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Memes and affinities: Cultural replication and literacy education

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 Memes and affinities: Cultural replication and literacy education

Michele Knobel and Colin Lankshear

Paper presented to the annual NRC, Miami, November 30, 2005.

This paper explores social practices of propagating ‘memes’ (pronounced, ‘meems’) as a

dimension of cultural production and transmission within internet environments. Memes are
contagious patterns of cultural information that are passed from mind to mind and that directly
shape and generate key actions and mindsets of a social group. Memes include popular tunes,
catch-phrases, clothing fashions, architectural styles, ways of doing things, and so on.

The concept of a ‘meme’ is usually dated back to ideas advanced by geneticist Richard Dawkins
(1976), although mention of ‘memes’ as contagious or inheritable units of cultural information
can be found much earlier in biological studies of memory persistence in organisms (e.g., Semon
1924) and in ‘diffusion of innovations’ theory (cf. Rogers 1962). Dawkins proposed an
evolutionary model of cultural development and change that was grounded in the replication of
ideas, knowledge, and other cultural information through imitation and transfer. Subsequently, a
range of researchers interested in memetics – the study of memes – have argued that electronic
networks, along with personal predilections and interests, provide ideal conditions for
propagating and dispersing memes (e.g., Adar, Zhang, Adamic and Lukose 2004, Blackmore
1999, Brodie 1996). This paper takes these claims as a starting place and examines exemplars
from a set of successful online memes that have been reported in mainstream media venues such
as newspapers, television, online magazines and news-based forums over the past 5 years. These
‘successful’ memes are analyzed by means of discourse analysis methods (e.g., Fairclough 1992,
Gee 1996, Kress 2003) and the concept of ‘affinity spaces’ (Gee 2004) to pursue three analytic
purposes: (1) to identify key elements that appear to constitute each case as a meme, (2) to
establish some key categories of memes, and (3) to discern qualities of ‘contagiousness’ and
‘susceptibility’ associated with these different online memes and how these are facilitated by
electronic networks of communication. The paper concludes by briefly considering some
possible implications of online meming practices for how we envisage literacy education.

Memes as distinct social phenomena

Even a cursory search of the internet shows that ‘meme’ is a popular term for describing the
noticeable and often rapid uptake and spread of a particular idea in the form of written text, an
image, a language ‘move’, or other piece or unit of cultural information (e.g., a catchphrase, a
video clip, a recount of an event). Marketing strategies from the late nineteenth century onwards
can be described in terms of selling memes to consumers, and advertisers themselves now use
the term ‘viral marketing’ to describe successful advertising campaigns. However, to reduce the
study of memes to marketing strategies alone is to miss the potential fruitfulness of this concept
for understanding mindsets, new forms of power and social process, new forms of social
participation and activism, and new distributed networks of communication and relationship,
among other social phenomena (cf., Blackmore 1999, Brodie 1996, Downes 1999, Knobel 2005).

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Three baseline characteristics of memes

Dawkin’s account of three characteristics of successful memes, advanced in 1976, provides a

useful starting point for this study of online memes. These remain the definitive set of
characteristics, and comprise fidelity, fecundity and longevity. Fidelity refers to qualities of the
meme that enable it to be readily copied and passed from mind to mind as a relatively intact idea.
Fidelity has very little to do with truth per se and memes are often successful because they are
memorable, rather than because they are important or useful (Blackmore 1999: 57).

Fecundity refers to the rate at which an idea or pattern is copied and spread. In other words, the
more quickly a meme spreads, the more likely it will capture robust and sustained attention, and
be replicated and distributed (Brodie 1996: 38). Susceptibility is an important dimension of
meme fecundity as well, although not an element dealt with specifically by Dawkins.
Susceptibility refers to the ‘timing’ or ‘location’ of a meme with respect to people’s openness
propensity to be infected by/vulnerability to it, the meme’s relevance to current events, its
relation to extant successful memes, and the interests and values of the affinity space in which
the meme is unleashed. Ideal conditions of susceptibility will let the ‘hooks’ and ‘selection
attractors’ built consciously or unconsciously into the design and function of the meme itself take
hold more easily and in ways that maximize the possibilities for the meme to ‘catch on’ and be
transmitted rapidly from person to person without being hindered or slowed by mental filters or
other forms of cultural immunity (cf., Bennahum in Lankshear and Knobel 2003).

Longevity is also a key characteristic of a successful meme. The longer a meme survives, the
more it can be copied and passed on to new minds, exponentially ensuring its ongoing
transmission. Longevity assumes that optimal conditions for a meme’s replication and innovation
are in place.

Memes as a new literacy practice

While in one sense, memes have always been a part of human cultures, it is only relatively
recently that the concept of ‘meme’ has been developed and become widely accepted as having
explanatory power with respect to cultural development. In 2001, when we began writing what
was to become New Literacies (Lankshear and Knobel 2003), we claimed ‘memes’ as an
emerging ‘new literacy’. By this we meant ‘new’ in terms of being ‘newly recognized’ as a form
of literacy practice, although the often multimedia nature of online memes also suggested a
newness in terms of chronology, too, in that ordinary people were able to create new forms of
expression and communication by means of animation software, music and video editing
applications, image manipulation on a scale never seen before and in ways scarcely imagined
prior to digital technologies. In this early work, we roughly sketched possible implications
memes might have for literacy educators with respect to enacting active/activist literacies (i.e.,
‘If we don’t like their contagious ideas, we need to produce some of our own’, p. 37, original
emphases). In subsequent work (e.g., Lankshear and Knobel 2004, Knobel 2005), we have begun
exploring online memes much more closely in order to better understand them as social
phenomena and as new literacy practices, and to more carefully consider what they might ‘mean’
for literacy education. Hence, the study reported here is undertaken from the standpoint of an
interest in the potential of memes as a new literacy practice with genuine potential to contribute

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to the pursuit of benefits (or ‘good’) in the world.

Methodology

The data set for this study was generated by means of using a range of well-recognized online
search engines on the assumption that successful memes will have a significant online presence
that registers with well-known search engines. The selection of specific search engines used to
generate this ‘meme pool’ aimed at maximum coverage of likely meme conduits (e.g., website
archives, blogs, broadcast media sites). These search engines included in the first instance
Google.com, to search websites in general, and Technorati.com, to search weblogs. These wide-
ranging searches were supplemented by targeted searches, such as trawling Wikipedia.com, a
collaborative, open-access online encyclopedia that has excellent coverage of popular culture
phenomena (Scholz 2004) and by following up references in articles or forums (e.g., following
links mentioned in the Wikipedia entry on ‘memes’) or trawling popular archives like
milkandcookies.org and fark.org for mention of popular internet phenomena. The key criteria
for identifying a meme as a meme included:

• the meme is contagious, replicable, and has longevity (i.e., is discussed or passed on for
longer than a period of a days)
• the meme encodes a recognizable element of cultural information, where cultural
information is defined as some kind of meaningful idea, pattern, or chunk of ‘stuff’ that
embodies and/or shapes some aspect of the ways of doing and being that are associated
with belonging to a particular practice or group
• the meme is more or less wholly transmitted via electronic vehicles (e.g., email, websites,
online discussion forums, chat spaces)
• the meme passes outside the shared affinity space within which it first came to
prominence (e.g., insider-jokes generated within collaborative spaces such as Fark.com or
SomethingAweful.com but that do not extend beyond the members of this space are not
included in this analysis, which aims at examining memes that have a wide reach)
• the meme can be deemed ‘successful’ because it is strong enough or salient enough to
capture online and offline broadcast media attention in the form of fullblown reports
through to side-bar mentions in newspapers, television news reports or talk shows,
widely-read trade publications and magazines.

With respect to the final criterion above, three databases were employed to verify broadcast
media reports of memes generated by the first phase of searching the internet. These databases
were: Proquest (ABI/Inform), LexisNexis, and WilsonWeb. All three survey broadcast media
items and require paid subscription; they are thus considered to be reliable archives of
mainstream media reporting.

Finally, the initial data pool was bounded by a 5 year period in order to ensure a robust set that
post-dated the widespread take-up of online internet practices by the general public (at least
within developed countries), or the more widespread possibilities of access to the internet that
can be dated from roughly 2000 onwards (cf., demographic reports published by Nielsen-
Netratings.com). This does mean, however, that certain popular but early online memes are
excluded from the pool, including the Dancing Baby (1996) and Hamster (1999) animations

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along with Mahir Cagri’s ‘I Kiss You’ website (1999). However, these ‘types’ of successful
memes are amply represented within the final pool and their exclusion does not compromise this
study.

Data set

General and focused searches identified a total of 19 artefacts or meme vehicles that seemed to
be regarded by the internet community as distinct and popular ‘memes’ or contagious ideas that
began much of their ‘life’ online (see Table 1).

Memes are ordered from least recent to most recent.

• Oolong the Rabbit (2001)

• Nike Sweatshop shoes (2001)
• All Your Base Are Belong To Us (2001)
• Bert is Evil (2001)
• That Tourist Guy (2001)
• Bonsai Kitten (2002)
• Ellen Feiss (2002)
• Star Wars Kid (2002)
• Black People Like Us (2002)
• “Every time you masturbate… God kills a kitten” (2002)
• “Girl A”/Nevada-tan (2003)
• Badger, Badger, Badger (2003)
• Read My Lips’ Bush-Blair Love Song (2003)
• The Tron Guy (2003)
• Lost Frog/Hopkin Green Frog (2004)
• JibJab’s “This is My Land” (2004)
• Numa Numa Dance (2004)
• Dog Poop Girl (2005)
• Flying Spaghetti Monster/Flying Spaghetti Monsterism (2005)

Table 1: The complete set of online memes identified as the data pool for this study.

Each of these memes was ‘tested’ for its presence in mainstream broadcast media as an indicator
of its ‘success’. All 19 memes were mentioned in regional or national newspapers at least once,
with memes like The Star Wars Kid mentioned in Time Magazine, Wired Magazine, Canada’s
Globe and Mail newspaper and the U.S.’s New York Times newspaper. The NumaNuma Dance
video meme was the focus of several New York Times articles, was mentioned on CNN, a major
U.S. news broadcast network, and was played on the Today Show and Countdown television
shows in the U.S. as well. Each of the memes in the final data pool has generated a range of
homage or spoof websites or other artifacts (including merchandise available to buyers).

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Although this list meets the criteria established for selecting memes for this study, this list
nonetheless remains selective. Pinning down exact, substantive definitions of a meme is close to
impossible, as witnessed in the long running debates and lack of consensus in articles published
in the Journal of Memetics (jom-emit.org/past.html). Indeed, a great deal of the memetics
literature has been dominated by arguments concerning what is and is not a meme. However,
conceptual bickering seems to have been something of a dead end for memetics as a distinct field
of inquiry, and has produced few empirical studies of actual memes in action (exceptions
include: Butts and Hilgeman 2003, Chattoe 1998, Gatherer 2003). The present paper is not
interested in contributing further to stale debates over what memes are, but rather, is interested in
identifying the key characteristics of successful online memes and understanding these memes as
new literacy practices. Focussing on reasonably well-defined, widely dispersed, and wildly
successful memes helps us to better understand how they operate in everyday life. This position
echoes that of Charles Simonyi, a key figure in software development and an early programmer
with Microsoft. Simonyi chided Richard Brodie, now a key figure in memetics, for originally
missing the point with respect to useful analyses of memes:

“Come on!” exclaimed Charles. “You are asking the wrong question! Who cares if a yawn is
a meme or not! The right question is, ‘What are the interesting memes?’” (Brodie 1996: 25).

This sentiment drives the present study.

Data analysis

Each meme was scrutinised using three general axes of analysis found in discourse studies (e.g.,
Fairclough 1992, Gee 1996, Kress 2003): the referential or ideational system, the contextual or
interpersonal system, and the ideological or worldview system as represented by a given
discursive move. This analysis was facilitated by prompt questions, which are summarized in
Table 1 below.

Referential or ideational system The focus is on the meaning of a meme:

• What information is being conveyed by this meme?
How do we know?
• What does this meme mean or signify (within this
space, for certain people, at this particular point in
time)? How do we know?
Contextual or interpersonal system The focus is on social relations:
• Where does this meme ‘stand’ with respect to the
relationship it implies or invokes between people
readily infected by this meme? What tells us this?
• What does this meme tell us about the kinds of
contexts within which this meme proves to be
contagious and replicable?
• What does this meme seem to assume about
knowledge and truth?

5
 Ideological or worldview system The focus is on values, beliefs and worldviews:
• What deeper or larger themes, ideas, positions are
conveyed by this meme?
• What do these themes, ideas and positions tell us
about different social groups?
• What do these memes tell us about the world, or a
particular version of the world?

Table 1: Prompt questions for discursively analysing online memes

One of the risks associated with discourse analysis studies is that phenomena are often
inadvertently reduced to static texts (cf., critiques in Knobel 1999). In order to address this
potential issue, Gee’s concept of ‘affinity spaces’ (2004) was used to ensure that analysis also
focused on the meme as part of larger sets of social interactions and ways of achieving things or
of getting something done. An affinity space is best described as a (usually loosely formed) set
of content, interactions and people who coalesce around specific shared interests, activities or
goals (Gee 2004). Affinity spaces are not so much communities that have ‘members’, but social
and resource configurations within which and through which people participate and learn.
Prompt questions for analyzing affinity spaces include:

• What is going on here and who is involved? How do we know?

• Who would recognize this meme as part of or relevant to their affinity space and what
tells us this? Who would not recognize this meme and what might be some of the
consequences of this?
• What kinds of affinity spaces might most readily embrace this meme, and what suggests
this?
• What ways of doing and knowing (i.e., social practices) seem to be part and parcel of this
meme?

Findings

(i) Constitutive elements of successful internet memes

The analysis suggests three broad features that seem closely, although not necessarily, related to
the three characteristics of memes identified earlier; that is, replicability, fecundity and
longevity. These include one or more of the following:

• Some element of humour, ranging from the quirky and offbeat, to chortle-worthy potty
humour, to the bizarrely funny, to parodies, through to the acerbically ironic
• A rich kind of intertextuality, such as wry cross-references to different popular culture
events, icons or phenomena, and/or
• Anomalous juxtapositions, usually of images

Space precludes a close examination of each meme in the pool, and indicative examples will be
used instead to discuss shared characteristics of successful online memes.

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Humour

Humour is a key component in at least 17 of the 19 memes in this study (acknowledging that
humour is always open to interpretation on a reader’s/viewer’s part). Perhaps the most famous
and enduring meme within the data set for this study is the All Your Base Are Belong To Us
meme (2001; see Figure 1). The syntactic and semantic hiccups within the English subtitles
created for a U.S. audience of gamers and used in the opening animated sequence of the Japanese
video game, Zero Wing, seemed to resonate immediately with what a Times Magazine article
about this meme identified as ‘geek kitsch’ humour (Taylor 2001).

In A.D. 2101
War was beginning.
Captain: What happen?
Mechanic: Somebody set up us the bomb.
Operator: We get signal.
Captain: What !
Operator: Main screen turn on.
Captain: It's You !!
Cats: How are you gentlemen !!
Cats: All your base are belong to us.
Cats: You are on the way to destruction.
Captain: What you say !!
Cats: You have no chance to survive make your
time.
Cats: HA HA HA HA ....
Captain: Take off every 'zig' !!
Captain: You know what you doing.
Captain: Move 'zig'.
Captain: For great justice.
Source:
http://www.planettribes.com/allyourbase/story.shtml

Figure 1: the dialogue to the English version of Zero wing.

The seriousness of the dialogue about a threatened global takeover coupled with language
translation glitches struck a chord with people and the clip quickly caught on among video game-
players and programmers first, and then later within wider audiences and interests groups. It
sparked a remixing epidemic, with active meme participants generating a range of new, very
funny, photoshopped takes on the ‘All your base’ meme, including a reworking of the iconic
Hollywood sign, billboards, roadsigns, high-profile advertisements, official documents, food
products and toys, and so on. These remixes are in many ways funnier than the original clip due
to the creative uses of key phrases and the celebration of quirkiness that they embody. The
meme’s catch-phrase, ‘All your base are belong to us,’ now regularly appears in news or political
reports in the broadcast media or the blogosphere, and is used to describe clumsy, heavy-handed
take-over bids for positions of power and the like. The longevity of this meme seems assured,
and recent remixes of this meme include the Danish production: ‘All Your Iraq are belong to us’
(mb3.dk/ayiabtu).

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Other examples of humour to be found in the meme set includes the animated Badger, Badger,
Badger meme, originally created by Jonti Picking (South Korea, 2003). The meme comprises
sets of animated badgers – and occasionally mushrooms and a snake – dancing to trance beat
music in a cartoon landscape (see: weeblsstuff.com/toons/badgers). Picking posted the animation
to his website and it quickly became popular within the online world. The undeniable quirkiness
of this animation caught the attention of MTV Europe, which developed an entire TV show
around a range of Picking’s animated characters (Silverman 2004). A Design Week article in
London published in 2005 refers to Badger, Badger, Badger as a ‘cult animation’ (Jun 30, p. 19).

The Ellen Feiss meme (U.S. 2002) began as a television advertisement by Apple for its campaign
to entice PC users to ‘switch’ to Apple. When the advertisement aired on television, 15 year-old
Fleiss appeared to be quite ‘out of it’ (she later claimed filming had occurred close to midnight
and she had taken a strong does of anti-allergy medication for her hayfever). Her out-of-it
eyebrow lift, uncoordinated hand movements, and her use of sound effects to describe her
computer crashing coupled with lengthy pauses in her monologue caused riotous laughter around
the world. Apple cancelled the advertisement as soon as it was realized why it had become so
popular, but Ellen had already reached iconic status among young, male programmers, Apple
Mac users, and college students (see: ellenfeiss.net). Ellen went to ground, and turned down
appearances to appear on major talkshows within the U.S., but three years later, a series of t-
shirts celebrating Ellen Feiss is still available for purchase and numerous tribute and remix sites
remain active (see, for example, ellenfeissgloriousnoise.com; jeffwilhem.com/files/ellen1.mov),
and pictures of contestants in the Ellen look-a-like contest held in Europe are still archived
online as well (see: feiss.macfreak.org/index.html).

In addition to quirky and situational kinds of humour, at least 5 of the memes examined in this
study put humour to use in generating biting social commentary memes. The Nike Sweat Shop
Shoes meme is a good example of this. In January 2001, Jonah Perretti forwarded to friends a
series of email exchanges he had had with the Nike company concerning Nike’s ID campaign
that allows customers to customize their shoes (Peretti 2001). Perretti’s request to have
‘sweatshop’ embroidered on his new shoes had been denied and came at a time when Nike was
under fire for exploiting workers in under-developed countries. Despite persistent questions on
Perretti’s part, the company hid behind company policy statements and did not provide a proper
rationale for the cancelled order. Perretti gathered these exchanges together in a single email and
sent it off to a few friends. The humour and social commentary contained in the set of email
correspondence caught popular attention and soon reached thousands of people via email
networks. This in turn sparked mainstream broadcast attention, and Peretti’s meme was the
subject of a range of news and magazine reports, including Time magazine, and Peretti himself
was interviewed on the Today Show, a popular news events talk show in the US.

Other examples include the oft-linked-to website known as Black People Love Us!
(blackpeopleloveus.com), which is a wry, if not scathing, commentary on white American liberal
paternalism towards black Americans (also created by Jonah Perretti, in collaboration with his
sister). The faux ‘personal’ website comprises a series of ‘testimonials’ from a middle-class
white couple’s black friends that emphasise much of the condescension that can occur in naïve
liberal positions on social and cultural difference (e.g., references to ‘being articulate’, white
people speaking Black English and claiming a preference for rap music). Another well-known

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social commentary meme is the Bush-Blair Love Song meme created by the Swedish group,
Read My Lips (atmo.se/zino.aspx?articileID=399). Read My Lips spliced together fragments of
news videos of George Bush and Tony Blair, and synched their lip movements and onscreen
actions with the love song, ‘Your Eyes’, to produce a text suggesting an intimate romance
between the two. The resulting video stands as a clear indictment of the Bush-Blair alliance in
the allied invasion of Iraq and seems to be a popular clip within affinity spaces shaped by people
critical of the invasion of Iraq and/or critical of the militarist alliance between Bush and Blair.

A more recent social commentary meme is the Flying Spaghetti Monster (U.S., June 2005),
generated by Bobby Henderson as a touch-in-cheek challenge to the Kansas Board of
Education’s decision to include Intelligent Design – or creationism – as a scientific theory in
science classes throughout the state. Henderson decided to take ‘seriously’ the Board’s claim that
they were open to multiple scientific theories about the origins of the world and proposed in an
open letter to the Board that Monsterism also be taught as a scientific theory in schools, too. In
his letter, he outlines how a Flying Spaghetti Monster really created the world and uses statistics
and facts (such as how the increase in global temperatures correlates directly with a decrease in
pirates) to argue that Monsterism is based in science and not faith, just as the theory of Intelligent
Design is based in science, not faith. Henderson posted his letter – and the responses he received
from Board members – to a dedicated website and rapidly attracted a strong following. His
website (complete with t-shirts and mugs for purchase and a Spaghetti Monster online game) has
been reported in the New York Times and the UK’s Telegraph (see: venganza.org). This meme
clearly taps into spaces mapped by ongoing debates over whether or not Creationism should be
taught in U.S. schools.

Rich intertextuality

Cross-references to a host of popular culture events, artifacts and practices also characterize many
of the successful memes selected for this study. Perhaps the most widely known intertextual meme
is the Star Wars Kid (Canada and the U.S., 2003). This meme began when schoolmates of 15-year-
old, heavily-built Canadian schoolboy, Ghyslain Raza, found a video recording he had made of
himself. The tape showed him somewhat awkwardly miming a Star Wars movie inspired light
sabre fight using a broomstick-like golf ball retriever. His friends uploaded the footage to Kazaa – a
now-defunct person to person file sharing service – where it was found by millions of viewers,
many of whom added music, special effects and highly recognizable Star Wars sounds (e.g., the
light sabre ‘swoosh-hum’) to create the now-famous Star Wars Kid meme
(screamingpickle.com/members/StarWarsKid). Subsequent remixes of this video clip include
Ghyslain cast as Gandalf in Lord of the Rings, as William Wallace in the movie Braveheart, and as
Neo from the Matrix movies, among others. One version mixes the Dancing Baby meme and
Gyhslain in a faux trailer for a Hollywood buddy movie, while another mixes the clip with Tetris,
an enormously popular, early video game. These cross-references to popular movies and games
clearly tap into an affinity space that recognizes this intertextuality, while at the same time they
serve to blur the line between an ordinary life and the extraordinary lives of characters in movie
and game universes. The popularity of the Star Wars Kid remixes even produced an online petition
to Lucasfilm to include Ghyslain himself as a character in Episode III of the Star Wars prequel
series (petitiononline.com/Ghyslain/petition.html). The Star Wars Kid meme has in turn become a

9
popular culture touchstone and regularly appears as a reference in animated cartoon series and
video games.

The Lost Frog meme also alludes to a range of popular culture phenomena as it remixes and
mutates the text of a lost pet announcement (U.S. 2004). The lost pet flier (see Figure 2) was
found posted in Seattle streets.

Figure 2: The original lost Hopkin Green Frog flier (Source: lostfrog.org)

A member of a popular image sharing forum scanned the image and uploaded it to the forum
archive, where members of this group quickly picked up on the pathos and determination in the
child’s language and hand-drawn images and used image editing software to manipulate or
‘photoshop’ the original image. The remixed images produced by this group, and later, by others
around the world, are always humorous, yet often touching. Collectively they narrate massive,
albeit fictional, citizen mobilization in the ongoing search for Hopkin Green Frog. The remixed
images include make use of typical ‘missing persons’ announcement vehicles (e.g., broadcast
media news reports, milk cartons, road signs), crowd scenes seemingly devoted to spreading the
news about the lost frog (e.g., ‘lost frog’ banners at a street march and at crowded soccer match),
and a host of other ‘remember Hopkin’ scenarios (e.g., lost frog scratch-it lottery tickets,
Hopkin’s ID on someone’s instant message buddy list, Hopkin as a ‘not found’ internet file
image). As with the Star Wars Kid meme, references to popular culture artefacts and practices
abound, and include reworked book covers, music album covers, video games, eBay auctions,
fan conventions, and so on. Other images spoof advertising campaigns (e.g., an Absolut Vodka
spread becomes ‘Absolut Hopkin’; a Got Milk? advertisement becomes ‘Got Frog?’). Many of
the lost frog images refer to other memes as well. For example, an aeroplane pulling a lost frog
announcement banner also appeared in an All Your Base Are Belong to Us remixed image, as
did photoshopped street signs. This rich layering of cross-referencing appears to help the
fecundity of a meme by encouraging subsequent photoshoppers to make their own engaging
cross-cultural popular references.

Anomalous juxtaposition

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In addition to humour and intertextual references, at least four of the memes in the data set for
this study included what could be called anomalous juxtaposition as part of their ‘hooks’ for
maximizing the susceptibility of the idea being passed from mind to mind (Oolong the Pancake
Bunny, Bert is Evil, Bonsai Kitten and Tourist of Death). The kind of juxtaposition found in
these memes includes incongruous couplings of images (e.g., the Tourist of Death figure set
against a backdrop of a wide range of historical tragedies), deliberately provocative (e.g., the
faux Bonsai Kitten website that presents illustrated—i.e., photoshopped and fake—step-by-step
instructions for altering the shape of pet cats), and the simply quirky (e.g., Oolong the Rabbit
who was taught to balance objects on its head by Japanese photographer, Hironori Akutagawa.
Akutagawa documented these ‘head performances’ in photographs posted to the internet; or the
Numa Numa Dance clip of a North American male lipsynching and dancing to a Romanian pop
song while remaining seated in his chair throughout).

The Bert is Evil meme is a good example of this kind of anomalous juxtaposition (2001). This
meme was spawned by an actual event. It began with an image of the muppet, Bert, a character
from a popular and long-running children’s television show, Sesame Street, being photoshopped
into a picture of Osama bin Laden and uploaded as a joke to an online photoshopper forum. The
image was subsequently downloaded and used in Bangladesh on street march banners by
supporters of Osama bin Laden. The creators of the banners either did not notice Bert in the
picture they downloaded or did not know who Bert was. The banner image caught wide attention
and generated a series of remixed images that added evidence to the claim that Bert was actually
evil, rather than a harmless children’s television character (see: bertisevil.tv). These
photoshopped and animated images show the muppet involved with the Klu Klux Klan, as part
of President Kennedy’s assassination, as connected with the Charles Manson murders, and the
like. The overall tenor of these remixed images tends to be one of ‘seediness’ and ‘scandal’, with
an almost ‘paparazzi’ or ‘salacious’ feel to the images in that many are staged to look as though
they were taken by hidden cameras and the like. The juxtaposition of horrible, tragic or seedy
scenarios with an innocuous puppet from a children’s television show generates humour via
documentary evidence that clearly cannot be true. The fecundity of this meme may also be due in
part to real-life stories concerning the public airing of hidden seedy or immoral lives of some
movie and television stars, and particularly stars of children’s television.

A non-humorous example of anomalous juxaposition concerns the Nevada-tan meme (Japan

2004). This meme was also sparked by a real-life event. An 11-year-old Japanese school girl
murdered a classmate by slashing her throat with a box cutter before returning to class, covered
in her classmate’s blood. The murderer subsequently became known as ‘Nevada-tan’ as images
of her wearing a hooded sweatshirt emblazoned with the word, ‘Nevada’, were released via
broadcast media and online. Nevada-tan’s age and her website full of shock animations (e.g., The
Red Room) and other gruesome internet culture references and artefacts sparked national debates
in Japan concerning the age limit for criminal culpability and the social effects of internet use.
Nevada-tan, however, has become something of an popular culture icon and regularly is depicted
as a manga or anime character in fanfiction texts, has generated homage websites, and appears as
a character in cosplay (i.e., in-person character role plays often built around anime storylines).
Nevada-tan has also formally appeared as a character on the animated television series, South
Park, and is mentioned in a number of Japanese pop songs. It can be argued that the
juxtaposition of a young, ordinary-looking girl with a gruesome murder she did not even try to

11
hide created attention hooks that helped turn Nevada-tan’s case and persona into a meme within
affinity spaces interested in Japanese culture and popular culture texts like manga and anime.

Outliers

The characteristics of successful online memes are not cut and dried, however. One meme in the
set does not display any of the three shared discursive features of the other successful memes.
The Dog Poop Girl meme (South Korea, 2005) stands as an outlier, but nonetheless holds a
number of significant implications for social life in general. In brief, this meme initially
comprised a photograph of a young woman and her dog on a train in South Korea. The dog had
fouled the train carriage and its owner had refused to clean up the mess, even after being asked a
number of times to do so. A disgruntled fellow passenger took a phonecam image of the offender
and her dog and posted it to a popular website. It was quickly picked up by the internet
community and widely circulated online, both in its original form (e.g.,
japundit.com/archives/2005/06/30/808), and in remixed poster versions (e.g.,
pds.egloos.com/pds/1/200506/07/79/b0036579_16293022.jpg). It took only a few days for the
woman to be identified from this photo and her personal information was published online as a
way of punishing her for her failure to be a responsible citizen. The meme in effect became
something of a witch hunt, and saw the woman hounded online and offline until she posted a
very contrite apology for her actions to an internet forum. This meme attracted broadcast media
attention around the world due mostly to its vigilante nature and the breaching of the woman’s
right to personal privacy.

(ii) A typology of successful internet memes

Although the memes analysed in this study do share common features, discursive analysis shows
that they nonetheless fall into different categories of kinds of memes. These can be considered in
terms of types and in terms of the purposes each is organized around. These differences are
summarized below in Figure 3.

12
 Black People Love Us!:
blackpeopleloveus.com
Dog Poop Girl
Social
critiques Flying Spaghetti Monster:
Multimedia venganza.com
forms Political JibJab’s This Land: jibjab.com
commentary
Read My Lip’s Bush-Blair Love
Song:
Social atmo.se/zino.aspx?articleID=399
commentary Written text-based
socially activist or
advocacy memes Nike sweatshop email exchange:
geocities.com/infotaxi/nike.html

High fidelity
Oolong the pancake bunny:
static memes fsinet.or.jp/~sokaisha/rabbit/rabbit.htm
(replicated with
very little Numa Numa Dance:
Celebration of the newgrounds.com/portal/view/206373
variation)
absurd or unusual
Badger, Badger, Badger:
weeblsstuff.com/toons/badgers

Hoax memes Bonsai Kitten: bonsaikitten.com

Tron Guy: tronguy.net

Ellen Feiss: ellenfeiss.net
Fan-based
Nevada-tan

Tourist of Death: touristofdeath.com

Remixed memes Star Wars Kid: jedimaster.net
(replicated via evolution, Collaborative,
absurdist Hopkin Green Frog: lostfrog.org
adaptation or
transformation of the humour in Bert is Evil: bertisevil.tv
original meme vehicle) multimedia All Your Base: planettribes.com/allyourbase/index.shtml
forms
Every time you masturbate … God kills a kitten

Figure 3: Typology of meme media and idea types

13
Taking Dawkin’s criterion of ‘replicability’ as a starting point, it is also possible to distinguish
between memes that have high fidelity replication and are passed on more or less intact, from
those memes where ideas are conveyed through mutating or remixed meme vehicles that both
replicate and build on the original meme vehicle. Interestingly, the social commentary memes in
this set, including the political and social critique memes, appear to all be high fidelity memes.
That is, they are passed from screen to screen and mind to mind quite intact. In contrast,
humorous memes in this data set tend in the main to be evolving memes in that their fecundity
depends in large part on transforming the original meme vehicle. Understanding why this
difference exists may be a fruitful avenue for further research.

Eighteen of the 19 memes appearing in the data are multimodal, rather than printed text alone.
Even where a meme begins as a single image (e.g., Dog Poop Girl, the Lost Frog meme),
additional texts, images and even sound or animation tend to be added to enhance the meme’s
contagious qualities. The meme set generated for this study can also be differentiated by looking
at those memes which seem to serve more humorous or parodic purposes from those that appear
to aim at social and political critique, with the ratio of absurdist to critical memes averaging
close to 2 to 1.

(iii) Qualities of ‘contagiousness’ and ‘susceptibility’ pertaining to successful internet memes

It appears that the internet is indeed an effective conductor for memes, with the majority of the
memes selected for this study enjoying longevity by means of archives, mirror sites and
searchable hyperlinks. The blogosphere, in particular, seems to be an ideal vehicle for
transmitting memes, with weblogs replacing email and discussion forums as a chief way of
spreading contagious memes (see, in particular, memes emerging in 2002 and after). At least 11
of the 19 memes in this study can be said to have been made more fecund via transmission
through the blogosphere. This finding resonates with the ongoing work of Eytan Adar and his
colleagues at the Hewlett Packard Dynamics Lab which focuses on tracing what they call
‘information epidemics’ spread via weblogs, which they see as potent fields for spreading
contagious ideas (Adar et al. 2004: 1).

An analysis of the memes collected for this study suggests no easy list of characteristics that
ensure a meme is contagious, fecund and long lasting. It can be said, however, that the memes in
this pool are either, or both, ludic and timely. That is, ludic in the sense of being seriously
playful. This includes dignifying the everyday or banal with epically-scaled imagined responses
or remixes that cast a minor event or ordinary person as having global import, as is the case with
the Star Wars Kid and All Your Base. It can include celebrating quirkiness, as is the case with
Oolong the Pancake Bunny or Badger, Badger, Badger. It can also include visual jokes that
juxtapose incongruous images to create humorous final pictures that take on a life of their own,
as is the case with the Tourist of Death and Bert Is Evil memes. This kind of playfulness taps
into shared popular culture experiences and practices, and in many ways helps to define certain
affinity spaces (e.g., gamer spaces, photoshopping spaces, manga/anime spaces, political
commentary spaces) by nods and winks to those ‘in the know’ as it were. As such, important
attention hooks and susceptibility factors in successful online memes also appear to be tied to
identity matters. The memes gathered for this study seem to appeal to two broad and most likely

14
overlapping groups: one that enjoys playful, absurdist ideas that carry little serious content, and
one that enjoys humorous ideas that carry serious content or social critique (see Figure 2 above).

‘Timeliness’ is associated more with those 6 memes in the data set whose purpose is to comment
or critique some aspect of society. The successfulness of these memes seems attributable in a
significant way to the match between them and recognizable events or issues in the larger world
(and confirmed by analysis of the contextual system invoked by or embodied in the meme). The
Nike Sweatshop Shoe meme was launched into a context of existing critiques of corporate
manufacturing practices that made it ripe for contagiousness. The Bush-Blair Love Song was
launched during a time of growing civil disquiet over the U.S. and British military coalition in
the invasion of Iraq. Anti-war protestors, in particular, were willing carriers of this meme.
Interestingly enough, all save one of the social commentary memes in this study have playfully
serious qualities to them as well, which may further serve to enhance their contagiousness and
fecundity. It may well be that participating as a carrier in passing this meme on to others marks
somebody as being a person of a particular kind who has particular desirable characteristics and
worldviews within groups or social spaces committed to critiques of power and inequity. This in
itself may act as an attractor for social commentary meme infection as well.

Memes and literacy education

Memes are thoroughly social in that they require networked human hosts in order to survive. An
idea generated by a single person and not passed on to others is not a meme. The study of online
memes as a new literacy therefore needs to attend carefully to this social-ness and avoid reducing
meme research to an examination of reading and writing processes at the level of texts. With
respect to literacy education in schools, the social dimension of meme-ing translates into
focussing on practices that are larger than reading and writing and which can be captured by
means of distinguishing between ‘big L’ Literacies and ‘little l’ literacies. This is, of course, a
shameless remix of James Paul Gee’s work that draws a distinction between D/discourse and
R/reading (cf. Gee 1996, 2004), but it is nonetheless a useful way of thinking about literacies in
general and new literacies in particular. For us, Literacy, with a ‘big L’ refers to making meaning
in ways that are tied directly to life and to ways of being in the world (cf., Freire 1972, Street
1984). That is, whenever we use language we are making some sort of significant or socially
recognizable ‘move’ that is inextricably tied to someone bringing into being or realizing some
element or aspect of their world. This means that literacy, with a ‘small l,’ is the actual processes
of reading and writing and using words and images that is part of these larger, more embodied
Literacy practices. In short, this distinction explicitly recognises that L/literacy is always about
reading and writing something, and that this something is always part of a larger pattern of being
in the world (Gee, Lankshear and Hull 1996). And, because there are multiple ways of being in
the world, then there we can say that there are multiple L/literacies.

Using this distinction to think about new literacies enables us to see how producing a
photoshopped image for the Lost Frog or All Your Base memes is an example of literacy that
involves, for example, generating a text comprising a carefully designed montage of
photographic and hand-drawn images along with written words or embedded sound effects. The
multimedia dimensions of this text production are to some extent recognizably and interestingly
‘new’; understanding how to generate and meld layers of images, sound and printed text into a

15
seamless whole that has the maximum appearance of veracity requires a range of finely-honed
technical skills and competencies.

More important, however, are the ‘big L’ Literacy practices associated with meming that are
invested in meaning making, social significance-making, and identity-making in one’s life
worlds. The texts and montages produced and read as part of being infected with and propagating
a meme online are never free standing but are implicated in and generated out of networks of
shared interests, experiences, habits, worldviews and the like that pick up on or use texts, events,
phenomena, icons, cultural artefacts etc. in particular if not socially idiosyncratic ways. For
example, posting a picture of a rabbit with pancakes on its head only makes sense in an online
forum that celebrates quirky conversation responses. A ‘big L’ conception of new Literacies
recognizes that everyday life is often amplified through participation of and interaction with
people one may never meet and that this interaction and participation may occur in ways never
possible before. The Lost Frog meme isn’t simply about generating humorous images concerning
the search for or the whereabouts of a child’s lost frog. It plays out as a distributed collaboration
that crosses national borders and languages (e.g., not all the lost frog images make use of
English) and brings together people who may not know each other, but who value each other’s
contribution nonetheless. The ‘big L’ dimensions of the Lost Frog meme is include recognizing
how amateurish or clumsy photoshopping will not prove to be as memorable or as contagious as
something slick and well-crafted both in terms of design and technical proficiency; at the same
time, it also includes knowing that a particularly humorous or conceptually clever version of the
meme will win out over technical execution any day. It also includes recognizing clever
intertextuality in the form of cross-references to other memes or cultural practices and
phenomena (e.g., conspiracy theories, alien abduction theories, computer or web browser error
messages, the social role of remembrance ribbons and ‘missing persons’ announcement vehicles,
etc.). The Literacy practices of meming also involve people deciding on how they will choose to
read or interpret a meme and the ‘spin’ they will give it as they pass it along. In the case of the
Lost Frog meme, this decision could mean that one sees the archive of lost frog images as poking
cruel fun at the 16-year-old autistic young man who was found to have posted the original flier
(Whybark 2004), or as evidence that ordinary events, such as losing a pet or toy, can take on epic
proportions within a person’s real life and that this quality is aptly represented and dignified in
the lost frog image archive.

Some of the other ‘Big L’ Literacy practices discernible in the meme set for this study include
the practices of video game playing, enjoying Japanese popular culture icons, being a fan (which
can include writing fanfiction, setting up homage websites, drawing fan manga, etc.), being privy
to a plethora of online affinity space ‘insider jokes’, being familiar with Hollywood movies, with
fan practices such as lipsynching to pop songs or cosplay, and so on. Ursula Franklin, writing
well over a decade ago about researching new digital technologies, herself warned against taking
an ‘artifactual approach’ to examining new technologies, and argued for focusing instead on
technology use in terms of being part of a ‘system of social practice’ (Franklin 1990). Franklin’s
advice applies to studying new L/literacies, as well. When we examine memes as Literacy
practices it is possible to see that they involve much more than simply passing on and/or adding
to written or visual texts or information per se (i.e., literacy), but are tied directly to ways of
interacting with others, to meaning making, and to ways of being in the world.

16
The importance of teachers having a ‘big L’ Literacy mindset on memes cannot be over-
emphasized. Understanding successful online memes can contribute much to identifying the
limitations of narrow conceptions of literacy and new technologies, as well as to understanding
new forms of social participation and influence, and new ways of practicing critical literacy in
everyday life. For example, online memes challenge the growing dominance of ‘digital literacy’
conceptions of what it means to be a competent user of new technologies and networks.
Increasingly, digital literacy is being defined by policy groups and others as either technical
competence with using computers and the internet (cf., accounts in Lankshear and Knobel 2005),
or as the ability to evaluate information by examining sources, weighing up author credibility,
assaying the quality of writing and argument building in an online text, judging the ‘truth value’
of a text found online, and so on (e.g., Gilster 1998). Many of the successful memes included in
this study would be discounted or ignored by digital literacy advocates because they do not carry
‘useful’ information, despite the unquestionable fecundity and replication of each meme. Digital
literacy mindsets do not pay adequate attention to the importance of social relations in
developing, refining, remixing and sharing ideas in fecund and replicable ways, or the role
memes themselves play in developing culture and creativity (cf., Lessig 2004).

Applying conventional information evaluation criteria and digital literacy competency checklists
to websites like Black People Love Us! will make little sense because the website itself is a
deliberate parody of personal web pages and is not meant, on the surface, to be ‘true’ in any
conventional way. The ‘testimonials’ themselves may or may not be ‘true’ or ‘authentic’, but this
does really matter. They nonetheless convey a significant message. From a technical standpoint,
the website is painfully cheesy in its design, and no doubt deliberately so. What matters most
about this meme is the challenge it offers to patronizing liberal attitudes towards racial
differences that focus on ignoring or celebrating physical differences rather than on ameliorating
structural and other inequities between different cultural groups. To come at this issue from
another angle, a noticeable number of the remixed images in the All Your Base meme are
technically sophisticated and polished, but certainly not all of them can be considered the work
of proficient photoshoppers. Technical competence is clearly not a major criterion for including
an image in a meme ‘stream’. What does appear to be important is that the final image is clearly,
recognisably and cleverly linked in some way to the idea being carried by the meme itself.

Meming is also a fruitful practice for educators to focus on when thinking about new forms of
social participation and civic action in the wake of increasingly ubiquitous access to the internet
and involvement in increasingly dispersed social networks. Brodie (1996) has long argued for
more attention to be paid to the memes with which we are infected, and with which we infect
others, as well as to the material effects of these infections. In the case of the memes gathered for
this study, not all of them have positive material outcomes or contribute positively to rich and
productive ways of being in the world. The Dog Poop Girl meme, for example, rightly roused
criticisms of the vigilante way in which the woman was identified and then publicly hounded
until she apologized. The power of this meme to mobilize public censure of this woman was
clearly significant in its reach and has opened a Pandora’s box of issues concerning to what
extent memes should be used to right relatively minor social wrongs and by what authority. In
South Korea, academics and journalists alike have been openly discussing the importance of
understanding the dangers of witch-hunt types of approaches to public castigation of a person.
Contributing to this meme by creating faux ‘Wanted’ posters or by passing the woman’s picture

17
and personal details along to others is not an innocent, playful or morally clear-cut act and
provides fruitful ground for teachers from which to launch discussions about the moral and civic
dimensions of participating in certain memes.

The Star Wars Kid meme also provides fruitful ground for teachers and students to examine what
happens when a very reluctant meme star is adopted by a wide-ranging cybercommunity who
spend enormous amounts of energy identifying who he is in meatspace and where he lives, and
who then broadcast his full name across the internet, focussing widespread broadcast media
attention on this reluctant star. It turns out that Ghyslain himself did not find anything funny
about the Star Wars Kid meme, and he and his parents regarded it as cruel and invasive.
Ironically, a group of cybercitizens who banded together and raised money to buy him an iPod
were offended when he not only refused to have anything to do with them and their iPod, but
brought changes against certain meme participants on invasion of privacy and related counts.
Although well-intentioned in all cases of this kind, the material effects of memes are not always
beneficial to meme ‘stars’ and neither do all of these ‘stars’ welcome the attention directed at
them (cf. the Ellen Fleiss; the father of Terry, who lost his frog; Gary Brolma of Numa Numa
Dance fame). Examining memes like this can add new meaning to participating in memes that
includes an ability to weigh up how far one’s participation will reach.

Analysing meme processes and effects as new forms of social influence can become an
important part of revising critical literacy practices in classrooms to better take account of new
literacy practices and new ways of transmitting both healthy and toxic ideas rapidly and
extensively. Counter-meming is a well-established practice online, and refers to the deliberate
generation of a meme that aims at neutralizing or eradicating potentially harmful ideas (see, for
example, the work of Adbusters.com and strategies outlined at memecentral.com/antidote.htm,
allyourbrand.org/why.htm and dkosopedia.com/index.php/Meme). Mike Godwin (1994), for
example, documents how he deliberately began a meme to counter what he called the ‘Nazi-
meme’ that he saw operating in different online discussion boards to which he belonged. Godwin
describes this Nazi-meme as the then widespread practice of posters drawing direct analogies
between what another poster wrote and Nazism, and he felt compelled to counteract this often
glib and offensive analogy. So he developed ‘Godwin's Law of Nazi Analogies’ and released this
meme into discussion groups wherever he saw a gratuitous Nazi reference. His original ‘law’
stated that: ‘As an online discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving
Nazis or Hitler approaches one’ (Godwin 1994: 1). Godwin found that his meme quickly caught
on and became a kind of ‘marker’ for judging the worth of a discussion thread. The original
statement of Godwin’s Law underwent a number of mutations at the word level, but the idea
itself remained intact. Godwin himself recounts,

As Cuckoo's Egg author Cliff Stoll once said to me: “Godwin's Law? Isn't that the
law that states that once a discussion reaches a comparison to Nazis or Hitler, its
usefulness is over?” By my (admittedly low) standards, the experiment was a
success. (1994: 1).

Godwin proposes that this kind of ‘memetic engineering’ is an important component in

contributing to the health of people’s social and mental lives. Godwin proposes that once a
harmful meme has been identified we may well have a social and moral responsibility to chase it

18
down by releasing a positive counter-meme within the idea-stream. Studying memetic
engineering may well prove to be a fruitful component of classroom critical literacy approaches
to understanding social power and influence. At least 5 of the 19 memes collected for this study
can be categorized as successful and mostly deliberate counter-memes (i.e., the Nike Sweatship
Shoe meme, the Black People Love Us! meme, The Flying Spaghetti Monster meme, the This
Land meme, and the Bush-Blair Lovesong meme). When we began this study, we expected the
ratio to be much further apart than it is. These memes provide fruitful terrain for teachers and
students to examine their contagious qualities, the ideas they convey and why, and to discuss
where each student stands with respect to each meme and why, as part of developing informed
points of view on a range of social issues. It is also worth bearing in mind in any revision of
critical literacy pedagogy to keep in mind that researchers like Adar and his colleagues are
starting to argue that the most socially powerful or influential people online are not necessarily
high profile persons and groups, but rather, are those people those who cause idea epidemics
(Adar in conversation with Asaravala 2004: 1).

The power of memes to spread contagious ideas and to infect minds with particular ideas is
widely recognized, and different groups have begun experimenting with meme engineering and
distribution on quite significant scales. This work offers a range of models for working with
memes from within classroom spaces. The critiques of mainstream media, marketing, and
consumption memes propagated by the non-profit group, Adbusters (adbusters.org), provide
excellent models of the kinds of memes students can participate actively in as part of dynamic
approaches to resisting corporate-manufactured identities and consumption mindsets (see, for
example, unbrandamerica.org). Non-profit community groups are also beginning to look to the
grassroots mobilization that occurs around remixed or evolving multimedia memes as a viable
model for mobilizing commitment to social causes (e.g., Surman and Reilly 2003).

A recent meme engineering contest hosted by Eyebeam, a non-profit digital arts and education
outfit in New York City, and titled the ‘Contagious Media Showdown’
(showdown.contagiousmedia.org) awarded prizes to meme-based websites developed explicitly
for a contest that awarded prizes to the idea (presented via a website) that generated the most
unique visitors, was linked to most by weblogs, or that scored highly on a well-known popularity
index (Alexa.com) which ‘measures’ the websites traffic. The content of the winning memes was
more bizarre than socially aware (e.g., a hoax website advertising underwear with built-in
satellite tracking devices for keeping track of loved ones was the overall winner; another winner
was a website comprising video clips of people crying while eating); however, the motivation
behind the contest and its outcomes (the tracker panties website attracted well over 20 million
unique visitors during the three week contest time period; collectively, the 60 entries in the
contest attracted over 50 million unique visitors in the same period) are instructive with respect
to the effectiveness of the internet as a meme carrier and the accessible processes by which one
can generate and disseminate memes online.

19
Conclusion

Within literacy education, analysis and dissection of online memes can be used to explore why
some ideas are more easily replicated, are more fecund and have more longevity than others, and
what the consequences of this are or might be. Studying online memes that aim at promoting
social critique can help educators to rethink conventional approaches to critical literacy that often
operate at the level of text analysis without taking sufficient account of the social practices,
ideas, affinities and new forms of social participation that generated the phenomenon under
examination. Engaging with online memes as examples of new L/literacies can help educators to
equip students with important strategies for identifying the memes that infect their minds, and for
evaluating the effects these memes have on their (ethical) decision-making, social actions and
their relations with others. Well-informed and savvy online meming may well provide students
with a fruitful and accessible practice for bringing about positive social changes in the ways
people think and, perhaps, act towards others.

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