until the early 1900s. Metaphors are frequently
Traditional philosophical views did not treat metaphor as a central concern in the
human perception of the world. However, over the last few decades studies have shown
that this phenomenon is omnipresent in our everyday language, with power that goes
beyond the extensive literary usage. Ordinary people think metaphorically as well. They
language and thought. This revolutionary theory of meaning within the fields of
linguistics and philosophy was formulated by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (Lakoff
This shift in the conception of metaphor has led many cognitive scientists to make
advancements in creating the most comprehensive and accurate models of the metaphor.
From philosophers to linguists, everyone agrees that people must understand not only
literary meanings, but a speaker’s intended meanings as well. The difference lies in the
that metaphor is omnipresent in our everyday language. Following the theories, I will
analyze some common English metaphors and their Hungarian counterparts according to
2
2. Defining Metaphor
itself. It can be found in one of the earliest surviving works of literature, The Epic of
Gilgamesh. While the ancient Romans emphasized the importance of similes, the Greeks
preferred using metaphors. The English word comes from the Greek metapherein,
Since antiquity, metaphor has been the most researched trope, and for this reason
several theories have been constructed that date back to the early times. The first and
language and the role of the former in communication primarily in two of his works,
Poetics and Rhetoric. His definition is the following in Poetics: “Metaphor consists in
giving the thing a name that belongs to something else” (Aristotle, trans. 2009, XXI).
discussed in terms of a noun. According to his views there are eight kinds of nouns: the
ordinary word, the strange word, the metaphor, the ornamental word, the coined word, the
lengthened-out word, the curtailed word and the form-altered word. His early definition
considered metaphor as a privileged use of words, only accessible to creative people, and
greatest thing by far is to be a master of metaphor. It is the one thing that cannot be learnt
from others; and it is also a sign of genius, since a good metaphor implies an intuitive
rhetoric had been the basic field of enquiry for scholars. As a consequence, any serious
3
study of the subject almost required citing the works of Aristotle. This focus on rhetoric
The turning point came in 1936, when Ivor Armstrong Richards published The
away from the traditional, ornamental theory, which governs only the lexical level of
metaphors and concerns the whole text on an abstract semantic level. He rejects
Aristotle’s beliefs and argues that it is not a sign of genius to comprehend and use
metaphors. According to Richards, metaphoric thinking does not require any special
mere observation. We cannot get through three sentences of ordinary fluid discourse
He introduced the basic terminology of the two parts of a metaphor, the tenor and
the vehicle. The tenor is the subject to which the attributes are transferred. The vehicle is
the object whose attributes are borrowed. The common characteristic is called the ground
of the metaphor. To illustrate this he gives the classic example of the leg-of-the-table
metaphor: In this case the vehicle is the human leg, and the table is the tenor. However, a
table does not walk with its legs. The legs only hold it up. In such a case we can talk about
common characteristics.
Prior to Richards there had been no distinguishing terms for these two halves of a
metaphor. However, the following phrases had been used to convey a similar meaning:
“The original idea and the borrowed one; what is really being said or thought of and what
it is compared to; the underlying idea and the imagined nature; the principal subject and
what it resembles” (Richards, 1936, p. 96). The other important aspect of his work is its
prompting of the development of the interaction view, that is, the semantic interaction
between the tenor and vehicle. It means: “when we use a metaphor we have two thoughts
4
of different things active together and supported by a single word, or phrase, whose
cognitive value to metaphors and thus influenced a new generation of theorists, among
them the philosopher Max Black, who put forward the interaction view of metaphor.
interaction. He considers the comparison view a special case of the substitution view.
“[T]he substitution view regards the entire sentence that is the locus of the metaphor as
replacing some set of literal sentences; while the comparison view takes the imputed
Out of the three views, Black’s interaction theory is the most influential, and the
only one Black himself accepts. He wanted to break away from the previous
metaphors as elliptic similes. The interaction view claims that metaphor does not work at
view, but rather at a deeper level, composed out of the interactions between the
conceptual structures. The emphasis is on the interaction between systems rather than
Black argues that a metaphorical statement has two distinct subjects, a principal
and subsidiary subject (Black, 1993, p. 27). The cognitive content is the result of their
interaction, and the common ground is what he calls “the system of associated
commonplaces.”
utterance: the metaphorical focus and the literal frame. Compared to Richards’s tenor and
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vehicle, in this case two sets of terms are needed and there exists a dynamic correlation
between the subjects and the two poles of the metaphorical utterance. They can be
interchangeable. In his work, Black focuses on a particular type of metaphor, where the
principal subject coincides with the frame (Black, 1954, p. 286). It happens in the case of
the classic Man is a wolf metaphor: Here, the principal subject, Man, coincides with the
frame and interacts with the subsidiary subject, wolf, which coincides with the focus.
Black argues that Man is seen through wolf and uses the metaphor of a screen. Construing
the meaning of this metaphor, language users apply the conventional knowledge
associated with wolves to serve as the “smoked glass” through which they see men.
“Suppose I look at the night sky through a piece of heavily smoked glass on which
Then I shall see only the stars that can be made to lie on the lines previously
prepared upon the screen, and the stars I do see will be seen as organized by the
screen’s structure. We can think of a metaphor as such a screen and the system of
“associated commonplaces” of the focal word as the network of lines upon the
screen. We can say that the principal subject is “seen through” the metaphorical
expression or, if we prefer, that the principal subject is “projected upon” the field
The rhetorician I. A. Richards heavily influenced Black, but the most important merit of
There are radical theories as well (though these are not to be confused with the
in his discovery that “a second stage of language is developed which is metaphorical in its
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nature. This second stage contains the fundamental method of natural speech
construction”) (Shibles, 1971, p. 27). Donald Davidson takes a radical twist and denies
that metaphors have any second or metaphorical meaning: “[M]etaphors mean what the
words, in their most literal interpretation, mean, and nothing more” (Davidson, 1984, p.
formulated by Black. For him metaphor is a perlocutionary act that cannot be explained
The pragmatic study of metaphor has been heavily influenced by John Searle, who
studies metaphor as part of the speech act. He sees metaphorical utterances as indirect
speech acts. His pragmatic inference is the following: “To have a brief way of
distinguishing what a speaker means by uttering words, sentences, and expressions, on the
one hand, and what the words, sentences, and expressions mean, on the other, I shall call
the former speaker's utterance meaning, and the latter, word, or sentence meaning.
Similar to Davidson, Searle denies metaphorical sentence meaning. On the other hand, he
utterances work, that is, how is it possible for speakers to communicate to hearers when
speaking metaphorically inasmuch as they do not say what they mean? And why do some
metaphors work and others not?” (p. 83). The chapter in this thesis dealing with metaphor
The pragmatic view of metaphor has become very influential in the field of
psycholinguistic research. From Aristotle’s first definition through Searle’s speech act
theory, metaphor has been viewed entirely differently. However, many questions remain
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open and many of the answers have come in the form of cognitive scientific views of
metaphors. Since the 1970s, cognitive linguists and psychologists have been fully aware
that metaphors are not only a matter of words, but rather are central to thought and action
and everyday language as well. All the upcoming models and hypotheses have been
influenced by Max Black, and Richards indirectly. Further research in the field has
• Asymmetry in metaphors
• Feature selection
To solve these controversies, the new cognitive interpretation has led to the
formation of various theories, hypotheses and models of metaphor over the last few
decades. One of them is Ortony’s salience imbalance model. He uses the notion of
salience to solve feature selection and the asymmetry in metaphors. The essence of this
model is that metaphors are comprehended in terms of shared features. There are
particular comparison pairs between tenor and vehicle. Out of the four possible variations,
following sentence: John's face was like a beet. The simile involves a match between
features that is not salient in the subject, John, but salient in the predicate, redness
(Ortony, 1993, p. 417). This model is a step forward to creating an accurate model of
metaphorical mapping, but lacks an explanation of how features are selected in the
comparison.
After the salience imbalance theory we can consider three fundamental theories of
metaphor that still hold their own today. One of them is the structure-mapping model
formulated by the psychologist Dedre Gentner. Her model treats metaphor as an instance
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of analogy, based on the comparison view. Glucksberg and Keysar developed their model
based on categorization; it is called the attributive categorization model. The third widely
There have been various other interpretations but the last three are the most
influential and viable in the fields of cognitive linguistics and psychology. The focus of
my paper is Lakoff’s conceptual theory because his work was the first to explicitly state
that metaphors are pervasive in thought, action and everyday language as well.
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3. Why Metaphors Are Used
There are many ways to experience the world and metaphors play an important
role in all of them. Metaphoricity is a universal process. It happens in all languages and at
all levels. They help us to better understand abstract scientific concepts, trigger emotions,
and enrich our everyday language. According to Black, “Metaphors are generally used to
Ortony argued, “Metaphors are not just nice, they are necessary” (Ortony, 1993, p. 420).
He formulated three hypotheses regarding why people use metaphors. The first suggests
the direct and compact form of a metaphor can capture the essence of a particular
experience. The second, the inexpressibility hypothesis, emphasizes that metaphors allow
us to express ideas that are difficult or even impossible to express in literal language. The
third points to the role of metaphor as a tool for presenting ideas through vivid images
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4. How Metaphors Work
poetry only, and too puzzling for philosophical or scientific discourse. According to his
them into elliptical similes. This classical view was replaced in the twentieth century and
since then numerous conceptualizations have been proposed to reinvent the notion of
metaphor.
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) that Metaphors are a fundamental part of human cognition.
Metaphors are able to process large amounts of information automatically and they can
believe that cognition is built up from concrete to abstract, and concrete domains function
the other hand, cross-cultural researchers and anthropologists document the metaphors
language users actually use. These researches reflect the way in which people use
During the process of rethinking the classical view several questions have been
left unanswered: What, for instance, is metaphoric? And how do we perceive metaphors?
comprehension.
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4.1 What Is Considered Metaphoric
not. The most important merit of Searle’s account of metaphor is that it defines this
meaning, then metaphorical utterance meaning would not say much. “[I]n literal utterance
the speaker means what he says; that is, literal sentence meaning and speaker’s utterance
meaning are the same” (Ortony, 1993, p. 87). As I have mentioned, according to Searle,
the general problem is to distinguish between the speaker’s utterance meaning and literal
sentence meaning.
the speaker means what he says. Second, literal meaning is context-free and can only be
The cat is on the mat can only be interpreted as literal if we have some background
assumptions, e.g. the cat and the mat are not floating in space and gravitational forces
exist. However, in a more recent work Searle (1983) argued that literal meaning is not
context-free and it is impossible to list all of the background assumptions (p. 145). Third,
the notion of similarity plays an essential role in any account of literal predication.
In figurative language, the intended meaning does not coincide with the literal
meanings of the words and sentences that are used. Because literal and figurative
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language. (p. 39)
Before Searle, authors had taken literal meaning so much for granted that they assumed
everyone knew how it worked. This led to descriptions of metaphorical utterances that
In recent years, the development of cognitive sciences has proved the traditional
comprehension starts from the literal interpretation, and when a sentence does not make
sense literally, then and only then comes the metaphoric stage. The contemporary view is
the opposite. Those concepts not comprehended via the system of conceptual metaphor
everyday uses of metaphor. It is also important to note that metaphors are omnipresent not
just in everyday language but also in numerous academic disciplines. As a result of these
realizations various studies have been conducted to deal with different aspects of
metaphors in comparison to literal statements? There are three different basic theories of
language processing. These are the sequential, the direct, and the combined views.
was believed that a metaphor demands greater cognitive skills to be understood than
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literal sentences. According to the pragmatic theory, people first look for the literal
meaning of an utterance. The next step is to determine whether the literal meaning makes
sense in the context. If it does not make sense in context, then the non-literal
metaphors such as Encyclopedias are gold mines requires going beyond the literal.
Encyclopedias are not holes in mountains where gold can be found, so this sentence
statements such as Encyclopedias are like gold mines and then interpreted literally.
The standard pragmatic view has three fundamental implications. First, the literal
interpretation has unconditional priority because literal meanings are always computed
before any figurative meanings, and the latter involves a sequential process. The second
does make sense in a given context, people will not go beyond the literal meaning.
1998, p. 39).
research Glucksberg, Gildea and Bookin (1982) showed that such implications are false.
literal language, and metaphors are understood directly, not via an implicit comparison
statements: class-inclusion statements that are true (e.g. Some birds are robins), false
class-inclusion statements (e.g. Some birds are apples) and metaphorical statements (e.g.
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Some jobs are jails). The listeners were asked to judge whether the statements were
literally true or false. As expected, participants could quickly classify literally true
statements as true, and false statements as false. However, they were significantly slower
rating metaphors as literally false. The conclusion was that participants interpreted the
literal interpretation in turn required more processing time. The results proved the two-
interpreted literally first, and if it does not make sense in the context, an alternative
The indirect processing conception has been replaced by the direct (parallel) view,
one of the contemporary views of metaphor comprehension. It has the following main
does not involve a special process or a greater effort. Literal language has no priority over
The classic experiment of Glucksberg, Gildea, and Bookin was the first significant
step towards the direct process model. Other empirical studies have been conducted in this
field as well by Keysar (1989), Gibbs (1984), or Coulson and Van Petten (2002).
argues that rule violation is not a necessary condition; metaphoric meaning is activated
15
automatically, independently of any trigger. Gibb’s direct access view suggests that
listeners need not automatically analyze the complete literal meanings of linguistic
expressions before accessing pragmatic knowledge to figure out what speakers mean to
communicate (Gibbs, 2002, p. 460). He argues that metaphor comprehension requires the
(ERPs) were recorded from adults as they read sentences that ended with words used
compared the continuity claim (that literal and non-literal language processing occur in
the same time course and involve the same processing mechanisms) and the equivalence
claim (that metaphoric language is no more difficult to comprehend than literal language).
Their findings were consistent with the continuity claim and revealed that literal and
metaphoric languages share some processing mechanisms, but inconsistent with the
literal language. In their opinion, greater cognitive efforts are needed for metaphor
comprehension but literal and figurative interpretation requires the same amount of time
The indirect (sequential) and the direct (parallel) views are the two contrasting
theories. However, there are other views that make a variation out of them. The most
influential is the combined view, which propagates the graded salience hypothesis. It was
developed by Rachel Giora (1997), who argues that metaphor comprehension may
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conventional). Previously, in most empirical studies that had supported the direct view,
only conventional, everyday metaphors had been used. Those studies set aside novel
frequency), which governs literal and non-literal language use. Ortony’s salience
imbalance theory is similar with respect to using salient properties. If a word has two
meanings, the more conventional, popular or frequently used meaning is the most salient.
salient division is what matters. The graded salience hypothesis posits that the salient
meanings should be processed first, independent of the given context. Less-salient (novel)
metaphor understanding requires a sequential process, whereby the more salient (literal)
derive. Novel metaphors such as “Her wedding ring is a ‘sorry we’re closed’ sign” are
non-salient, and are slowed in processing due to having to reject the literal meaning of the
phrase first. On the other hand, conventional metaphors, whose literal and metaphoric
Bowdle and Gentner (2005) also support these claims. According to them, both
usually understood by direct categorizations, and conventional similes are often processed
indirect depending on grammatical form. Whereas novel similes are processed as direct
conventional metaphor will require less cognitive effort than a novel type for mappings
between a target and a metaphor category, resulting in easier interpretation and faster
processing of conventional metaphors (Bowdle & Gentner, 2005). The reason for this,
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according to Bowdle and Gentner (2005), is that
[C]onventional metaphoric categories will contain fewer predicates than the literal
concepts they were derived from, and a higher proportion of these predicates can
metaphoric category will be computationally less costly than aligning a target with
the use of a vehicle affects the tenor in some way. The information is directionally
projected from the vehicle to the tenor. In a nominal metaphor such as This job is a jail,
ideas like discipline that are associated with the vehicle, jail, are projected to the tenor,
job. However, the transfer in the reverse direction—This jail is a job—does not impart the
same message, and often leads to a meaningless phrase or a change in meaning. For
addressed differently by the two basic metaphor-processing models. The processing, also
salience imbalance theory (Ortony, 1979, p. 179). He argues that nonliteral similarity
statements will tend to be much less reversible than literal similarity statements.
occur in literal similarity statements as well. Eleanor Rosch (1973), known for her work
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theory. In her experiment, out of the two alternatives “Pink is virtually red” was preferred
to “Red is virtually pink.” This evidence proves that asymmetry is not specific to
metaphorical mappings. The only question is where in the mapping this asymmetry
appears in the various contemporary models of metaphor. It is also important to note that
reverse or bidirectional metaphors do exist, although they are not regular in contemporary
metaphor studies.
The last key concept in all metaphor theories is feature selection. Tenor and
vehicle share many of the same features. The question is: How are only a few of many
shared features selected in metaphor creation and others are not? To return to a previous
example, butchers and surgeons have much more in common than just how precise they
are. For instance, they both usually wear white and have an occupation, among many
other features.
shared features. Out of the four possible variations, only the low-high combinations typify
metaphors the shared features are of high salience in the vehicle, but of low salience in the
tenor. Therefore not every shared feature of the tenor and the vehicle is included in an
interpretation.
selection, a new wave of metaphor theories has emerged in the last few decades. The most
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influential and viable models, which still hold their accounts as of today, are the structure-
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5. Contemporary Models of Metaphor
Attempts to answer the problems above have come in the form of cognitive
the view that language must be given careful consideration and not treated as a mere
shadow of an idea or be merely something taken for granted as has usually been the case”
Since the 1970s cognitive linguists and psychologists have become fully aware
that metaphors are not only a matter of words, but rather are pervasive in everyday
language and thought as well. The cognitive linguistic theory of metaphor was developed
in George Lakoff and Mark Johnson’s (1980) widely read book Metaphors We Live By,
which inspired many of the studies that followed. However, their model could not
successfully capture all aspects of the controversies. For instance, their conceptual
they found, and lacked in defining diversities. As a result, besides Lakoff and Johnson’s
conceptual metaphor theory, two contrasting models have been developed: the structure-
5.1 Structure-mapping
metaphor from a cognitive psychology perspective. Their results have confirmed that the
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structure-mapping model can interpret metaphors accurately. This model can also be used
to describe novel metaphors, which had been mostly excluded from previous metaphor
mappings between the vehicle and the tenor. Cognitive scientists usually refer to the
vehicle as the base or source, and to the tenor as the topic or target. This model is also
based on a comparison view, like most of the metaphor models; however, it deploys a
much more sophisticated comparison process than Black’s or Ortony’s models. Structure-
domain provides inferential structure to a less clearly specified target. But metaphor is
this second view, both concepts may be altered by the metaphorical comparison. Whereas
most theories of metaphor capture one of these aspects, structure-mapping captures both
directional. “This theory differs from other approaches in postulating that the
interpretation rules for analogies and relational metaphors are based on predicate
implicit comparison. The comparative view postulates that the source and target of a
metaphor may belong to the same category. However, Glucksberg and Keysar have taken
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an almost entirely different approach to metaphor. They argue that metaphor should be
considered an implicit category statement rather than a simile: “When metaphors are
expressed as comparisons, that is, as similes, they are interpreted as implicit category
statements, rather than the other way around” (Glucksberg & Keysar, 1993, p. 422).
of a category defined by features, which can be represented by the source domain. For
example, in the metaphor My lawyer is a shark, the target, My lawyer, is placed in the
My lawyer is a shark makes sense, My shark is a lawyer does not. According to this
model, the inherent asymmetry cannot be explained by the comparative view, and
explaining this asymmetry was one of Glucksberg and Keysar’s primary goals.
The categorization view has not been widely accepted by theorists because some
degree of comparison is still necessary to decide which features represent the category
Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Their conceptual metaphor theory—first described in their
book Metaphors We Live By (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980)—comes out of the field of
cognitive linguistics. One of the main areas of research inside cognitive linguistics is
cognitive semantics. In the latter field, Lakoff and Johnson have investigated the
relationship between experience, the conceptual system, and the semantic structure
encoded by language. They define metaphor as mapping across conceptual domains. They
were the first to explicitly state and propagate the idea that metaphors are pervasive in
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thought, action and everyday language. This phenomenon structures our perceptions and
understanding of the world: “Our ordinary conceptual system, in terms of which we both
think and act, is fundamentally metaphorical in nature” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 3).
According to this theory, most of our fundamental concepts are various kinds of
metaphors:
• Structural metaphors are based on other two types, which allow us to understand
an abstract concept in terms of another sharply defined concept. The mapping is
from concrete to abstract. Some examples are Rational argument is war, Labor is
a resource, or Time is a resource.
system; the latter refers to a linguistic expression that is a surface-level realization of such
a cross-domain mapping.
Argument is war.
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metaphorical expressions:
this. “It is in this sense,” argue Lakoff and Johnson (1980), “that the ARGUMENT IS
WAR metaphor is one that we live by in this culture; it structures the actions we perform
Besides Argument is war, Lakoff and Johnson have documented many large-scale
metaphoric systems in everyday language, such as Love is a journey, Ideas are food or
draw metaphorical expressions (war), and a target domain, which we try to understand
Metaphors We Live By has initiated discussions and sparked important studies and
Lakoff and Johnson could not fully capture metaphor representation outside the field of
cognitive linguistics. There are theoretical arguments against the conceptual metaphor
Murphy argues from a psychological point of view that Lakoff and Johnson do not
provide a detailed psychological model of metaphor representation, and their model lacks
25
1996, p. 176).
However, the conceptual metaphor model is widely accepted and often cited. The
theory that language users think metaphorically is intuitively appealing to most readers.
The Hungarian scholar Zoltán Kövecses has been greatly influenced by it. In turn, the
universality of metaphors is not an entirely new conception. Nietzsche posited the same
assumption in his essay On Truth and Lies in a Nonmoral Sense—that is, that concepts
are metaphors. Before Lakoff, I. A. Richards also pointed out: “That metaphor is the
relativity. According to this hypothesis, “an individual’s thoughts and actions are
determined by the language or languages that individual speaks” (Gippert, 2014). Lakoff
and Johnson’s theory was greatly influenced by linguistic relativity; they argue that
languages use different cultural metaphors that reveal something about how users of a
particular language think. In Metaphors We Live By, Lakoff and Johnson (1980) mention
that their observations on how a language can reflect the conceptual system of its speakers
derive in large part from the work of Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf.
by language users. Some metaphors are common to most cultures because they are based
on general human experience. Connecting good with up and bad with down is an example
of a common cultural feature. To test the assumption that specific metaphors might vary
between cultures, some common English metaphors and their Hungarian counterparts will
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6. Comparison of English and Hungarian Metaphors
Since the 1980s cognitive linguists have emphasized the importance of the
universal aspects of metaphor. Lakoff stresses the importance of the concepts we live by
and the conceptual system, which is metaphorical in nature. However, the number of
cross-cultural studies dealing with the nonuniversalities has been less significant.
In spite of the universalities, metaphors can vary from culture to culture for
various reasons. Native speakers’ past experience is one of the most important aspects. An
isolated culture that, for instance, has never encountered any cats would probably lack
metaphors related to them. There are also source-target mapping variations and unique
language peculiarities.
The most frequent sources from which metaphors are created are the things, which
surround people in their daily lives. Such figurative expressions are related to weather,
animals, plants, colors, and human body parts. In the case of human body parts and
particularly the head, the metaphorical expressions are created based on various aspects,
including the shape and the position of the head in relation to the rest of the body.
Expressions like head of cabbage, head of state and headmaster work on the same
most cultures, therefore people in leading positions are a head of some institutions.
Kövecses (2005) points out that cognitive linguists and psychologists usually pose
questions like “What is metaphor?” and “How does it work in the mind?” In contrast,
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6.1 Past Experiences
book Metaphor in Culture: Universality and Variation (p. 156). One of them is Love is a
journey. This metaphor was introduced by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), who offered
For example:
in much the same way linguistically as in English. However, there are subtle differences
in meaning. In the first sentence, come contrasts with jut. The Hungarian verb jut
emphasizes the effort required to make progress in the relationship, whereas the English
verb come is active and does not refer to difficulties in the progress. In the second
example, two active agents are making a decision, whereas in Hungarian, an external
condition (a fork) forces the agents to make a decision. Kövecses argues that such
differences could be related to a more fatalistic attitude to life in the case of Hungarians.
He has found that “[i]n several examples the American English sentences foreground
active agents and deliberate action of these agents, as opposed to the foregrounding of a
passive relationship and relative passivity of the people participating in the love
The experience of a nation greatly influences the way its people think and use
metaphors. In 1991 the New York Times published an article entitled “Hungarians Are
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Thriving, Gloomily,” which reported, “Poll after poll shows this nation to be the
gloomiest in Eastern Europe—more unhappy and more fearful about the future than
neighboring countries….” Prime Minister József Antall was also quoted: “A Hungarian
will always see the worst. It comes in part from a peasant mentality, which will never
The Prime Minister further mentioned that the motor of American life is optimism,
well. Hungarians also have a natural tendency toward melancholy and World Health
Organization statistics reveal that this nation has one of the highest suicide rates in the
For this reason, it is not surprising that the so-called Suicide Song, “Gloomy
Sunday,” was composed by a Hungarian, the pianist and composer Rezső Seress. It
became well-known during World War II in the United Kingdom and the United States
after the release of a version by Billie Holiday. The original lyrics are depressing, but
unlike Holiday’s version, make no direct mention of committing suicide. The title can be
considered a metaphor for loss, and the English lines maintained the impressive metaphor
black coach of sorrow (bánatom hintaja), which is a key phrase in the tune. An urban
legend alleges that many people committed suicide while listening to Gloomy Sunday.
The fact is that Seress himself did commit suicide and the BBC banned the song; only
instrumental versions were allowed on the radio. This inherently melancholic and
There are also metaphors that use the same source domains, but their meaning is
different in the two cultures. For instance the metaphorical uses of blood in relation to
Hungarian it conveys a positive meaning (someone who can be precise under pressure).
The aforementioned examples indicate that the existence of the same metaphor in
different cultures does not necessarily imply the same conceptualization. The meaning of
this case, a different set of source domains conceptualizes a target. Greek to me refers to
something that is not understandable. This metaphor was first used in English in
Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar. In the Hungarian version (Ez nekem kínai), instead of
Greek, the source domain is China and it refers to the incomprehensible nature of the
Chinese language. Not for all the tea in China works on the same principle. The
Hungarian equivalent (A világ minden kincséért sem) makes use of a more general term
(treasure) as the source domain. Numerous other metaphors related to the source domain
tea are unique to British culture such as Not my cup of tea (Nem nekem való).
Many of the proverbial words of advice begin with Don’t. Possibly one of the
oldest is Don’t count your chickens before they’re hatched (Ne igyál előre a medve
bőrére). A variation of this metaphor can be found in most European cultures. This
proverb first appeared in English in Thomas Howell’s New Sonnets and Pretty Pamphlets
(1570) as follows:
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In Hungarian, the first recorded use of this metaphor is attributed to Péter Pázmány.
In the case of this metaphor as well, different source domains conceptualize the target.
This pair of proverbs date back to almost the same time period, indicating that coining the
There are also language peculiarities that have no equivalent in another culture. A
person with gardening skills is said to have a green thumb in the United States and the
such expression related to gardening skills. Snake oil is a similar phrase in this regard. It
refers to any kind of fraudulent health products or medicine. The origin of the phrase
dates back to the mid 1800s when Chinese labourers gave snake oil to Europeans with
joint pain.
Attila Cserép (2013) collected the metaphorical uses of horse in Hungarian and
vice versa. Among them are Horse of a different color, and You can lead a horse to water
but you can’t make him drink. There are also Hungarian horse metaphors without an
English pair, for instance Elver valakit, mint szódás a lovát. The literal translation is: Beat
English language. One of them is When in Rome. This phrase means that when someone
visits another country, he/she should behave like the people in that country. A broader
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interpretation is to adapt yourself to the customs of the places you visit. This phrase does
not have a related synonym in Hungarian using the same or different source domains.
cross-culturally in English and Hungarian. The difference lies in the source domains
which conceptualize the target domains. These two languages belong to different cultures
of the world, without much contact with each other, although they share similar ways in
conceptualization. For this reason, Lakoff and Johnson (1980) suggest that metaphors can
vary from culture to culture and linguistic relativity seem to be appropriate as well.
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7. Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to present metaphors as an indispensable part of our
everyday communication. Since antiquity, metaphor has been the most researched trope,
and for this reason several theories of metaphor have been constructed. Aristotle considered
it a privileged device, accessible only to creative people. However, Friedrich Nietzsche and
other philosophers held that all language is metaphorical. Such diversities have
The turning point was provided by the appearance of the cognitive science. During
the process of rethinking the traditional philosophical views—which hold that metaphor is
not a central concern in human perception of the world and metaphor comprehension is
that metaphor understanding is not optional and is processed as quickly and automatically
as literal language. Metaphoric thinking does not require any special knowledge. Since the
1970s cognitive linguists and psychologists have become fully aware that metaphors are not
only a matter of words, instead, as Lakoff suggests, metaphors are pervasive in thought,
action and everyday language. In cognitive linguistics the importance of the universal
aspects is also emphasized. By using examples from English and Hungarian, I have
compared metaphors from the universal perspective and argued that metaphors in different
cultures reflect a similar thinking pattern and languages may use different figurative
expressions that reveal something about how users of a particular language think.
Metaphoricity is a universal process. It occurs in all the languages of the world, in all strata
of spoken and written communication; because human nature has been the same since the
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