The Dynamic Nature of Cognition During Wayfinding: Hugo J. Spiers, Eleanor A. Maguire
The Dynamic Nature of Cognition During Wayfinding: Hugo J. Spiers, Eleanor A. Maguire
The Dynamic Nature of Cognition During Wayfinding: Hugo J. Spiers, Eleanor A. Maguire
Abstract
Much of our day-to-day wayfinding behaviour takes place in familiar large-scale urban environments, yet there is a dearth of studies
examining how wayfinding unfolds on a second-by-second basis in this context. Here we used a retrospective verbal report protocol, eye
tracking and a highly accurate virtual reality simulation of a real city (London, UK) to examine this issue. Subjects, who were taxi
drivers, were able to produce extremely detailed accounts of what they had been thinking during wayfinding, which were validated by
independent eye-tracking data. There was a high degree of consistency in the types of thoughts across subjects, permitting classification
into a number of distinct categories. Moreover, it was possible to quantify the number of thoughts in each category, their durations and
temporal order. Detailed analysis of the verbal reports provided new insights into the processes and strategies involved, and highlighted a
greater range of thoughts than has previously been reported in studies of wayfinding. By analysing the temporal order of thoughts it was
possible to identify specific relationships between categories. Some of these relationships were predicted by current cognitive models of
wayfinding, others were novel, thus shedding new light on how navigation unfolds in a busy city.
r 2008 Elsevier Ltd. Open access under CC BY license.
Keywords: Navigation; Virtual reality; Verbal reports; Planning; Spatial memory; Routes
Parisian taxi drivers tended to make use of a familiar nature, verbal report protocols can only give insight into
primary network of streets to facilitate navigation. By the processes which subjects are aware of and are able to
contrast, in another strategy known as the least-angle verbalize. Nevertheless, the reports gained can help provide
strategy, paths are chosen that minimize deviation from the evidence to distinguish between competing models seeking
angle pointing directly to the goal (Conroy-Dalton, 2003). to explain cognition during a task (see Ericsson & Simon,
Different again is the fine-to-coarse planning heuristic that 1980; Jack & Roepstorff, 2003).
argues routes are planned in fine detail in the currently Passini (1981, 1984, 1992) was the first to critically assess
occupied region, but only coarsely when planning naviga- the wayfinding process with a verbal report protocol. His
tion between regions (Wiener & Mallot, 2003). Finally, the results, in agreement with other models, provided evidence
least-decision-load strategy specifies that subjects will often for two core stages in wayfinding: formulating the route
choose the path with the least number of possible decision plan and executing the plan. Analysis of the verbal reports
points (Wiener et al., 2004). also identified a hierarchical organization in the route
To account for this range of empirical findings, a number plans, with decisions at the top relating to over-arching
of cognitive models of wayfinding have been proposed goals, and decisions at the bottom related to sub-tasks.
(Garling, Book, & Lindberg, 1984; Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers, Route planning elements always contained two parts: a
Tecuci, & Stankiewicz, 2003; Passini, 1981, 1984; Peponis, behaviour component (e.g. turn left) and a location/
Zimring, & Choi, 1990; Stern & Portugali, 1999; Timpf, landmark specifier (e.g. at the central square). Thus,
Volta, Pollock, & Egenhofer, 1992). All models distinguish Passini argued that wayfinding could be conceptualized
between the processes of: (a) planning the route and (b) as a process in which route plans are initially set up and
executing the plan, and generally contain a hierarchy of executed by actions at the appropriate place and time
staged processes that unfold sequentially and iteratively leading finally to the goal. In his model, plans generate
during wayfinding. The models differ in the features they expectancies to find particular locations/landmarks in
emphasize and situations they cover. Some deal with order to perform the actions. These actions are triggered
selecting the route to multiple destinations (Garling et al., when a match occurs between a mental image of the
1984), others with navigating in unfamiliar environments expected locations/landmark and the experience of seeing
(Garling et al., 1984; Peponis et al., 1990) or city streets it. When there is no such match a new plan must be
(Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; formulated to solve the problem.
Timpf et al., 1992). For example, Kuipers’ models Since Passini’s (1981, 1984, 1992) seminal studies, verbal
(Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003) build on the findings reports been used to examine how a number of factors
of Pailhous (1969, 1984) by using a primary network of affect wayfinding cognition and strategy use. These factors
roads to facilitate navigation. Timpf et al.’s (1992) model have included the use of maps (Gerber & Kwan, 1994),
deals with the translation from route plans into the actions subjects’ navigational aptitude (Holscher et al., 2007; Kato
necessary to perform driving manoeuvres. & Takeuchi, 2003), familiarity with the environment
Whilst observing in situ wayfinding has generated (Chebat et al., 2005; Holscher et al., 2007), the layout of
empirical and theoretical advances, one significant limita- the environment (Holscher et al., 2007) and wayfinding in
tion is that mere observation can make it difficult to the context of shopping (Chebat et al., 2005; Dogu &
determine the reasons or intentions behind some of the Erkip, 2000; Titus & Everett, 1996). Findings from these
different actions performed. For example, stopping at a studies have generally agreed with Passini’s (1981, 1984)
junction might be motivated by the need to reorient, look model, and have helped to identify the use of a number of
ahead, make a decision, or any number of other reasons. In additional wayfinding strategies (Gerber & Kwan, 1994;
order to dissociate such possibilities several studies have Holscher et al., 2007; Kato & Takeuchi, 2003). For
employed verbal report protocols (Chebat, Gelinas-Che- example, Holscher et al. (2007) found some subjects
bat, & Therrien, 2005; Dogu & Erkip, 2000; Gerber & completely planned the whole route before setting off,
Kwan, 1994; Holscher et al., 2007; Kato & Takeuchi, 2003; while others would formulate only partial plans. The latter
Passini, 1981, 1984; Titus & Everett, 1996). These protocols was found to be associated with poorer performance. Kato
involve subjects either ‘thinking aloud’ during the task and Takeuchi (2003) found that some subjects were able to
(concurrent verbal reports) or describing what they flexibly use a range of information to navigate, whereas
remember thinking during a structured interview after the others employed ineffective strategies, such as using parked
experimental task (retrospective verbal reports) (Ericsson cars as landmarks.
& Simon, 1980). The contents of the verbal reports are While these studies have shed some light on the cognitive
analysed with a pre-determined classification scheme processes during wayfinding, several important issues
usually developed from pilot studies. These classification remain unexplored. The environments of the previous
schemes make use of commonalities in the statements studies that used verbal reports were either indoors
contained in the verbal reports to derive a number of (Chebat et al., 2005; Dogu & Erkip, 2000; Holscher
relevant ‘thought’ categories. Examining the categories and et al., 2007; Passini, 1981, 1984; Titus & Everett, 1996) or
their contents can then be used to understand the cognitive unfamiliar (Gerber & Kwan, 1994; Kato & Takeuchi,
task in question and potential strategies employed. By their 2003). Thus, despite the fact that much of our daily
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234 H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249
wayfinding occurs in familiar outdoor environments, the use of VR London made it possible to assess navigation in
cognitive processes involved in navigating them has yet to a familiar yet complex large-scale environment in a
be examined. Prior studies have generally focused on controlled way that simply would not be possible with in
decision making or strategy use, ignoring other compo- situ navigation in this city. In addition, use of VR
nents such as the visual processing of the environment or permitted recording of subjects’ performance and allowed
the entities within it. No study has examined how for collection of eye-tracking data (for more on VR versus
wayfinding unfolds on second-by-second basis in a large- real environments see Morganti, Carassa, & Geminani,
scale environment. Appreciating the temporally fine- 2007; Peruch & Gaunet, 1998; Richardson, Montello, &
grained behaviour during navigation could give important Hegarty, 1999; Stanton, Wilson, & Foreman, 2002). In the
insights into the underlying spatial representations and the virtual London game used in this experiment over 110 km
wayfinding processes that act upon it. Related to this, (70 miles) of driveable roads have been accurately
quantitative examination of the temporal relationships recreated from Ordinance Survey map data, covering
between different types of thoughts during wayfinding has approximately 50 km2 (20 square miles) of the city centre.
also been largely ignored. Finally, there has been little The game designers decided to truly recreate the city and a
attempt to use the information in verbal reports to large team of photographers walked the streets of central
critically evaluate different cognitive models of wayfinding London for two years recording details of the city.
(Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; Buildings, shops, the one-way systems, working traffic
Passini, 1981, 1984; Peponis et al., 1990; Stern & Portugali, lights, the busy London traffic and an abundance of
1999; Timpf et al., 1992). Londoners going about their business are all included. The
Here we addressed these outstanding issues by using a ‘Free Roaming’ mode of the game was used, permitting
retrospective verbal report protocol, eye tracking and a free navigation with the normal game scenarios suspended.
highly accurate virtual reality simulation of a real city Subjects moved through the environment in a virtual
(London, UK) to explore the second-by-second thoughts London taxicab controlled using a game controller,
accompanying wayfinding. We also used the information consisting of two joysticks providing analogue control of
obtained from the verbal reports to examine temporal acceleration, braking and steering left and right. The
contingencies in the thoughts, and to evaluate cognitive virtual taxi had a higher degree of controllability than
models of wayfinding. many of the other vehicles in the game, and its low top
virtual speed could be maintained easily. Even slight
2. Materials and methods contact between a subject’s vehicle and other vehicles
could result in a crash which would prematurely terminate
2.1. Participants the experiment. Therefore a ‘cheat’ modification was
employed using Action Replay Max software (r Datel
Twenty healthy right-handed male licensed London taxi Design and Development Ltd., 2003) which prevented such
drivers participated in the experiment (mean age: 49.8 crashes. Subjects were instructed to drive ‘legally’ as they
years, SD: 8.5 years, range: 27–59 years). Taxi drivers were would in actual London. To assess the ecological validity
used in order to investigate wayfinding in subjects familiar of the virtual simulation, during the pilot testing, subjects
with the environment, and to provide a consistent level of were asked to comment on the similarity of the game to the
performance. The average time spent working as a taxi real city, and their sense of ‘presence’. All remarked that
driver was 18.3 years (SD: 10.9 years, range: 1–38 years). Central London (where the experiment was set) in
All had either lived in London their entire lives or for the particular was highly accurate and detailed with a high
vast majority of it and were naı̈ve to the stimuli used in the level of presence. Following the experiment proper subjects
experiment. All subjects gave informed written consent to were asked how similar the simulation and task was their
participation in accordance with the local research ethics everyday experience. All of the taxi drivers confirmed that
committee. the game was very reminiscent of their experience of
driving in central London.
2.2. The virtual environment
2.3. Pre-test training and familiarization
The video game ‘The Getaway’ (r Sony Computer
Entertainment Europe, 2002) run on a Sony Playstation2 Two weeks prior to testing, subjects were given over 2 h
(r Sony Computer Games Inc.) was used to present of practice with the game controls by asking them to
subjects with a ground-level interactive first person navigate to various locations in areas of environment not
perspective view of a simulation of central London, UK used in the experimental task. To avoid waiting for long
(see Fig. 1, and Spiers & Maguire, 2006a for a movie of periods at red traffic lights, subjects were familiarized with
navigation through the environment). While desk-top treating all traffic lights as green, but were otherwise
virtual reality simulations have their limitations, such as required to comply with all other road traffic regulations in
a lack of peripheral and binocular visual information, there the UK. Thirty minutes before testing subjects were again
are numerous advantages to using VR. In the current study given further practice in an area not used in experimental
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H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 235
Fig. 1. Virtual London (UK). Panel (A) shows a map of the region of the simulation of London that was used in the navigation task (not all the minor
streets shown were included in the video game). Reproduced by permission of Geographers’ A-Z Map Co. Ltd. r Crown Copyright 2005. All rights
reserved. Licence number 100017302. Coloured lines indicate examples of typical routes driven by subjects to each of seven destinations during the
navigation task. Panel (B) shows example views from within the video game ‘The Getaway’ r 2002 Sony Computer Entertainment Europe. Left image
shows a view at Trafalgar Square, right image shows a view at Piccadilly Circus. These images are reproduced with the kind permission of Sony Computer
Entertainment Europe.
tasks. During this practice session subjects were trained to blocks where subjects responded to customers’ requests
respond to a set of recorded customers’ requests to take (heard via head phones) by delivering them to their
them to destinations in London. Prior to testing, subjects destinations. During each block one route was tested.
were told the locations they would be starting from in the Seven routes were included which were (in order): Kings
experimental tasks, but not the order. Cross to the Middlesex Hospital (initially to Guy’s
Hospital), Trafalgar Square to the Royal Courts of Justice
2.4. Experimental task (initially to the Old Bailey), St. Giles Circus to Peter Street
in Soho (initially to Paddington Station), St. Martin’s Place
The experimental tasks took place during functional to Leicester Square (initially to Covent Garden), Piccadilly
magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) brain scanning. De- Circus to Leicester Square (initially to St. James’s Square),
tails of the scanning parameters and related fMRI analyses Buckingham Palace to the American Embassy (initially to
can be found in Spiers and Maguire (2006a, 2006b, 2007a, Shepard’s Market) and the American Embassy to Cavend-
2007b). In the experimental task, navigation was tested in ish Square (initially to Manchester Square). When the
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236 H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249
game came on the screen, subjects were given between 3 Ericsson and Simon (1980), the interviewer followed a
and 5 s to orient themselves in the environment. Following predetermined protocol during the interview. A subject’s
this they heard a customer request a destination (mean report was interrupted as little as possible, the interviewer
duration 2.0 s). For all routes, at some point during intervening only to improve the subject’s specification of
navigation the subjects heard customers request a change the onset and duration of thoughts where possible, and on
of destination (mean duration 3.0 s). For three of the routes occasion where clarification was required to later aid
an additional request to avoid a location or go via a analysis. The mean duration of the collection of the verbal
location was made by the customer (mean duration 3.7 s). reports was 108.9 min (SD: 16.9 min).
Requests for a change of destination or requests to go via
another location occurred at time points that varied 2.7. Analysis of the retrospective verbal reports
along each route and were unknown to the subject but
predetermined by the experimenters. Two subjects com- Anonymized audio information from the verbal report
pleted only four routes, in one case due to discomfort, the interviews was transcribed by a professional transcription
other due to a technical problem. Each block of navigation agency who were blind to the purpose of the experiment. By
ended when either the subject reached the destination or comparing the transcript with the time stamp from the
when a predetermined period of time elapsed. The original performance video, information about the timing of
maximum time taken to get to each of the destinations the thoughts was incorporated into the transcripts and any
was between 3 and 6 min (mean: 3.8 min, SD: 1.1 min). errors or unclear statements rectified. Each statement in the
Each block of navigation was separated by a period of rest transcript was then classified into one of a set of categories,
in which the subjects viewed a blank white screen for 60 s. and where appropriate sub-categories (see Table 1), and its
Total mean time for the experimental task was 31 min 35 s onset and duration recorded to create a segmented timeline
(SD: 4 min 9 s). of every subject’s experience of every route (see example in
Fig. 2). Unambiguous categories were predetermined by
2.5. Video recording analysis of common repeated statements in the verbal reports
of four subjects who took part in an in-depth pilot study
In order to debrief subjects and create an independent prior to the main experiment. This process was also guided
record of eye tracking, two videos were recorded during the by findings from previous studies employing verbal report
experimental task. Video output from the Playstation 2 was protocols and wayfinding tasks (Chebat et al., 2005; Dogu &
split into three ways: (1) to a projector presenting stimuli to Erkip, 2000; Gerber & Kwan, 1994; Holscher et al., 2007;
the subject on a screen in the MRI scanner (view angle of Kato & Takeuchi, 2003; Passini, 1981, 1984; Titus & Everett,
27.61), (2) to a VHS video recorder for debriefing and (3) to 1996). The pilot study also served to create a guide to aid
a video mixer to create an eye-tracking video. Video output classification and generate a protocol for the initial collection
going into the video mixer was combined with camera of the verbal reports. The independent eye-tracking video
footage of a stopwatch manually synchronized with the was used to aid the identification of onsets and durations
time stamp on the debriefing video. Gaze position cross where the subjects reported looking at a feature in the
hairs collected via an ASL504LRO infra-red eye-tracker environment, and so served as an external measure to
(Applied Science Laboratories, Bedford, MA) were over- validate the procedure. Environmental features consisted of
laid onto the video sent to the mixed video recording in 14 static structures (e.g. buildings and statues) and moving
subjects. Accurately calibrated eye-gaze tracking was objects (e.g. vehicles and pedestrians). For each report of
achieved in nine subjects. looking at a feature in the environment, the eye-tracking
video corresponding to that time point was examined to
2.6. Verbal report protocol determine when, to the nearest second, a saccade to the
feature was made and how long fixation of the feature
Immediately after the experimental task the subjects occurred in seconds. To assess the degree to which the verbal
were taken to a separate room where they were given a reports could be reliably categorized, a second experimenter
surprise debriefing with a verbal report protocol (Ericsson classified the verbal reports contained in 36 random extracts.
& Simon, 1980). In this debriefing, subjects watched the Of note, it was not just taxi drivers who were able to produce
video of their performance during the experimental task. detailed retrospective verbal reports. Several non-taxi driver
They were carefully instructed to describe what they subjects who navigated in the game through areas of the city
remembered thinking, step-by-step, during their original they were familiar with were able to produce reports as
performance. The interview proceeded at a pace deter- accurate as those of the taxi drivers.
mined by the subject, with the video being paused and
rewound by the interviewer where necessary to capture the 2.8. Analysis of the temporal precedence of
details provided by the subject. A new copy of the original thought categories
video was recorded during the interview with the voices of
the subject and interviewer collected by a microphone In order to understand the temporal relationships
overlaid. In accordance with the methods described by between categories, we examined whether the thoughts
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H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 237
Extract 17 I’m looking at the cabs over the other side in the
Sub. 2 I was expecting to see ity about now bus lane
Extract 32
Extract 18 Sub. 9 What I thought of here was: I’ll let that car go and
Sub. 6 Now I’m going to look out for it (Mortimer street) I was very relieved that it accelerated away from
Experimenter What was it that told you to start looking out for me
it?
Sub. 6 I’m thinking I’ve traveled a long way along here Theory of mind Thinking about other people’s thoughts/
now intentions
Extract 19 Extract 33
Sub. 21 Should be going downhill now, that’s what I was Sub. 11 I mean he [the customer] may be thinking I’m
thinking going to go down to Piccadilly Circus, back up
Shaftsbury Avenue and in through that way, I
Expectation Detecting the presence of an expected don’t know, you know, or he may have got
confirmation environmental feature
Glasshouse Street and Brewer Street mixed up
Extract 20
Extract 34
Sub. 1 And then all of a suddeny a little bit further on Sub. 12 [a car pulls out in front of him and the subject has to
you go through these lightsy and there it is. break to avoid a collision] I thought what’s he
There’s the cab shelter on the left-hand side doing?.. Why would he do that? There’s a line
Extract 21 there, he’s got to stop, you know, and thaty I’ve
Sub. 7 But then, that’s it, I knew that was Glasshouse got preference
Street because that’s the shape of it
Rule related Thinking about the one-way system and road
Extract 22 traffic rules
Sub. 9 And then when that yellow van comes up, yes,
that’s Orion House Extract 35
Sub. 3 And then I realised, no it’s one-way, I can’t go
Expectation Detecting the absence of an expected that way
violation environmental feature
Extract 36
Extract 23 Sub. 11 And then there, I thought to myself: don’t park on
Sub. 6 I thought, oh, bloody hell, they’ve blocked it off
the zigzags [road markings indicating no stopping]
Extract 24
Extract 37
Sub. 7 And then we come round here and then I got to Sub. 9 I thought no, no, no, it’s a one way street I won’t
about there and I thought oh, no, please no do that
(emphatic tone). And then it was confirmed it was
closed Emotions— Change in emotional state to being happy
happy
Extract 25 Extract 38
Sub. 14 Well, now I knew that I was coming up to
Sub. 6 I’m very happy with the way I’ve driven it now.
Tottenham Court Road, I wanted to go straight I’m chuffed to bits
on and here I saw that I couldn’t
Emotions— Change in emotional state to being angry
Visual inspection Visual inspection of an environmental feature angry
Extract 26 Extract 39
Sub. 3 As I’m going along here, I thought oh look that’s Sub. 21 I was getting annoyed, I was actually getting
Dwight [Statue of General Eisenhower] annoyed
Extract 27 Emotions— Change in emotional state to being anxious
Sub. 11 I was looking at it and I thought that’s the
anxious
American Embassy
Extract 40
Extract 28
Sub. 9 And I’m scared, like a horse, frightened by the
Sub. 17 As I turn, I’m looking at Boots [chemist shop] and railings
the other shops
Extract 29 Statements in square brackets and italics provide additional information
Sub. 7 I’m just checking it [the street] and I could see the about the environment or people referred to by the subject. Statements in
no entry arrow there parentheses and italics provide additional information about the subject’s
gestures and voice tone.
Monitoring Watching moving traffic in the environment
traffic
Extract 30
Sub. 5 Well, the bus is a nuisance. You can’t see in front
of it. It’s in the way
Extract 31
Sub. 7
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H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 239
Fig. 2. The route driven by an example subject (subject 3) from Charing Cross Road to Peter Street in Soho is shown segmented into different colour-
coded thought categories (see explanatory key on the right-hand side) derived from the subject’s verbal report. Note that turning, not in the key, is shown
in black on the route. The route is indirect due to the one-way road system in Soho.
belonging to some categories preceded the thoughts Maguire, 2006a, 2006b, 2007a, 2007b). We now report new
belonging to other categories more or less often than analyses focused on the separate issue of understanding
would be expected by chance. This was done by construct- cognitive process during wayfinding, and how they inform
ing a contingency table for each subject which was a models of wayfinding.
transition matrix of all the possible pairings of categories.
This table contained the number of observed occurrences in 3.1. Behavioural performance and verbal reports
which events of each category directly preceded the events
of each other category. For each pair we also calculated the All subjects completed the task successfully with a mean
number of occurrences that would be expected by chance. of 94% (SD: 9%) of their routes being efficient. An
This was done by multiplying together the number of efficient route was one where the subject moved continually
events in each category and then dividing by the total closer to the goal destination given the constraints of
number of events across all categories. We then collapsed London’s one-way system and occasional obstructed
across subjects by summing the number of observed streets that were included in the game (see Fig. 1). Using
occurrences and summing the number of expected occur- mapping software (Map24(UK): http://www.uk.map24.
rences in each subject’s table to create one table. A w2 test com) it was possible to determine that subjects travelled a
was used to test whether the number of observed mean total distance of 16.9 virtual km (SD: 3.4) during the
occurrences provided a good fit to the number of expected experimental task.
occurrences in this table, with the degrees of free- Subjects were able to produce detailed accounts of what
dom ¼ (number of columns 1) (number of rows 1). they had been thinking during wayfinding. There was a
If a significant result was obtained, a w2 test was used for high degree of consistency in the types of thoughts across
each category to test whether events from this category the 20 subjects. Reviewing the transcriptions of all subjects,
preceded events in each of the other categories more or less and aided by a classification guide developed during the
often than was expected from chance. If a significant result piloting phase, 12,484 thoughts were classified into distinct
was obtained in any of these w2 tests, sign tests were then categories (see Table 1 for examples). Not only was the
used to probe individual category pairs. Sign tests level of detail in the retrospective verbal reports very high,
examined whether there were significantly more subjects subjects reviewing the video of their wayfinding perfor-
for whom the number of observed occurrences was greater mance were quite clear about when exactly they had
or less than the number of expected occurrences. experienced particular thoughts and in what order. This
enabled a complete specification of the wayfinding
3. Results experience in terms of the onsets, durations and temporal
order of thoughts for each subject. The precision of the
Aspects of the findings from this rich and flexible data set timings was further tested using the independent eye-
involving fMRI have been reported elsewhere (Spiers & tracking data acquired during the experimental task.
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In those subjects with accurate calibration, 94% (SD: 6%) direction to the location must be determined. This process
of reports of looking at a feature in virtual London was reported on by most subjects. A few subjects’
whilst navigating were corroborated by a saccade to its descriptions were in terms of cardinal directions (see
location at (or very near, 72 s) the time retrospectively Extract 2, Table 1), but most described it in an egocentric
reported. In addition, agreement was found between the reference frame (see Extract 4, Table 1 and Extract 7,
two experimenters for 93% of classifications arising from Appendix A). For many subjects, determining the direction
the random sample of statements that were dual-classified is the most important aspect of the process (see Extracts 6
(k ¼ 0.91). and 8, Appendix A). The next stage of route planning
involves street selection, and was more diverse across
3.2. Overview of how wayfinding unfolds in a familiar city routes and individuals. This ranged from only selecting
the next street, to completely specifying the streets to
Our analysis of the verbal reports permitted a detailed the destination. Some subjects reported thinking of the
breakdown of how wayfinding unfolds in a familiar large street names, while others did not (see Extracts 10–13,
city (see Table 1, Fig. 2). In summary, we initially plan our Appendix A). Most often the streets selected were
route to a destination; en route we might adjust our plan described starting with the nearest street and ending with
because of new opportunities or obstructed paths. Some- streets close to the destination (see Extract 1, Table 1 and
times we plan our route only to an intermediate point and Extract 5, Appendix A), but occasionally there were
once reached, we then fill in the rest of the route plan. reports of starting from the destination and working
Often within a familiar environment we are almost on backwards (see Extract 21, Appendix A). Street selection
automatic pilot, ‘coasting’ along without thinking. We also appeared to be affected by the distance or number of
set up expectations, waiting to see the next junction or a streets to the goal destination. In addition, when selecting
landmark to confirm we are on the right track, occasionally the streets subjects often accounted for the one-way road
inspecting the city around us as we travel through it. We traffic system. The time of day and day of the week were
monitor the surrounding traffic to achieve safe passage to also important considerations as they related to road
our destination, and have to be able to plan our own congestion and the obstruction of streets due to street
actions, such as staying in a traffic lane or changing lanes. markets. Strategies were varied, one of the most common
Sometimes our emotional state might change, or we pause being to initially plan a route that would end up facing in a
to consider the thoughts of the people we encounter. It is direction towards the destination, and then filling in the
notable how recognisable the above aspects are to our rest of the route (see Extracts 7 and 8, Appendix A).
everyday experience of urban wayfinding, and yet many of Another strategy was to plan a route to a particular region
them have gone largely undocumented. What one truly or access point and then plan the next part of the route
appreciates from the retrospective verbal reports is how, from there (see Extracts 23 and 24, Appendix A). When
second by second, the underlying cognition can change choosing between options, some subjects reported attempt-
(Fig. 2). We now consider each of the thought categories in ing to keep it simple rather than choosing intricate
turn, and provide qualitative characterization of their routes (see Extract 6, Table 1). Some subjects reported
salient features. planning a few different route options in case of problems
en route, and also reported re-assessing the route plan after
3.3. Route planning it had been selected (see Extracts 17, 25 and 26, Appendix
A). A few subjects described imagining driving down the
Route planning is a crucial stage in wayfinding and it route at high speed in their ‘mind’s eye’ as part of a
occurred more frequently than any other category (see checking process (see Extracts 17, 18 and 22, Appendix A).
Fig. 3). In Appendix A we provide detailed extracts from Reports of imagery were not confined to ground-level
verbal reports describing route planning. It was possible to views, but also very occasionally included aerial views
identify three sub-categories of route planning: initial (see Extract 19, Appendix A), but no imagery of a map was
route planning, filling-in and re-planning (see Table 1). In reported.
the current study, initial route planning was driven by The verbal reports revealed that route planning rarely
either the customers’ requests at the start of each route stops after the initial plan. En route subjects often filled-in
or the customers’ requests for a change in destination a plan for next stage of the journey or re-planned part of
en route. No differences were discernable in the verbal the route. These two other types of route planning were
reports of route planning following these two causes of subject to similar considerations and strategies involved in
initial planning. Across subjects, the occurrences and initial route planning, but typically fewer streets and
durations of both filling-in and re-planning were similar directions were specified. Filling-in was typically precipi-
(see Fig. 4). tated by having finally reached a street facing towards the
Examination of the verbal reports shows that initial destination, reaching the end of a previously planned route
route planning involved a number of distinct stages segment, or reaching a new region. Often the filling-in
(see Table 1 and Appendix A). In the first instance, the commenced when the subject had finished turning into the
destination’s location must be retrieved. After this, the street they planned to reach, rather than at the moment of
ARTICLE IN PRESS
H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 241
Fig. 3. Frequency of thoughts and their durations across subjects for each category: (A) the mean number of occurrences for each thought category, (B)
the mean duration of each period for each thought category and (C) the mean total duration across all routes of each thought category.
spotting the street (see Extract 5, Table 1). Re-planning 3.4. Action planning, monitoring traffic and rule
often occurred because a street was obstructed (see Extract related thoughts
7, Table 1). Several subjects commented that this was quite
a common occurrence in London. Re-planning was also Once route planning is complete we need to make the
caused by subjects spontaneously realizing there was a appropriate actions to reach our goal. Many actions were
better route available, or very occasionally by accidentally made without subjects reporting any prior planning, such
passing the street they intended to use (see Extract 8, Table as keeping the vehicle in a straight line. However, other
1). There was a lack of mental imagery in descriptions of actions were reported to be preceded by a plan. These
filling-in and re-planning. action plans were distinguished from route plans by the
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242 H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249
Fig. 4. Route planning and emotions: sub-categories. (A) The total duration of each sub-category of route planning for each subject (rank ordered by total
number of events). (B) The total duration of each sub-category of emotion for each subject (rank ordered by total number of events).
fact that they specified a single action rather than a 3.5. Coasting
sequence of actions, and the action was to be executed at a
location currently in view. Action planning was the second Whilst route and action planning are the thought
most common category after route planning (see Fig. 3), categories that occurred most frequently, examining total
indicating that thinking about future events comprises a amount of time subjects spent in each cognitive state
considerable portion of the wayfinding experience. Many revealed a different story. For a good deal of the time spent
action plans involved thoughts about turning into a street wayfinding in this familiar city subjects reported ‘coasting’
that was currently in view and part of the route plan. along without any directed thoughts (see Fig. 3). This
Planned actions also included: changing lanes, making typically occurred on long stretches of road where subjects
U-turns and manoeuvring round moving vehicles. Action knew they did not need to make any further decisions
planning involving other traffic also involved monitoring (see Extracts 12 and 15, Table 1). Several subjects used the
the movements of these vehicles. Subjects also reported terms ‘automatic pilot’ or ‘switched off’ to describe the
monitoring the movement of vehicles on other occasions, experience.
such as when looking out for a street, to see if it was
accessible. Buses were often a concern for the subjects, 3.6. Visual inspection, expectation and confirmation or
since they provided the greatest risk of collision (see violation of expectations
Extract 30, Table 1). Like route planning, action planning
was also affected by road traffic rules, such as the one-way During any wayfinding excursion there are moments
streets and road markings (see Table 1). Often these related when we need to look around to acquire information about
to inhibiting particular actions, such as complying with ‘no the environment. Four distinct categories related to this
stopping’ signs (see Extract 36, Table 1). were identifiable in the verbal reports. Some periods of
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H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 243
The final core stage of initial planning, retrieving/ was observed in descriptions where subjects opted for the
selecting the streets, contributed most to subjects’ route simpler route when choosing between two similar route
planning descriptions and it also features most prominently options. The fine-to-coarse heuristic (Wiener & Mallot,
in wayfinding models (Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers, 1978; 2003) was also evident in the reports of subjects who first
Kuipers et al., 2003; Passini, 1981, 1984; Peponis et al., selected the region in which the destination lay and then
1990; Stern & Portugali, 1999; Timpf et al., 1992). The planned the route to that region, and the partial planning
models of Kuipers (1978, 2003) and Timpf et al. (1992) was for routes covering large distances. Strategies we
consider route planning as the construction of a set of identified that are not obviously specified in models
instructions for movement between places along paths in a included re-checking the route once it has been selected,
cognitive map stored in memory. In agreement with such using ground-level mental imagery of moving through
models, the verbal reports often contained a specification the streets to see if it is correct, and the planning of multiple
of the paths (streets) and directions (left, right) necessary to route options in case of problems. The use of mental
reach the destination. Similar to the models, the travel imagery in navigation has been reported in some
instructions were mostly specified starting near the current studies (Gerber & Kwan, 1994; Passini, 1984), but not
location and progress, street by street, towards the goal others (e.g. Chebat et al., 2005). Gerber and Kwan’s (1994)
(Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; observation that some subjects visualized the next five
Passini, 1981, 1984; Timpf et al., 1992). The fact that many streets ahead is consistent with the reports from some of
routes were not completely specified is also consistent our subjects. Like taxi drivers from Paris and Chicago,
with the partial planning suggested in several models London taxi drivers do not appear to use bird’s eye
(e.g. Garling et al., 1984; Passini, 1981, 1984) and similar imagery of a map for planning routes (Chase, 1982;
observations in previous studies (Holscher et al., 2007; Pailhous, 1970, 1984). Thus, if survey-like representations
Passini, 1981, 1984). Passini’s (1981, 1984) model draws the (Siegel & White, 1975; Thorndyke & Hayes-Roth, 1982;
distinction between this process of retrieving the map of the Tolman, 1948) support wayfinding on some routes in
environment to select the streets and the direct retrieval of familiar environments, they do not take the form of mental
stored instructions for very familiar routes. Our data images of maps.
generally support this distinction, in that for some routes Another strategy, deduced from the study of Parisian
no streets were specified and subjects stated they just knew taxi drivers, is the use of primary street networks to
where to go. This also agrees with previous reports of the facilitate wayfinding (Pailhous, 1970, 1984). Chase (1982)
rapid ‘automatic’ route choices made by experienced taxi found no evidence for such a strategy in studies of Chicago
drivers (Chase, 1982; Pailhous, 1970, 1984). However, our taxi drivers. Similarly in our data there is no evidence for
data also serve to highlight that even in familiar environ- an explicit use of this strategy. However, the representation
ments planning routes to some destinations can be very may be more subtle. Recently, a retired taxi driver with
detailed, with multiple factors considered and strategies damage to his hippocampus bilaterally (patient TT) was
used. tested on his navigation in the virtual simulation of
A number of strategies for aiding route planning have London used in the current study (Maguire, Nannery, &
been identified in previous studies and incorporated into Spiers, 2006). Patient TT could only navigate accurately
some cognitive models (e.g. Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers, when the destinations could be reached using predomi-
1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; Timpf et al., 1992). By strategy nantly the main arterial ‘A’ roads. Thus, it may be that
we mean the use of a particular heuristic or switching of when navigational ability is compromised, a primary
behaviour that is not a requirement for the task but coarse network of London’s major streets is retained and
improves performance or frees up cognitive resources. helps to support residual navigational ability.
Some strategies we identified could be related to those All models distinguish between the need to form an
previously described, while others were novel and not initial route plan and make further plans en route. Most
previously reported. In Passini’s (1981, 1984) model focus on re-planning caused by changes to the environ-
decisions are hierarchical, organized with over arching ment, such as a street being blocked off. Our temporal
goals at the top-level and sub-goals beneath. This was not a precedence analysis showed that indeed route planning
dominant feature of the route plans of our subjects. This events were more often preceded by expectation violation
difference may relate to the fact that Passini’s model is events than would be predicted by chance. Re-planning
based the verbal reports of navigation inside buildings could also be driven by subjects spontaneously realizing
(see also Holscher et al., 2007). However, one strategy there was a better option or by missing a turning,
reported did fit this approach: initially planning a route to additional reasons not considered in the models. A few
end up facing in the direction toward the destination before models draw the distinction between filling-in and re-
planning the full route. The layout of the environment and planning (Passini, 1981, 1984; Wiener & Mallot, 2003). Our
the route requirements have also been suggested to finding that filling-in often occurs after the subject had
influence route planning strategies (Conroy-Dalton, 2003; entered a new street rather than as soon as this street was
Holscher et al., 2007; Wiener & Mallot, 2003; Wiener et al., spotted does not feature in any model. Such a delay may
2004). The least-decision-load strategy (Wiener et al., 2004) relate to the subjects cognitive resources being taken up
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246 H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249
with making an appropriate action (e.g. changing lane) to identified in our study are completely absent in the models.
turn into the street. The categories emotions and theory of mind were reported
Several models highlight the importance of the link by all subjects. While these may not be necessary for
between the observation of an expected landmark/view successful wayfinding, they are not irrelevant to it. For
(expectation confirmation) and a cue to perform a instance, it is often useful to be able to predict/interpret the
particular action (action planning) (Garling et al., 1984; actions of other people, since they may know something
Kuipers, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; Stern and Portugali, important about the environment. For example observing
1999; Timpf et al., 1992). Our temporal precedence analysis someone reversing out of a street might lead you to wonder
provides direct support for this link. It also revealed that in why they chose to take that action—perhaps the street
the context of driving it is not just static features of the beyond is blocked. Wayfinding can be stressful, particu-
environment that can initiate this process. We found larly when it involves driving in a large city where road
monitoring traffic often preceded expectation confirma- rage is a too frequent occurrence. The observation that
tions. Examining the verbal reports suggested this was angry and anxious thoughts dominate the emotional
mostly caused by monitoring the traffic on the road ahead experience confirms that this was the case for many of
to detect the next street in the route plan and then the subjects in the current experiment.
monitoring their movements after the street had been To summarize, our findings agree with many compo-
detected to assess its accessibility. This relationship nents of current models of wayfinding, but also reveal
between monitoring traffic and navigational cues was not new features not captured by them. The sequential and
predicted by models involving vehicle driving (Kuipers, hierarchical nature of route planning outlined in models
1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; Timpf et al., 1992). was evident in our data. As were the distinctions between
The existence of periods of expectation during naviga- route planning and action planning, and between initial
tion replicates similar observations in from previous studies route planning and spontaneous route planning. We
employing verbal reports (Chebat et al., 2005; Holscher observed several previously described route planning
et al., 2007; Passini 1981, 1984). However, unlike Passini’s strategies, including the least-decision-load strategy
verbal reports, there was no indication from our subjects (Wiener et al., 2004) and the fine-to-coarse planning
that they were holding a mental image in mind during these heuristic (Wiener & Mallot, 2003). Several models pre-
periods. Our results revealed that expectation was not the dicted the sequence of thoughts: expectation, expectation
only state that subjects were occupied by during wayfind- confirmation and action planning, which were related to
ing. The most common state to be in was in fact coasting carrying out the route plan (Garling et al., 1984; Kuipers,
along, not thinking directed thoughts. Given its prevalence, 1978; Kuipers et al., 2003; Passini, 1981, 1984). Aspects of
it is surprising that this category was not identified in our data not captured in the models include certain
previous studies examining verbal reports in wayfinding components of route planning, monitoring traffic to
tasks (Chebat et al., 2005; Dogu & Erkip, 2000; Gerber & detect the next waypoint, and the under-emphasis of visual
Kwan, 1994; Holscher et al., 2007; Kato & Takeuchi, 2003; processing and other cognitive states during wayfinding.
Passini, 1981, 1984; Titus & Everett, 1996). One likely With regard to route planning, extant models fail to reflect
reason for this is that many of the previous studies used the importance of determining the direction to the
concurrent ‘think aloud’ verbal report protocols. In ‘think destination. We found no evidence for the use of a primary
aloud’ procedures, coasting periods would have been network of roads to facilitate route planning (Kuipers
observed as gaps between utterances and thus not et al., 2003; Pailhous, 1970; Pailhous 1984), but instead
necessarily classified. we found a number of other strategies including planning
Another category missing from the descriptions in the route to a location facing towards the destination
previous studies and models are thoughts relating to visual and then planning the rest of the route. Overall, our
inspection, where subjects reported looking at a particular results indicate that wayfinding involves much more than
fixed feature in the environment. After coasting, visual simply planning, and carrying out plans. It can evoke a
inspection accounted for more time during the task than range of emotions, spark interest in the surrounding
the other thought categories. Some models include the need environment and lead one to consider the thoughts of
to update information from signs or environmental fellow wayfinders.
features (Garling et al., 1984; Passini, 1981, 1984), which In conclusion, much of our day-to-day wayfinding
would fall into this category. However, this only represents behaviour takes place in familiar urban environments. By
one possible reason for visual inspection. Many of the combining interactive virtual reality and retrospective
statements involved looking at features such as statues, verbal reports, the complexity and dynamic nature of the
shops and large buildings simply out of curiosity, rather cognition behind wayfinding in a well-known busy city has
than to gain specific information. Thus, visual inspection been revealed. Our findings lend some support to extant
may relate partly to keeping oriented in the environment, models of wayfinding, but also suggest that they might
but also to generally looking at features out of interest. require revision to account for the diversity and temporal
Whilst visual processing of the environment has received order of thoughts, as well as additional wayfinding
little attention in the models, other aspects of cognition we strategies. In the future, further use and development of
ARTICLE IN PRESS
H.J. Spiers, E.A. Maguire / Journal of Environmental Psychology 28 (2008) 232–249 247
I know I’m going in the right direction and I’ won’t place like Royal Courts of Justice, I’m thinking what
make a decision until I get closer towards the end. That’s street’s it in, that’s the first thingyThat’s how everyone
how it works sort of learns it initially, so Royal Courts of Justice is in the
Strand. That’s what I’m thinking initially and then I’m
Extract 15: Sub. 17
thinking both, what road it’s in or what it looks like. So it
What I’m actually doing is allowing myself time—this is
could be either option. The Royal Courts of Justice, I
very delicate, I never knew it was as delicate as this—but
probably thought the Strand; then I pictured it. If it doesn’t
what you’re actually doing is: instead of taking the whole
snap in to perspective straightaway you normally need a
route in one go, you’re take a safe step forward to the next
keyword, the two things go together to pick up a memory
one to reappraize where you’re going to go and then it
somewhere. When it works, instantly then you’ve got like a
gives you time to think and to relax. And then what you do
snap, if you like, flashing ziggly, zaggly line and you can fill
is you take the next stage stepping stone, but by then
in the detail as you go along. And it’s more or less right
you’ve always got it, you’ve had enough time to zoom it in
Navigating by region
Extract 16: Sub. 18 Extract 23: Sub. 1
Once you’ve got the basic plan in your head and you just There are various points in London where there are only
fill in the detail as you go along one way in and one way out and when you do the
knowledge, even though I did it 20 years ago, you learn
Mental imagery
those ways in and they stick
Extract 17: Sub. 17
And that’s all visual in my mind. When I do it here, I Extract 24: Sub. 15
zigzag visually, so I do a fast forward. The nearest you can You take a region and head for the region first and then
get to it is very, veryy less than a second, very, very fast I sort of branch out
go de-de-de-de-de that fits. So in my mind I’m going very
Considering options and re-assessing
fast visually and I’m seeing the streets, not from a plan
Extract 25: Sub. 18
bird’s eye view, but just forward fast, left, right and it’s
I pretty much know what I’m going to do and what I’m
done. It’s done as quick as that, but it’s visual. It’s
going to come across and also just bearing in mind that
checking—yes, that’s it, that’ll work
some roads are closed. I’ve got at the back of my mind
Extract 18: Sub. 6 maybe another alternative route just in case ofy the roads,
You see it likey it’s like a Schumacher run [Formula the roads are closed. I remember someone did say to me
one motor car race]. Yes. It’s just like that. And you see it in once when I first started he said just have a couple of
your mind. Jun, jun, jun, It’s done in seconds. Because of options just in case there is traffic, you can’t do a specific
the nature of the job, you’ve also got to concentrate on turn or something
controlling the vehicle and putting it in the right location to
Extract 26: Sub. 18
do that journey
Obviously once you’ve got the route, then you double
Extract 19: Sub. 17 check it several times in your head. Because sometimes, you
I’ve got an over-patched picture of Peter Street. It know, you’ve got it in place and you’re getting there and
sounds daft, but I don’t view it from ground level, it was you think, no, hang on, that’s completely wrong.
slightly up and I could see the whole area as though I was
about 50 foot up. And I saw Peter Street, I saw the market Statements in square brackets and italics provide
and I knew I had to get down to Peter Street additional information to clarify what the preceding
statements refer to. Statements in parentheses and italics
Extract 20: provide information about a subject’s behaviour.
Experimenter
Were you imagining driving all the way down to the Old
Bailey? References
Sub. 17
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