Q1:write A Short Note On 13 Amendment in 1973 Constitution of Pakistan ?
Q1:write A Short Note On 13 Amendment in 1973 Constitution of Pakistan ?
Q1:write A Short Note On 13 Amendment in 1973 Constitution of Pakistan ?
Class no:259.
Q1:write a short note on 13th amendment in 1973
constitution of Pakistan ?
Amendment:
Introduction:
The Thirteen amendment was passed by Parliament on first April, 1997. It got the
consent of the President on the third April, 1997. Four Articles of the constitution were
corrected in this amendment. They were article 58,101,112 and 243. This amendment
was made during the Nawaz system and it was joined by PPP.
Explanation:
through this amendment, the questionable eighth amendment was revoked. General Zia-
ul-Haq through this amendment joined Article 58 (2) (b) to acquire powers and to ensure
his seat. By this article he ousted three chosen Prime Minister of Pakistan specifically,
Nawaz Sharif, Banazir Bhutto and Muhammad Khan Junejo.
It acquired a radical change Article 101. Under this article Provincial lead representatives
were delegated in his own carefulness however in conference with the Prime Minister.
"Consultation" was supplanted by word "advice" in order to give a more grounded say to
the Prime Minister in that specific arrangement. The commonplace lead representatives
were additionally deprived of the optional ability to break up commonplace
congregations under article 112 of the constitution. Moreover amendment in the article
243 brought about the exclusion of force of president to designate heads of the powers.
.1. Amendment of Article 58 of the Constitution - In Article 58, provision (2) sub-
statement (b) will be precluded in the constitution of Pakistan.
The sub statement (b) of article 112 will be overlooked from the constitution.
In statement (2) in sub-proviso (c) the words "in his prudence" will be discarded.
Highlights:
• the optional ability to name the heads of the military was detracted from the
President
Objective:
Conclusion
13nth amendment was one of the strikes in the power game ping-pong between the Prime
Minister and the President. This game of leading the country by amending the power hold started
by the accursed 8th amendment. General Musharraf later restored 58-(2) b in 17th amendment. For
Political stability this article must be deleted, it was an aching thorn in the stable parliamentary
government of Pakistan. In the 18th amendment this article was done away with.
However Politician Syeda Abida Hussain said “the abolition of Article 58 (2) (b) from
the Constitution had taken away a mechanism to reach out to citizens. The military had been able
to dominate the nation due to the failure of civilian politicians to devise long-term policies”i
Keeping in view both points the article 58-(2) b is not the problem of our government.
It’s the insecurity of position and power hold. Our country has Rule of Law but in spirit it turns
its head the other way. Our leaders especially need to respect and accept the Rule of Law and be
content with position they are given and strive for their country not their position nor should they
run after money and power. Sadly the patriotic spirit to perform selflessly needs to be
replenished by non-other than our dear leaders rather than the people of Pakistan.
2 | M i l i t a r y r o l e i n P a k i s t a n p o l i ti c s
i
Seventeenth Amendment was imposed after compromise between the military regime of
General Pervez Musharraf and political strata which came into power through 2002’s general
election. Undoubtedly through the Eighteenth Amendment a serious effort has been made to
settle many issues. The government is jubilant that it has scored another success through its
unanimous passage. It looks as if history was made when Mian Raza Rabbani led the
Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms signed its draft. It was also dubbed the
best constitutional package after the 1973 Constitution as it had a great deal of resemblance
to the original 1973 Constitution, as it, like the Constitution, was unanimously passed by the
Parliament. (Tharani, 2010) It was observed that “for the first time in the constitutional history
of Pakistan, the President surrendered his powers to the Prime Minister voluntarily.
(http://geo.tv/urdu.htm) Moreover it was maintained that for the first time politicians showed
astonishing unity, maturity and extraordinary tolerance towards each other’s point of view.
For the role in passage of the Amendment the media too was praised for not creating
controversies during the parliamentary considerations over it. (Malik, 2010) In the following
parts of this paper a comparative study of the eighteenth amendment that was adopted by the
parliament of Pakistan would be made. The new additions and deletions would be compared
with former provisions of the constitution. The implications of the amended provisions would
also be observed in the light of the statements of constitutional experts, political leaders and
analysis of the researchers of this paper.
Most of the data has been collected from the press and analytical approach has been applied
during processing of the data. The paper thus would serve as a first hand research analysis of
the most important amendment in the Constitution of Pakistan namely the Eighteenth
Amendment. 2. Connection with the Democracy The most important achievement of the
Eighteenth Amendment is the overwhelming attachment with the democracy and abhorrence
with the dictatorial rule.
The amendment paves the way for democratic rule in the future and tries to block all the
ways, which were used in the past to derail the democratic system. “It is the beginning of the
democratic era in the country,” said Senator Rabbani who piloted it. It repeals the Legal
Framework Order 2002 as well as Chief Executive’s Orders of 2002 and declares that they
were made without lawful authority. It also repeals the Seventeenth Amendment which was
passed during the government of Gen. Musharraf. All of these laws have been observed as
the encroachments in the constitution made under military ruler and repealing them means
the proclamation that there is no place for dictatorship at least in the pages of the constitution
of Pakistan. The desire to purify at least the pages of the constitution if not its effects from the
additions and amendments made by the army rulers was so great that articles (i.e. 51, 59 and
62) having the same effect have either been re-written or re-phrased with mild alterations. In
order to block the way of any mischief with the sanctity of constitution, the suspension and
holding in abeyance of the constitution along with its abrogation and subversion have also
been added in the list of the forms of high treason. These newly inserted terms – suspension
and holding in abeyance – are those which were used in the proclamations made at the time
of military coups of 1979 and 1999.
Thus by including these terms an effort has been made that the possible ways of taking some
concession from the written law for legitimacy of military take over may be hindered. Again for
the prevention of acts of damage to the constitution, it has been added that the collaborators
of coups would also be dealt in the same manner as the doers themselves. It was also fixed
that such high treason would not be validated by any court including Supreme Court and High
Court. Since Ayub era the powers of emergency has been a tool in the hands of military
rulers. To prevent any such measure the imposition of emergency has been made more
difficult. In the new arrangement the proclamation of emergency will have to be approved by
both houses of the Parliament separately, not in joint session which may be easier than this. If
President alone decides for the imposition of emergency it would be more difficult because
this approval of both houses is obligatory to be taken within only ten days….
The Draft
The undertaking of proposing amendments in the Constitution was doled out to the 27-part
Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms (PCCR), drove by PPP Senator Main
Raza Rabbani. The Committee proposed 95 amendments in roughly 70 articles of the
Constitution.
• Federal Minister for Water and Power Raja Pervaiz Ashraf (in 2012, he became Prime
Minister) was the first to sign the draft followed by Professor Khursheed Ahmed (Jamaat-e-
Islami).
• Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao (PPP-S), Syed Naveed Qamar, Dr. Babar Awan, Haji
Lashkari Raisani, (PPP) Ishaq Dar, Sardar Mehtab Ahmed Khan Abbasi, Ahsan Iqbal, Abdul
RazaqTaheem (PMLN) Wasim Sajjad, S. M. Zafar, Humayun Saifullah (PM-Q), Dr. Farooq
Sattar, Haider Abbas Rizvi (MQM), AfrasyabKhattak, Haji Muhammad Adeel (ANP)
RehmatuallahKakar (JUI), Baluch pioneers Mir Israr Ullah Zehri, HasitBizenjo Abdul Rahim
Mandokhel and Shahid Bugti, and last yet not the least Munir Khan Orakzai (FATA) with the
Committee Chairman, Raza Rabbani putting his mark at the end.
Highlights of the amendment
The eighteenth Amendment has joined in itself very nearly 100 amendment and it has
influenced 83 articles which are:
1,6.10,17,19,25.27,29,38,41,46,48,51,58,62,63,70,71,73,75,89,90,9
1,92,99,100,101,104,105,112,116,122,129,130,131,132,139,10,14
2,143,144,147,149,153,154.155,156,157,160,167,168,170,171,172.
175,177,193,194,198,199,200,203,209,213,215,216,218,219,221,2
24,226,228,232,233,234,242,243,246,260,267,268.,269,270
The eighteenth Amendment has practically fixed the effects of the eighth Amendment
(instituted by Gen. Zia-ul-Haq) which had modified more than 60 Articles of the Constitution,
and the seventeenth Amendment (sanctioned by Gen. Pervez Musharraf) which had changed
26 Articles of the Constitution
The new name of the NWFP is to be Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The PML-N which had since quite
a while ago held out on this issue at long last consented to this name change.
Also, spellings of names of two different areas were changed from "Baluchistan" to
"Balochestan" and "Sind" to "Sindh". No clarification was disclosed regarding why those
spelling changes could matter? Nonetheless, Sindhi and Balochi individuals from
Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms (PCCR) thought during considerations
that the previous spellings were tradition of British government.
Amendment in Article 6
Article 6(2A)
Another condition 6(2A) has been added which peruses that a demonstration of high
conspiracy referenced in Article 6 will not be approved by any court including Supreme Court
and a High Court. Clarification was given that we have seen on account of all military take-
overs in Pakistan that repeal/suspension of constitutions and burden of military laws have
been approving by the prevalent legal executive and resulting repayment by the post-military
Law gatherings.
• Hopefully the new condition added to the Article will assume the part of a prevention
for the legal executive in the days to come.
In the essential rights and Principles of Policy parts, hardly any beneficial things have been
added. To ensure the privilege of each resident of Pakistan to appreciate reasonable
preliminary and have an admittance to data altogether matters of public significance, another
articles 10 An and 19A have been embedded.
Expansion of 25-A
Also, another new Article 25-A has been added to a similar section which accommodates free
and necessary schooling to all offspring of the age five to sixteen years. To eliminate
abberations in College administrations to individuals of various zones, a stipulation was
added to article 27. According to article 29, the report of Principles of Policy will currently be
talked about in Senate too. Through expansion of another section to article 38, variations with
respect to portion of territories in different administrations have been taken out.
The renowned article 58 (2) (b), which had first been embedded into the Constitution by Gen.
Zia-ul-Haq in 1985 and afterward rejected by Nawaz Sharif in 1997. It was re-ordered by Gen.
Pervez Musharraf in 2003, has been disposed of from the Constitution.
One of the critical changes presented through the eighteenth Amendment was the one joined
in Article 175. Beforehand just Supreme Court of Pakistan and four commonplace High
Courts were referenced in provision one of that article. Presently Islamabad High Court has
additionally been added.
Arrangement of judges
The old practice was that President used to select adjudicators of Supreme Court and High
Courts in conference with Chief Justice however how a similar capacity will be performed by a
Judicial Commission and a Parliamentary Committee." another article 175A was added to the
Constitution which accommodated Judicial Commission and a Parliamentary Committee.
For arrangement of judges to the Supreme Court, the 7-part commission is to be comprised of
Chief Justice of Pakistan as its director, two most senior adjudicators of Supreme Court, a
previous Chief Justice or a previous appointed authority of Supreme Court, Federal Law
Minister. Head legal officer of Pakistan, and a senior supporter of Supreme Court designated
by Pakistan Bar Council, as individuals.
• For arrangement of judges to Islamabad High Court, the commission will likewise
incorporate Chief Justice and the most senior appointed authority of that court.
At long last, for arrangement of judges to Federal Shari at Court, the commission will likewise
incorporate the Chief Justice and most senior adjudicator of that court. With respect to as
Parliamentary Committee is concerned, it will comprise eight individuals, four each from the
Senate and the National Assembly.
• Of the 8-part Committee. 4 each will be from depository and resistance seats to be
selected by heads of the House and the resistance separately. The chain of selection has
been set as the commission will send designations to the Parliamentary Committee, which will
affirm these assignments by basic larger part inside 14 days.
Dismissal by panel
The Committee may likewise dismiss selections coming from the Commission with three-
fourth larger part in this manner requesting that the commission send new designations. The
Parliamentary Committee will advance rundown of affirmed designations to the Prime Minister
who will send it to the President of Pakistan for arrangement.
Common independence
The Act guaranteed Provincial self-rule. The accompanying articles were either halfway or
completely 70,142,143,144,149,157,160,161,167,172, 232,233,234.
• The modified issues included creation of power: National Finance Commission
undertakings; flammable gas; acquiring of regions, crisis arrangements and administrative
forces.
• The most significant change was Article 142(b) and (c) offer right to commonplace
gatherings to make laws as for criminal law, criminal technique and proof. Essentially, Article
270AA gives that all current laws will stay in power except if commonplace congregations
supplant them by new laws.
Another land mark highlight of the eighteenth amendment is the rebuilding of parliamentary
type of government, in this association articles:46.48,75,90,91,99,101,105,116,129,130, 131,
139,231 and 243 got influenced. The regions where more powers were given to parliament,
commonplace gatherings and Prime Minister notwithstanding: obligations of Prime Minister to
President; holding of choice; consent to bills by President and lead representatives; status of
Prime Minister as Chief Executive, Election of Prime Minister by NA, Conduct of Business,
arrangement of common lead representatives, common cupboards, leader authority of
territories, appointment of Chief Ministers, obligations of Chief Ministers to lead
representatives, commonplace governments' direct of business, and arrangement of
administrations bosses.
The couple of cases are referenced where the workplace of Prime Minister or organization of
parliament have been fortified. Beforehand according to article 46 the Prime Minister will
undoubtedly advise President regarding all choices taken in bureau and the President could
want reexamination of specific choices.
All things considered, after the amendment, the force of reevaluation by the President passed
(Article (48 enabled just President to hold choice on issues of public significance) After
amendment, presently the Prime Minister will counsel joint sitting of parliament to hold
choice.)
Q3 Q3. Briefly elaborate the political and constitutional
significance of appointment of judges case in the judicial
history of Pakistan.
Governments could get their political top choices named to high legal workplaces who, consequently,
obliged them and their partners by delegating their family members and top choices.
This trade made co-activity between the two organs of the State proceeded for a long while until
contrasts between the two formed into a significant encounter.
Benazir declaration
Before Benazir took over as leader in 1993, she guaranteed changes with respect to the arrangement of
judges who might, in future, be made on legitimacy. It didn't take her long to renege on her guarantee.
To comprehend the showdown that accordingly occurred between the legal executive and the leader, it
is essential to comprehend the encounters of Benazir with the legal executive that may have formed her
assessment, disposition, and strategy towards the predominant legal executive.
Focusing of judges ; Benazir's first experience with the unrivaled legal executive was at the preliminary
of her dad in the Lahore High Court, trailed by the dismissal of his allure by the Supreme Court of
Pakistan which she later named a legal homicide' in her book Daughter of the East.
Benazir additionally saw that the legal executive was hand-in-glove with the Martial Law system of
General Zia and submitted submissively to mortification at his hands. All things considered, the
Supreme Court of Pakistan had given authenticity on Zia's Martial Law in Nusrat Bhutto's Case and
even permitted him to change the Constitution of Pakistan singularly, a force he practiced wildly,
perniciously, and impulsively, consistently to the drawback of the PPP
Disregard of judge;
Equity Jan was stunned to discover that he had been overlooked for arrangement as the Chief Justice of
Pakistan and rather Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, who was junior to him and to two different associates, was
named Chief Justice of Pakistan, Thus, a forty-year-old act of delegating the senior-most appointed
authority as the Chief Justice was discretionarily abstained from. In some other country, senior
adjudicators would have surrendered in dissent, however in Pakistan there is no such convention.
Elements behind the arrangement of Justice Sajjad as Chief Justic ; The principle reason has all the
earmarks of being the shallow, biased, and parochial methodology of Benazir and her administration.
She was maybe diverted by his two differences evidently for the PPP.
In the first place, in Ahmad Tariq Rahim's case, in which the excusal of Benazir's administration by
Ishaq in 1990 was tested, Justice Sajjad was one of the two contradicting judges and held that Ashiq's
structure to disintegrate the National Assembly was invalid.
Political strategies :
He saw that the reason for the disintegration was to dispose of the public authority of the PPP. In
Nawaz Sharif's case, where the excusal of the Nawaz government by Ishaq was under test. Equity
Sajjad was the solitary protester out of eleven adjudicators on the Bench who maintained the request as
substantial and communicated dissatisfaction with regards to the manner by which Chief Justice Nasim
Hasan Shah had declared toward the start of the procedures that the country was going to hear uplifting
news! He additionally offered an impactful comment toward the finish of his judgment saying that
when two head administrators from Sindh were eliminated under the optional forces of the president,
the Supreme Court didn't reestablish them yet when it was the divert of a leader from the Punjab, the
tables had been turned.
These comments probably irritated in Benazir's brain while settling on his arrangement. She may have
imagined that, being a Sindhi and a supporter of the PPP (as it showed up evidently from the said
decisions), he would come and secure the interests of her administration
On finding that his arrangement as an adjudicator of the High Court had made him the lesser most
appointed authority and along these lines he was unable to be the Acting Chief Justice, the notice was
promptly repealed. He was then advised as an adjudicator of the Supreme Court, trailed by another
notice designating him as the Acting Chief Justice of the Sindh High Court.
The Lahore High Court endured a comparable destiny. After the expulsion of the Chief Justice, the PPP
government brought back a resigned judge of the Lahore High Court, Justice Muhammad Ilyas, who
was then filling in as an appointed authority of the Federal Shariat Court. He was delegated, as an
appointed authority of the Supreme Court and was then sent as Acting Chief Justice to the Lahore High
Court. The Peshawar High Court was additionally headed by an Acting Chief Justice not drawn from
the Supreme Court with Three High Courts headed by Acting Chief Justices.
Out of these two were from among the meetings judges and the excess were apparently taken from the
Bar. Just six or seven adjudicators could legitimize their arrangement on legitimacy. Another three or
four could be viewed as minimal cases. Eight or nine of these arrangements were basically absurd. Four
or five of them had never or only occasionally showed up in the High Court as advocates.24sOne of
them is said to have seen the structure of the High Court interestingly when he came to make the vow
of office.
In the Supreme Court also, the courts were loaded with specially appointed adjudicators. At a certain
point as expected, there were pretty much as numerous as seven specially appointed adjudicators
against ten lasting judges,including the Chief Justice, with two out of these perpetual appointed
authorities filling in as Acting Chief Justices of the High Courts. Along these lines, the perpetual
adjudicators and specially appointed adjudicators in the Supreme Court were almost equivalent in
number at that point.
Boss Justice Sajjad obliged this to a certain degree. At first, he was even strong of PPP deputies and
gave hatred sees against the individuals who talked or composed against such appointments.26
Ultimately, he shied away when things started to cross all degrees of resilience. He headed out in
different directions with the PPP government on various issues, including the arrangement of an
appointed authority of the Sindh High Court from among meetings decided in front of numerous others
higher ranking than him.27 He chose to oppose when he believed that the activities of the PPP were
hurtful to the legal executive as an establishment.
2. Arrangement of Acting Chief Justices must be a makeshift plan for a brief period and not, regardless,
surpassing a time of 90 days
3. An Acting Chief Justice can't be a consultee for the reasons for arrangement of judges, and the
arrangements made on the proposal of an Acting Chief Justice were invalid and unconstitutional.
4. An extra adjudicator of a High Court obtains a sensible anticipation to be considered for arrangement
as perpetual adjudicator, and in the event that he is suggested by the Chief Justice of Pakistan, he is to
be selected as such without solid motivations to the in opposition to be recorded by the
President/Executive which would any way be justicia7ble.
5. All lasting opening in the legal executive, especially those of the Chief Justices, ought to be filled
ahead of time in the event that they are typical ones (like emerging out of retirement) and regardless,
not later than 30 days after their event. In the event that an opportunity happens because of death or for
any unexpected reason, it ought to be filled, at the most inside 90 days.
6. The senior most adjudicator of a High Court has a real anticipation to be considered for arrangement
as Chief Justice. He is qualified for be named as Chief Justice of that Court without exceptionally solid
motivations to the in spite of be recorded by the President!
7. The words after counsel happening in Articles 177 and 193 of the Constitution include a
participatory consultative cycle between the consultees and the Executive. It ought to be successful,
significant, purposive, and agreement arranged, ruling out grievance of discretion or out of line play.
8.The Chief Justice of a High Court and the Chief Justice of Pakistan are exceptional to evaluate the
information and appropriateness of a possibility for judgeship of the prevalent Courts. The assessment
of the Chief Justices as constitutional consultees was held to be restricting on the Executive, and if the
Executive couldn't help contradicting the perspective on the Chief Justice of Pakistan and the Chief
Justice of a High Court, it should record solid reasons which would be justiciable. The Court
discovered it to be a reliable practice that has gained the status of show during the pre-segment long
stretches of India just as the post-parcel period, that the suggestions of the Chief Justice of a High
Court and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, in India just as in Pakistan, have been reliably
acknowledged and followed up on besides in uncommon cases.
9. On the off chance that an individual of blameless respectability and sound information on law is
suggested by the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Chief Justice of Pakistan, his past political
association would not be a preclusion in light of the fact that an individual of uprightness and sound
information typically cuts off his past associations with the political coalition with which he had
connection and chooses the matter absolutely on benefits. In any case, it would be attractive not to
select an individual who is solid lobbyist in a political coalition and for him.
10. The ability to move decided starting with one High Court then onto the next can't be summoned by
the President/Executive for any reason other than open interest, and that too exclusively after counsel
with the Chief Justice of Pakistan the force of move can't be squeezed into administration to perpetrate
discipline on an appointed authority or for some other unessential thought
End :
The Judges' Judgment is undoubtedly a significant achievement in the legal history of Pakistan. It made
counsel with boss judges on the matter of arrangement of judges powerful and important. The
bothersome acts of delegating specially appointed adjudicators to Court and Acting Chief Justices of
the Supreme Court and High Courts was discarded. Such arrangements had declined into vehicles for
delivering the legal executive docile to the desires of and pressures from the chief. Acknowledgment of
the show/practice of arrangement of the senior most appointed authority of a High Court as its Chief
Justice was a n the correct bearing. This would kill the chance of battling or quarreling among judges
and would deliver the unrivaled legal executive self-employable, liberated from dread of and
affectation from the leader Continuation in office by the adjudicators was not, at this point left to the
caprices of evolving governments.