Parliaments Role in Pakistan's Transition (Report)

Parliament’s
Role in
Pakistan’s
Democratic
Transition
Asia Report N°249 | 18 September 2013
International Crisis Group

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Table of Contents
Executive Summary................................................................................................................... i
Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii
I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1
II. Curbs on Parliamentary Sovereignty ............................................................................... 3

A. Islam and Moral Policing ........................................................................................... 4
B. Judicial Interpretation and Parliamentary Sovereignty ........................................... 5
III. The Thirteenth National Assembly (2008-2013)............................................................. 9

A. Restoring Parliamentary Democracy......................................................................... 9
B. The 2013 Elections: Missed Opportunities ............................................................... 12
IV. Strengthening the Legislature .......................................................................................... 17

A. Parliamentary Committees ........................................................................................ 17
B. Bringing the Public to Parliament and Parliament to the Public .............................. 21
C. Shaping the Policy Debate ......................................................................................... 23
1. Public expenditure ............................................................................................... 24
2. Taming the bureaucracy ....................................................................................... 26
3. Holding the judiciary at bay ................................................................................. 28
4. Law and order....................................................................................................... 28
5. Human rights ....................................................................................................... 30
D. The Parliamentary Opposition .................................................................................. 32
V. Parliament’s Human and Technical Resources ............................................................... 34
VI. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 37
APPENDICES
A. Map of Pakistan ................................................................................................................ 38
B. Glossary ............................................................................................................................ 39
C. About the International Crisis Group .............................................................................. 40
D. Crisis Group Reports and Briefings on Asia since 2010 .................................................. 41
E. Crisis Group Board of Trustees ........................................................................................ 44
Asia Report N°249 18 September 2013
Executive Summary
Because of repeated direct or indirect authoritarian interventions during Pakistan’s
history, its parliaments have either been absent, short-lived or rubber stamps for the
military’s policies, their proceedings hollowed out and meaningless. Even under civil-
ian rule, an overactive judiciary has repeatedly encroached on parliamentary prerog-
atives, while the executive branch has dominated the governance agenda; legislative
advice and consent has been more a matter of form than substance. Five and a half
years after the democratic transition began in February 2008, the legislature is still
developing its institutional identity. The thirteenth National Assembly (2008-2013),
led by the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), was far more assertive. Some of the most
prominent committees exercised their authority to oversee the executive and to en-
gage the public. But the political system will remain unstable so long as the legacy of
military rule is kept alive. The current legislature must resume the unfinished work
of democratic reform if it is to fully restore parliamentary sovereignty and stabilise a
volatile polity.
The 2013 elections and their aftermath marked the first-ever transition from one
elected government to another, 40 years after the 1973 constitution established a fed-
eral parliamentary democracy. While the previous parliament missed many oppor-
tunities for reform, it nevertheless passed major legislation to restore democratic
governance. It also represented an era of bipartisan cooperation that was unlike the
vendetta-driven, winner-take-all politics of the 1990s democratic interlude.
The key achievement of the thirteenth National Assembly was the eighteenth con-
stitutional amendment, passed unanimously in April 2010. This removed many of
the constitutional distortions of General Pervez Musharraf’s military regime, enhanced
fundamental rights and laid the foundations for more transparent and accountable
governance. Its most consequential provision was the devolution of power from the
centre to the provinces, addressing a longstanding political fault line that had largely
contributed to the country’s dismemberment in 1971. The shift towards greater co-
operation across the aisle also helped ensure the survival of a fragile political order that
faced constant challenges from an interventionist military and a hyperactive judiciary.
The second phase of the democratic transition now underway offers opportuni-
ties to entrench parliamentary democracy. With incumbents losing at the centre and
in all but one province in the 2013 elections, the parties now in power at the federal
and provincial levels, particularly Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N),
must prioritise governance and deliver on campaign pledges if they are to retain their
positions. The opposition parties, too, should realise that they will be better placed
to unseat their political rivals if they are an effective government-in-waiting in par-
liament, presenting alternative policies, budgets and other legislation, rather than
merely obstructing ruling party proposals and bills.
If the legislature is to respond to public needs and also exercise oversight of the ex-
ecutive, it must reinvigorate the committee system that was largely dormant during
Musharraf’s military regime. While several important committees were far more active
in the previous assembly, pursuing official misdeeds and even questioning the mili-
tary’s role in the polity, legislation was not enacted to provide for parliamentary au-
thority to hold the security apparatus, including its intelligence agencies, accountable.
Parliament’s Role in Pakistan’s Democratic Transition
Crisis Group Asia Report N°249, 18 September 2013 Page ii
The committees’ additional value lies in their ability to lead the debate on specific
policies; conduct detailed investigations and inquiries on issues of public importance;
and engage civil society in the legislative process. Particularly urgent issues include
electoral reform, public expenditure and budgetary allocations, law and order and
human rights.
There is still a long way to go. Committee achievements to date have been largely
due to proactive members, usually the chairs, rather than broader institutional ca-
pacity. For committees to fulfil their potential, their members require much more
research, analysis and technological support. They currently lack dedicated, trained
staff, a problem that also plagues the National Assembly and Senate secretariats.
Library resources are likewise inadequate, with the upper and lower houses main-
taining separate facilities that unnecessarily add to costs without producing better
research. As a result, committees depend on briefs from the executive, often prepared
by an unreformed bureaucracy that, like its military counterpart, has little interest in
strengthening representative institutions.
The committees, moreover, operate within a broader parliamentary framework that
is still pitted with gaps, some legal, some political. Parliament’s constitutional remit
does not, for example, extend to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). The
recent reforms, particularly the eighteenth constitutional amendment, have strength-
ened parliamentary democracy but failed to remove some of the constitutional distor-
tions of past military regimes, particularly Islamisation provisions that still undermine
the legislature’s authority. To become more dynamic and assume its role as a co-
equal branch of government, the new parliament should build on its predecessor’s
steps, putting itself at the centre of the domestic and foreign policy debate.
Crisis Group Asia Report N°249, 18 September 2013 Page iii
Recommendations
To restore parliamentary sovereignty, as envisioned in
the original 1973 constitution
To the National Assembly and Senate:
1. Pass a constitutional amendment package to:
a) repeal Article 227, which prevents parliament from passing laws that violate
“Islamic injunctions”;
b) abolish the Federal Shariat Court, which undermines legislative authority; and
c) restore Articles 62 and 63 to their original form, repealing all arbitrary morali-
ty clauses for electoral candidates.
2. Pass a constitutional amendment to extend parliament’s remit to the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
To enhance parliament’s power of the purse and to reinvigorate

the committee system
To the Government of Pakistan:
3. Abolish discretionary development funds for parliamentarians.
4. End the practice of passing large supplementary budgets, ex post facto, and instead
require that supplementary appropriations be approved by parliament before
the money can be spent.
5. End the practice of using statutory regulation orders (SROs) to override the leg-
islature in enhancing or reducing taxes and duties on specific goods.
To the Parliamentary Standing Committees:

6. Hold regular hearings on relevant ministry performance, summoning federal
secretaries and other high-level officials to testify on their performance, including
execution of policy and use of financial and other resources.
7. Review ministries’ proposals before the budget’s formulation, and use the process
also to assess the value of government programs and policies, through consulta-
tions with officials, civil society and constituents; and in the case of the National
Assembly’s finance and revenue standing committee, hold pre-budget consulta-
tions, with chambers of commerce, trade union, small business, industry and
other civil society representatives.
8. Exercise their authority to review expenditures of ministries and departments at
the end of the budget cycle and hold officials accountable for anomalies.
9. Hold regular public hearings on issues under their remit, inviting government,
non-government and private sector experts; ensure a wide range of opinion when
preparing the witness list; and respect all – including potentially contentious –
viewpoints.
Crisis Group Asia Report N°249, 18 September 2013 Page iv
To assert civilian control over the security apparatus and to reform

the criminal justice system
10. The parliamentary committee on national security should hold public hearings
on issues under its remit, with a wide range of government and non-government
witnesses.
11. The National Assembly should rigorously debate the annual budget when it is
introduced and also demand greater transparency in defence allocations.
12. The mandate of the defence and interior committees should be expanded to in-
clude oversight of military and civilian intelligence agencies.
13. The defence committee, in the case of the military’s main intelligence agency, the
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate, and the law, justice and human rights
committee, in the case of the civilian-controlled Intelligence Bureau (IB), should
draft legislation defining the legal parameters and civilian chains of command.
14. The standing committees on interior and law, justice and parliamentary affairs
should draft legislation to modernise the basic bodies of criminal justice-related
law: the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) and Evi-
dence Act.
To strengthen parliamentary functioning

To the National Assembly and the Senate:
15. Give all committee members a work space and adequate staff.
16. Enhance standing committees’ oversight of the executive branch by empowering
them to vet and approve senior civil service appointments proposed by the Fed-
eral Public Services Commission, to ensure they are made on merit rather than
personal or political affiliation.
17. Enforce the requirement that each standing committee submit an annual report
on its activities that goes beyond an account of proceedings to analysis of its im-
pact on policy.
18. Extend protection of parliamentary speech to witness testimony in parliamen-
tary hearings; and enhance transparency of parliamentary proceedings by setting
a threshold for closed-door hearings, such as consent of one quarter of a com-
mittee’s members on the request of a witness whose security is endangered; and
discussion of classified or other confidential information.
19. Build the capacity of the National Assembly and Senate secretariats to support
parliamentary committees and parliamentary work in general by:
a) establishing and enforcing clear educational and professional criteria for
appointments to the secretariats;
b) developing and enforcing a uniform code of conduct for the National Assem-
bly and Senate secretariats;
c) training specialists, including legal draftsmen, archivists, researchers and
policy analysts, on policy issues and parliamentary procedure; and
d) merging the National Assembly and Senate libraries, with a consolidated re-
search and analysis wing, and ensure the stock is continually updated.
Islamabad/Brussels, 18 September 2013
Asia Report N°249 18 September 2013
Parliament’s Role in Pakistan’s

Democratic Transition
I. Introduction
On 16 March 2013, President Asif Ali Zardari dissolved the National Assembly and
transferred authority to a caretaker government to oversee the 11 May elections. This
marked the first time since the 1970s that an elected government completed a full
five-year term.1 Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) had led a tenuous coalition
government after the restoration of democracy in 2008, following almost a decade of
military rule. On 5 June, Pakistan’s first ever transition from one elected govern-
ment to another through a democratic, constitutional process was completed when
Mian Mohammed Nawaz Sharif was sworn in as prime minister. Winning a strong
mandate in the elections, with an absolute majority in the National Assembly, the
lower house of parliament, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) is far bet-
ter placed to ward off challenges from the political opposition or unrepresentative
institutions than its predecessor.2
Although this relative stability could expand opportunities to enact and imple-
ment much needed reforms, the parliament faces the considerable challenge of con-
solidating a transitional democracy that is still constrained by an interventionist mil-
itary bent on retaining control over security, defence and foreign policies, an exces-
sively activist judiciary and an unreformed bureaucracy.3 While these challenges
would test any young democracy, they are compounded in Pakistan by violent mili-
tancy and extremism that are eroding the state’s authority, as well as an uncertain
external environment that provides spoilers, including the military, ample opportu-
nities to undermine civilian control.4
1
For Crisis Group analysis of electoral challenges, see Asia Briefing N°137, Election Reform in Paki-
stan, 16 August 2012; and Asia Report N°203, Reforming Pakistan’s Electoral System, 30 March 2011.
2
The bicameral parliament consists of the National Assembly (the directly-elected lower house) and
the Senate (the indirectly-elected upper house). In the provincial assembly elections, the PPP and
Awami National Party (ANP), which had led a coalition government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK),
lost almost all their seats there. Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the Islamist Jamaati-
Islami (JI) now head the provincial government. In Balochistan, a PPP and Pakistan Muslim League
(Quaid-e-Azam, PML-Q) coalition was replaced by one led by the Baloch nationalist National Party
(NP) and the Pashtun nationalist Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP), along with PML-N.
Winning absolute majorities, the PPP formed the government in Sindh and the PML-N in Punjab.
3
For challenges posed to the democratic transition by the military, judiciary and civil bureaucracy,
see Crisis Group Asia Reports N°247, Drones: Myths and Reality in Pakistan, 21 May 2013; N°242,
Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA, 15 January 2013; N°227, Aid and Conflict in Pakistan,
22 June 2012; N°196, Reforming Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System, 6 December 2010; N°185,
Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, 16 February 2010; N°178, Pakistan: Countering Militancy in
FATA, 21 October 2009; N°164, Pakistan: The Militant Jihadi Challenge, 13 March 2009; N°160,
Reforming the Judiciary in Pakistan, 16 October 2008; and N°157, Reforming Pakistan’s Police,
14 July 2008.
4
For analysis of Pakistan’s security challenges, see Crisis Group Reports, Drones; and Pakistan:
Countering Militancy in PATA, both op. cit.
Crisis Group Asia Report N°249, 18 September 2013 Page 2
Pakistan is entering the second, unprecedented phase of its democratic transi-

tion, still in urgent need of consolidating its democracy. The reported 55 per cent
turnout in the 2013 elections reflected popular support for parliamentary democra-
cy, but open questions remain, including whether the ruling party and its parliamen-
tary opposition will collaborate on enacting long overdue legislative reform; the rul-
ing party and its parliamentary allies will use their legislative strength to prioritise
governance and deliver on electoral pledges; and the opposition will exercise over-
sight of the executive within parliament.
This report examines the legislature’s role in Pakistan’s democratic transition,
analysing legal and political constraints and identifying ways to overcome them. It
emphasises the committee system as the nucleus of the parliamentary process,
including oversight, legislation and engaging the public, with focus on the national
legislature, in particular the National Assembly, the directly elected and most influ-
ential body. It is based on interviews with parliamentarians, political party workers
and other relevant actors. Since some were conducted before the May elections, the
names of those who subsequently assumed cabinet or other senior government posi-
tions have been withheld.
II. Curbs on Parliamentary Sovereignty
For most of Pakistan’s history, direct or indirect authoritarian interventions reduced

parliament to a short-lived, dysfunctional institution lacking effective powers, or a
rubber stamp for military regimes.5 The first military regime, General Mohammed
Ayub Khan’s, banned parties and in 1959 enacted the Elective Bodies Disqualifica-
tion Order (EBDO) to exclude civilian opposition from the electoral process.6 The
Political Parties Order (1962) restricted the right to stand for office. Ayub created a
local government scheme (Basic Democracy): a democratic façade and civilian con-
stituency, with Basic Democrats electing the president, who led the centralised gov-
ernment his 1962 constitution created, as well as members to a unicameral National
Assembly on a non-party basis. That body could discuss, not reject government bills,
so a member was reduced to relieving constituent grievances. “When you have a
fixed national policy, decided in the presidency, the focus turns to local issues, such
as ‘fix my road’”, said the secretary general of the independent Human Rights Com-
mission of Pakistan (HRCP).7
The first directly elected parliament, led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s PPP, came into
being soon after Pakistan’s dismemberment and Bangladesh’s creation.8 Tasked with
forging a new social contract for the truncated multi-regional, multi-ethnic country,
the parliament unanimously adopted the 1973 constitution that established a federal
parliamentary system, with a directly elected lower house, the National Assembly,
and an indirectly elected upper house, the Senate.
While the number of provincial and Islamabad Capital Territory seats in the Na-
tional Assembly were determined by population, the Senate was configured on the
basis of parity, with an equal number of seats for each province. The president, elected
by the national and provincial legislatures, was the titular head of state but also had
the power to promulgate ordinances. The locus of executive authority was vested in the
prime minister, the head of government, and a cabinet drawn from and answerable
to the National Assembly. National and provincial assembly members were elected
representatives not just of their constituencies, but also of their political parties. The
prime minister’s mandate also came from a parliamentary party or coalition.
The National Assembly served a five-year term, unless the president, on the ad-
vice of the prime minister, dissolved it sooner (with a new assembly elected within
90 days). Senators were elected for six-year terms, half every three years. The upper
house was not subject to dissolution.9
The National Assembly’s remit did not, however, extend to the Federally Adminis-
tered Tribal Areas (FATA) or Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA). To date,
5
See Crisis Group Asia Reports N°102, Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan,
28 September 2005; N°49, Pakistan: The Mullahs and the Military, 20 March 2003; and N°40,
Pakistan: Transition to Democracy, 3 October 2002.
6
EBDO prohibited “anyone from holding public office who used his political position for personal
advantage, or to the detriment of [the] State”, but was selectively used against opposition politicians.
See Crisis Group Report, Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform, op. cit.
7
Crisis Group interview, I.A. Rehman, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
8
The refusal of General Yahya Khan, Pakistan’s second military ruler, to transfer power after the
1970 election to the predominately Bengali Awami League, followed by a brutal military operation,
sparked the civil war.
9
For detailed analysis of the electoral process and structure of the two houses of parliament, see
Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Electoral System, op. cit.
no acts of the national or provincial legislature extend to those regions without pres-
idential assent. Both maintain parallel legal frameworks. FATA citizens are denied
fundamental human, political and economic rights, and lack representation at the
provincial level and access to a formal justice system.10 While limits on parliamen-
tary authority in the FATA context were built into the 1973 constitution, subsequent
amendments during military rule abolished the concept of parliamentary sovereignty
almost entirely.
A. Islam and Moral Policing

Bhutto’s government was toppled by General Zia-ul-Haq’s 1977 coup. During the
1980s, the Zia regime promulgated far-reaching reforms that diluted the constitu-
tion’s democratic character as part of an Islamisation process to legitimise itself. A
provision was inserted into the constitution’s Article 227 requiring that “all existing
laws shall be brought in conformity with the Injunctions of Islam as laid down in the
Holy Quran and Sunnah, in this Part referred to as the Injunctions of Islam, and no
law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such Injunctions”.11 While this was first
articulated in the 1949 Objectives Resolution, it now became a substantive part of
the constitution.12 Laws made or contemplated in parliament thus can be challenged
on religious grounds. For instance, the PPP-led government had considered abolish-
ing the death penalty in 2008, but the Supreme Court stayed action saying it would
violate Islamic injunctions.13 Under parliamentary rules, if a legislator’s objection to
a bill on religious grounds is supported by two fifths of the house, parliament may
refer it to the Council of Islamic Ideology for an advisory opinion.
Zia also established a Federal Shariat (Islamic law) Court (FSC) to ensure that all
legislation conformed to Islamic injunctions. But the FSC also has quasi-legislative
functions, since it can give binding directions on the content of law. In 1990, for ex-
ample, it ruled that a blasphemy conviction must carry a mandatory death penalty,
with no possibility of pardon. In 1992, it ruled that the qisas (retribution) and diyat
(blood money) law also applied to murder cases, giving the victim’s immediate rela-
tives the right to pardon the killer in return for blood money.14 That law thus pro-
vides legal cover to “honour killings” – the murder of a female relative, justified on
the grounds of disgracing the family’s honour – and privileges those who can afford
to pay for a pardon.15 Although the FSC has been relatively inactive in recent years,
its continued existence negates parliamentary supremacy.
Zia’s constitutional reforms also set new eligibility requirements for elected office.
Article 62 was revised, going beyond basic requirements for candidacy such as age and
absence of a criminal record to include morality clauses, based on Islam. Retained
10
See Crisis Group Asia Reports, Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA, op. cit.; and N°125,
Pakistan’s Tribal Areas: Appeasing the Militants, 11 December 2006.
11
This was done under the Third Constitutional Amendment Order of 1980.
12
According to the Objectives Resolution, adopted by the Constituent Assembly, sovereignty would
“belong to Allah Almighty alone and the authority which He has delegated the State of Pakistan,
through its people”. The state would enable citizens to “order their lives in the individual and collec-
tive spheres in accordance with the teachings and requirements of Islam”. See Crisis Group Asia
Report N°216, Islamic Parties in Pakistan, 12 December 2011.
13
See Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Judiciary, op. cit.
14
The law allows a person suffering bodily harm to seek monetary compensation from the perpetrator.
15
Crisis Group Reports, Reforming Pakistan’s Judiciary; and Pakistan: The Mullahs and the Mili-
tary, both op. cit.
by successive parliaments, the criteria now include “good character”, adherence to

“Islamic injunctions”, “adequate knowledge of Islamic teachings and [practice of]
obligatory duties as prescribed by Islam”, and abstinence from “major sins”. Non-
Muslim candidates are not subject to these provisions but are required to have a “good
moral reputation”. All candidates must be “sagacious, righteous and non-profligate,
honest and ameen [observant], there being no declaration to the contrary by a court
of law”.16
The constitution’s disqualification clauses for parliamentarians were also radical-
ly revised. Under Article 63, an elected member could be disqualified if found to be
of unsound mind by a competent court; ceased being a Pakistani citizen or acquired
another nationality; or held “any office of profit in the service of Pakistan other than
an office declared by law not to disqualify its holder”. The member could also be dis-
qualified by act of parliament. To this, the Zia regime added numerous new clauses.
Most notably, parliamentarians could now be disqualified if found by a competent
court to be “propagating any opinion, or acting in any manner, prejudicial to the ide-
ology of Pakistan, or the sovereignty, integrity or security of Pakistan, or morality, or
the maintenance of public order, or the integrity or independence of the judiciary of
Pakistan, or which defames or brings into ridicule the judiciary or the Armed Forces
of Pakistan”. They could also be disqualified if convicted “for any offence which in
the opinion of the Chief Election Commissioner involves moral turpitude, and sen-
tenced to imprisonment for a term of no less than two years”.17 Parliamentarians can
now, as discussed later, be disqualified through court rulings.
These provisions disproportionately empowered the superior judiciary, warping
the checks and balances of a parliamentary system. Superior court judges can act as
moral arbiters of the electoral and legislative process, with a profound impact on
political stability, as manifested during the last parliament and the 2013 elections
(see below).
In 1985, Zia introduced another constitutional provision, Article 58.2(b), giving
the indirectly elected president the power to dismiss elected governments, with judi-
cial endorsement. This gave the doctrine of necessity (discussed below), legal cover.
It was used to justify premature dismissals of parliament in 1985, 1990, 1993, and
1996, each validated by the Supreme Court. During the democratic interlude of the
1990s, parliament repealed Article 58.2(b) through a constitutional amendment in
1997.18 However, the rubber-stamp Musharraf parliament restored this presidential
power and centralised authority in the executive through the seventeenth constitu-
tional amendment (December 2003).
B. Judicial Interpretation and Parliamentary Sovereignty

Clashes between the legislative, executive and judicial branches date back to the ear-
ly years. In the 1950s, the Supreme Court developed what came to be known as the
“doctrine of necessity” in judgments justifying extra-constitutional dismissals of the
16
Article 62, constitution.
17
Article 63, constitution; President’s Order 14 (1985), Revival of the constitution of 1973 order,
Gazette of Pakistan, Extraordinary, Part 1, 2 March 1985.
18
See Crisis Group Reports, Reforming Pakistan’s Judiciary; and Asia Report N°86, Building Judi-
cial Independence in Pakistan, 9 November 2004; both op. cit.
legislature, culminating in Ayub Khan’s 1958 coup.19 After the restoration of democ-
racy, Article 6 was inserted in the 1973 constitution, holding that “[a]ny person who
abrogates or attempts or conspires to abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to
subvert the Constitution by use of force or show of force or by other unconstitutional
means shall be guilty of high treason”.20 Meant to prevent coups, it failed to protect
parliamentary democracy, since the superior judiciary repeatedly legitimised author-
itarian interventions on the grounds of necessity, as in the Supreme Court’s valida-
tion of Zia’s 1977 and Musharraf’s 1999 coups.
Judicial interpretation has also constrained parliament in other ways. In a 1996
decision, the Supreme Court identified a “basic structure” or “salient features” of the
constitution that parliament could not amend, even with the mandated two-thirds
majority. In addition to parliamentary democracy and federalism, the protected areas
included Islamic provisions. This doctrine, which could limit parliament’s power to
repeal Zia-era provisions, such as Articles 62, 63 and 227 and the FSC, was subse-
quently expanded to include fundamental rights and judicial independence.21
The eighteenth constitutional amendment, passed unanimously by both houses
of parliament in April 2010, included a provision for superior court appointments.
Rather than being the president’s prerogative, these were now to require a seven-
member judicial commission, chaired by the chief justice, to nominate a candidate
for a High Court or Supreme Court vacancy (except for the chief justiceship of a supe-
rior court, which is filled by the senior-most judge of the relevant bench). For confir-
mation, the nominee would then need a three-fourths majority from an eight-member
bipartisan parliamentary committee.
The Supreme Court was unwilling to accept a judicial appointment process it no
longer controlled. Invoking the salient features doctrine, in October 2010 it directed
the government to revise the process to give the chief justice discretion in nominat-
ing candidates before the judicial commission; require that the parliamentary com-
mittee explain any rejection of a nominee in writing; and grant the Supreme Court
authority to rule on that explanation. It also ruled that parliamentary committee
hearings be held in-camera.22 Complying with the court’s directives, the parliament
passed the nineteenth constitutional amendment (December 2010), diluting the re-
lated provisions. By successfully pressuring the legislature to water down the eight-
eenth amendment, the judiciary constrained parliament’s authority to amend the
constitution. In August 2013, the Pakistan Bar Council was reportedly planning to file
a petition regarding the chief justice’s dominant role in the appointment process.23
The Supreme Court has also undermined parliamentary authority through activism
that goes well beyond the exercise of judicial review. Its interpretations and exercise
of suo motu24 powers, in the name of “public importance”,25 have often amounted to
a bid to make the judiciary the pre-eminent branch of government.
19
Ibid.
20
Article 6, constitution of Pakistan.
21
See “Text of order dated 21-10-2010 of Supreme Court of Pakistan passed in 18th Amendment
cases”, at: www.supremecourt.gov.pk/web/page.asp?id=433.
22
Ibid.
23
Amir Wasim, “Senate to debate judges’ appointment tomorrow”, Dawn, 25 August 2013.
24
A Latin term roughly translating to “on its own motion”.
25
Article 184 of the constitution grants the Supreme Court original jurisdiction over cases in which
“it considers that a question of public importance with reference to the enforcement of any of the
Fundamental Rights conferred by Chapter I of Part II is involved”.
Possibly the most prominent instance was its June 2012 dismissal of Prime Min-
ister Yousaf Raza Gilani for contempt of court. As noted, Article 63 of the constitution
establishes specific conditions under which a member of parliament may be disqual-
ified. Beyond these, it also provides that:
[If] any question arises whether a member of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) has

become disqualified … the Speaker [of the National Assembly] or, as the case may
be, the Chairman [of the Senate] shall, unless he decides that no such question
has arisen, refer the question to the Election Commission within thirty days and
should he fail to do so within the aforesaid period it shall be deemed to have been
referred to the Election Commission.
The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) is to decide the case within 90 days; if
grounds for disqualification are established, the member’s seat falls vacant.26
The Supreme Court subverted these provisions, convicting Gilani on 26 April
2012 of contempt of court for refusing to comply with its orders to write to the Swiss
authorities to reopen a money-laundering case against President Zardari. The gov-
ernment had refused to write the letter on the grounds that the president enjoyed
constitutionally-guaranteed immunity against prosecution while in office. The ver-
dict, which found Gilani guilty of ridiculing the judiciary, overstepped the original
charge that he had merely defied the court’s instructions. The judges gave Gilani a
symbolic sentence – the time it took for the judges to retire to their chambers.27 On
19 June 2012, however, overriding the speaker and ECP’s authority, the Supreme
Court enhanced the sentence, ruling that Gilani had ceased to be prime minister
after the 26 April judgment.28 By dismissing the prime minister, it also intruded on
the legislature’s authority to hold the executive accountable.
In a separate assenting note, a judge observed that the court’s power to convict
the prime minister, under Article 204 of the constitution:
… ensures that the court is not a helpless bystander incapable of ensuring that
the command of the people is fulfilled. The court can effectively perform the role
of the peoples’ sentinel and guardian of their rights by enforcing their will; even
against members of parliament who may have been elected by the people but who
have become disobedient to the constitution and thus strayed from their will. This
mechanism provides a straightforward governance paradigm, controlled ultimately
by the people.29
This was a broad interpretation, since Article 204 does not mention disqualification
from elected office.30
26
27
“Verdict out: SC convicts Gilani of contempt”, The Express Tribune, 26 April 2012.
28
Text of the 19 June 2012 short order, at: http://tribune.com.pk/story/395960/speakers-ruling-
full-text-of-supreme-courts-short-order.
29
“Text of separate note, Justice Jawwad S. Khawaja, in the Supreme Court’s detailed judgment in
the NA Speaker ruling case”, The News, 4 July 2012.
30
Article 204 of the constitution authorises the Supreme Court to punish any person who “(a)
abuses, interferes with or obstructs the process of the Court in any way or disobeys any order of the
Court; (b) scandalises the Court or otherwise does anything which tends to bring the Court or a
Judge of the Court into hatred, ridicule or contempt; (c) does anything which tends to prejudice the
determination of a matter pending before the Court; or (d) does any other thing which, by law, con-
stitutes contempt of the Court”.
The legislature should act to thwart judicial interference in its functions. In June
2013, the PPP called for establishment of a constitutional court, as envisioned in the
2006 Charter of Democracy.31 PPP Senator Farhatullah Babar said, “the time has
come to carry out a dispassionate study of the impact of judicial overreach”.32 While
the Supreme Court may well resist such a legislative effort, even after Chief Justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry’s retirement in December 2013, on the grounds that it would vio-
late the basic constitutional feature of judicial independence, it should understand
that its repeated resort to broad interpretations, including of its contempt powers,
have raised concerns about partisanship and the separation of powers.
31
Signed in London in May 2006 by Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, the Charter of Democracy
committed the two main opposition parties to numerous measures to end Musharraf’s military rule
and restore and strengthen democratic governance. http://beta.dawn.com/news/192460/text-of-
the-charter-of-democracy.
32
Amir Wasim, “PPP calls for setting up constitutional court”, Dawn, 17 June 2013.
III. The Thirteenth National Assembly (2008-2013)
A. Restoring Parliamentary Democracy

Despite numerous setbacks and missteps during the PPP-led government (March
2008-March 2013), including poor governance and attempts by the military and
judiciary to destabilise it, the political process was significantly more open and trans-
parent than it had been for decades. The National Assembly in particular, despite
some lost opportunities, achieved major successes in restoring constitutionalism and
parliamentary democracy and setting precedents for constructive bipartisanship.
During Musharraf’s military regime, the two most popular parties, the PPP and
PML-N, had jointly struggled to restore democracy, including by signing their May
2006 Charter of Democracy, which in time provided the thirteenth National Assem-
bly’s framework for constitutional reform. Consolidating their partnership through
the March-July 2007 movement to restore the Supreme Court chief justice and other
judges sacked by Musharraf, they jointly opposed his November 2007 state of emer-
gency and collaborated on his removal. This cooperation took on greater urgency
after Benazir Bhutto’s 27 December 2007 assassination.33
The two parties’ decision to form a national unity government after the February
2008 elections was a far cry from their acrimonious relationship during the demo-
cratic interlude of the 1990s. The non-partisan role the speaker, a senior PPP mem-
ber, played in the new National Assembly was a welcome change from earlier par-
liaments, in which that office was considered a ruling party office.34 Although the
PPP and PML-N forced Musharraf’s resignation from the presidency in August 2008,
the coalition fell apart soon after over the PPP’s refusal to restore the sacked judges,
including Chief Justice Chaudhry. Tensions between the parties subsequently peaked
when President Zardari imposed governor’s rule in Punjab, suspending the PML-N-
led provincial government of Shahbaz Sharif in March 2009. The crisis was defused
when the PPP, pressured by the PML-N and public opinion, restored the judges and
lifted governor’s rule.
Their relationship also gradually improved in parliament, where they cooperated
on major legislation, including the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth constitu-
tional amendments, to restore and strengthen parliamentary democracy.35 The Na-
tional Assembly’s role in democratic development was largely possible because of
this collaboration.
The parliament functioned more transparently than its predecessors, publishing
information on sittings and proceedings through its website, which carried orders of
the day and details of legislative business as well as details of the question hour, when
members put questions to the executive, including ministers.36 More importantly, in
sharp contrast to the 51 bills passed by Musharraf’s rubber-stamp parliament, it
passed 134 bills.37 Eighteen were private member bills, many of which were substan-
tive. The Criminal Law (Third Amendment) Act, 2011, inserted a new chapter in the
33
See Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°70, Winding Back Martial Law in Pakistan, 12 November 2007.
34
Crisis Group interviews, parliamentarians, government officials and political activists, Islamabad
and Lahore, April-July 2013.
35
The constitutional amendments were, respectively, in April 2010, December 2010 and February
2012.
36
National Assembly website, www.na.gov.pk.
37
“National Assembly completes five years”, Daily Times, 16 March 2013.
Pakistan Penal Code expressly prohibiting women from being deprived of inheriting
property, forced into marriage or “married” to the Quran.38 The Acid Control and Acid
Crime Prevention Bill was adopted unanimously in 2011 to control import, produc-
tion, storage and sale of acid, and enhance punishment for acid attacks. These private
member bills were introduced by female legislators, giving “meaning to women’s
participation in parliament, and a fillip to the women’s movement. Earlier, such bills
would die on the assembly floor”.39
The eighteenth amendment, the most significant of the constitutional legislation,
demonstrated the potential of a democratic process when ruling and opposition par-
ties support a common reform agenda over obstructionism. The PPP had prepared a
draft bill in 2008 that it said was open to debate and revision. Instead of introducing
that version, which many considered too weak,40 the ruling party opted for discus-
sion, political bargaining and revision, finally presenting a revised draft in 2010 that
had buy-in from all the mainstream parties. Both houses of parliament unanimously
approved the amendment in April of that year.41
The amendment restored parliamentary democracy, removing Musharraf’s con-
stitutional distortions that had resulted in a quasi-presidential system. The removal
of Article 58-2(b) meant the president, the nominal head of state, could no longer
dismiss elected governments, thus depriving the military of a tool it had repeatedly
used in the 1990s to disrupt democratic functioning. The president’s executive powers
were once again limited to granting pardons and remitting, suspending or commut-
ing sentences and promulgating ordinances when the Senate and National Assembly
were not in session. The reforms also established new limits on such ordinances, which
now have the effect of law for 120 days, unless parliament decides by a resolution to
extend their validity for another 120 days, after which they expire.
The amendment made key appointments to the superior judiciary and ECP more
transparent, consultative and subject to parliamentary scrutiny and approval. A well-
informed political observer noted: “Now, if there is no parliament, there are no judges.
No parliament, no ECP”. Similarly contrasting the appointment mechanism for a care-
taker government under the twentieth amendment with earlier practices, he added:
“In the 1990s, candidates for caretaker prime minister and ministers were inter-
viewed in army safe houses”.42 All this made parliament more central to governance.
While the eighteenth amendment likewise made free education a fundamental
right and enhanced protection of other such rights, its most far-reaching provision
was devolution of power from the centre to the provinces. This addressed a long-
standing, tense fault line that had largely contributed to the country’s 1971 dismem-
berment. The amendment removed the “concurrent list” of subjects both federal and
provincial governments could legislate43 – 47 provisions ranging from criminal law
to marriage and divorce; wills and succession rights; transfer of property; drugs,
medicines, the environment; labour provisions and trade unions; social welfare; and
38
The latter refers to a woman’s oath on the Quran to remain unmarried, thus losing her inher-
itance right.
39
Crisis Group interview, I.A. Rehman, HRCP secretary general, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
40
For its strengths and weaknesses, see Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Judiciary, op. cit.
41
Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010.
42
Crisis Group interview, Zafarullah Khan, executive director, Center for Civic Education, Islama-
bad, 25 March 2013.
43
In case of discrepancies, between federal and provincial laws, the latter was to be considered
void. Article 143 of original (un-amended) constitution.
the education syllabus. This list existed in addition to a federal legislative list of some
65 to 70 provisions. The result had been an overly centralised state, ill suited to an
ethnically and regionally diverse polity.44
With the repeal of the concurrent list, 40 of its 47 subjects were transferred to the
provinces, while the remaining seven were added to the federal list; some 20 minis-
tries and divisions were similarly devolved. The eighteenth amendment revised Arti-
cle 142(d) of the constitution to explicitly limit the National Assembly’s legislative
authority to subjects in the federal list, unless specifically authorised by a provincial
assembly under Article 144. The reforms also revitalised the Council of Common In-
terests (CCI), mandated under the original constitution to regulate policies on which
the federal and provincial governments could both legislate. The virtually defunct
body gained more clout, because it was given a permanent secretariat, was required
to meet at least once every 90 days, and the prime minister became its chairman.45
By cooperating in parliament on this far-reaching reform agenda, the ruling PPP
and its PML-N opposition helped stabilise the first stage of a fragile democratic tran-
sition. A PML-N parliamentarian, now a minister in Sharif’s cabinet, acknowledged
that despite the government’s failure to provide good governance, it deserved credit
for “improving the structure and framework for democracy to succeed”.46 Similarly,
a senior PPP member acknowledged that “the PML-N opposed us without putting
enough stress on the system to roll us back to square one”.47 Siddiqul Farooq, the
PML-N spokesperson, added: “We operated under the principle that the worst democ-
racy was better than the best dictatorship”.48
The PPP government failed to follow through on some good legislation. For exam-
ple, in May 2012, President Zardari signed a bill for creation of a national commission
on human rights (discussed below), which has yet to be established. Some ministries
devolved under the eighteenth amendment, such as religious affairs and welfare –
described by a senior opposition member in the previous parliament as “cash cows”
– remain with the federation.49 While the old health ministry was devolved, a new
capital administration and development ministry was created to address health
issues; then the cabinet division established a regulations and services ministry that
was replaced in turn in October 2012 by a new public health services ministry.50
More importantly, parliament left democratic reform unfinished, providing op-
portunities for the judiciary and other actors to undermine the political process. This
became especially apparent during the 2013 elections. The new parliament must
reform a flawed electoral political and legal framework that otherwise could under-
mine democracy in the future.
44
Moreover, Article 142(d) of the constitution had given the National Assembly “exclusive power to
make laws with respect to matters not enumerated in either of the [federal and concurrent] Lists for
such areas in the Federation as are not included in any Province”. For the concurrent list’s impact
on the public education system, for example, see Crisis Group Asia Report N°84, Pakistan: Reform-
ing the Education Sector, 7 October 2004.
45
Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act, 2010, and Articles 153 and 154 of the constitution.
46
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, June 2013.
47
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, April 2013.
48
49
50
Imran Tipu, “Regulations ministry to undergo a change”, The News, 24 October 2012.
B. The 2013 Elections: Missed Opportunities

Some important election-related reforms were included in the eighteenth and twen-
tieth constitutional amendments of 2010 and 2012, respectively. Electoral laws were
also revised to update and amend the voter rolls.51 However, while these measures
were significant, the 2013 polls showed them to be insufficient.
The president previously handpicked the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and
the other four commissioners. The eighteenth amendment made the appointment
process more transparent, requiring consultation between the prime minister and
the leader of the opposition and the nominees to be approved by a bipartisan parlia-
mentary committee. On 9 July 2012, the joint parliamentary committee unanimously
approved the appointment as CEC of a widely respected former ad hoc judge of the
Supreme Court, Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim.
The twentieth amendment established the terms for an incumbent government to
transfer authority to a caretaker government to oversee the election, so as to allevi-
ate concerns that the polls would be rigged. The prime minister and leader of the
opposition are now to decide on a caretaker prime minister; if they fail to agree, they
are to forward three names to a bipartisan parliamentary committee. If the commit-
tee cannot agree, the ECP chooses one of the three. A similar process was established
for caretaker provincial governments. On 24 March 2013, after the ruling party and
its parliamentary opposition failed to agree on a candidate, the ECP appointed Mir
Hazar Khan Khoso, a former Balochistan high court chief justice, as caretaker prime
minister.
The Election Laws (Amendment) Act, 2011, which amended the Electoral Rolls Act,
1974 and the Representation of the People Act, 1976, made the possession of a valid
computerised national identity card (CNIC), with embedded biometric features, is-
sued by the National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA), mandatory for
voter registration and participation. For the 2008 elections, the Musharraf regime
had allowed both NADRA-issued and non-computerised identity cards that were
particularly vulnerable to misuse.52
While these amendments were a step in the right direction, the parliament fell
short of overhauling a dysfunctional electoral system. Musharraf-era restrictions
that were used to rig the 2002 and 2008 elections, including on campaign financing
and transportation of voters to polling stations among others, were not removed.
Parliament also failed to repeal Zia’s morality clauses in Articles 62 and 63 of the
constitution through the eighteenth amendment. As a result, it allowed the Supreme
Court to frame the terms of the 2013 elections. In June 2012, that body directed the
ECP to apply Musharraf-era restrictions, while the superior and subordinate judici-
ary colluded to enforce Zia’s morality clauses.
Under section 7 of the Representation of People Act, 1976, the ECP is to appoint
returning officers (ROs) from a pool composed of officers from the federal, provin-
cial and local authorities.53 Historically, however, ROs have been drawn from the sub-
ordinate judiciary, a practice the Supreme Court, under Chief Justice Chaudhry’s
leadership, had pledged to end. The National Judicial Policy of 2009 insisted on re-
51
See Crisis Group Briefing, Election Reform in Pakistan, op. cit.
52
“The old identity cards were easily duplicated and allowed unscrupulous candidates to produce
hundreds, if not thousands, of bogus entries. On a computerised electoral roll, it will be a lot harder
to fabricate voter registration”. Senior electoral official quoted in ibid, p. 4.
53
Chapter 3, Representation of People Act, 1976.
moval of judges from all executive assignments, including as ROs.54 Ahead of the
2013 polls, the Supreme Court reversed this, ostensibly in response to an ECP re-
quest and, in the reported words of the court’s registrar, in the “supreme national
interest”.55
Although ROs fall under the ECP’s authority, in the 2013 elections, as in earlier
polls, they remained subordinate to the superior judiciary. Following the Supreme
Court’s directive to apply the morality clauses of Article 62 during the nomination
period, they used issues such as unpaid taxes and utility bills and adherence to Islam
to disqualify candidates. These powers were granted though Chief Justice Chaudhry
acknowledged corruption in the subordinate judiciary.56 The directives also contra-
dicted earlier Supreme Court decisions such as the 31 July 2009 judgment that Zia’s
“notorious Eighth Amendment” – that the Court now directed ROs to apply – had
“undeniably … mutilated” the constitution.57
The nomination scrutiny process turned into what a PPP national candidate from
Lahore described as “an exercise meant simply to humiliate candidates”. She added:
“In earlier elections, it was martial law and the military [that rigged the process]; to-
day it is the judiciary”.58 Returning officers instructed candidates to recite particular
prayers and the call to the prayer, answer questions about Islam and (particularly
the women) give intimate details about personal lives.
Candidates were also disqualified if they, their spouses or dependents had out-
standing loans or utility bills – which, as the EU Election Observation Mission noted,
made “candidacy contingent to other people’s financial status or behaviour and are
thus not consistent with Article 25 of the ICCPR [International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights] which refers to the individual right to stand”.59 According to a
PML-N candidate from Lahore, “someone filed a complaint against me on my taxes,
even though I had filed my returns. Did either the lawyer who filed the reference
against me, or the returning officer, have the competence to evaluate my returns?
Did they engage tax consultants? This was completely out of their jurisdiction”.60 A
political party worker in Punjab’s Sialkot district said, “we have a complicated tax
code, full of exemptions. You need a professional to evaluate this all before you say
this person hasn’t paid his taxes”.61
The Supreme Court and ECP also invoked an outdated bachelor (undergraduate)
degree electoral requirement that Musharraf had imposed in 2002 to disenfranchise
large segments of his political opposition. Many candidates had acquired forged de-
grees to circumvent the ban in 2002 and 2008. Although the PPP-led government
54
It said, “the Conduct of General Elections Order 2002, Representation of the People Act, 1976
and Local Government Ordinance 2001 do not contain any provision which requires that the elec-
tions are to be held under the supervision of the Judiciary. Therefore, in future, the Judiciary
should remain aloof from the process of election to focus on disposal of cases”. “National Judicial
Policy 2009: A Year for Focus on Justice at the Grassroots Level”, National Judicial (Policy Making)
Committee, Secretariat, Law and Justice Commission of Pakistan, 2009, p. 12.
55
“Chief justice speaks: ‘in supreme national interest’”, The Express Tribune, 8 April 2013.
56
See for example, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, “Justice at the grassroots level”,
foreword to “National Judicial Policy 2009”, op. cit., pp. 1-4.
57
Text of the judgment at: http://archives.dawn.com/archives/76175.
58
Crisis Group interview, Bushra Aitzaz, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
59
“General elections 11 May 2013”, Pakistan Final Report, EU Election Observation Mission, July
2013, p. 22.
60
Crisis Group interview, Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
61
Crisis Group interview, Sialkot, 20 April 2013.
repealed the law in April 2008, the Supreme Court ordered the disqualification of
scores of national and provincial parliamentarians on the grounds that their candi-
dacies in 2008 had been illegitimate – a retroactive application of an invalid law. The
ECP also disqualified those who forged their degrees in 2008 from the 2013 elec-
tions, invoking Zia’s morality clauses.62
On 4 April 2013, a broad coalition of professional bodies, trade unions and other
civil society groups issued a statement criticising the ECP’s actions as “Zia-era vigi-
lantism and a disguised return to the ‘accountability before elections’ mantra”. The
statement added: “This whole exercise smells of malafide intentions”.63 The chief
justice reiterated his instructions in a 7 April 2013 address to returning officers and
assistant returning officers in eight districts.64 A prominent human rights activist
described the chief justice’s actions as “goading the ROs”.65
The application of the morality clauses was selective and inconsistent. For exam-
ple, former President Musharraf was rejected in three of the four constituencies
where he filed nomination papers but accepted in the fourth. The PML-N’s Ayaz Amir,
a highly respected columnist, was disqualified for writing two columns “against the
ideology of Pakistan”.66 An appellate tribunal overturned the decision. PPP and
PML-N party workers in Amir’s constituency of Chakwal, Punjab, described the scru-
tiny process as “a mockery of all of us, where one day we’re told this man cannot run,
the next day we’re told he can. It was all a waste of time and money”.67
Overturning former Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf’s disqualification, a La-
hore High Court bench held that neither a returning officer nor an appellate tribunal
had the authority to invoke Article 62 unless a court had convicted or otherwise de-
clared the candidate unfit to contest the election.68 While the majority of disqualifi-
cations were similarly overturned on appeal, the exercise undermined the ECP’s
credibility and reinforced suspicions about the Supreme Court’s intentions.
The Supreme Court also instructed the ECP to apply unreasonable Musharraf-era
restrictions on campaign financing, a very low 1.5 million-rupee (about $15,000)
ceiling, and a ban on wall chalkings (political graffiti).69 Parties were likewise pro-
hibited from transporting voters to polling stations in a country with limited public
transport, particularly in rural areas, though the ECP acknowledged it lacked resources
to provide such service.70 Most of these decisions were announced less than a year
before the polls. According to the HCRP secretary general, Rehman, “The ECP and
Supreme Court had no business to make orders at the eleventh hour. The whole
argument for a permanent ECP is that this is ongoing business, so what were they
doing for five years?”71
62
Sajid Chaudhry, “Crackdown on forged degree holders still on: ECP”, Daily Times, 19 February
2013.
63
“ECP urged to shun ‘dictatorial-era’ tactics”, Dawn, 5 April 2013.
64
“Chief justice speaks: ‘in supreme national interest’”, The Express Tribune, 8 April 2013.
65
Crisis Group interview, I.A. Rehman, secretary general, HRCP, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
66
“ECP rejects nomination papers of PML-N’s Ayaz Amir”, The Express Tribune, 4 April 2013.
Amir subsequently quit the PML-N, when he failed to obtain the party nomination.
67
Crisis Group interviews, Chakwal, 25 April 2013.
68
“LHC allows Raja to contest election”, Dawn, 23 April 2013.
69
In remote rural areas, where there is limited space for posters and banners, wall chalkings are
integral to electoral campaigns, particularly for poorer candidates. Crisis Group interviews, political
party workers, northern Punjab, April-May 2013.
70
Maqbool Malik, “ECP starts e-ticket service for voters today”, The Nation, 6 May 2013.
71
Crisis Group interview, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
The gamut of restrictions stifled a major objective of a national election: public

debate on important issues. As in past elections, the morality restrictions also worked,
during the nomination process, to the advantage of sectarian and other extremist re-
ligious actors. While scores of candidates from moderate parties were disqualified,
40 members of the banned Sunni extremist group, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and its
parent organisation, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), including SSP leader Maulana
Ahmad Ludhianvi, were declared eligible.72 All were on the Fourth Schedule of the
1997 Anti-Terrorism Act, a terrorist watch list. Fifteen others belonging to various
religious parties and on that list similarly qualified.73
This was particularly disturbing given the terror attacks and threats that constrained
the electoral activities of moderate parties. As elections neared, militant groups iden-
tified the PPP, the urban Sindh-based Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the
secular Pashtun nationalist Awami National Party (ANP) as specific targets, warning
voters not to attend their rallies. From January to mid-May 2013, some 150 attacks
on their leaders, workers and voters killed 170 people and injured over 700.74 The
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa-based ANP was the primary target, severely curtailing its abil-
ity to campaign.75 ANP leader Asfandyar Wali Khan asked:
Can one call these elections free, fair and transparent when [Tehreek-e-Taliban
leader] Hakimullah Mehsud decides the rules and tells us which party will and
which party will not contest elections? Who is the referee here? Fakhruddin G.
Ebrahim [the CEC] or Hakimullah Mehsud?”76
Terrorist threats and attacks extended well beyond Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and
Sindh’s capital, Karachi. In northern Punjab districts, for instance, the PPP could not
hold rallies and public meetings.77 The ANP and PPP lost almost all their seats in KPK
and, in the PPP’s case, in Punjab. While this can be attributed to their poor perfor-
mance in government, it was also the result of a skewed playing field that benefited
parties excluded from the militants’ hit list, such as Sharif’s Muslim League and Im-
ran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).
Despite terror threats, judicial interference and a disempowered ECP, the 2013
polls were a major political milestone. The 55 per cent turnout reflected support for
parliamentary democracy, and the result was the first ever transition from one dem-
ocratically-elected government to another. But the manner in which the elections
were held also underscored the need for further reform.
Such reform should be among the parliament’s top priorities if the next polls are
to be free, fair and democratic. The importance of removing Zia’s morality clauses is
evident. The ECP applied Articles 62 and 63 to candidates for the July 2013 presi-
dential election, again making bureaucrats and judges moral arbiters of an electoral
process.78 The articles also continue to be evoked to disqualify elected representa-
tives and candidates in by-elections. The judiciary’s interference in the electoral pro-
cess likewise persists. In July 2013, for instance, the Supreme Court disqualified two
72
Banned in 2002, SSP now operates under the name Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat.
73
Amir Mir, “55 charged terrorists allowed to contest polls”, The News, 24 April 2013.
74
“Elections 2013: violence against political parties, candidates and voters”, Pakistan Institute for
Peace Studies, May 2013.
75
Crisis Group interviews, ANP members, Peshawar and Nowshera, KPK, May 2013.
76
Ismail Khan, “Asfandyar – running campaign from Islamabad”, Dawn, 8 May 2013.
77
Crisis Group interviews, PPP district-level officeholders and workers, Jhelum, 11 May 2013.
78
Iftikhar A. Khan, “Articles 62, 63 to come into force”, Dawn, 21 July 2013.
PML-N and one Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam, PML-Q)79 Punjab Assembly
legislators for holding forged degrees and suspended a National Assembly member
because the Higher Education Commission had yet to verify his. It also instructed
the ECP to continue inquiries into the authenticity of legislators’ degrees. The same
month, the ECP banned a PTI candidate from a Punjab by-election for holding a fake
degree.80
The fourteenth National Assembly must complete the unfinished business of elec-
toral and other democratic reform. By building on the achievements, and avoiding
some of the pitfalls, of its predecessor, it can play a major role in strengthening and
broadening the democratic enterprise.
79
The PML-Q was Musharraf’s civilian proxy party in the 2002 parliament, comprising defectors
primarily from the PML-N. See Crisis Group Report, Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform,
op. cit.
80
Iftikhar A. Khan, “Fake degrees case: SC disqualifies two MPAs, suspends MNA”, Dawn, 19 July
2013; also “Unverified degrees: 2 PML-N provincial assembly members suspended”, The Express
Tribune, 11 July 2013. Mubashar Zaidi, “Fake degree: PTI candidate from Mianwali ‘home seat’ fac-
es by-poll ban”, Dawn, 27 July 2013.
IV. Strengthening the Legislature
A. Parliamentary Committees
Beyond broad constitutional and legal reforms, the best case for parliamentary su-
premacy rests in the day-to-day exercise of its legislative functions. The thirteenth
National Assembly had marked another historic shift: in the role of parliamentary
committees. Upon introduction in the house by a minister or a private member, all
bills, except finance bills, are referred to a standing committee for consideration.
It is only after the committee’s approval that a bill is considered in the full house.
Although such committees should be the lifeblood of a legislature, they had been
largely dormant until 2008.
Article 67 of the 1973 constitution had empowered the National Assembly and
Senate to make rules regulating their procedure and conduct of business. Until they
did so, the president would make those rules. In August 1973 he enacted the rules of
procedure and conduct of business for the legislature, under which committees were
chaired by the relevant federal minister, thus negating the principle of executive ac-
countability to the legislature. The committees could only take up matters referred to
them by ministers or other parliamentarians, and on the instructions of the speaker.81
These rules remained in force until the Senate passed its own in 1988, during
Benazir Bhutto’s first PPP government, and the National Assembly followed in August
1992, during Nawaz Sharif’s first government. The new rules gave parliamentary
committees enough authority to be effective checks on the executive. While the chang-
es have given national committees real power, provincial assemblies have yet to use
their power to pass similar reform. Provincial parliamentary committees can still only
consider business sent them by the speaker. Most lie dormant as a result, especially
in legislatures that lack an effective opposition.
According to their present rules, the parliament’s standing committees, constitut-
ed in both houses for every federal ministry, are empowered to examine all aspects
of the functioning of ministries, including administration, expenditure, legislation
and other policies. Rather than be chaired by ministers, committees elect chairper-
sons from their members. National Assembly standing committees have to be consti-
tuted within 30 days after directions from the speaker. The relevant ministers are ex-
officio members but cannot vote unless they are members of the National Assembly.82
On 21 August 2013, the fourteenth National Assembly established 34 standing
committees.83 These can receive public petitions pertaining to their relevant ministry;
forward findings and recommendations to that ministry, which is required to respond
within a specified time; and can subpoena any legislator, relevant official or “such
papers and records as may be required and considered necessary for the discharge of
their duties”. Committees are also authorised to hold public hearings and consult
experts outside government and to initiate proceedings on their own. Any committee
81
Crisis Group interview, Fakhr Imam, former National Assembly speaker, Islamabad, 11 June 2013.
82
Chapter 20, Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in the National Assembly, National As-
sembly of Pakistan at www.na.gov.pk/uploads/publications/rules_procedure.pdf.
83
They include Defence; Defence Production; Foreign Affairs; Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan;
Inter-Provincial Coordination; Law, Justice and Human Rights; Parliamentary Affairs; Finance,
Revenue, Economic Affairs, Statistics and Privitisation; Industries and Production; Water and Pow-
er; and Religious Affairs and Inter-faith Harmony. For the full list, see National Assembly website,
www.na.gov.pk.
member can move parliament to consider a report by his or her committee, regard-
less of executive branch consent.84
The public accounts committee (PAC) has a maximum number of 23 National As-
sembly members and the finance minister as an ex-officio member. It examines the
government’s annual financial accounts, the report of the auditor general, and any
other matter referred by the finance ministry. It also scrutinises appropriations ac-
counts. The PAC must be satisfied that funds have been disbursed legally and spent
appropriately, and that any re-appropriations have been made in accordance with
finance ministry rules. It also examines incomes and expenditures of state corpora-
tions, trading and manufacturing schemes and projects and autonomous or semi-
autonomous official bodies.85
In addition to standing committees and the PAC, other permanent committees in-
clude rules of procedure and privileges; house and library; government assurances;
and business advisory. Non-permanent select and special committees can also be
formed. Since the eighteenth amendment, new parliamentary committees, drawn
equally from the ruling party and its allies and the parliamentary opposition, approve
appointments to the higher judiciary and can appoint the CEC if the prime minister
and leader of the opposition fail to agree on a candidate.
During the 1990s, parliamentary committees were dysfunctional, because suc-
cessive elected governments were dismissed by the military before they completed
their full term of office. The PPP and the PML-N, the two major parties throughout
that decade, made little effort to strengthen the committee system. The opposition’s
membership in key committees did not reflect its numbers in the bitterly divided,
winner-take-all parliaments.
Chosen in the massively rigged 2002 election, the twelfth National Assembly did
little more than rubber-stamp Musharraf’s measures, which stripped power from
elected bodies. Parliamentary committees took as long as eighteen months to form,
and, as in earlier parliaments, their composition disproportionately favoured the rul-
ing party and its allies. Since ruling coalition legislators considered themselves respon-
sible to the military regime, not the electorate or parliament, an informed observer
spoke of a “complete deterioration of parliamentary ethics”.86 The military’s proxies
in the civil bureaucracy refused to accept parliamentary committees’ authority. For
instance, in July 2004, the Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) refused Senate de-
fence committee demands for documents related to suspected inflated Boeing 777
lease deals, reportedly on Musharraf’s orders.87
Among numerous proposals, the PPP/PML-N 2006 Charter of Democracy called
for “bipartisan working of the parliament through [a] powerful committee system”.88
This included giving the opposition leader authority to appoint the potentially pow-
erful PAC chair, so as to ensure more government transparency. After 2008, with
chairmanships given to various parties, many key committees had equal ruling party
84
Raja Asghar, “NA gets 34 standing committees”, Dawn, 22 August 2013.
85
Chapter 20, Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in the National Assembly, op. cit.
86
Crisis Group interview, Marvi Sirmad, Islamabad, 11 July 2013. Sirmad is project manager of the
UNDP-supported parliamentary strengthening program.
87
“PIA refuses to provide key documents to defence committee of senate”, South Asia Tribune, 11
July 2004; “Report of the standing committee on defence and defence production on Pakistan In-
ternational Airlines”, presented by Senator Nisar Ahmed Memom, committee chair, January 2009,
at www.senate.gov.pk/uploads/documents/1362111140_559.pdf.
88
Charter of Democracy, op. cit.
and opposition representation. The fourteen-member national security committee

(PCNS) had members from nine parties and an independent (from FATA), but only
three from the ruling PPP. Chaired by the opposition leader, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan
(now interior minister), the PAC became far more active, holding regular hearings
into official misdeeds, issuing several reports and reportedly recovering millions of
misappropriated rupees. High-profile inquiries were made into illegal quotas to lique-
fied petroleum gas (LPG) companies and corrupt practices by the National Logistics
Cell, a military construction entity, that implicated 88 retired army officials, includ-
ing generals.89
Other opposition-chaired committees produced similar results. The National As-
sembly’s standing committee on railways, for example, chaired by the PML-N’s Sar-
dar Ayaz Sadiq, held regular hearings and issued nine reports, including one on the
Musharraf government’s allotment of Pakistan Railways land in Lahore to a golf club
that reportedly cost the treasury sixteen billion rupees (roughly $160 million). The
findings implicated three retired generals and a retired brigadier, including a former
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief.90
Some Senate committees were equally active. In March 2013, the standing com-
mittee on defence held hearings on military-owned property and cantonments, in-
cluding defence housing authorities (DHAs). It proposed that DHA administrators
should be appointed by the defence ministry, not the army chief as at present. An
Islamabad DHA bill was consequently revised to reduce the military’s discretion in
appointing the DHA management.91 The committee also took exception to military
personnel refusing to respect members of parliament, directing the ministry to pre-
pare a Standard Operating Procedure (SPO) on this.92
While the work of these committees bolstered the legislature’s role, according to
HRCP’s secretary general, I.A. Rehman, “these experiments are in their initial stages
and need to be nursed with care and imagination before they can achieve the goal of
broadening the democratic base of governance”.93 For the legislative branch to fulfil
its mandate, other committees will have to be similarly assertive, including those
chaired by ruling party members, since such chairpersons are often averse to antag-
onising the government.94
For instance, the performance of the PPP-chaired finance, revenue and planning
and development committee in the previous National Assembly was unimpressive.
Given the pressing need for economic reform, this committee should make itself cen-
tral to the national policy debate. Other National Assembly standing committees that
are equally important to the reform agenda include foreign affairs; interior; law, jus-
tice and human rights; parliamentary affairs; inter-provincial coordination; and water
89
Khawar Ghumman, “Distinguished figures among LPG quota beneficiaries”, Dawn, 7 January
2010. Zahid Gishkori, “Dodgy dealings: corruption taints 88 armed forces officials”, The Express
Tribune, 3 November 2011.
90
Crisis Group interview, Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, Lahore, 29 April 2013. Sadiq was the chairman of the
National Assembly standing committee on railways at the time of these investigations. He is now
the speaker of the National Assembly. Also, Ijaz Kakakhel, “NA body directs NAB to investigate
ex-army officials”, Daily Times, 29 June 2012.
91
“National Assembly adopts Islamabad DHA bill, 2013 with amendments”, Business Recorder,
26 February 2013.
92
“Appointment powers: limit role of army chief’s role in DHAs, states panel”, The Express Trib-
une, 5 March 2013.
93
I.A. Rehman, “The issue is governance”, Dawn, 23 May 2013.
94
Crisis Group interviews, PPP and PML-N members, Islamabad and Lahore, April-May 2013.
and power. The bicameral national security committee (PCNS), created in 2008 by a
joint session of parliament, could be important – if it refrains from simply doing the
military’s bidding.
Parliament should also constitute special committees on electoral reform and to
oversee the decentralisation process. That will not make a difference, however, if
important bills continue to languish in committee. By parliamentary tradition, the
Senate chair, a minister or the mover of a private member’s bill can give a committee
a deadline for returning a bill to the full house. Senate committees usually observe
these deadlines, but bills often sit in National Assembly committees for years.95
Parliament has yet to fully exercise its authority to check the powerful civil bu-
reaucracy, including overseeing the administration and expenditures of ministries.
Committees can summon and question officials in public hearings about the use of
public funds and other resources, personnel appointments, management and other
performance-related matters.96 The unreformed bureaucracy is more than capable of
bypassing, if not completely ignoring, its elected masters, not least because most par-
liamentarians lack hands-on government experience, due to regular interruptions of
the democratic process.
The bureaucracy has often defied committees. In March 2013, for instance, as the
electoral reforms special committee was considering amendments to legislation, the
ECP wrote the Senate that:
No committee of either house or a joint parliamentary committee can meddle or

exercise oversight on the mandate given to the ECP by the constitution …. The
parliament is all-powerful to make or amend the laws to give more powers to the
ECP to accomplish its mandate in accordance with the provisions of the constitu-
tion. However, it is bereft of any power to make inroads in the constitution except …
to the extent of empowering the ECP and not to digress from the powers already
given to the ECP.97
According to a senator on the special committee, “we deliberated, and responded

saying that parliament has a right to legislate and oversee .… We made it clear that
we were not interfering in the ECP’s day-to-day functions, or its independence. But
the ECP still has not accepted the committee’s right to oversight, and as a result the
committee has yet to be fully empowered”.98
Similarly, in late 2012, the defence ministry, opposing public scrutiny of the de-
fence establishment, tried to block a bill in the Senate subcommittee on the right to
information. In June 2013, the subcommittee finally rejected its objections, but they
had delayed committee approval for eight months. A senior member, Senator Far-
95
For example, the government presented a bill in December 2008 for a national human rights
commission, discussed below, and referred it to the National Assembly standing committee on hu-
man rights. The committee did not present its report on the bill until January 2011.
96
For analysis of the civil bureaucracy’s functioning, see Crisis Group Report, Reforming Paki-
stan’s Civil Service, op. cit.
97
Iftikhar A. Khan, “ECP rejects senate committee’s reform proposal”, Dawn, 17 March 2013. As a
special body, the electoral reforms committee has far less authority than a permanent committee,
which is possibly why the ECP has rejected its proposed amendments.
98
Crisis Group interview, PPP senator, Islamabad, May 2013.
hatullah Babar, observed: “No executive organ had been so contemptuous towards a
committee of the house”.99
The Supreme Court has also rejected attempts by the Public Accounts Committee
to examine its accounts and audits. The Supreme Court Registrar, its chief account-
ing officer, has repeatedly refused to appear before the committee on the grounds
that it was not competent to examine the court’s expenditure. In January 2013, the
PAC presented a report to the National Assembly, calling on parliament to seek law-
ful ways of ensuring compliance.100
Some parliamentarians who support more vigorous oversight of the civil and mil-
itary bureaucracies believe that the committees must first prove themselves within
parliament and gain credibility with the public.101 “Then, people will start to support
those new powers”, said a former speaker of the National Assembly.102
B. Bringing the Public to Parliament and Parliament to the Public

The National Assembly and Senate are located in Islamabad’s high security “red zone”,
where restricted access symbolises the gulf between elected representatives and the
public. That gulf has widened over decades of rigged elections and direct and indi-
rect military interventions, with parliament rarely perceived as either truly repre-
sentative of the electorate or a real centre for decisions. The ongoing democratic
transition offers an opportunity to expand the public’s knowledge of and input into
the parliamentary process.
State and private television channels cover parts of some key parliamentary ses-
sions. However, a dedicated private, non-profit endeavour, along the lines of the U.S.
Cable-Satellite Public Affairs Network (C-SPAN), could make the parliamentary pro-
cess more transparent to larger segments of the electorate.
Parliament should further open its proceedings not just to citizens’ scrutiny but
also to their input. The National Assembly’s rules allow committees to hold public
hearings. While Senate rules do not specifically mention such hearings, they author-
ise a committee to “invite or summon any person or member having a special knowl-
edge to give an expert opinion or give evidence in relation to any matter under its
consideration”.103 Indeed, the upper house has been much more proactive than the
National Assembly in initiating such proceedings.
In September 2012, the Senate defence committee invited experts to discuss such
sensitive issues as nuclear policy, the military’s role in internal security – including
its support to extremist outfits – and stabilisation of the tribal borderlands.104 In
November, it held a public hearing on civil-military relations. According to its chair,
Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed, “the supremacy of parliament cannot be established
99
Qamar Zaman, “Ensuring transparency: senate panel finalises draft Right to Information Act”,
The Express Tribune, 14 June 2013.
100
“Non-appearance of Supreme Court registar: PAC presents its special report to the National As-
sembly”, Business Recorder, 24 January 2013.
101
Crisis Group interviews, PPP, PML-N parliamentarians, Islamabad, Lahore, May-June 2013.
102
Crisis Group interview, Fakhr Imam, Islamabad, 11 June 2013.
103
187 (3), Rules of procedure and conduct of business in the senate, 2012, Senate of Pakistan.
104
See minutes of the meeting, www.sdpd.org.pk/index.php/2012-10-16-09-11-33/2012-10-16-09-
23-19/first-public-hearing-meeting-minutes-on-defence-committee-senate/minutes-of-the-first-
public-hearing-of-the-senate-standing-committee-on-defence-and-defence-production.
by words alone or by simply referring to clauses in the constitution. This has to be

done through performance and leadership in ideas, issues and initiatives”.105
In October 2012, the Senate special committee on electoral reform held a public
hearing, consulting several local and international civil society organisations to iden-
tify priorities. With no Senate elections due until 2015, its committees have operated
uninterrupted. On 8 June, for example, the Senate standing committee on petrole-
um and natural resources held a hearing, with expert witnesses, on an underground
coal “gasification” project in Sindh province’s Thar field.106 The same month, its inter-
provincial coordination committee invited experts and officials to discuss education
reform. An expert at the hearing said it provided a major advocacy platform that
should be replicated by other parliamentary committees.107
In the absence of detailed rules, such hearings remain stand-alone exercises, driven
by committee chairs, with members often given insufficient notice and/or little input
into the selection of witnesses.108 When there is a large proportion of inexperienced
legislators, as in the current National Assembly, senior members tend to dominate.
“The hearings end up becoming more like a seminar”, said an informed observer.
“Instead of asking questions and engaging the witness on the issues, members start
lecturing”.109
Public hearings can help inform legislative oversight and law-making. The Senate
should amend its rules to include a specific provision for them; the rules of both
houses should encourage standing committees to hold periodic public hearings on
issues under their remit, inviting a diverse range of witnesses from within and out-
side government.
All such hearings should be open to the public. Under National Assembly rules,
“[a]ny evidence produced or information tendered before a Committee shall be
treated as confidential or secret, unless the Committee, in the public interest decides
otherwise”.110 It would be in parliament’s interest not just to gauge but also to advise
and guide public opinion constructively. Nor should the parliament allow itself to be
used to justify military-dictated and devised policies. The PCNS, established by a
fourteen-point joint parliamentary resolution, has held only closed hearings, includ-
ing those on Pakistan-U.S. relations in December 2011-January 2012, following the
November 2011 NATO air raid that killed 24 Pakistani soldiers at a border post in
FATA’s Mohmand Agency. Among the witnesses who testified were Army Chief Ash-
faq Parvez Kayani and ISI Director General Shuja Pasha. According to a person privy
to the session, “no MNA [member of the National Assembly] dared ask them any
questions. There was a feeling that they were there at the army’s pleasure, so they
should not abuse it”.111
105
“Public hearings on: towards a new defence strategy & civil-military relations”, Report of the
Senate committee on defence and defence production 3, Senate of Pakistan, p. 7.
106
Khaleeq Kiani, “Thar gasification project being ignored: scientist”, Dawn, 9 June 2013.
107
Crisis Group interview, Mosharraf Zaidi, campaign director, Alif Ailaan, Islamabad, 25 June
2013. Alif Ailaan is a civil society coalition for education reform, www.alifailaan.pk/about.
108
Crisis Group interviews, parliamentarians, Islamabad and Lahore, April 2013.
109
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, 10 July 2013.
110
Rule 230, National Assembly rules of procedure and conduct of business, op. cit.
111
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, June 2013. In March 2010, General Kayani had presided over
a meeting of federal secretaries, ahead of the start of a new U.S.-Pakistan strategic dialogue, the
first ever such meeting during a civilian government.
Even in public hearings and during regular parliamentary proceedings, former

and serving parliamentarians say that the chairperson, whether the National Assem-
bly speaker or the Senate or committee chair, often interrupts speakers airing con-
troversial views and strikes the comments from the record.112 This contravenes a
cornerstone of legislative debate: freedom of parliamentary speech, protected under
Article 66 of the constitution.113 Some suspect that this could become even more preva-
lent in public hearings that invite a broader spectrum of (potentially contentious)
public opinion. Already, there are reports of committee chairs striking parts of wit-
ness testimony from the record.114
The parliamentary leadership should not view public hearings and other proceed-
ings as a pursuit of blanket consensus or consider certain issues off-limits. Commit-
tees should ensure a diverse range of opinion when selecting witnesses, who should
have ample opportunity to refute testimony by other speakers, including government
officials; and the protection of parliamentary speech should be extended to their wit-
ness. The National Assembly should amend its rules on the confidentiality of evidence,
establishing a threshold for closed-door hearings, such as consent of a quarter of the
committee’s membership to the request of a witness whose security is endangered;
or when classified or other confidential information is to be considered.115
Committees are required to report annually to the National Assembly about their
impact on the ministries they oversee and related policies and issues. According to
an informed observer, “the committees are in a sense imprisoned by a very literal in-
terpretation of the rules, so the reports are just a compilation of minutes from their
proceedings, instead of analysis that would make them more useful”.116 As of mid-
September 2013, only seven committee reports were available on the National Assem-
bly’s website, the first from April 2009, the last from January 2013. Only three were
from standing committees.117
C. Shaping the Policy Debate

Parliamentarians have to reconcile their roles as representatives of their constituen-
cies, parties and committees. As party representatives, they are legally obliged to fol-
low its directives when voting on major legislation, such as the budget and constitu-
tional amendments. Under the constitution, if they vote against party directives on
a money bill, they are deemed to have defected from the party and are thus disquali-
fied.118 In the absence of a right to dissent, the greatest policy value of individual
members lies in informing legislation before bills are presented formally for consid-
eration. They can and should use the committee system to obtain expert input, gauge
public opinion and then guide their party leadership on a range of public policy is-
sues. The following should be among the priorities.
112
Crisis Group interviews, Islamabad, June 2013.
113
Under this article, “No member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of any-
thing said or any vote given by him in [parliament]”.
114
Crisis Group interviews, observers privy to committee hearings, Islamabad, June 2013.
115
National Assembly rules merely stipulate that “the sittings of a Committee may be held in-
camera if so determined by the Committee”. Rule 226, National Assembly, op. cit.
116
117
National Assembly website, www.na.gov.pk/en/committee_reports.php.
118
Article 63-A.
1. Public expenditure
Although the parliament’s power partly lies in its ability to vote on public expendi-
ture, its control over such expenditure is limited. Money bills originate in the National
Assembly, presented by the finance minister or, in his absence, any other minister
authorised by the leader of the house. No other business can be transacted on the
day the budget is introduced. Following general discussion on the budget as a whole
and on appropriations, parliamentarians vote on requests for grants, made by minis-
tries and government divisions. During the general discussion, no motions are moved,
nor is the budget submitted to a vote. Members may subsequently move “cut motions”,
the passage of which amounts to a vote of no confidence in the government. As in
the British House of Commons, upper house approval is not required on a money
bill, though the Senate does review and make non-binding recommendations.119
The rules allow rigorous discussion, but the budget is often “passed after one sit-
ting, in three hours, with no opportunity for real debate”.120 Formulation is opaque,
largely dominated by the bureaucracy, with the finance and revenue committee play-
ing a marginal role. The large defence portion is a single line item, in effect off-limits
for debate, thus allowing the military to operate free of parliamentary oversight.
The significance of the annual budget process is also regularly undermined by
supplementary budgets that often add 15-20 per cent to the original expenditures
and are approved ex post facto, after the money has been spent.121 The extra-par-
liamentary tool of Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs) also allows the executive to
override the legislature in enhancing or reducing taxes and duties on specific goods.
According to a former senior government official, “when you want government by
fiat, or if you simply want to avoid a debate in the legislature, you use an SRO”.122
Such discretionary powers, coupled with the complexity of tax laws, excessive rates
and the lack of accurate documentation in the private sector, enable widespread tax
evasion and makes the income tax and customs and excise departments reportedly
among the most corrupt in the bureaucracy.123
Until the eighteenth amendment put curbs on their exercise, the president’s pow-
ers to promulgate ordinances and, under Article 99 of the constitution, to “make rules
for the allocation and transaction of the business of government” were also regularly
misused to bypass parliament. Imposing limitations on presidential ordinances, the
amendment also transferred Article 99 rule-making authority from the president to
the “federal government”.124 However, under schedule four of the government’s rules
of business, unelected bureaucrats retain the authority “to make and execute orders
and other instruments in the name of the President”.125 Federal secretaries, not their
119
Chapter 19, National Assembly, op. cit.
120
Crisis Group interview, former parliamentarian, Islamabad, June 2013.
121
Crisis Group telephone interview, Fakhr Imam, former National Assembly speaker, Islamabad,
25 July 2013. In June 2013, at the end of the fiscal year 2012-2013, the National Assembly approved
supplementary expenditure of 1.44 trillion rupees (around $14.5 billion), beyond an original appro-
priation of 9.46 trillion rupees ($99.5 billion) – a roughly 15 per cent increase. Khaleeq Kiani,
“Rs1.44 tr supplementary budget approval likely”, Dawn, 17 June 2013.
122
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, May 2013.
123
Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, op. cit., p. 16. Less than a million Paki-
stanis pay income tax, the vast majority of them salaried employees, with taxes deducted from their
salaries. “Only 900,000 pay taxes: Mandiviwalla”, The Nation, 3 March 2013.
124
125
Schedule IV, Rules of Business 1973, cabinet secretariat, cabinet division.
elected ministers, have final authority to issue executive orders, although ministers
must approve a summary. A senior PPP member said, “the bureaucracy knows how
to keep ministers happy, and because the bureaucracy controls the purse strings, min-
isters want to keep the bureaucracy happy – so, much of the time, they approve [the
summaries]”.126
Other practices have also eroded the legislature’s power of the purse. In the 1980s,
the Zia regime, to weaken party loyalties and create political clients, introduced dis-
cretionary development funds for each legislator. This undermined parliament’s au-
thority over expenditures. Moreover, according to a senior PPP member, “municipal
politics overtook national politics. Now the question was no longer about national
policy; it was, ‘how many nallas [gutters] and roads did you build?’”127 With the prac-
tice continuing, such access to generous discretionary funds – now around 20 mil-
lion rupees ($200,000) per MNA – negates the importance of using regular budgetary
allocation processes for constituencies. Since they are not dependent on the support
of the cabinet, the legislature and even their own parties, some parliamentarians, an
informed observer said, operate more as “ATM machines” in their constituencies
than legislators.128 But while legislators on good terms with the government get
these grants on time, grants to the government’s opponents are often delayed and in
some cases never given.129
The 2013-2014 budget abolished the prime minister’s and cabinet ministers’ dis-
cretionary funds.130 The new cabinet has also agreed in principle to abolish devel-
opment funds for National Assembly members. By following through on this quickly,
the Sharif government would send a strong signal that it intends to end patronage
and plug drains on the treasury during a grave economic crisis.
Despite the PTI’s pledge to abolish the discretionary funds once in power in Khy-
ber Pakhtunkhwa, it has earmarked 20 million rupees ($200,000) for every KPK as-
sembly member under its 2013-2014 annual development program.131 The Balochi-
stan government abolished discretionary funds for the chief minister and provincial
assembly members in June 2013, despite opposition by some legislators.132 Other
provincial governments should follow that example.
The role of parliamentary standing committees in the budget formulation process
was institutionalised by the last parliament. In January 2013, after the presentation
of a report and recommendations by the standing committee on rules of procedure
and privileges, the National Assembly rules were revised to enhance standing com-
mittees’ input. Each federal ministry is now required to “submit its budgetary propos-
als relating to [the] Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) for the next finan-
cial year to the relevant Standing Committee not later than the 31st January of [the]
preceding financial year”.133 Each standing committee is empowered to scrutinise
126
Crisis Group telephone interview, Islamabad, July 2013.
127
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, March 2013.
128
129
Crisis Group interviews, serving and former parliamentarians, Islamabad, June-July 2013.
130
“Discretionary funds of 34 departments abolished”, Business Recorder, 14 June 2013.
131
Intikhab Amir, “Negation of PTI’s manifesto: KP lawmakers to get uplift funds”, Dawn, 9 June
2013.
132
Babar Dogar, “Balochistan govt seeks support of tribal heads to end terror”, The News, 17 July
2013.
133
The PSDP is the main instrument for providing budgetary support to the federal government’s
development project and programs.
the relevant ministry’s budgetary proposal, suggest amendments and recommend its
PSDP for the next financial year, before the proposal is sent to the finance ministry
for inclusion in the federal budget. The concerned committee is to make its recom-
mendations by 1 March of every year; if it fails to do so, the ministry’s budgetary re-
quest “shall be deemed to have been endorsed by the Standing Committee”.134
Since the 2013-2014 budget had to be passed less than a month after the Sharif
government took office and before National Assembly standing committees were
formed, the new rules have yet to be put into practice, but they have potential for an
enhanced legislative role in a main policy process. The standing committees must
seize the opportunity for subsequent budgets, using the process to assess the value of
government programs and policies. The National Assembly’s finance and revenue
standing committee should hold pre-budget consultations, inviting representatives
from chambers of commerce, trade unions, small business, industry and other actors.
Members should educate themselves about the implementation, effectiveness and
impact of government-funded programs via regular consultations with constituents,
officials and civil society. Standing committees should also exercise their authority to
review expenditures of their related ministries and departments at the end of the
budgetary cycle and hold officials accountable for anomalies in actual expenditures
against appropriations.
2. Taming the bureaucracy

While the execution of policy is an executive prerogative, standing committees have
the power to examine the expenditure and administration of ministries. This has
political as well as economic implications. Historically the junior partner during
decades of direct or indirect military interventions, the bureaucracy is an impedi-
ment to reform during democratic transitions.135 An unreformed bureaucracy was
largely responsible for impeding change and effective service delivery during the first
phase of the present transition.
Attempting to reduce the bureaucracy’s size during the late 1990s, the second
Sharif government privatised several public sector institutions. Also suspending new
recruitment into government service, it laid off some 250,000 employees.136 The
Musharraf regime removed the ban and to consolidate its rule created new bureau-
cratic entities, such as the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), the National Re-
construction Bureau (NRB) and the National Commission for Human Development
(NCHD). Ostensibly aimed at improving governance and promoting accountability,
these were used to target political opponents and, more generally, to undercut the
national and provincial assemblies.137 Requiring a massive infrastructure and staff,
they also significantly added to government costs. More than five years after the return
to civilian rule, most continue to exist, providing the bureaucracy opportunities to
134
See, “Assembly debates”, www.na.gov.pk/uploads/documents/1360646026913.pdf, 29 January
2013.
135
Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, op. cit.
136
Crisis Group interview, Khwaja Mohammed Asif, Islamabad, 7 March 2013. Asif, privatisation
minister when these steps were taken, is now federal water and power minister.
137
See Crisis Group Asia Briefing N°43, Pakistan’s Local Polls: Shoring Up Military Rule, 22 No-
vember 2005; Report, Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan, op. cit.; and Asia
Report N°77, Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression, 22 March 2004.
both shape policy and oversee implementation without the oversight of representa-
tive institutions.
Under the recent PPP-led government, the bureaucracy was further empowered.
According to a PPP parliamentarian, there was “an explosion of recruitment and
promotions”, with “more promotions to grade 22 in four years than what we saw
in 60 years”.138 After passage of the eighteenth amendment, as responsibility over
local government was restored to the provinces, it did abolish one bureaucratic entity,
the NRB.139
According to a senior PML-N member, now a minister, the biggest drain on the
treasury is not salaries but waste, particularly in large, publicly funded schemes and
projects, with delays in implementation increasing borrowing costs. Poorly managed
public sector entities, such as PIA, Pakistan Steel Mills and the Pakistan Electric Power
Company (PEPCO), he contends, are “haemorrhaging funds at the same time as the
government is failing to generate more revenue”.140 The National Assembly’s finance
and revenue standing committee should form subcommittees to hold hearings on the
management, performance and reform of such institutions and then decide if they
should be financed by public funds. These subcommittees should also assess the utility
and performance of parallel bureaucratic institutions and recommend the abolition
of those incapable of justifying their existence to the legislature and the cabinet.
The National Assembly should give the standing committees the power to vet and
approve the senior-most civil service appointments proposed by the Federal Public
Services Commission, the civil service’s recruiting agency, as well as by the cabinet.141
Parliamentary approval should also be required to approve any premature transfers
of those officials. These measures would be far more effective in improving service
delivery than channelling discretionary funds to constituencies, which promotes pat-
ronage politics.
Using the example of local-level police appointments, a political party worker in
northern Punjab said:
People think that the police station is a local issue; therefore, whoever can help us
with the SHO [station house officer, the head of a station] will get the vote. But
above the SHO is the ASP [assistant superintendent of police], above him the SP
[superintendent], above him the DSP [district superintendent], above him a DIG
[deputy inspector general], and finally the IG [inspector general]. If you have an
honest, effective IG, who appoints honest, effective DIGs, it filters down [to] the
police station. So if we are voting on the issue of the police, we are not looking for
138
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, February 2013. Grade 22 is the bureaucracy’s highest.
139
At the federal level, the NRB was restructured as a 22-member “policy analysis unit”. Syed Irfan
Raza, “Functions of NRB given to provinces”, Dawn, 16 July 2010.
140
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, May 2013. In September 2011, the National Assembly’s stand-
ing committee on water and power described PEPCO as “the most corrupt and inefficient” public
entity. In August 2013, the Sharif government launched an investigation into corruption and mis-
management at Pakistan Steel Mills that has allegedly caused losses of billions of rupees. In mid-
September 2013, the prime minister decided to partially privatise PIA to reduce monthly losses of
3.3 billion rupees (over $30 million). See “Pepco most corrupt, inefficient: NA committee”, Dawn,
7 September 2011; Zafar Bhutta, “Government kicks off probe into steel mill corruption”, The Ex-
press Tribune, 7 August 2013; and Khawar Ghumman, “26 pc of PIA shares to be privatised”,
Dawn, 13 September 2013.
141
See Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, op. cit., p. 16.
a local MNA who can help us out with the SHO. We are looking for the party that
wants a good police force and will appoint good people at the top.142
This view was endorsed by several party workers in Punjab.143 A common criticism
of legislators, even in parliament, is that they focus almost exclusively on their con-
stituencies at the cost of national policymaking. Regressive reforms, such as Zia’s dis-
cretionary funds, have encouraged this tendency. The 2013 elections demonstrated
the limits of fragmented, localised politics, as the electorate ousted several incum-
bents who had reportedly channelled massive funds to their constituencies, but whose
parties failed to deliver better governance.144
3. Holding the judiciary at bay

While in opposition and mainly to pressure the PPP-led government, the PML-N
repeatedly petitioned the judiciary to adjudicate policy matters. For instance, in
November 2011, Nawaz Sharif petitioned the Supreme Court to investigate claims by
a Pakistani-American businessman that the ambassador to the U.S., Hussain Haq-
qani, had dictated a memorandum at President Zardari’s behest, seeking Washing-
ton’s help in averting a military takeover following the May U.S. raid in Abbottabad
that killed Osama bin Laden.145 The PML-N approached the Supreme Court, although
a parliamentary commission had been formed to investigate. The Supreme Court
formed a three-member commission, consisting of Chief Justices of three High Courts
that submitted its findings in June 2012. Going well beyond its fact-finding man-
date, it called for Haqqani to be charged with treason.146
Use of the judiciary as a political tool is dangerous, since it gives an ambitious
bench opportunities to settle political scores. By circumventing the legislature, polit-
ical leaders also undermine the parliament’s development into an effective, co-equal
branch of government. The ruling party and its parliamentary opposition should in-
stead use legislative oversight and deliberation to conduct inquiries into matters of
public importance, thus reclaiming the public interest debate from the judiciary.
4. Law and order

In October 2008, parliament adopted a fourteen-point resolution outlining national
counter-terrorism policy guidelines that a former senior police official, Tariq Khosa,
described as a “reflection of political will and priorities”. The speaker of the National
Assembly then formed a seventeen-member committee (one member from each party
in parliament), chaired by the PPP’s Senator Raza Rabbani. In April 2009, it produced
a 23-page report on a national security policy framework. The implementation of
this major civilian-led initiative was blocked, said Khosa, “because the stakeholders
in national security were not on the same page, with the civilian/military disconnect
being the main stumbling block”.147
142
Crisis Group interview, PML-N worker, Chakwal, 25 April 2013.
143
Crisis Group interviews, PPP and PML-N workers, Rawalpindi, Chakwal, Jhelum, and Sialkot
districts, April-May 2013.
144
For detailed analysis, see Mohammad Shehzad, “How the mighty fall”, Newsline, June 2013.
145
“Memogate: SC admits Nawaz petition for regular hearing”, The Express Tribune, 28 November
2011.
146
Sidrah Moiz Khan, “Memogate: commission’s report says Haqqani authored memo”, The Ex-
press Tribune, 12 June 2012.
147
Crisis Group interview, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
The executive also failed to deliver. The federal cabinet’s defence committee,
which lacks a secretariat, did not take the lead on implementing the recommended
framework. The main institutional by-product of the initiative, the National Counter-
Terrorism Authority (NACTA), was hobbled by political turf battles and the absence
of a legal framework. This was a missed opportunity, given the significant domestic
and international buy-in.148 The legislature opted repeatedly, with no legal sanction
or follow-up, for non-binding parliamentary resolutions, of which there were close to
30 security-related ones.
Towards the end of its term, the National Assembly did pass some important se-
curity-related legislation, including the Fair Trial Bill (December 2012),149 the Anti-
Terrorism (Second Amendment) Act (ATA, March 2013) and, the same month, the
NACTA Bill, which finally gave NACTA legislative cover. The first two bills address
broader legal frameworks for counter-terrorism – including intelligence gathering,
enhanced punishments and making more explicit the kinds of groups and actions
subject to the Anti-Terrorism Act.150 They do not specify the nuts and bolts of better
law enforcement, still a provincial subject. The provincial assemblies have not fol-
lowed through with similar bills, undermining the effectiveness of the laws. Given the
military’s continued control over security policy and the aversion of its intelligence
agencies to collaborate, including on information sharing, with civilian counterparts,
the impact of these laws may be limited.
The laws are also inadequate because many provisions give legal cover to the mil-
itary’s intelligence agencies, instead of building the police and civilian intelligence
agencies’ capacity to counter terrorism and extremism through law enforcement. The
military’s control over national security was amply demonstrated when it success-
fully pressured President Zardari to expand its powers to counter militancy in FATA
and PATA without legislative endorsement. In August 2011, the president promul-
gated the Actions in Aid of Civil Power (AACP) regulations for FATA and PATA, giving
the military virtually unchecked powers of arrest and detention there.151
Even if the national legislature at this early stage of the democratic transition is
unwilling or unable to wrest control over the security agenda from the military, it can
at least influence it. While policing is a provincial subject, criminal justice remains
federal. The National Assembly standing committees on interior and on law, justice
and human rights should initiate public hearings on modernising the basic bodies of
criminal justice-related law – the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), the Criminal Proce-
dure Code (CrPC) and the Evidence Act. Taking committee recommendations into
consideration, the party leaderships should draft bills accordingly. Going beyond
legislation, the committees should closely monitor the performance of the civilian
148
For more on NACTA, see Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System,
op. cit.
149
See on this bill Crisis Group Report, Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA, op. cit.
150
The ATA now applies to those who use force against law enforcement agencies, are involved in
jihadi preaching and interpretations through FM stations or other forms of communication without
the government’s consent, or attack government premises, schools, hospitals and other installa-
tions. Importantly, it explicitly exempts peaceful demonstrations, which have previously been targeted
via anti-terrorism provisions. Text of ATA (Second Amendment), 2013, at www.na.gov.pk/uploads/
documents/1365050846_309.pdf.
151
For more on the AACP, see Crisis Group Report, Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA, op.
cit.; and Asia Report N°212, Reforming Pakistan’s Prison System, 12 October 2011.
law enforcement agencies, summoning senior police officials and holding them to
account for failure to enforce the law.
Legislative oversight of the national security apparatus is far more challenging and
important. There are already some signs parliament is willing to take on this role.
For example, in June 2013, after Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan told the
Senate two terrorist attacks in Quetta were the result of a “serious security lapse”
and “lack of coordination” between military and civilian law enforcement agencies,
there was a bipartisan demand for civilian oversight of the military’s intelligence
agencies.152 This requires new legislation. A former senior police official said:
The legislature’s oversight of the intelligence agencies is crucial for public account-
ability. At present, there is no parliamentary committee on intelligence matters.
The defence and interior parliamentary committees have no mandate to question
or assess the strategic and operational framework of the intelligence services.
Such sensitive policies and practices are too important to be left to the security
establishment.153
Civilian and military intelligence agencies operate in a legal vacuum; neither the
Intelligence Bureau (IB) nor ISI have a legal framework, making oversight and ac-
countability nearly impossible. The Senate and National Assembly defence commit-
tees for ISI, and law, justice and human rights committees for the IB, should hold
both public and in-camera hearings, with expert witnesses and relevant ministers.
They should then draft legislation defining the legal parameters and civilian chains
of command over the intelligence agencies. The military’s intelligence agencies, in-
cluding ISI and Military Intelligence (MI), should be confined to countering external
threats. Fair Trial Bill provisions that give ISI surveillance powers in domestic ter-
rorism and other criminal cases should be repealed.
5. Human rights
Zia’s Islamisation program in the 1980s has yet to be reversed, including the consti-
tutional provisions discussed above and substantive law. Arbitrary, discriminatory
legislation includes the blasphemy and anti-Ahmadi laws and the Hudood Ordi-
nances, which particularly target religious minorities and women. In a country that
lacks adequate access to justice, the penal code also contains over twenty offences
punishable by death, among the most in the world.154
The PPP-led government ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Politi-
cal Rights and the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or De-
grading Treatment or Punishment in June 2010, committing to an array of human
rights obligations and reporting requirements. It also imposed a death penalty mora-
torium. In May 2012, President Zardari signed the National Commission for Human
Rights Act. The commission is:
152
Amir Wasim, “Senators want civilian control over agencies”, Dawn, 18 June 2013.
153
He added: “All law-enforcement agencies and even civil armed forces such as the FIA [Federal
Investigation Agency], the Frontier Corps, Rangers and the Coast Guards have laws and statutes.
Why are the intelligence agencies beyond the ambit of the law”. Tariq Khosa, “The deep state”,
Dawn, 9 June 2013.
154
See Crisis Group Reports, Reforming Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System; and Reforming Paki-
stan’s Judiciary, both op. cit.
… empowered to investigate violations of human rights, abetment or negligence

in the prevention of such violations by a public servant, either in response to a
petition or on its own motion. It can intervene in any court proceeding involving
allegation of a human rights violation, by applying to be made a party to the pro-
ceeding; and can visit, or authorise someone else to visit, any jail, place of detention
or any other institution or place under the control of the Government or its agen-
cies, where convicts, under trial prisoners, detainees or other persons are lodged
or detained.155
The commission is also authorised to review constitutional and legal safeguards for
human rights and empowered to recommend new legislation, amendments to laws
and administrative measures for their effective implementation. Other responsibili-
ties include reviewing the factors that inhibit observance of human rights and rec-
ommending remedies, maintaining a database of complaints and researching human
rights-related issues and development of human rights norms.156 Although the deci-
sion to form it is a step in the right direction, the commission is prohibited from ad-
dressing or investigating the actions of the military or its intelligence agencies, which
a Human Rights Watch representative described as “a cruel joke on Pakistanis whose
rights have been violated”.157
The human rights standing committee must press the executive to establish the
commission, urgently address the worsening human rights environment and build
the legislative consensus to reverse the discriminatory Zia-era legislation. Parliament
should also urge the president to revoke the AACP in FATA and PATA, which has
given legal cover for the military’s human rights abuses.158
Reforming or repealing discriminatory legislation depends on political will, cour-
age and commitment to a human rights agenda. After Punjab Governor Salman Taseer
and Religious Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti were assassinated in 2011 for op-
posing the blasphemy law, Islamist extremists successfully prevented parliament from
amending that law. Understandably, the killings provoked fears in elected leaders.
PPP’s Sherry Rehman, who had presented a private member’s bill to the National
Assembly to make the blasphemy law less open to abuse, was pressured by her party
to withdraw it after Taseer’s assassination. According to a Lahore-based human rights
activist, the opposition PML-N had also prepared amendments, but did not press
them for fear of a backlash.159
Parliament also failed to seize on subsequent opportunities, such as the public
outrage in August 2012 when Rimsha Masih, a fourteen-year-old Christian girl, re-
portedly suffering from Down’s syndrome, was arrested in Islamabad for blasphemy
after allegedly burning pages of the Quran and of a religious textbook while dispos-
ing of garbage. Her accuser, a local cleric, was subsequently reported to have added
pages of the Quran to what Masih had burnt. He was arrested on 31 August 2012. On
155
National Commission for Human Rights Act, 2012.
156
Ibid.
157
It can only ask the federal government to investigate allegations against the military and can on-
ly recommend actions. It cannot itself investigate. And (Section 15), the “functions of the commis-
sion do not include inquiring into the act or practice of intelligence agencies”. “Pakistan: Revise na-
tional human rights commission law”, Human Rights Watch, 17 May 2012.
158
Crisis Group Reports, Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA; and Reforming Pakistan’s
Prison System, both op. cit.
159
Declan Walsh, “Pakistan MP Sherry Rehman drops effort to reform blasphemy laws”, The
Guardian, 3 February 2011. Crisis Group interview, Lahore, April 2013.
7 September, Masih was released on bail and acquitted by a trial court on 20 Novem-
ber.160 While the case generated significant international and domestic condemnation,
renewing debates in the media about repeated abuse of the blasphemy provision,
parliament did not act.
On 9 March 2013, a mob of thousands burned some 180 houses in a mostly Chris-
tian neighbourhood of Lahore’s Badami Bagh area. This was sparked by accusations
that a Christian resident had blasphemed during an argument with a Muslim friend.
Similar allegations had provoked a mob to burn more than 45 homes and churches
in Punjab’s Gojra town in 2009. Police failed to stop the Badami Bagh attack, despite
threats the day before.161 On 14 March, the National Assembly’s standing committee
on human rights summoned the Punjab police inspector general for the failure to
protect the lives and properties of Christians. However, it stopped short of calling for
review of the blasphemy law, which vigilantes will continue to exploit to target minori-
ties, fellow Muslims and women.
Revising or repealing discriminatory Islamist legislation will produce a backlash
from violent Islamists and their allies among religious parties. The democratic tran-
sition, however, offers opportunities to mobilise political and grassroots support for
a reform agenda. Despite fielding almost 90 candidates under a single platform, the
Muttahida Deeni Mahaz (MDM),162 composed of extremist groups and other Islamist
actors, did not win a single National Assembly seat in the 2013 elections, even in
strongholds such as Punjab’s Jhang district, where the PML-N’s Sheikh Mohammed
Akram, a vocal advocate of sectarian minorities, defeated Maulana Ahmed Ludhi-
anvi, the head of the Sunni extremist Sipah-e-Sahaba.163 While extremist outfits re-
tain capacity for violence, the election results reflect their limited support base. With
broad political buy-in, meaningful reform of discriminatory legislation that has em-
powered the extremists is possible. But if it fails to act, the parliament will continue
to cede space to them.
D. The Parliamentary Opposition

Political leaders across party lines have long acknowledged the potential value of
shadow governments. Shadow ministers act as watchdogs, monitoring and holding
cabinet ministers and ministries accountable. Shadow cabinets give opposition par-
liamentarians knowledge and expertise in their portfolios that will benefit their gov-
ernment if their party comes to power. In September 2004, during its opposition to
the Musharraf government, the PPP formed a shadow cabinet in the Punjab assem-
bly and later one in Sindh, but not at the national level.164
A senior PML-N leader said his party had considered creating a shadow govern-
ment in the PPP-led parliament but abandoned the idea, as members felt “insecure,
160
In August 2013, the cleric was acquitted for lack of evidence.
161
See Zohra Yusuf, chairperson, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), press release,
“Joseph colony incident: HRCP holds police, administration responsible”, 13 March 2013.
162
The MDM evolved from the Difa-i-Pakistan (Defence of Pakistan Council, DPC), an earlier coali-
tion of extremist groups and Islamist parties. The MDM’s head, Maulana Samiul Haq, was DPC’s
co-chair, along with Hafiz Saeed, leader of the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, responsible for the November
2008 Mumbai attacks. Muzaffar Ali, “New electoral alliance MDM takes birth”, Pakistan Observer,
6 December 2012.
163
“Bane of Pakistan’s Shia community, Ludhianvi eyes election win”, Newsweek, 5 May 2013.
164
See Crisis Group Report, Authoritarianism and Political Party Reform in Pakistan, op. cit.
because they believed that the choice of shadow ministers would reveal the leader-
ship’s choices if and when the party did come to power. So then the party leaders
didn’t want to tip their hand and create discontent before the election”.165 PML-N
spokesperson Siddiqul Farooq said, “given our history of military intervention, the
parliamentary opposition has not yet assumed the role that it does in consolidated
democracies. Our goal [during the PPP-led government] was the survival of the sys-
tem”.166 Now that the transition has entered its second phase, the PPP, as the largest
opposition party, should form a shadow government at the centre and shadow cabi-
nets in KPK, Punjab and Balochistan.
Instead of readying their parties for running government, opposition parties have
a propensity to oppose the ruling party for the sake of opposition. During the PPP-
led government, recalled a PPP member who then served in government, “the [PML-
N] opposition said, ‘don’t raise gas prices, don’t raise petrol prices’, but offered no
counter-proposals [in parliament] to meet the budget deficit”.167 A senior PML-N
leader blamed ruling party and opposition members alike for “nursing their constitu-
encies rather than doing the serious work of legislation”. While criticising the PPP-led
government’s performance, he admitted that the parliamentary opposition, particu-
larly his own party, had been “more interested in rhetoric and making speeches than
formulating alternative proposals”.168
The PPP and other opposition parties have an opportunity to play a more construc-
tive role in this parliament. The PPP and its Awami National Party ally should use
their control of the Senate, at least until the 2015 elections, to press and persuade
the ruling party to support legislation that reflects their priorities, including human,
minority and women’s rights.
165
Crisis Group interview, Lahore, May 2013.
166
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, 8 April 2013.
167
168
V. Parliament’s Human and Technical Resources
If parliament is to exercise its oversight role effectively and table appropriate legis-
lation, trained and qualified staff, equipped with up-to-date technological tools, is
essential. Poorly trained committee and secretariat staffs with limited research ex-
perience and without good access to computers and the internet cannot provide ade-
quate support. The National Assembly, with 342 members, has only four research
associates.169 Lacking professional staff, beyond stenographers and administrative
assistants, committee members and other legislators have no choice but to rely on
executive branch briefs. This especially hinders the opposition, which has limited ac-
cess to the executive. Given the lack of qualified staff, any relatively skilled secretary
is often assigned to several committees. “The others don’t even know how to take
proper notes”, said a National Assembly member.170
Committee staff is drawn from the National Assembly and Senate secretariats. The
Senate chair and National Assembly speaker have sole authority to hire staff, through
an open process against advertised posts. The National Assembly secretariat is mainly
composed of political appointees, recruited largely on cronyism, not merit. Unlike the
civil service, the parliamentary secretariat staff is not subject to government rules or
the Civil Establishment Code, which consists of laws, rules and regulations, as well
as terms and conditions of employment for federal bureaucrats. There have been pro-
posals that parliamentary staff must pass the Central Superior Services exam held by
the Federal Public Services Commission, and should be subject to the Civil Estab-
lishment Code.171 The outdated exam and code, however, have done little to develop
a professional, dedicated civil service.172 The parliament should develop its own code
of conduct to ensure professional competence, integrity and non-partisanship.
While the National Assembly speaker and Senate chair should retain the preroga-
tive to hire and fire secretariat personnel, both houses should establish educational
and professional criteria for appointments. Specialists, including legal draftsmen,
archivists, researchers and policy analysts, need to be familiar with policy issues and
parliamentary procedures if they are to help educate parliamentarians on proce-
dures, such as points of order, questions of privilege and adjournment motions. For
research and library-related positions, candidates with a graduate degree and research
or policy experience should be appointed. A permanent professional staff would en-
sure continuity and institutional memory that successive parliaments could build on
and that could help orient new members.
The National Assembly and Senate lack orientation and training programs for new
members, and outsource this to donors and donor-funded organisations, such as the
“Strengthening Parliamentary Democracy Project” of the UN Development Programme
(UNDP). While such programs are well intentioned and could be valuable, the sec-
retariats must take responsibility for designing orientation and training courses tai-
lored to Pakistan’s political system, including the challenges to parliamentary sover-
eignty and performance. A legislator familiar with the UNDP program said, “new
169
Crisis Group interview, Marvi Sirmed, program manager, UNDP, 10 July 2013.
170
171
Crisis Group interviews, parliamentarians, Islamabad, July 2013.
172
Crisis Group Report, Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, op. cit.
members often don’t have the confidence to tell an international expert, ‘these are
our challenges; this is the training we need’. They let the experts run the show”.173
Parliamentarians and staff also lack adequate technical resources. They have spa-
cious living accommodations but not offices or computers, possibly indicating, said
an observer, “the state’s desire to see that elected representatives are comfortable,
but [don’t] work”.174 While giving every parliamentarian an office or converting resi-
dential space to work space may be impractical in the short term, parliament should
at least give every committee an office and meeting place for members. Committee
chairs have offices, but members can only meet in a committee room during sessions,
so rarely discuss agendas before hearings.175
An ex-National Assembly speaker proposed three changes to bolster the commit-
tee system during his tenure and continues to advocate them: a workplace for com-
mittee members, with a dedicated assistant, to address parliamentary business and
constituency work; a permanent professional staff for each committee; and a well-
stocked library with qualified research staff. This, he said, would “create a think-tank
for parliamentarians, so that when members want to raise or debate a particular
issue, they could consult the library and its staff, who could quickly produce a brief
on the issue”.176
In December 2008, parliament established the Pakistan Institute for Parliamen-
tary Services (PIPS), an autonomous statutory body. Its board of governors includes
the Senate chair and deputy speaker of the National Assembly, who alternate annu-
ally as the president, and seventeen other members, including the parliamentary
affairs minister, the speakers of the four provincial assemblies, and twelve others
drawn from the Senate and National Assembly.177
While the research, analysis, training and other services will assist legislative
functioning, the value of a parallel, autonomous body outside the legislative branch
is limited. Parliamentary researchers, lacking work space in PIPS, tend to avoid it.
Legislators are also less likely to use resources away from the assembly buildings.178
The National Assembly and the Senate maintain separate and relatively well-stocked
libraries, but much material, such as several poor quality official publications, is of
little use and rarely updated. Describing the National Assembly, Senate, and PIPS
libraries, the Senate library committee chair, PPP Senator Sughra Imam said, “we’ve
got three parallel structures doing the same work, each with big overhead costs, so
we’re fracturing our resources, creating a labyrinthine bureaucracy – and all for very
negligible intellectual output”.179
PIPS should complement, not substitute for a single, well-resourced parliamen-
tary library. Several legislators support a research and analysis set-up along the lines
173
174
Crisis Group interview, Islamabad, July 2013.
175
Crisis Group interviews, parliamentarians, Islamabad, June-July 2013.
176
Crisis Group interview, Fakhr Imam, Islamabad, 11 June 2013.
177
www.pips.org.pk. The mandate is to “assist parliamentarians in making informed policies by
conducting or commissioning independent research on topical issues; conduct professional devel-
opment and orientation programs for elected parliamentarians and staff of the national … and pro-
vincial assemblies; gather and organise data as well as provide complete, accurate, timely and rele-
vant information to facilitate parliamentarians in their work … and provide technical support and
various intellectual and knowledge resources to parliamentarians”.
178
Crisis Group interviews, former and serving parliamentarians, Islamabad, June-July 2013.
179
Crisis Group telephone interview, Islamabad, 25 July 2013.
of the U.S. Library of Congress’ Congressional Research Service.180 U.S. assistance

helped establish PIPS.181 Donors, including the U.S., should enhance research-
related programming, but tailor it to the needs of the legislature after extensive con-
sultation with parliamentarians.
The 1990s saw some efforts to upgrade parliament’s research capacity, including
hiring of professional librarians. But, an international expert noted:
Parliamentary librarians, like many of the civil servants assigned to legislative

bodies, suffered professionally during the years that the legislatures were dis-
missed, dissolved, or otherwise suspended. There were not many opportunities to
assert innovation and initiative in library services if one’s primary clientele was
absent.182
In the early 1990s, the National Assembly and the Punjab assembly libraries also
started maintaining microfilm records of legislative debates and other key documents.
Currently, there are plans to digitise select material from those records. In 2012, the
Senate and National Assembly converted to the Koha open-source library manage-
ment system that can accommodate several languages and scripts, including Urdu
and Sindhi, is in use worldwide, and to which the provincial assembly libraries had
begun converting several years earlier. The next step, according to Senator Imam,
is to merge the Senate and National Assembly library systems, enabling parliamen-
tarians from either house to log in and access the other’s digital resources – a step
toward an eventual physical merger.183
180
Crisis Group interviews, former and serving parliamentarians, Islamabad, June-July 2013.
181
The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) provided roughly $10.7 million for
construction of the PIPS building. See its website, http://transition.usaid.gov/pk/db/sectors/cross-
cutting/project_96.html.
182
Ellie Valentine, “Pakistan parliamentary libraries: a historical excursion and hopes for the fu-
ture”, in Gro Sandgrind, Hermina G.B. Anghelescu (eds.), “Changing Visions: Parliamentary Librar-
ies, Past, Present, and Future”, Library Trends, vol. 58, no. 4, Spring 2010, pp. 527-548.
183
Crisis Group telephone interview, Islamabad, 25 July 2013.
VI. Conclusion
It has taken 40 years, since the 1973 constitution established a federal parliamentary
system of government, for Pakistan to witness a transition from one democratically-
elected parliament to another. This parliament must ensure the continuation and
broadening of the democratic process. But, as the experiences of its immediate pre-
decessor demonstrated, the threats to democracy have not subsided.
In a sense, the democratic transition began with the 2006 PPP/PML-N Charter of
Democracy and took tangible shape after the restoration of democracy in 2008. The
parliament sworn in following the February 2008 elections inherited a nationwide
security crisis, weak economy and distorted constitution. It was constantly challenged
by an interventionist military, ambitious judiciary and unreformed bureaucracy. In
the words of the HRCP secretary general, it “was given very little space to work”.184
Despite these challenges, the thirteenth National Assembly managed, with biparti-
san support, to successfully restore parliamentary democracy through meaningful
constitutional reform.
Like its predecessor, the Sharif-led parliament has inherited a security crisis and
a downward spiralling economy. It will inevitably face challenges from unrepresenta-
tive institutions, but it has also inherited more sophisticated parliamentary tools
with which to address them. In contrast to perceptions of a weak and static body, the
parliament is undergoing what an observer described as a “silent revolution”.185
The government, the National Assembly speaker and the opposition leader are
the key drivers of parliamentary reform. They need to invigorate the new National
Assembly’s standing committees. Although the PML-N has an absolute majority in
the National Assembly, the PPP retains control of the Senate. Since any major legis-
lation requires bipartisan support, committees in both houses should play key roles
in achieving the necessary consensus on democratic reforms, as in the transition’s
first phase.
By consolidating the gains of the past five years and enacting long overdue legis-
lative reforms, the new parliament can take a vital part in sustaining democratic
governance. If, however, the ruling party and its parliamentary opposition use the
legislature as a forum for settling political scores, those gains will soon be lost, as will
the prospects of the country continuing to move along the democratic path.
Islamabad/Brussels, 18 September 2013
184
Crisis Group interview, I.A. Rehman, Lahore, 29 April 2013.
185
Crisis Group interview, Marvi Sirmed, program manager, UNDP, Islamabad, 11 July 2013.
Appendix A: Map of Pakistan

Appendix B: Glossary
AACP Actions (in Aid of Civil Power) Regulations 2011, applicable to

the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) and Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), promulgated in August 2011
ANP Awami National Party (ANP), a secular Pashtun-dominated party,
headed a coalition government in KPK with the PPP from 2008-2013
CCI Council of Common Interests, a constitutional body responsible to
parliament, tasked with regulating policies related to matters on the
federal legislative list
CEC Chief Election Commissioner
DHA Defence Housing Authority
ECP Election Commission of Pakistan
FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas
FSC Federal Shariat Court
HRCP independent non-governmental Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
IB Intelligence Bureau, the main civilian intelligence agency
ISI Inter-Services Intelligence directorate, the military’s main
intelligence agency
KPK Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, formerly known as the Northwest Frontier
Province (NWFP)
PAC Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee
PATA Provincially Administered Tribal Areas
PCNS Parliamentary Committee on National Security
PIPS Pakistan Institute for Parliamentary Services, established in December
2008 through an act of parliament
PML-N Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif,
currently heading a majority government at the centre and in Punjab
PPP Pakistan Peoples Party, founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1967. Since
Benazir Bhutto’s assassination in December 2007, the party is headed by
her widower, former President Asif Ali Zardari, and son, Bilawal Bhutto
Zardari. It led the coalition government in the centre from 2008 to 2013 and
is currently the largest opposition party in the National Assembly. It also
heads the provincial government in Sindh.
PTI Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, founded by Imran Khan, currently heading
the Khyber Pakhtunkwa provincial government
RO Returning Officer, the top election official in a district
SRO Statutory Regulatory Order
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
Appendix C: About the International Crisis Group
The International Crisis Group (Crisis Group) is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organisa-
tion, with some 150 staff members on five continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level
advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.
Crisis Group’s approach is grounded in field research. Teams of political analysts are located within
or close by countries at risk of outbreak, escalation or recurrence of violent conflict. Based on information
and assessments from the field, it produces analytical reports containing practical recommendations tar-
geted at key international decision-takers. Crisis Group also publishes CrisisWatch, a twelve-page month-
ly bulletin, providing a succinct regular update on the state of play in all the most significant situations of
conflict or potential conflict around the world.
Crisis Group’s reports and briefing papers are distributed widely by email and made available simul-
taneously on the website, www.crisisgroup.org. Crisis Group works closely with governments and those
who influence them, including the media, to highlight its crisis analyses and to generate support for its
policy prescriptions.
The Crisis Group Board – which includes prominent figures from the fields of politics, diplomacy,
business and the media – is directly involved in helping to bring the reports and recommendations to the
attention of senior policy-makers around the world. Crisis Group is chaired by former U.S. Undersecretary
of State and Ambassador Thomas Pickering. Its President and Chief Executive since July 2009 has been
Louise Arbour, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and Chief Prosecutor for the Interna-
tional Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda.
Crisis Group’s international headquarters is in Brussels, and the organisation has offices or represen-
tation in 34 locations: Abuja, Bangkok, Beijing, Beirut, Bishkek, Bogotá, Bujumbura, Cairo, Dakar, Da-
mascus, Dubai, Gaza, Guatemala City, Islamabad, Istanbul, Jakarta, Jerusalem, Johannesburg, Kabul,
Kathmandu, London, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Pristina, Rabat, Sanaa, Sarajevo, Seoul, Tbilisi, Tripoli,
Tunis and Washington DC. Crisis Group currently covers some 70 areas of actual or potential conflict
across four continents. In Africa, this includes, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Repub-
lic, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,
Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda and Zimba-
bwe; in Asia, Afghanistan, Burma/Myanmar, Indonesia, Kashmir, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, Ne-
pal, North Korea, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Taiwan Strait, Tajikistan, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Turk-
menistan and Uzbekistan; in Europe, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, Georgia,
Kosovo, Macedonia, North Caucasus, Serbia and Turkey; in the Middle East and North Africa, Algeria,
Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel-Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, Western
Sahara and Yemen; and in Latin America and the Caribbean, Colombia, Guatemala and Venezuela.
Crisis Group receives financial support from a wide range of governments, institutional foundations,
and private sources. The following governmental departments and agencies have provided funding in
2013: Australian Agency for International Development, Austrian Development Agency, Belgian Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, Canadian International Development Agency, Canadian International Development
Research Centre, Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European
Union Instrument for Stability, Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Irish
Aid, Principality of Liechtenstein, Luxembourg Ministry of Foreign Affairs, New Zealand Agency for Inter-
national Development, Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, United Kingdom De-
partment for International Development, U.S. Agency for International Development.
The following institutional and private foundations have provided funding in recent years: Adessium
Foundation, Carnegie Corporation of New York, The Charitable Foundation, The Elders, William and Flo-
ra Hewlett Foundation, Humanity United, John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, Oak Founda-
tion, Open Society Foundations, Open Society Initiative for West Africa, Ploughshares Fund, Radcliffe
Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Stanley Foundation, Tearfund, and Tinker Foundation.
September 2013
Appendix D: Reports and Briefings on Asia since 2010
Central Asia The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora after the LTTE,
Central Asia: Migrants and the Economic Crisis, Asia Report N°186, 23 February 2010.
Asia Report N°183, 5 January 2010. The Threat from Jamaat-ul Mujahideen Bangla-
Kyrgyzstan: A Hollow Regime Collapses, Asia desh, Asia Report N°187, 1 March 2010.
Briefing N°102, 27 April 2010. A Force in Fragments: Reconstituting the Af-
The Pogroms in Kyrgyzstan, Asia Report N°193, ghan National Army, Asia Report N°190, 12
23 August 2010. May 2010.
Central Asia: Decay and Decline, Asia Report War Crimes in Sri Lanka, Asia Report N°191, 17
N°201, 3 February 2011. May 2010.
Tajikistan: The Changing Insurgent Threats, Steps Towards Peace: Putting Kashmiris First,
Asia Report N°205, 24 May 2011. Asia Briefing N°106, 3 June 2010.
Kyrgyzstan: Widening Ethnic Divisions in the Pakistan: The Worsening IDP Crisis, Asia Brief-
South, Asia Report N°222, 29 March 2012. ing N°111, 16 September 2010.
Nepal’s Political Rites of Passage, Asia Report
North East Asia N°194, 29 September 2010 (also available in
The Iran Nuclear Issue: The View from Beijing, Nepali).
Asia Briefing N°100, 17 February 2010 (also Reforming Afghanistan’s Broken Judiciary, Asia
available in Chinese). Report N°195, 17 November 2010.
North Korea under Tightening Sanctions, Asia Afghanistan: Exit vs Engagement, Asia Briefing
Briefing N°101, 15 March 2010. N°115, 28 November 2010.
China’s Myanmar Strategy: Elections, Ethnic Reforming Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System,
Politics and Economics, Asia Briefing N°112, Asia Report N°196, 6 December 2010.
21 September 2010 (also available in Chi- Nepal: Identity Politics and Federalism, Asia
nese). Report N°199, 13 January 2011 (also availa-
North Korea: The Risks of War in the Yellow ble in Nepali).
Sea, Asia Report N°198, 23 December 2010. Afghanistan’s Elections Stalemate, Asia Briefing
China and Inter-Korean Clashes in the Yellow N°117, 23 February 2011.
Sea, Asia Report N°200, 27 January 2011 (al- Reforming Pakistan’s Electoral System, Asia
so available in Chinese). Report N°203, 30 March 2011.
Strangers at Home: North Koreans in the South, Nepal’s Fitful Peace Process, Asia Briefing
Asia Report N°208, 14 July 2011 (also availa- N°120, 7 April 2011 (also available in Nepali).
ble in Korean). India and Sri Lanka after the LTTE, Asia Report
South Korea: The Shifting Sands of Security N°206, 23 June 2011.
Policy, Asia Briefing N°130, 1 December 2011. The Insurgency in Afghanistan’s Heartland, Asia
Stirring up the South China Sea (I), Asia Report Report N°207, 27 June 2011.
N°223, 23 April 2012 (also available in Chi- Reconciliation in Sri Lanka: Harder Than Ever,
nese). Asia Report N°209, 18 July 2011.
Stirring up the South China Sea (II): Regional Aid and Conflict in Afghanistan, Asia Report
Responses, Asia Report N°229, 24 July 2012 N°210, 4 August 2011.
(also available in Chinese).
Nepal: From Two Armies to One, Asia Report
North Korean Succession and the Risks of In- N°211, 18 August 2011 (also available in Ne-
stability, Asia Report N°230, 25 July 2012 (al- pali).
so available in Chinese and Korean).
Reforming Pakistan’s Prison System, Asia Re-
China’s Central Asia Problem, Asia Report port N°212, 12 October 2011.
N°244, 27 February 2013 (also available in
Islamic Parties in Pakistan, Asia Report N°216,
Chinese).
12 December 2011.
Dangerous Waters: China-Japan Relations on
Nepal’s Peace Process: The Endgame Nears,
the Rocks, Asia Report N°245, 8 April 2013
Asia Briefing N°131, 13 December 2011 (also
(also available in Chinese).
available in Nepali).
South Asia Sri Lanka: Women’s Insecurity in the North and
East, Asia Report N°217, 20 December 2011.
Sri Lanka: A Bitter Peace, Asia Briefing N°99, 11
January 2010. Sri Lanka’s North (I): The Denial of Minority
Rights, Asia Report N°219, 16 March 2012.
Nepal: Peace and Justice, Asia Report N°184,
14 January 2010. Sri Lanka’s North (II): Rebuilding under the Mili-
Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service, Asia Report tary, Asia Report N°220, 16 March 2012.
N°185, 16 February 2010.
Talking About Talks: Toward a Political Settle- Stalemate in Southern Thailand, Asia Briefing
ment in Afghanistan, Asia Report N°221, 26 N°113, 3 November 2010 (also available in
March 2012. Thai).
Pakistan’s Relations with India: Beyond Kash- Indonesia: “Christianisation” and Intolerance,
mir?, Asia Report N°224, 3 May 2012. Asia Briefing N°114, 24 November 2010.
Bangladesh: Back to the Future, Asia Report Indonesia: Preventing Violence in Local Elec-
N°226, 13 June 2012. tions, Asia Report N°197, 8 December 2010
Aid and Conflict in Pakistan, Asia Report N°227, (also available in Indonesian).
27 June 2012. Timor-Leste: Time for the UN to Step Back, Asia
Election Reform in Pakistan, Asia Briefing Briefing N°116, 15 December 2010.
N°137, 16 August 2012. The Communist Insurgency in the Philippines:
Nepal’s Constitution (I): Evolution Not Revolu- Tactics and Talks, Asia Report N°202, 14 Feb-
tion, Asia Report N°233, 27 August 2012 (also ruary 2011.
available in Nepali). Myanmar’s Post-Election Landscape, Asia Brief-
Nepal’s Constitution (II): The Expanding Political ing N°118, 7 March 2011 (also available in
Matrix, Asia Report N°234, 27 August 2012 Chinese and Burmese).
(also available in Nepali). The Philippines: Back to the Table, Warily, in
Afghanistan: The Long, Hard Road to the 2014 Mindanao, Asia Briefing N°119, 24 March
Transition, Asia Report N°236, 8 October 2011.
2012. Thailand: The Calm Before Another Storm?,
Pakistan: No End To Humanitarian Crises, Asia Asia Briefing N°121, 11 April 2011 (also avail-
Report N°237, 9 October 2012. able in Chinese and Thai).
Sri Lanka: Tamil Politics and the Quest for a Po- Timor-Leste: Reconciliation and Return from
litical Solution, Asia Report N°239, 20 Novem- Indonesia, Asia Briefing N°122, 18 April 2011
ber 2012. (also available in Indonesian).
Pakistan: Countering Militancy in PATA, Asia Indonesian Jihadism: Small Groups, Big Plans,
Report N°242, 15 January 2013. Asia Report N°204, 19 April 2011 (also availa-
ble in Chinese).
Sri Lanka’s Authoritarian Turn: The Need for
International Action, Asia Report N°243, 20 Indonesia: Gam vs Gam in the Aceh Elections,
February 2013. Asia Briefing N°123, 15 June 2011.
Drones: Myths and Reality in Pakistan, Asia Re- Indonesia: Debate over a New Intelligence Bill,
port N°247, 21 May 2013. Asia Briefing N°124, 12 July 2011.
Afghanistan’s Parties in Transition, Asia Briefing The Philippines: A New Strategy for Peace in
N°141, 26 June 2013. Mindanao?, Asia Briefing N°125, 3 August
2011.
South East Asia Indonesia: Hope and Hard Reality in Papua,
Radicalisation and Dialogue in Papua, Asia Re- Asia Briefing N°126, 22 August 2011.
port N°188, 11 March 2010 (also available in Myanmar: Major Reform Underway, Asia Brief-
Indonesian). ing N°127, 22 September 2011 (also available
Indonesia: Jihadi Surprise in Aceh, Asia Report in Burmese and Chinese).
N°189, 20 April 2010. Indonesia: Trouble Again in Ambon, Asia Brief-
Philippines: Pre-election Tensions in Central ing N°128, 4 October 2011.
Mindanao, Asia Briefing N°103, 4 May 2010. Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Strug-
Timor-Leste: Oecusse and the Indonesian Bor- gle?, Asia Briefing N°129, 18 November 2011.
der, Asia Briefing N°104, 20 May 2010. The Philippines: Indigenous Rights and the MILF
The Myanmar Elections, Asia Briefing N°105, 27 Peace Process, Asia Report N°213, 22 No-
May 2010 (also available in Chinese). vember 2011.
Bridging Thailand’s Deep Divide, Asia Report Myanmar: A New Peace Initiative, Asia Report
N°192, 5 July 2010 (also available in Thai). N°214, 30 November 2011 (also available in
Indonesia: The Dark Side of Jama’ah Ansharut Burmese and Chinese).
Tauhid (JAT), Asia Briefing N°107, 6 July Waging Peace: ASEAN and the Thai-
2010. Cambodian Border Conflict, Asia Report
Indonesia: The Deepening Impasse in Papua, N°215, 6 December 2011 (also available in
Asia Briefing N°108, 3 August 2010. Chinese).
Illicit Arms in Indonesia, Asia Briefing N°109, 6 Indonesia: From Vigilantism to Terrorism in
September 2010. Cirebon, Asia Briefing N°132, 26 January
2012.
Managing Land Conflict in Timor-Leste, Asia
Briefing N°110, 9 September 2010. Indonesia: Cautious Calm in Ambon, Asia Brief-
ing N°133, 13 February 2012.
Indonesia: The Deadly Cost of Poor Policing,

Asia Report N°218, 16 February 2012 (also
available in Indonesian).
Timor-Leste’s Elections: Leaving Behind a Vio-
lent Past?, Asia Briefing N°134, 21 February
2012.
Indonesia: Averting Election Violence in Aceh,
Asia Briefing N°135, 29 February 2012.
Reform in Myanmar: One Year On, Asia Briefing
N°136, 11 April 2012 (also available in Bur-
mese and Chinese).
The Philippines: Local Politics in the Sulu Archi-
pelago and the Peace Process, Asia Report
N°225, 15 May 2012.
How Indonesian Extremists Regroup, Asia Re-
port N°228, 16 July 2012 (also available in In-
donesian).
Myanmar: The Politics of Economic Reform,
Asia Report N°231, 27 July 2012 (also availa-
ble in Burmese and Chinese).
Indonesia: Dynamics of Violence in Papua, Asia
Report N°232, 9 August 2012 (also available
in Indonesian).
Indonesia: Defying the State, Asia Briefing
N°138, 30 August 2012.
Malaysia’s Coming Election: Beyond Commu-
nalism?, Asia Report N°235, 1 October 2012.
Myanmar: Storm Clouds on the Horizon, Asia
Report N°238, 12 November 2012 (also avail-
able in Chinese and Burmese).
The Philippines: Breakthrough in Mindanao,
Asia Report N°240, 5 December 2012.
Thailand: The Evolving Conflict in the South,
Asia Report N°241, 11 December 2012.
Indonesia: Tensions Over Aceh’s Flag, Asia
Briefing N°139, 7 May 2013.
Timor-Leste: Stability At What Cost?, Asia Re-
port N°246, 8 May 2013.
A Tentative Peace in Myanmar’s Kachin Con-
flict, Asia Briefing N°140, 12 June 2013 (also
available in Burmese and Chinese).
The Philippines: Dismantling Rebel Groups, Asia
Report N°248, 19 June 2013.
Appendix E: International Crisis Group Board of Trustees
CHAIR OTHER BOARD MEMBERS Ricardo Lagos

Thomas R Pickering Kofi Annan Former President of Chile
Former U.S. Undersecretary of State; Former Secretary-General of the Unit- Joanne Leedom-Ackerman
Ambassador to the UN, Russia, India, ed Nations; Nobel Peace Prize (2001) Former International Secretary
Israel, Jordan, El Salvador and Nigeria of PEN International; Novelist and
Nahum Barnea
journalist, U.S.
Chief Columnist for Yedioth Ahronoth,
PRESIDENT & CEO Israel Lalit Mansingh
Louise Arbour Former Foreign Secretary of India,
Former UN High Commissioner for Samuel Berger
Ambassador to the U.S. and High
Human Rights and Chief Prosecutor Chair, Albright Stonebridge Group
Commissioner to the UK
for the International Criminal Tribunals LLC; Former U.S. National Security
for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda Adviser Benjamin Mkapa
Micheline Calmy-Rey Former President of Tanzania
VICE-CHAIRS Former President of the Swiss Con- Laurence Parisot
Ayo Obe federation and Foreign Affairs Minister President, French Business
Legal Practitioner, Lagos, Nigeria Confederation (MEDEF)
Wesley Clark
Ghassan Salamé Former NATO Supreme Allied Com- Karim Raslan
Dean, Paris School of International mander Founder, Managing Director and Chief
Affairs, Sciences Po Executive Officer of KRA Group
Sheila Coronel
Toni Stabile Professor of Practice in Paul Reynolds
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Investigative Journalism; Director, President & Chief Executive Officer,
Morton Abramowitz Toni Stabile Center for Investigative Canaccord Financial Inc.
Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Journalism, Columbia University, U.S.
State and Ambassador to Turkey
Javier Solana
Mark Eyskens Former EU High Representative for
Cheryl Carolus Former Prime Minister of Belgium Common Foreign and Security Policy,
Former South African High Com- NATO Secretary General and Foreign
Joschka Fischer
missioner to the UK and Secretary Minister of Spain
Former Foreign Minister of Germany
General of the ANC
Liv Monica Stubholt
Lykke Friis
Maria Livanos Cattaui Senior Vice President for Strategy and
Former Climate & Energy Minister
Former Secretary-General of the Inter- Communication, Kvaerner ASA; For-
and Minister of Gender Equality of
national Chamber of Commerce mer State Secretary for the Norwegian
Denmark; Former Prorector at the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Yoichi Funabashi University of Copenhagen
Chairman of the Rebuild Japan Initia- Lawrence H. Summers
Jean-Marie Guéhenno
tive; Former Editor-in-Chief, Former Director of the U.S. National
Arnold Saltzman Professor of War and
The Asahi Shimbun Economic Council and Secretary of the
Peace Studies, Columbia University;
U.S. Treasury; President Emeritus of
Frank Giustra Former UN Under-Secretary-General
Harvard University
President & CEO, Fiore Financial for Peacekeeping Operations
Corporation Wang Jisi
Carla Hills
Dean, School of International Studies,
Lord (Mark) Malloch-Brown Former U.S. Secretary of Housing
Peking University; Member, Foreign
Former UN Deputy Secretary-General and U.S. Trade Representative
Policy Advisory Committee of the
and Administrator of the United Lena Hjelm-Wallén Chinese Foreign Ministry
Nations Development Programme
Former Deputy Prime Minister
(UNDP) Wu Jianmin
and Foreign Minister of Sweden
Executive Vice Chairman, China Insti-
Moisés Naím Mo Ibrahim tute for Innovation and Development
Senior Associate, International Eco- Strategy; Member, Foreign Policy
Founder and Chair, Mo Ibrahim Foun-
nomics Program, Carnegie Endow- Advisory Committee of the Chinese
dation; Founder, Celtel International
ment for International Peace; Former Foreign Ministry; Former Ambassador
Editor in Chief, Foreign Policy Igor Ivanov of China to the UN (Geneva) and
Former Foreign Minister of the France
George Soros
Russian Federation
Chairman, Open Society Institute Lionel Zinsou
Asma Jahangir CEO, PAI Partners
Pär Stenbäck
President of the Supreme Court Bar
Former Foreign Minister of Finland
Association of Pakistan, Former UN
Special Rapporteur on the Freedom of
Religion or Belief
Wadah Khanfar
Co-Founder, Al Sharq Forum; Former
Director General, Al Jazeera Network
Wim Kok
Former Prime Minister of the
Netherlands
PRESIDENT’S COUNCIL
A distinguished group of individual and corporate donors providing essential support and expertise to Crisis Group.
Anonymous (3) Investec Asset Pierre Mirabaud Shearman & Sterling

Frank Caufield Management Ford Nicholson & Lisa LLP
Dow Chemical Steve Killelea Wolverton White & Case LLP
Frank Holmes McKinsey & Company Neil Woodyer
INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COUNCIL

Individual and corporate supporters who play a key role in Crisis Group’s efforts to prevent deadly conflict.
CORPORATE Silk Road Finance Ltd David Brown Leslie Lishon

Anglo American PLC Statoil Neil & Sandra DeFeo Harriet Mouchly-Weiss
APCO Worldwide Inc. Talisman Energy Family Foundation Griff Norquist
Atlas Copco AB Yapı Merkezi Neemat Frem Ana Luisa Ponti &
BP Construction and Seth & Jane Ginns Geoffrey R.
Chevron Industry Inc. Alan Griffiths Hoguet
Equinox Partners Rita E. Hauser Kerry Propper
FTI Consulting INDIVIDUAL George Kellner Michael L. Riordan
Lockwood Financial Anonymous Faisel Khan Nina Solarz
Ltd Ryan Beedie Zelmira Koch Polk Horst Sporer
PTT Public Company Stanley Bergman & Elliott Kulick VIVA Trust
Limited Edward Bergman David Levy Stelios S. Zavvos
Shell
SENIOR ADVISERS
Former Board Members who maintain an association with Crisis Group, and whose advice and support are called
on (to the extent consistent with any other office they may be holding at the time).
Martti Ahtisaari Eugene Chien Barbara McDougall Ed van Thijn

Chairman Emeritus Joaquim Alberto Matthew McHugh Simone Veil
George Mitchell Chissano Miklós Németh Shirley Williams
Chairman Emeritus Victor Chu Christine Ockrent Grigory Yavlinski
Gareth Evans Mong Joon Chung Timothy Ong Uta Zapf
President Emeritus Pat Cox Olara Otunnu Ernesto Zedillo
Gianfranco Dell’Alba Lord (Christopher)
Kenneth Adelman Jacques Delors Patten
Adnan Abu Odeh Alain Destexhe Shimon Peres
HRH Prince Turki Mou-Shih Ding Victor Pinchuk
al-Faisal Uffe Ellemann-Jensen Surin Pitsuwan
Hushang Ansary Gernot Erler Cyril Ramaphosa
Óscar Arias Marika Fahlén Fidel V. Ramos
Ersin Arıoğlu Stanley Fischer George Robertson
Richard Armitage Malcolm Fraser Michel Rocard
Diego Arria Swanee Hunt Volker Rühe
Zainab Bangura Max Jakobson Güler Sabancı
Shlomo Ben-Ami James V. Kimsey Mohamed Sahnoun
Christoph Bertram Aleksander Salim A. Salim
Alan Blinken Kwasniewski Douglas Schoen
Lakhdar Brahimi Todung Mulya Lubis Christian Schwarz-
Zbigniew Brzezinski Allan J. MacEachen Schilling
Kim Campbell Graça Machel Michael Sohlman
Jorge Castañeda Jessica T. Mathews Thorvald Stoltenberg
Naresh Chandra Nobuo Matsunaga Leo Tindemans

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Parliament’s

International Crisis Group

I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1

II. Curbs on Parliamentary Sovereignty ............................................................................... 3

III. The Thirteenth National Assembly (2008-2013)............................................................. 9

IV. Strengthening the Legislature .......................................................................................... 17

V. Parliament’s Human and Technical Resources ............................................................... 34

VI. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 37

To enhance parliament’s power of the purse and to reinvigorate

To the Parliamentary Standing Committees:

To assert civilian control over the security apparatus and to reform

To strengthen parliamentary functioning

Parliament’s Role in Pakistan’s

Pakistan is entering the second, unprecedented phase of its democratic transi-

II. Curbs on Parliamentary Sovereignty

For most of Pakistan’s history, direct or indirect authoritarian interventions reduced

A. Islam and Moral Policing

by successive parliaments, the criteria now include “good character”, adherence to

B. Judicial Interpretation and Parliamentary Sovereignty

[If] any question arises whether a member of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) has

III. The Thirteenth National Assembly (2008-2013)

A. Restoring Parliamentary Democracy

B. The 2013 Elections: Missed Opportunities

The gamut of restrictions stifled a major objective of a national election: public

IV. Strengthening the Legislature

and opposition representation. The fourteen-member national security committee

No committee of either house or a joint parliamentary committee can meddle or

According to a senator on the special committee, “we deliberated, and responded

B. Bringing the Public to Parliament and Parliament to the Public

by words alone or by simply referring to clauses in the constitution. This has to be

Even in public hearings and during regular parliamentary proceedings, former

C. Shaping the Policy Debate

2. Taming the bureaucracy

3. Holding the judiciary at bay

4. Law and order

… empowered to investigate violations of human rights, abetment or negligence

D. The Parliamentary Opposition

V. Parliament’s Human and Technical Resources

of the U.S. Library of Congress’ Congressional Research Service.180 U.S. assistance

Parliamentary librarians, like many of the civil servants assigned to legislative

Appendix A: Map of Pakistan

AACP Actions (in Aid of Civil Power) Regulations 2011, applicable to

Appendix C: About the International Crisis Group

Appendix D: Reports and Briefings on Asia since 2010

Indonesia: The Deadly Cost of Poor Policing,

Appendix E: International Crisis Group Board of Trustees

CHAIR OTHER BOARD MEMBERS Ricardo Lagos

Anonymous (3) Investec Asset Pierre Mirabaud Shearman & Sterling

INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY COUNCIL

CORPORATE Silk Road Finance Ltd David Brown Leslie Lishon

Martti Ahtisaari Eugene Chien Barbara McDougall Ed van Thijn

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