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METAPHORS FOR CHANGE

Re-Metaphorizing the Metaphors We Live By

“...we are too liable to consider our civilization as the ultimate goal of
human evolution, thus depriving ourselves of the opportunity of learning
from the teaching of others. My whole outlook upon life is determined by
one question: How can we recognize the shackles tradition has lain upon
us? For when we recognize them, we are also able to break them.”

— Franz Boas, “The Shackles of Tradition”

CONTENTS

Abstract

1.0 Introduction: Framing With Metaphors

1.1 Conceptual Metaphors, Cultural Metaphors

2.0 The Capitalist Metaphors We Live By

2.1 Resources and Commodities
2.2 Up-Down Hierarchy
2.3 “Progress”
2.4 Moral Accounting

3.0 Learning From the Teaching of Others

3.1 Endangered Metaphors, Endangered Ideologies
3.2 Comparing Metaphors to Recognize Our Shackles

4.0 Conclusion
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ABSTRACT

This paper is about languages, cultures, and ideologies—how our languages are
not just an adaptation to communicate ideas, but part of a collective system that
reinforces ideas and ways of thinking. In the vein of critical linguistics, I argue
that ideologies are “pervasively present in language” — that common language
carries cultural norms and ideologies and that when spoken, maintains them
(Fairclough 1989). What is often considered literal language is really structured
by conceptual metaphors, which are culturally variable. For instance, when
talking about time, English speakers will say, I wasted so much time today, I
need to learn to spend my time better, to invest it in important things, I’m
running out of time, I don’t have the time for that. These are linguistic
manifestations of the cultural metaphors TIME IS MONEY and TIME IS A
COMMODITY—metaphors we both speak with and think with. In capitalist

culture, language carries and maintains capitalist ideologies.

George Lakoff and Mark Johnson began the discourse about conceptual
metaphors with their book Metaphors We Live By (1980), and since then,
linguists have researched the metaphors of non-Western cultures. Lakoff and
Johnson state that “Much of cultural change arises from the introduction of new
metaphorical concepts and the loss of old ones. For example, the Westernization
of cultures throughout the world is partly a matter of introducing the TIME IS
MONEY metaphor into those cultures” (Lakoff 1980). The loss of languages and

their metaphors accompanies this cultural change. However, many endangered

indigenous languages and cultures, who have not Westernized, still maintain
vastly different conceptual systems. The Inari Saami of Northern Finland, for
example, conceptualize time in a metaphor that could be the antithesis of TIME IS
MONEY: the Saami, who do not traditionally schedule their time based on a
Western work-day but time their actions based on their ecosystem, use the
metaphor TIME IS NATURE. The word for day, beaivi, has the same root as the
word for sun, beaivvaš. Work done in the day is beaivvebargu. The concept of
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‘day’ is inseparable from what a ‘day’ means in nature—the earth is lit by the sun.
Instead of saying that something is a waste of time, an Inari-Saami would say
Tallet maid kal leibi-lase, meaning: ‘And this is supposed to get us more bread.’
In this phrase, Time is not mentioned at all, only the outcome of the effort—and
the most important outcome is to find food, not money.
This metaphor, like the language and culture, is endangered—an
endangered way of conceptualizing and understanding the world. In a time of
expanding mono-culturalism, cultural diversity becomes even more important.
Franz Boaz, an earlier linguist and thinker asked: “How can we recognize the
shackles tradition as lain upon us? For when we recognize them, we are also able
to break them.” I think we can use the diversity of metaphors (and the ways of
understanding the world that metaphors express) to recognize and become more
conscious of our own metaphors—and then question them. Must we
conceptualize time in terms of money? By speaking of time in terms of money,
are we unconsciously supporting and perpetuating the capitalist system that
created that metaphor?
These are questions worth (see the metaphor?) asking. By identifying
conceptual metaphors that inform the way we think and speak, speakers become
more conscious of them. And we can identify metaphors in American English by
comparing them to non-Western metaphors, such as those of the Saami—which
supports language revitalization processes and reaffirms the importance of
diversity in the cultural ecosystem of the world. Conscious recognition can lead to
‘breaking the shackles,’ updating and re-metaphorizing the “Metaphors We Live
By”, and propelling active language and social change.
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1.0 Introduction: Framing With Metaphors

“A metaphor is a mask that molds the wearer’s face.” (Erazim Kohák 1976)

We hear and use metaphors in everyday speech—unless you consciously

listen for them, metaphors slide in language unnoticed. “Dead metaphors,”

metaphors that were once novel but have since been incorporated into “literal”

speech, pervade everything we say (Cornelia Müller   2008). As in the example

TIME IS MONEY, we speak constantly of having time, losing time, wasting time.

Considering these metaphors as “dead” seems inaccurate, since they are alive and

well in our everyday speech. However, there is a distinction between metaphors

such as TIME IS MONEY and more recent, consciously constructed metaphors such

as those used in political rhetoric.

During the Bush administration, the phrase “tax relief” started to come out

of the White House, and since then it has been a common phrase both parties use

to express the idea of lowering taxes (Lakoff 2004). What the Democratic party

didn’t consider, however, was the metaphor behind this phrase: if there must be

“relief” for taxes, then taxes are something that need to be fixed, as in “medical

relief,” “disaster relief,” “Katrina Relief,” “stress relief”—using the metaphor that

TAXES ARE AN AFFLICTION. This is counter-productive for Democrats advocating

for higher taxes for the upper classes: “For there to be relief there must be an

affliction, an afflicted party, and a reliever who removes the affliction and is

therefore a hero. And if people try to stop the hero, those people are villains for

trying to prevent relief” (Lakoff 2004:3). This metaphor doesn’t consider that

taxes are a necessary part of citizenship to provide infrastructure, and the

Democrats that use it don’t realize that “they’re shooting themselves in the foot”
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(Lakoff 2004:4). These examples of recent political rhetoric use new metaphors

to frame topics in certain ways. In his analysis of political rhetoric and framing,

George Lakoff speaks of framing as more than a rhetorical strategy, but a means

for change:

“In politics our frames shape our social policies and the institutions
we form to carry our policies. To change our frames is to change all
of this. Reframing is social change.

You can’t see or hear frames. They are part of what cognitive
scientists call the “cognitive unconscious”—structures in our brains
that we cannot consciously access, but know by their consequences:
the way we reason and what counts as common sense. We also
know frames through language. All words are defined relative to
conceptual frames. When you hear a word, its frame (or collection
of frames) is activated in your brain.

Reframing is changing the way the public sees the world. It is

changing what counts as common sense. Because language
activates frames, new language is required for new frames.
Thinking differently requires speaking differently.” (Lakoff
2004:xv)

Being aware of the metaphors we hear and then speak can not only help us

be more discriminate participants in social and political systems, but using

metaphors consciously can also change the debates of social and political systems

by changing the frames of the arguments.

Not only politicians use metaphors—every speaker uses metaphorical

language constantly, but those who have media power should be especially
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conscious of their metaphors: “whether in national politics or in everyday

interaction, people in power get to impose their metaphors” (Lakoff and Johnson

2002: 157). Environmental scientists introduced the concept of non-

native/introduced species with the term “invasive species,” framing the issue with

a war metaphor. Non-native species are compared to an invading army,

characterized as “aggressive” “invaders” that can “take over,” “displace” natives.

Metaphors can shape the frame of an argument: with the metaphor of “invasive,”

non-native species are effectively characterized and immediately understood as

harmful to the environment.

The ethics of metaphors could be debated—is using a war metaphor to

characterize non-native species fear-mongering, using the language of

xenophobia? Though incredibly important, discussing the ethical implications of

specific metaphors would be a different set of work and is beyond the scope of

this paper. In this paper, I am interested in critically analyzing metaphors to

identify their implications, the frames they activate, and the ideologies they are

rooted in. As informed listeners and speakers, we can analyze and identify the

metaphors we hear to consciously choose which metaphors we want to use—

those with frames and ideologies we agree with. For example, if politicians

identified the metaphor behind “tax relief,” many might not use it because of the

implied values.

If language is “the primary domain of ideology,” and “ideology is the prime

means of manufacturing consent,” we can learn to question what we are, through

using our languages, consenting to in our cultures (Fairclough 4). We can

question what ideologies our languages support and maintain by critically

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examining our languages—in this paper, I examine our metaphors. The next

section discusses in more detail the theory behind language analysis and

conceptual metaphors, which are those “dead” metaphors that are mostly

understood as literal language. Many theorists argue that conceptual metaphors

are cognitively based, while others argue that with only linguistic evidence, there

is no proof that metaphors are part of cognition. I contend that cognitive or not,

metaphors are definitely culturally-based and form cohesive metaphor schemas

within the language of a culture.

This prepares us for section 2, which identifies the capitalist metaphors we

live by that result from living in a capitalist culture. There, I compile metaphors

that illustrate how capitalist ideologies are schematized in English. Sections 2.1

through 2.4 each identify an ideology and the metaphors that reflect and

perpetuate that ideology through being spoken.

Other cultures and languages do not necessarily share the capitalist

metaphors used in English, and in section 3 I identify five endangered indigenous

languages that use metaphors that counter the capitalist metaphors. This

comparative approach is an effective way to further our critical metaphor

analysis, and I hope shows the beauty and necessity of linguistic and

metaphorical diversity as part of ideological diversity.

1.1 Conceptual Metaphors, Cultural Metaphors

Thirty-some years ago, George Lakoff and Mark Johnson started to write

about metaphors in a way that would take discussion of metaphor out of its

isolated cubbyhole in English classrooms and into the political sphere. In their
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book, Metaphors We Live By, Lakoff and Johnson showed that metaphor isn’t

only in poetry or figurative language but in the way we think, in our conceptual

systems. Which makes sense—we understand much of our experience through

metaphor. When trying to describe something unfamiliar, we start with ‘it was

like...’ and figure out something that is similar enough to compare the unfamiliar

with—‘Did you see that strange thing she made? It is sort of like this other thing

that we are familiar with...’

Metaphors aren’t just constructed in language, though, and are usually not

even used consciously. Most of the metaphors that we speak go unnoticed

because they are so commonly used that they’re perceived as being literal

language. The all-caps metaphors that follow in this paper are what Lakoff and

Johnson called conceptual metaphors—metaphors that shape the way we talk

because they are present in our conceptual system, which shapes the way we

think. The sentences that come after the conceptual metaphors are examples of

how the metaphor can be used in language.

ARGUMENT IS WAR
She won the argument,
Her criticisms were right on target,
He couldn’t defend his claims,
She attacked every weak point in his argument,
She shot down all of his arguments,
He lost the argument.
(Lakoff and Johnson 2003: 4)

The italicized words above all demonstrate how the metaphor ARGUMENT

IS WAR is linguistically manifested, how it is used in normal, everyday, speech

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that is considered literal. However, this conceptual metaphor (along with most)

is entirely relative to language and culture. In a discussion with a classmate, who

is a native speaker of Mandarin, we began talking about an argument our class

had gotten into, and I was going on about how violent it was, saying I thought our

position was stronger, etc., and he was baffled. He hadn’t understood the

argument that way at all, and spoke about the collaborative aspects of the event—

we had worked together to come to common understandings, each side presented

their thoughts convincingly (not combatively), and he had learned a lot from it. It

seems that he perceived the event this way because his native culture and

language understands argument not as war, but as collaboration. ARGUMENT IS

COLLABORATION is very likely a metaphor used to speak about argument in

Mandarin.

Different linguists and theorists have discussed metaphor as a cognitive

process, a linguistic phenomenon, or a cultural reality. In the language of

cognitive science, metaphor is a process of cognitively mapping the path between

a source domain (WAR, in the above example) and target domain (ARGUMENT),

or as Idström puts it, “the target domain is construed and described in terms of

the source domain” (Idström 162). This can be seen as speculative, though,

because the theory is based on “the observation that the metaphoric expressions

of a language show a tendency to follow a pattern: the target domain is described

by several conventional linguistic expressions in terms of a coherent source

domain” (Idström 162, italics mine). For example, in the ARGUMENT IS WAR

metaphor, argument is described “in terms” of war. Lakoff holds, however, that
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metaphor “is not a linguistic expression. It is a mapping from one conceptual

domain to another” (Lakoff and Johnson 1989: 203). With the term conceptual,

Lakoff and Johnson and theorists following in their footsteps hold that

metaphors are cognitive processes, just as languages are.

Anna Idström says that many linguists argue that “linguistic research can

only speculate about the cognitive processes underlying linguistic expressions,”

but in her analysis of conceptual metaphor theory, she counters:

“On the other hand, recent empirical studies have found evidence of
conceptual metaphors existing independently of language (see
Casasanto 2009). This of course suggests that the conceptual
metaphor indeed is primary, and the systematic features of
figurative language follow from this cognitive mapping between two
conceptual domains. In conclusion, it seems that there is no
consensus about the matter.” (Idström 163)

The example Idström cites (Casasanto 2009) is a psychology experiment that

demonstrated that right-handed people tended to associate the space to their

right with positive ideas and the space to their left with negative ideas. The

opposite was true of left-handed people, who associated rightward space with

negative ideas despite the fact that metaphors and “idioms in English associate

good with right but not left” (Casasanto 2009).

Whether metaphors are cognitive or linguistic, the cultural and social

realities of metaphors are undeniable. As “language is a socially conditioned

process, conditioned that is by other non-linguistic parts of society,” the

metaphors of a language are going to reflect the society they are born and spoken
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in (Fairclough 22). The metaphors of a language are also the metaphors of the

society and culture that uses the language because

“there is not an external relationship ‘between’ language and

society, but an internal and dialectical relationship. Language is
part of society; linguistic phenomena are social phenomena of a
special sort, and social phenomena are (in part) linguistic
phenomena” (Fairclough 23).

Therefore, language is a key component of any social struggle, and Fairclough

says that “in so far as dominant conventions are resisted or contested, language

use can contribute to changing social relationships” (Fairclough 20). With this in

mind, I turn to common metaphors used in English that are rooted in the

capitalist system we live in.

2.0 Capitalist Metaphors We Live By

“Analytic act is a political act. Awareness matters. Being able to

articulate what is going on can change what is going on—at least in
the long run” (Lakoff 2004:74)

In this section, I demonstrate that metaphors are culturally systematic:

that linguistic phrases systematically use metaphors that conform to specific

cultural schemas. (Strauss and Quinn stress that the foundation of linguistic

meaning is based on cultural schemas 2003: 48.) In western cultures, capitalism

is no longer only economic system but part of culture, inextricable from even

fundamental conceptualizations about time, and space. These cultural

conceptualizations are heavily laden with capitalist ideologies. Within a western,

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capitalist cultural schema, metaphors—whether considered linguistic, conceptual,

or both—are coherent with one an other through the continuity of these capitalist

ideology. When analyzing our metaphors, we must remember not only the “social

determination of language use, but also the linguistic determination of society”

(Fairclough 19).

In this section I identify, describe, and critically prod at several metaphors

that use capitalist ideology: “Critical is used in the special sense of aiming to show

up connections which may be hidden from people—such as the connections

between language, power and ideology” (Fairclough 5).

TIME IS MONEY is one of the more obvious conceptual metaphors in

English because it is also a phrase used often. It seems to be endemic in the

capitalist world, where you are actually paid for the time that you work. Common

linguistic expressions reflect this metaphor and demonstrate the use of the

metaphor not only in the way we speak about TIME but the way we (often

unknowingly) conceptualize it:

TIME IS MONEY
You’re wasting my time.
This gadget will save you hours.
I don’t have the time to give you.
How do you spend your time?
That flat tire cost me an hour.
I’ve invested a lot of time in this.
I don’t have enough time to spare.
You’re running out of time.
You need to budget your time.
Put aside some time.
Is that worth your while?
Do you have any time left?
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He’s living on borrowed time.

You’re not using your time profitably.
I lost a lot of time when I was sick.
Thank you for your time.
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002)

These metaphorical expressions are used in everyday language and are

considered neither figurative nor metaphorical by most English speakers.

However, the phrases and words associated with money plainly illustrate the

metaphorical way in which capitalist culture relates time to money. If metaphors

are conceptual in nature, understanding through metaphors causes us to

understand one part of a concept in terms of another: if TIME IS MONEY is a part

of your conceptual system, you comprehend TIME through the lens you use to

comprehend MONEY. The metaphorical lens of MONEY, however, is not entirely

(metaphorically) clear, and MONEY will inevitably obscure some aspects of TIME

while highlighting others. Lakoff and Johnson give the following examples: you

can’t “get your time back” if you spend time on something; one can “give you a

lot of their time, but you can’t give the same time back” (Lakoff and Johnson

2002: 525).

However, “the conceptual metaphor TIME IS MONEY does not exist

because we naively believe that time is something like money. Instead, it has

been conventionalised, because it describes aptly our culture-specific attitude

towards time in appropriate contexts” (Idström 163). This is key, for whether or

not you believe metaphors are conceptual, metaphors are certainly active

windows through which we can understand a culture’s attitude about the

metaphor’s target domain. The western, capitalist attitude about time is that it is
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a concrete entity, something that is measured by clocks and used in schedules: it

is like money, and money is a limited resource and a valuable commodity.

2.1 Resources and Commodities

In western culture, time, like money, is a very valued commodity. When

we are employed, we are most often paid by the amount of time spent working;

we pay taxi cabs and hotel bills for the time we use them; one can buy time, pay

attention, run out of time. In western culture, TIME IS MONEY is the most

common way to conceptualize time, and that metaphor entails another metaphor

speak with: TIME IS A LIMITED RESOURCE, which entails that TIME IS A

VALUABLE COMMODITY. These entailments are also expressed in our language:

“of the expressions listed under the TIME IS MONEY metaphor, some refer

specifically to money (spend, invest, budget, profitably, cost), other to limited

resources (use, use up, have enough of, run out of), and still other to valuable

commodities (have, give, lose, thank you for)” (Lakoff and Johnson 2002:9).

The metaphor and metaphorical entailments create a coherent structure in our

conceptual system through which we perceive and experience time.

We are paid for the hours we work but can also be paid for the ideas we

think of, which turns creativity, intelligence, and ideas into commodities to be

bought and sold. These human properties are used for commercial competition

and become the property of the individual instead of collective resources.

IDEAS ARE MONEY/COMMODITIES

Put in your two cents’ worth,
a wealth of ideas,
rich in ideas,
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a treasure trove of ideas

I don’t buy that idea,
that idea won’t sell,
that’s a worthless idea,
she’s a source of valuable ideas,
my ideas don’t have a chance in the market.
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002)

Ideas are resources in another conceptual metaphor, and while the

phrases could indicate the primacy of individual interests, understanding ideas as

natural resources instead of as commodities makes them more public, more for

the collective interests.

IDEAS ARE RESOURCES

Don’t use that ineffective idea,
he ran out of ideas,
don’t waste your thoughts on that,
let’s pool our ideas,
she’s resourceful,
we’ve used up our ideas,
that’s a useless idea,
that idea will go a long way.
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002)

2.2 Up-Down Hierarchy

Conceptual metaphors are culturally and linguistically relative. However,

metaphors that have a basis in physical experience are often common across

cultures. Spatial metaphors such as CONSCIOUS IS UP and UNCONSCIOUS IS

DOWN (“Get up. Wake up. I’m up already. He rises early in the morning. He fell

asleep. He dropped off to sleep. He’s under hypnosis. He sank into a coma”) are

often common between cultures because of the common physical body and

orientation humans share. There is a “physical basis” for these metaphors: when
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humans are asleep or unconscious, they are horizontal, and we stand up once we

awaken.

CONSCIOUS IS UP;UNCONSCIOUS IS DOWN

Get up,
wake up,
I’m up already,
they rise early in the morning,
he fell asleep,
he dropped off to sleep,
she’s under hypnosis, under anesthesia,
they sank into a coma

HEALTH AND LIFE ARE UP;

SICKNESS AND DEATH ARE DOWN
She’s at the peak of her health,
Lazarus rose from the dead,
He’s in top shape,
He fell ill,
She’s sinking fast,
They came down with the flu,
Their health is declining,
He dropped dead

HAPPY IS UP; SAD IS DOWN

I’m feeling up,
That boosted my spirits,
My spirits rose,
I got high,
Thinking about her always gives me a lift,
I’m feeling down,
I’m depressed,
He’s really low these days,
I fell into a depression,
My spirits sank
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002: 15)

Experiences that are less physical and more cultural are conceptually structured

by metaphors that are relative to cultures and societies. The qualifiers are crucial,

though: our spatial concepts are structured by our continuous spatial experience

and interactions, and thus emerge from constant motor functions associated with

being UP or DOWN within our particular gravitational field. There is no “direct

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physical experience,” as every experience occurs within “a vast background of

cultural presuppositions” (Lakoff and Johnson 2002: 57).

There is a big web of metaphors about UP and DOWN, and many, if not

all, of them engage with our cultural systems of hierarchy. There are upper and

lower classes, social ladders, superiors who have the upper hand and inferiors

who are under control. There is an experiential basis for these metaphors, but

they also obviously play into ideas about social structure. Following are many

UP/DOWN metaphors, so we can see their scope and influence and be able to

point them out, because they are extremely pervasive throughout our conceptual

systems. The metaphors all place positively-associated concepts with UP and

negatives with DOWN.

HAVING CONTROL OR FORCE IS UP;

BEING SUBJECT TO CONTROL OR FORCE IS DOWN
I have control over him,
I am on top of the situation,
She’s in a superior position,
She’s at the height of her power,
She’s in high command,
They’re in the upper echelon,
Her power rose,
She ranks above me,
He is under my control,
He fell from power,
His power is on the decline,
He is my social inferior,
He is the low man on the totem pole

MORE IS UP; LESS IS DOWN

The number of books printed each year is falling,
her draft number is high,
her income rose last year,
artistic activity has gone down this year,
the number of errors she made is low,
his income fell this year,
he is underage,
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turn the heat down

GOOD IS UP; BAD IS DOWN

Thinks are looking up,
we hit a peak last year, but it’s been downhill ever since,
Things are at an all time low,
she does high-quality work

VIRTUE IS UP; DEPRAVITY IS DOWN

She is high-minded,
they have high standards,
they are upright,
she is an upstanding community member,
that was a low trick,
don’t be underhanded,
she wouldn’t stoop to that,
that would be beneath them,
he fell into the abyss of depravity,
that was a low-down thing to do.
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002)

The connections between all of the metaphors and concepts is really amazing:

they are systematically organized by the common metaphors UP IS ‘POSITIVE’

and DOWN IS ‘NEGATIVE.’

2.3 “Progress”

MONEY, TIME, and the entailments of UP are all tangled in concepts of

progress, which I briefly defined earlier. More money is more control; MORE,

MONEY, and CONTROL are all UP, and UP is virtuous, good. When metaphors for

time interact with these ideologies in our conceptual systems, time becomes a

vehicle to get UP, to have MORE. In western conceptual systems the idea of

timelines, and deadlines in the future, and future-thinking and forward-thinking

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are often assumed and not noticed. Here are some metaphors that demonstrate

how we think of time as linear, forward, and up.

FORESEEABLE FUTURE EVENTS ARE AHEAD

I’m looking forward to the book fair,
Before us is an awesome opportunity,
I can’t face the future,
Have to meet the future head-on

TIME IS AN OBJECT MOVING TOWARD YOU

The time will come when,
The time has long since gone when,
The time for action has arrived,
We don’t want this opportunity to pass us by.

TIME IS STATIONARY AND WE MOVE THROUGH IT

As we go through the years,
Further into the 80s,
We’re approaching the end of the year
(Lakoff and Johnson 2002)

By constantly moving toward a future time, one with more (more time is more

money), we are moving toward this idea of progress—this ideology of progress.

This linear model of time, space, and resources supports and maintains the ideas

that progress is up, is built up, that we get there by making and selling and

buying and using MORE.

2.4 Moral Accounting

A wide-spread metaphor to describe morality is MORAL ACCOUNTING;

that moral actions improve another’s well-being, and improving well-being is

metaphorically understood as increasing wealth. This is a complicated

relationship of the metaphors GOOD IS UP, MORE IS UP, HEALTH IS UP, and
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POWER IS UP. It is generally GOOD to have MORE POWER, and those in POWER

have MORE wealth. Wealth is then associated with HEALTH, which is also UP.

Another relationship could be that of health, which often declines over TIME. And

TIME IS MONEY, so if health declines with MORE TIME, there could be less

MONEY.

All is of this is just suggestive, and what I’m trying to get at is the

complicated, tangled, intertwining of all of these metaphors in our conceptual

systems. And how the tangles aren’t necessary, just culturally systematized.

Lakoff and Johnson explanation of MORAL ACCOUNTING:

“Since morality is concerned with well-being, whether one’s own or

that of another, fundamental experiences concerning well-being
give rise to conceptual metaphors for morality. People are better off
in general if they are strong not weak; if they can stand upright
rather than having to crawl; if they eat pure, not rotten, food; and
so on. These correlations give rise to metaphors of morality as
strength and immorality as weakness, morality as uprightness and
immorality as being low, morality as purity and immorality as rot,
and so on. Since you are better off if you have the things you need
rather than if you don’t, there is a correlation of well-being with
wealth. Hence, there is a wide-spread metaphor in which moral
action is conceptualized as increasing another’s well-being, which is
metaphorically understood as increasing their wealth. Immoral
action, therefore, is conceptualized as decreasing another’s wealth.
Thus, if someone does you a favor, you are in her debt and seek to
repay the favor. This is the basis of the metaphor of Moral
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Accounting, in which morality prescribes a balancing of the moral

books.” (Lakoff and Johnson 2002: 250)

The idea of MORAL ACCOUNTING is present in phrases like,

I’m in her debt,

I have to repay the favor,
The state says prisoners have to repay their debt to society,
She was charged with disorderly conduct.
Corporations remove mountain tops in Appalachia at the expense of the people,
BP hasn’t been held accountable for their gross negligence.

These metaphorical phrases all show conceptualizations of morality as a

check-book balancing, a system of I-O-Us. From one entity to another, one

individual to another. Morality specifically improves another’s well-being, which

is distinct and separate from your own.

3.0 Learning From the Teaching of Others

To be conscious of our languages we have to be aware of what else is

possible—we have to look outside of the box that is our conceptual system and see

what other systems are out there and learn “from the teachings of others” (Boas).

We can learn of other possible conceptualizations by looking at other languages

and cultures. In a capitalist culture we think with capitalist metaphors, but surely

not everyone in every language and culture does: conceptual systems, ideologies,

and conceptual metaphors are all entirely culturally relative. By comparing

metaphors from capitalist cultures to those found in non-capitalist cultures, we

can “[learn] from the teaching of others,” which I believe is the only way to

“recognize the shackles tradition has lain upon us” and then “break them.”
Wippermann 22

3.1 Endangered Metaphors, Endangered Ways of Thinking

In this section, I use metaphors from endangered languages as counter-

metaphors, presenting metaphors that correspond with the capitalist western

metaphors that I’m questioning, but do not engage with the capitalism. This

comparative approach is “a means of limiting [our] own inherent ontological

biases” (Bird-David 2008).

Lakoff and Johnson say: “Much of cultural change arises from the

introduction of new metaphorical concepts and the loss of old ones. For example,

the Westernization of cultures throughout the world is partly a matter of

introducing the TIME IS MONEY metaphor into those cultures” (Lakoff and

Johnson 2002: 145). Indigenous languages are “crowded out by bigger

languages” and industrialization and the extraction of natural resources have

severely impacted most indigenous cultures’ environments and livelihoods

(Harrison 5). Westernization and capitalism are the primary reasons for the

quickening extinction of indigenous languages, so it is important to use

endangered and indigenous languages to re-metaphorize this language and

demonstrate the necessity of linguistic and cultural diversity. Most large

languages in dominant cultures have already adopted the capitalist metaphors—

small and endangered languages from cultures who haven’t taken up (or been

taken in by) capitalism offer some of the only evidence that we do not in fact have

to think/talk this way.

Wippermann 23

Linguistic diversity, like cultural diversity and biodiversity, is necessary for

human health. Monoculturalism gets us into trouble—for example, the five

species of corn that are now grown exclusively in commercial agriculture are

killing the soil and heightening the food crisis. A western monoculturalism of

peoples tied together by capitalism does the same thing. Capitalism demands

production and consumption, and constant production that uses the same,

limited resources will kill those resources that it depends on—like the

monocultures of crops killing the soil:

“It is a reliable criterion of ecological thinking if culture is not

confused with monoculture. By now the dangers of monocultures
have become well known in the domain of agriculture and we know
that the ideal conditions for production at the same time present
ideal conditions for disturbances of all kinds. Analogously this also
appears to be the case with linguistic monoculture” (Weinrich 95).

Language is a primary element of identity; cultures, tribes, nations, social

communities of any kind tend to group themselves according to common

language. So when I talk about the importance of linguistic diversity, I’m also

talking about cultural diversity. Same with linguistic and cultural relativity—since

members of a culture have common conceptual systems which are expressed

linguistically, language and culture are intertwined almost inextricably.

I found the indigenous counter-metaphors in anthropology papers,

linguistics research, and online dictionaries. Some of the sources identified the

conceptual metaphors and talked about them in those terms, but others did not
Wippermann 24

identify the metaphors, and from those I have used the linguistic data present in

the paper to find them.

The endangered languages I quote and talk about are: Inari Saami, spoken

in the Arctic Circle in Scandinavia; Nayaka, spoken by a hunter-gatherer tribe in

South India; Aymara, Malagasy, Toba, spoken by indigenous peoples in Peru and

Bolivia.

3.2 Comparing Metaphors to Recognize our Shackles

As opposed to languages situated in capitalism, many of the metaphors of

endangered indigenous languages concern the earth. The language encodes

information about the environment of the culture, their ecosystem and how they

are a part of it. Natural order, as opposed to human-made order, is the primary

source-domain.

Inari Saami: TIME IS NATURE

Inari Saami is spoken in the areas surrounding Lake Inari in northern

Finland, and the culture is “traditionally based on fishing, hunting, and reindeer-

husbandry in the harsh conditions of Lapland.” Transportation and hunting

depended on the weather, and “human life depended overtly on natural

resources, fish and game of the wilderness” and so “the Inari Saami made every

endeavour to predict the weather and timed their actions according to the

weather” (Idström 161). Inari Saami was the primary language in Inari Saami

communities until the 1950s, when a rapid language shift to Finnish occurred. It
Wippermann 25

has since been revitalized, but is spoken by only 350 people. And of those, only

250—mostly older people—speak it as their first language.

Anna Idström (2010) analyzes Inari Saami metaphors of time and

compares them to the western metaphors expressed in both English and Finnish.

Because the majority of Saami people no longer learn the language natively, some

of the traditional metaphorical expressions of the Inari Saami are unknown to

young speakers in the Inari Saami society. This language shift accompanies the

changes to the environment of the Inari Saami: with the establishment of road

systems farther and farther north, Finnish settlers have been moving north into

the Lapland areas the Saami inhabit; the damming of fishing rivers, the 1940s

regulation of lakes, and the 1960s “motorization and capitalization of the

reindeer economy” have severely harmed the Saami’s abilities to live off of and

with the land. However, Idström says that “Not withstanding these changes and

also not unexpectedly given the durability of phrasal lexemes, the old Inari Saami

way of life is still reflected in the Inari Saami metaphors of time” (Idström 161-2).

We have seen that English uses the metaphors TIME IS MONEY, TIME IS A

VALUABLE COMMODITY, and TIME IS A LIMITED RESOURCE. Finnish, another

language that is part of western culture, uses the same metaphors:

(1) Haaska-a-t kallis-ta aika-a-ni

waste-PRS-2SG expensive.SG-ACC time-ACC.SG-POSS.ISG
‘You are wasting my precious time.’

(2) Tämä teckninen apuneuvo säästä-ä aika-a-si

this technical.NOM.SG gadget.NOM.SG save-3SG.PRS time-
ACC.SG-2SG
Wippermann 26

‘This gadget will save you time.’

(3) Miten kulut-a-t aika-a nykyään?

how spend-PRS-2SG time-ACC.SG nowadays
‘How do you spend your time these days?’

(Idström 166)

The Inari Saami, however, as part of a non-westernized, non-capitalist culture, do

not conceptualize time with any of these metaphors. Time for the Saami is not an

entity in itself to focus on or manipulate (as is it when you live in a pre-set

schedule and are paid by the hour), but is perceived as a context. The Inari Saami

phrases that correspond with wasting time in English and Finnish do not

mention time at all, but focus instead on the result of the proposed action:

(4) Tallet maid kal leibi-lase

then supposed EMPH bread.NOM.SG-more.NOM.SG
‘And this is supposed to get us more bread.’

(5) Tallet maid kal mäli-salgâ

then supposed EMPH soup. NOM.SG-piece_of_meat.NOM.SG
‘And this is supposed to get us a piece of meat in the soup.’

(167 Idström)

These phrases are responses to proposed tasks that are not considered

useful—and for a people who depended solely on their abilities to find food and

shelter in the harsh Lapland climate, useful tasks are those that help feed the

community. In a capitalist culture, tasks considered useful are usually about

earning money that you then use to buy food (for yourself and perhaps your

family).
Wippermann 27

Because “[t]ime is the context, not the centre of attention,” time is

understood as an environment. Discussing the data collection of Inari Saami

phrases concerning any mention of time, Anna Idström says that “the word

meaning ‘time’ is mentioned explicitly in only a couple of cases; yet many of the

idioms presuppose the concept of time implicitly. In these cases, the source

domain for the metaphor—or more precisely, metonymy—is not money but

nature. The Inari Saami people frequently refer to certain moments or periods of

time by mentioning what happens in nature at that time” (Idström 168). This

reference is the act of metonymy, a form of metaphor. The referential quality of

Saami idioms are seen in the following expressions of seasons: (6) and (7) refer to

autumn; (8) refers to what we know as the month of October, when in Lapland

the whitefish spawn.

(6) riemnjis kamâs-iið-is koco

fox. NOM.SG. leg-ACC.PL-POSS.SG3 hang.SG3.PRS
‘Fox is hanging up his legs.’

(7) illâ-muorâ äigi

flaming-coal-tree.GEN.SG time.NOM.SG
‘the time when the trees have the colour of flaming coals’

(8) noro-kyeli äigi

gathering-fish.GEN.SG time.NOM.SG
‘the time when the fish gather together’

(Idström 168-9)

In these phrases (and many more examples: see Idström 2010), time is a

location, not a resource to be saved, money to be spent, or a commodity to be

wasted. The location is always nature, since that is where and how the Saami live.
Wippermann 28

In these metaphorical expressions, “the target domain is time, and the source

domain is nature,” which can lead us to conclude that the primary operating

metaphor to talk about time in Inari Saami is TIME IS NATURE. However, the

mapping from target to source domain is not as clear in this metaphor as it is in

TIME IS MONEY. Nature is not a concretely identified substance as money is, and

so time is understood not in terms of one concrete substance. Rather, time is as

complex as nature is—not a single entity, but a network and ecosystem of

happenings.

TIME IS NATURE is coherent with Saami culture, because “[n]ature was

the index of time in traditional Inari Saami culture” (Idström 171):

“daily life followed the rhythm of nature, consisting of reindeer,

fishing, hunting and weather. The individual timed his actions by
making observations of his natural environment and spontaneously
reacting to these observations. For example, fog is an indicator of a
good time for fishing whitefish, because the whitefish swim in
surface water on a foggy day. There is no preset schedule for
determining when to catch whitefish; the fog triggers the action.

This schema has even been lexicalised. The expression

riäskápivdemsoŋŋâ, ‘weather for catching whitefish,’ means foggy
weather.

[(10)] riäská-pivdem-soŋŋâ
whitefish.ACC.SG—fishing.NOM.SG—weather.NOM.SG
‘weather for catching whitefish’

If someone telephones from Inari to Helsinki and says that it is a

riäskápivdemsoŋŋâ in Inari, the friend in Helsinki knows that the
weather is foggy, even if the fog is not mentioned.” (Idström 174)
Wippermann 29

The metaphor is not only logical, but extremely useful: because time is

systematically understood as nature, simply knowing the word for a foggy day, for

example, will inform you of a likely food resource that day.

The TIME IS NATURE metaphor can be seen even in individual words used

to talk about time in Saami. The following words are translations from Northern

Saami into English from a dictionary compiled by Kimberli Mäkäräinen (2007).

The notes that follow each word set are not meant to definitively interpret but

suggest possible relationships and to illustrate the connectedness of the domains

time and nature.

álgu: start, beginning; embryo

The word for beginning is also the word for the beginning of life, embryo.

beaivet: during the day

beaivi: day
beaivvaš: sun
beaivválaš: daily (adj.)
beaivválaččat: daily (adv.)
beaivvebargu: daywork
The concept of ‘day’ is inseparable from what a ‘day’ means in nature—the earth

is lit by the sun.

birramihttu: circumference
birranbeaivi: day, calendar day (the whole 24-hour period)
birrasii: about, around
birrastat: environment, surroundings
Wippermann 30

To refer to the length of the day, you prefix beaivi, day, with the root to describe

‘circumference’, cyclical ‘around’-ness, which moves with the environment, the

life that surrounds.

boahtimuš: origin; provenance, beginnings; source, roots; birth;

foundation
boahtteáigi: future
boahtte jagi: next year
boahttevahkku: next week
The root of ‘boaht-’ is used for ‘origin’ and ‘birth’ and ‘roots,’ it roots the ‘future’.
diibmoáigi: clock time
diibmobálká: hourly wages
‘Clock time’ and ‘hourly wages’ are lexically related, keeping distinct natural time,

which you can’t be paid for. This shows that the Western conceptualization of

time is lexically separate from the traditional Saami conceptualization.

The Saami metaphor TIME IS NATURE is exciting because it demonstrates

that metaphors and ideologies are entirely based in the social system of culture—

so if we were members of an entirely different culture (a non-western-capitalist

culture) we would likely understand fundamental concepts such as time

differently helps us to be more conscious of the ways in which we understand and

communicate. As is now obvious, money, which is a completely abstract human

concept, does not have to affect the way humans perceive time.

Even beyond expanding our awareness of how we understand, there is

much to be learned from the Saami metaphors. When TIME IS NATURE, progress

is no longer about accumulating more wealth over time, but about living in
Wippermann 31

nature over time—and if we conceptualize time and the future in terms of the

earth we are living time in, our future is more clearly perceived as being tied to

the future of the earth. Which it is.

biras: environment
birasviessu: community center

The root of ‘community center’ is ‘environment’—individuals are part of

communities are part of the environments they live with.

Aymara, Malagasy, Toba: FUTURE IS BEHIND YOU

In Aymara, Malagasy, and Toba (and many other indigenous cultures),

you can see the past in front of you, because you experienced it and know it. The

future is then behind you. In Aymara, “the past” is spoken as nayra timpu: eye

time, ‘the time before my eyes.’ “Tomorrow” is q’ipi uru: back day, ‘the day at my

back’. Past events in Malagasy are described as “in front of the eyes” and future

events as “behind.” A speaker of Malagasy said that the future is “behind”

because “none of us have eyes in the back of our head” (Radden, Gunter, Dahl

1995: 198). The invisible future passes behind the speaker, becomes visible when

it’s present, and faces the speaker once the time is past.

Toba’s model of time is even more complex, combining the conception of

the PAST IS IN FRONT OF YOU with TIME IS CYCLICAL. Moving in a counter-

clockwise circle,

“Time first moves from the observer’s view until it is halfway up the
circle at recent past, from where it moves out of view and ends up as
Wippermann 32

remote past opposite present time, where it merges with remote

future. Time then comes back from behind the observer, and
halfway down on the other side of the circle it becomes immediate
future, from where it moves back into present time. The logic of this
time model requires that the observer turn around if he wants to see
the immediate future approaching from behind. Interestingly,
speakers of Toba and Aymara look over their left shoulders when
looking into the future” (Radden, Gunter, Dahl 1995: 198).

If we can conceptualize time as circular, cyclical, we change the way we

think of progress—it doesn’t have to be forward or up, but around. We face the

past, learn and know the past, to turn around to the future. And the future

becomes the past. We are responsible for past and future because one becomes

the other. Growth and progress are around, circular, recycling, not up and more

and ahead.

Nayaka: LIVING TOGETHER

Morality can be re-metaphorized from its individualistic, money capital-

based system of MORAL ACCOUNTING. In Nayaka, the conceptual understanding

of morality is not based on the moral transactions of individuals but on the

collective actions that affect all members of the collective—helping another is

helping yourself.

In his ethnography about the Nayaka, Nurit Bird-David recounted a story

that illustrates the concept of LIVING TOGETHER: an abandoned mongoose cub

was found in the forest and brought back to the community hamlet and passed on
Wippermann 33

to a nursing mother, who fed the cub. Nurit was surely surprised, but says “my

Nayaka companions did not indulge my attempt to make it an issue: as far as they

were concerned, the cub simply needed and was given food”(Bird-David 534). It

was not an moral act of “sharing,” because there is no word in Nayaka for “share”

(which comes from the old English word ‘scearu’ meaning cutting or division, and

commonly means dividing an item up or using an item jointly between

individuals—which assumes and creates separate individuals). Instead, it was an

act of LIVING TOGETHER “with diverse yet immediate others, human and

another-than-humans, focusing on the process of being with them, more than on

the essence of their respective beings” (Bird-David 525).

Individualism plays no part in a Nayaka conceptual system. Instead of

growing up as the process of learning to “stand on your own feet,” “make your

own decisions,” “look after yourself,” and “live your own life,” Nayaka grow up

and develop budi: “the skill of living together,” “the ability to wisely act with

others.”

With the Nayaka metaphor of LIVING TOGETHER, we can rethink the

individualistic ideas of moral accounting and think of ourselves as part of

something bigger. I like to think of individual humans as cells of a larger

organism of humanity, which interacts and lives in an even larger ecosystem of all

organisms—the earth itself could be conceptualized as an organism that we are all

a part of.

4.0 Conclusion
Wippermann 34

With consciousness of language, every speaker can assume responsibility for the

language they use, and work with conventional metaphors to update, expand,

criticize, and create new metaphors:

“New metaphors have the power to create a new reality. This can
begin to happen when we start to comprehend our experience in
terms of a metaphor, and it becomes a deeper reality when we begin
to act in terms of it. If a new metaphor enters the conceptual system
that we base our actions on, it will alter that conceptual system and
the perceptions and actions that the system gives rise to.” (Lakoff
and Johnson 2002: 145)

The metaphors we live by are cultural and societal, and when we speak

with them, we think in them, act we reinforce our culture and society—so

when politicians, scientists, journalists, or anyone with the ability to

influence brings a new metaphor in the conceptual system of a culture and

society, the metaphor will “alter that conceptual system and the

perceptions and actions that the system gives rise to.” Using new

metaphors is as unavoidable as using old ‘dead’ metaphors, however.

Describing new technologies, new scientific discoveries, new problems (i.e.

the ‘greenhouse effect’, linguistic ‘extinction’) is easiest and most

accessible with the use of metaphors. We need metaphors. We also need to

use metaphors responsibly and consciously, which can lead to a more

educated speaking community.

In his paper on metaphors in the sustainability movement, Thomas

Princen stresses that metaphors with ecological values must become

normative:
Wippermann 35

“The fact that metaphors are inescapable, that they ‘provide

normative interpretations,’ that they ‘affect how we perceive the
world and act,’ and that social theorists have long employed ‘natural’
metaphors (the state as a person or organism; the public as a body;
global relations as a system with core and periphery, all in a balance
of power) suggests that new metaphors, ecological ones, can indeed
be constructed ... The critical state of the environment suggests that
such metaphors must be constructed. This is, indeed, a normative
issue.” (Princen)
With social and political change comes linguistic change. Metaphor is an

important aspect of language because it often goes unrecognized yet

affects the way entire cultures understand and act in the world.
Wippermann 36

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