Pseudo Shaykh Bahai On The Supreme Name PDF

Light upon Light
Essays in Islamic Thought and History

in Honor of Gerhard Bowering
Edited by
Jamal J. Elias
Bilal Orfali
LEIDEN | BOSTON
For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV

Contents
Preface xi
Publications by Gerhard Bowering xiv
Notes on Contributors xxiv
Part 1
Quran and Early Islam
1 Scholarship and Folklore?

A Comparison of the Earliest Sources: ʿUrwa b. al-Zubayr and Wahb b.
al-Munabbih 3
Mareike Koertner
2 The Rise of Islam in a Judeo-Christian Context 25

Jonathan E. Brockopp
3 Biblical Turns of Phrase in the Quran 45

Gabriel Said Reynolds
4 The Interpretation of the Covenant Verse in Classical Imami

Theology 70
Hussein Ali Abdulsater
5 Kitāb intizāʿāt al-Qurʾān al-ʿaẓīm

A Compendium of Quranic Quotations Attributed to the Fatimid Secretary
Abū l-Qāsim ʿAlī Ibn al-Ṣayrafī (d. 542/1147) 91
Bilal W. Orfali
Part 2
Sufism, Shiʿism, and Lettrism
6 Risāla fī l-ṣifāt wa-ʿilm al-tawḥīd

A Sufi Treatise Attributed to Abū Saʿīd Aḥmad b. ʿĪsā al-Kharrāz
(d. 286/899) 139
Nada Saab

viii contents
7 Shiʿi Literature in the Late Ninth Century

Isḥāq al-Aḥmar al-Nakhaʿī (d. 286/899) and His Writings 164
Mushegh Asatryan
8 The Treatise on the Ascension (al-Risāla al-miʿrājiyya)

Cosmology and Time in the Writings of Abū l-Ḥasan al-Shushtarī
(d. 668/1269) 182
Yousef Casewit
9 The Image of Qalandar in the Dīvān-i Shams 239

Janis Esots
10 Pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī on the Supreme Name, a Safavid-Qajar Lettrist

Classic 256
Matthew Melvin-Koushki
11 Sufism and Islamic Identity in Jalaluddin Rumi’s Anatolia 291

Jamal J. Elias
12 India as a Sufi Spacetime in the Work of Jamālī of Delhi 316

Shahzad Bashir
Part 3
Philosophy
13 Knowledge on Display
Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s Universal Compendium 335
Amina M. Steinfels
14 Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s Taxonomy of Extraordinary Acts 347

Tariq Jaffer
15 Believing Is Seeing
The Universe in the Eyes of al-Bīrūnī and Ibn Sīnā 366
Mahan Mirza
16 Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Soteriology 383

Alexander Treiger

contents ix
17 Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī and the Art of Knowing 401

Joseph Lumbard
Part 4
Literature and Culture
18 Religious Satire in the Maqāmāt of al-Hamadhānī 423

Matthew Ingalls
19 Doctrinal Anxiety and Social Reality regarding Music and Dance in

Mamluk Cairo
Ibn al-Ḥājj on al-Samāʿ, To Sing or Not: The Case against Music 440
Li Guo
Index of Arabic and Persian Terms 453

Index of Proper Names 455

chapter 10
Pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī on the Supreme Name, a

Safavid-Qajar Lettrist Classic
Matthew Melvin-Koushki
How vividly I remember my first formal introduction to lettrism (ʿilm al-

ḥurūf )—at the hand, naturally, of Professor Bowering. It was the fall of 2006,
and I had recently moved to New Haven to begin my doctoral work under his
direction. On a typically crisp New England day, the trees riotous with color, we
assembled for our reading seminar on Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Sulamī, the famed
fifth/eleventh-century Iranian Sufi sage and traditionist, on whose major tafsīr
our Doktorvater had been working for several years; he announced that we
would be reading (or rather, philologically ransacking) Sulamī’s Sharḥ maʿānī
l-ḥurūf.1 We plumbed that lettrist treatise over a period of weeks; little did I
then suspect that the science it treated would become the subject of my dis-
sertation, and thence the core of my broader scholarly vision to the present.
Although there and elsewhere I have inveighed against the reflexive disappear-
ing of the occult sciences, including lettrism, into Sufism,2 that encounter with
Sulamī, the Sufi lettrist, was nothing if not fateful.
Speaking of fate: in a nice bit of synchronicity (az gharāyib-i ittifāqāt), it just
so happens that the first Arabic-Islamicate text I ever managed to slog through,
back in Amman in 1998, with a new Hans Wehr to hand, was Sulamī’s history
of Sufism, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya. Curious, no?
1 For a translation and study of this treatise, see, of course, Böwering, Sulamī’s treatise.
2 See e.g. Melvin-Koushki, Quest; Melvin-Koushki, World as (Arabic) text. This is not to suggest
that these two distinct intellectual-cultural currents did not intersect and fuse in culturally
productive ways; as Noah Gardiner has shown, it was precisely the sanctification of lettrism
in particular, this through its association with Ibn al-ʿArabī and al-Būnī in Mamluk Cairo and
Damascus during the seventh/thirteenth and eighth/fourteenth centuries, that propelled it
to mainstream status from the ninth/fifteenth century onward. Gardiner, Esotericism in a
manuscript culture. This sanctification process similarly encompassed a number of other
occult sciences, including alchemy and geomancy, whereby they, too, were increasingly clas-
sified as the sciences of walāya; at the same time, they remained a standard and significant
subset of the natural and mathematical sciences, and especially the latter. Melvin-Koushki,
Powers of one.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004410121_011

pseudo-shaykh bahāʾī on the supreme name 257
In tribute to Gerhard Bowering, then, who set me—unintentionally, and at

times to his dismay!—on the straight path of Islamicate occultism studies, few
offerings could be more fitting than a philological exercise in the history of
lettrism. Such an exercise follows. Building on my work on Timurid-Turkmen-
Safavid Iran, I here take the example of Shaykh Bahāʾī, Safavid shaykh al-islām
and renaissance man extraordinaire, to whom was attributed by or in the Qajar
era a curious lettrist mas̱navī on the Supreme Name (dar rumūz-i ism-i aʿẓam)
that remains in wide circulation to the present.3 Indeed, that the eminent aya-
tollah Ḥasan Ḥasanzāda Āmulī (b. 1928) saw fit to write a commentary treatise
on this poem as recently as 1979 suggests it as a going Twelver scholarly, as
well as popular, concern.4 But the different versions that circulate, in print and
online, are all highly textually corrupt; while lettrist works of any era are fre-
quently cryptic, to be sure, the lettrist procedures it hints at are obscure even
to experienced scholars and specialists like Ḥasanzāda Āmulī, author of occult-
scientific works in his own right.
The problem this odd yet enduringly popular text presents is thus first and
foremost a philological one; but its analysis naturally debouches, I submit, onto
themes of central importance to the intellectual, cultural, and even political
history of Safavid Iran, as well as their reverberations and transformations in
Qajar Iran and indeed in the Islamic Republic. I therefore here undertake to
establish a more coherent version of the text as a basis for such analysis; pro-
vide an annotated translation to open it to specialists unfamiliar with lettrism;
and briefly situate it in its originary Safavid-Qajar contexts. As I will confirm,
this poem cannot be considered authentic; yet it does authentically represent
the high Safavid culture of which Shaykh Bahāʾī was such a pivotal exponent
and architect—as well as the Qajar scholarly and popular imaginary, naturally
somewhat garbled, of that culture over two centuries later. For the bulk of the
text is haphazardly extracted from a longer lettrist mas̱navī, the Kunūz al-asmāʾ
3 Most notably, it is included in standard editions of Shaykh Bahāʾī’s divan; see e.g. al-ʿĀmilī,
Kulliyyāt, ed. Javāhirī 93–99 (the editor does note its doubtful attribution). For other ver-
sions see below. Note that the Khavāṣṣ-i asmā-yi ilāhī attributed to Shaykh Bahāʾī and pre-
served as MS Majlis 319/12 (158–162) is presumably the same work, as is the brief didactic
poem on the active properties of letters preserved as MS Malik 3505/5 (fols. 29a–38b, copied
1301/1883), which appears from its incipit and explicit to be a truncated version of the same.
See Naṣrābādī, Kitābshināsī 627–628, no. 38. That the latter occurs in a majmūʿa of occult-
scientific works opening with a Persian treatise by Ibn Turka on the same topic is of particular
salience in the present context.
4 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī, Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 371–425. See also Ḥasanzāda Āmulī, Durūs-i hayʾat ii,
794.

258 melvin-koushki
(Namehoards), by Maḥmūd Dihdār Shīrāzī (fl. 1576), Shaykh Bahāʾī’s teacher

in the occult sciences and the most prolific Persian author on lettrism of the
tenth/sixteenth century.5
Dihdār, in short, fairly epitomizes Safavid lettrist culture;6 and Shaykh Bahāʾī
would seem to have been his greatest student. That our author wrote a rather
popular commentary on his own poem, the Javāhir al-asrār, therefore makes
it possible to discern precisely in what scientific and literary respects alike its
Qajar bowdlerization departs from Dihdār’s original. Such departures may in
turn suggest a broader degree of intellectual-historical discontinuity between
the Safavid and Qajar eras—but a discontinuity nonetheless rooted in a com-
mon textual tradition of remarkable continuity, and one that persists, at least
in contemporary Twelver scholarly circles, even in the all-rupturing teeth of
colonialist-capitalist modernity.
As for the Safavid intellectual-imperial context, this offering acts as supple-
ment to my forthcoming book The occult science of empire in Aqquyunlu-Safavid
Iran: Two Shirazi lettrists and their manuals of magic, which features Maḥmūd
Dihdār as one of the two case studies of the title; it also neatly slots into the
framework developed by Kathryn Babayan in her landmark Mystics, monar-
chs, and messiahs: Cultural landscapes of early modern Iran,7 as well as the
work of Cornell Fleischer and Azfar Moin on the contemporary Ottoman and
Mughal imperial contexts respectively,8 and Evrim Binbaş’s and my own on the
Timurid.9 It is likewise conceived of as a modest contribution to Shaykh Bahāʾī
studies. Unlike all other treatments of this towering figure to date, however,
the present study takes seriously his reputation—one that began to grow in his
own lifetime and burgeoned after his death—as the most powerful practicing
occultist of his generation.10 For all its faults, the text at hand has propagated to
5 On this author see Melvin-Koushki, Maḥmud Dehdār Širāzi; Melvin-Koushki, Occult sci-
ence of empire.
6 Equally influential, if decidedly less scientific, was the lettrist cosmological approach of
Rajab al-Bursī (d. 1411); see Melvin-Koushki, Safavid Twelver lettrism.
7 Babayan, Mystics, monarchs, and messiahs.
8 See e.g. Fleischer, Ancient wisdom; Moin, Millennial sovereign.
9 Binbaş, Intellectual networks; Melvin-Koushki, Quest.
10 Emblematic of the materialist-positivist valorization of Shaykh Bahāʾī in modern schol-
arship, wherein his occult-scientific interests are wholly elided, is C.E. Bosworth’s list of
his many professional roles (Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī 12): “eminent theologian, philosopher,
Qurʾān commentator, jurisprudent, astronomer, teacher, poet and engineer.” For a (simi-
larly occultophobic) overview of Shaykh Bahāʾī’s life, character, sociopolitical impact, and
scholarly output see ʿAbbās, Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī. For the state of the field of Shaykh
Bahāʾī studies see Stewart, Brief history of scholarship, and Stewart’s numerous studies
reprinted in the same volume; and Stewart, Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī.

the present because it helps sustain that legend, and indeed shows it to have a
substantial core of historical truth.
1 Safavid Philosophy as Occult-Scientific Practice
In recent decades, and watered by the labors of Henry Corbin in particular,

the study of Safavid philosophy has emerged as a fertile subfield in its own
right; it is routinely identified by specialists and nonspecialists alike as the
early modern culmination of Islamicate metaphysical thought in its grand
synthesis of all preceding philosophical, theological, and mystical currents—
Avicennan, Illuminationist, Sufi, Sunni, Shiʿi.11 We now have a general picture
of the intellectual and religious commitments of the most prominent Safavid
philosophers, including in the first place Mullā Ṣadrā Shīrāzī (d. 1635) and
his teachers, and their crucial role in the creation of a new Safavid impe-
rial Twelver Shiʿi culture is universally acknowledged. We understand that the
central focus of many Safavid thinkers is Neoplatonic theosis (taʾalluh), aka
theomimesis (tashabbuh bi-l-bāriʾ), a concept signaling adherence to a spe-
cific set of ascetic-mystical practices aimed at purifying the mind and body
and preparing them for transcendence.12 But the history of the practice of
Safavid philosophy has yet to be written; quite simply, we have little idea
how its exponents lived their systems, how they constructed this new soci-
ety.13
While our ignorance in this respect is a problem besetting the study of Islam-
icate philosophy in general, it is especially hobbling with respect to its Safavid
subset. For the tenor of Safavid philosophy is strongly Neoplatonic in most
respects, as is widely recognized;14 less recognized is the fact that, in practical
terms, this philosophical commitment entailed an embrace of the Neoplatonic
notion of sage (ḥakīm) as occultist architect of the world, theurgic invoker of
the celestial and the divine through practices expressly magical in order to
11 Naturally, individual scholars have emphasized certain of these elements over others
according to personal taste and training; Sajjad Rizvi identifies, for instance, four distinct
approaches to Mullā Ṣadrā: esotericist, comparativist, Avicennist, and Iranian nativist.
Rizvi, Mullā Ṣadrā and metaphysics 6–14.
12 Ibid. 24–26.
13 Rizvi, Philosophy as a way of life 44.
14 On this Neoplatonic turn see Pourjavady and Schmidtke, Eastern renaissance?; Rizvi,
(Neo)Platonism revived.

260 melvin-koushki
understand—and shape—reality. That is to say, an investment in the occult

sciences (al-ʿulūm al-gharība) was not only considered unproblematic by the
majority of Safavid scholarly elites, but in fact indispensable to the practice of
Neoplatonic philosophy.15 This point has long been appreciated by specialists
of Late Antique or Renaissance Neoplatonism; but persistent scholarly posi-
tivism and occultophobia, on the one hand, and the Corbinian insistence on
disappearing occultism into the uselessly flabby and expressly apolitical cat-
egories of “mysticism” and “esotericism,” on the other, means that this basic
aspect of philosophical practice in Safavid Iran has yet to be acknowledged,
much less studied.
The equally strong Neopythagorean tenor of Safavid philosophy is also rou-
tinely elided in the literature, and for similar reasons. Here again, it is well
known among specialists that Neopythagoreanism as a distinct Late Antique
philosophical current was effectively fused with Neoplatonism from Plotinus
and Iamblichus onward (to the everlasting annoyance of Aristotelians). As
such, the great resurgence of Neoplatonic-Neopythagorean-occultist thought
in fifteenth–seventeenth-century Europe known as the Renaissance featured
the lionization of Pythagoras, father of philosophia itself, as preeminent model
of sage-as-mage, (occult) scientist and mystic in equal measure.16 The Neopy-
thagorean cosmogonic doctrine positing number as the first and most funda-
mental principle of the universe, the intellect’s sole vehicle of return to the One,
accordingly became foundational to early modern Christianate philosophy-
science. This led in turn to the celebrated mathematization of the cosmos, a
quest that culminated with Isaac Newton’s (d. 1727) Principia mathematica, uni-
versally hailed as the basis for “scientific modernity.”
Yet Pythagoras was lionized in precisely the same fashion by Safavid philoso-
phers, antiquarianist-perennialists to a man; his synthesis of metaphysical
speculation and mystical-magical practice was highly salient to those thinkers
who sought to do the same. Given its Neopythagorean bent, therefore, we
should expect Safavid philosophy to be characterized by a certain mathema-
tizing tendency—and hence a commitment to lettrism, together with astrology
15 This rubric, meaning those sciences that are unusual, rare, or difficult—i.e., elite sci-
ences—, includes astrology, alchemy, and a variety of magical and divinatory techniques,
routinely designated as such in encyclopedias of the sciences, chronicles, biographical
dictionaries, theological and legal tracts, etc.; less frequently used terms in the Persianate
context are ʿulūm khafiyya or ghāmiḍa, sciences that are hidden or occult. Its nineteenth-
century European flavor notwithstanding, the term “occultism” is here used to denote to
a scholarly investment in one or more of the occult sciences.
16 See e.g. Celenza, Pythagoras in the Renaissance.

and geomancy, as a primary occult-scientific application of mathematics by the

Safavid period, and the chiefest expression of Islamic Neopythagoreanism.17
Enter Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad al-ʿĀmilī (d. 1621), aka Shaykh Bahāʾī. Widely
famed as an authority on astronomy and the mathematical sciences, quite lit-
erally an architect of the new Safavid imperial capital of Isfahan and a founding
member of its new philosophical school, the Baalbeki sage manifestly sought
to incarnate this dual Neoplatonic-Neopythagorean ideal.18 That this ideal
entailed the heavy use of the occult sciences—especially as a preferred means
of Shiʿizing Iran19—is confirmed by a wide range of contemporary sources,
from chronicles and biographical dictionaries to philosophical-scientific trea-
tises and encyclopedias of the sciences.
Three programmatic works may here be considered representative. Espe-
cially revealing is the schema offered by Abū l-Qāsim Anṣārī Kāzirūnī (fl. 1605),
a prominent Shirazi scholar in the service, like Shaykh Bahāʾī, of Shah ʿAbbās
the Great (r. 1587–1629); this Kāzirūnī does in his Sullam al-samāvāt (Ladder
to the heavens), which eclectic Persian work is devoted to constructing an
intellectual-religious pedigree for his patron that is simultaneously Twelver
Shiʿi, Sufi, and occultist. To this end, the Sullam includes a long chapter tax-
onomizing the occult sciences as a subset not of the natural or mathematical
sciences, as they were usually classified from al-Fārābī and Ibn Sīnā onward,
17 This is particularly pronounced in the work of Mīr Dāmād, explicitly following Ibn Turka;
see Melvin-Koushki, World as (Arabic) text. On the process whereby various occult sci-
ences were gradually mathematicalized in classifications of the sciences (sg. taṣnīf al-
ʿulūm) between the fourth/tenth and eleventh/seventeenth centuries in the Persianate
world more generally, and its intimate intellectual-sociological connection to the parallel
but far more celebrated mathematization of astronomy, see Melvin-Koushki, Powers of
one; Melvin-Koushki, Of Islamic grammatology.
18 As Tunikābunī remarks in his Qiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ (295), “The Shaykh had an absolute mastery
of most sciences, and was an exceptional mathematician in particular.” The latter is the
author of works on astronomy, including Tashrīḥ al-aflāk (Anatomy of the heavens), in
Persian, and Risāla fī Taḍārīs al-arḍ (On the topographical features of the earth), a super-
commentary on one section of Qāżīzāda Rūmī’s commentary on Chaghmīnī’s Epitome of
astronomy. In the field of mathematics, his Baḥr al-ḥisāb on arithmetic and its abridge-
ment Khulāṣat al-ḥisāb were quite popular as teaching texts for centuries. On his works
in both fields see e.g. Abisaab, Converting Persia 171; Qaṣrī, Sīmāʾī az Shaykh Bahāʾī 97–
132; Bābāpūr, Nigāhī bi Ās̱ār-i Riyāżī-yi Shaykh Bahāʾī. On the mathematicalization of the
occult sciences—a process that culminated precisely during Shaykh Bahāʾī’s lifetime—
see Melvin-Koushki, Powers of one.
19 Dihdār’s lettrism, for instance, while smoothly continuous with Timurid Sunni prece-
dent, involves the talismanic harnessing of the Fourteen Infallibles (chahārdah maʿṣūm)
for political and other ends; see e.g. his Zubdat al-alvāḥ (Choicest talismans), edited and
translated in Melvin-Koushki, Occult science of empire.

262 melvin-koushki
but exclusively of walāya, here presented as Sufi-style sainthood rather than

a Twelver theological category.20 Similarly, the Riyāż al-abrār (Gardens of the
righteous) of Ḥusayn ʿAqīlī Rustamdārī, a comprehensive Persian encyclopedia
written in Qazvin in 1571 for Shah Ṭahmāsb (r. 1524–1576) and treating of some
90 sciences in systematic fashion, features both a strong Twelver flavor and
a heavy emphasis on the occult sciences. Most significantly, therein Rustam-
dārī, too. breaks with precedent to reclassify two occult sciences—astrology
(ʿilm al-nujūm) and geomancy (ʿilm al-raml)—as mathematical, while strongly
implying that most of the other occult sciences transcend even that category in
their connection to the Imams as sole vectors of walāya, including in the first
place lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf ) and alchemy (ʿilm al-kīmiyā).21
Finally, the philosophical summa of Mīr Dāmād (d. 1631), foremost philoso-
pher of his generation and Shaykh Bahāʾī’s close colleague, likewise penned at
the request of Shah ʿAbbās: titled Jaẕavāt u mavāqīt (Firebrands and epipha-
nies) in intimation of its author’s Illuminationist proclivities, this remark-
able Persian work presents its royal patron with a new, explicitly Twelver,
perennialist-antiquarianist, Neoplatonic-Neopythagorean philosophy—one
whose primary scientific application is precisely lettrism. For all that this basic
feature of Mīr Dāmād’s thought has been lost on modern scholarship, it was
still duly appreciated by Qajar philosophers, and the circle of Mullā ʿAlī Nūrī
(d. 1831) in particular. That great reviver of Sadrian philosophy thoroughly
glossed both this and Mīr Dāmād’s Nibrās al-ḍiyāʾ wa-taswāʾ al-sawāʾ (Lamp of
illumination and keeping the balance), another openly lettrist work, together
with the seminal K. al-Mafāḥiṣ (Book of inquiries) of Ibn Turka (d. 1432),
their primary source.22 As for the sage of Astarabad himself, he was clearly
more concerned with theory than with practice, in rather sharp contrast to
his enterprising polymath colleague Shaykh Bahāʾī, and does not figure in the
sources as a major occultist. But Mīr Dāmād’s comprehensive Neopythagore-
anization of Safavid philosophy provided a robust epistemological framework
in which Safavid occult science could and did flourish. And this philosopher,
too, does seem to have been willing to practice his theory at certain critical
junctures; Mīr Dāmād’s great-grandson Mīr Muḥammad Ashraf ʿAlawī (d. 1718)
20 Kāzirūnī, Sullam al-samāvāt 81–130.

21 This encyclopedia is unpublished; see Melvin-Koushki, Powers of one 166–168. Mīr Find-
iriskī (d. 1640), close colleague to Mīr Dāmād and Shaykh Bahāʾī both, was particularly
invested in the latter science, though of course his alchemical works likewise remain
unpublished.
22 Mīr Dāmād, Jaẕavāt u mavāqīt; Mīr Dāmād, Nibrās al-ḍiyāʾ; Melvin-Koushki, Quest 80–81,
113, 437, 573–574.

famously credits him, for instance, with saving Iran from Ottoman invasion by
means of a lettrist invocation.23
2 Shaykh Bahāʾī as Safavid Mage
I am without peer in this era, the one

whose glory is sung by the Scribe of Glory
and inscribed on every building!
Wherever you go you hear tell of me,
in every country my mention is current.
Shaykh Bahāʾī24
As quintessential Safavid Neopythagoreanizing sage, then, it is hardly surpris-

ing that Shaykh Bahāʾī comes off in contemporary and later sources as precisely
one of the most powerful mages of the early modern era. From the Safavid
period to the Qajar, and the Qajar to the present, he was and is celebrated as
master of the talismanic magic square, seasoned spellcaster, seer of the unseen,
author of fearful illusions. But how did this sage-mage learn his practical let-
trist arts? At the hand, some later sources suggest, of Maḥmūd Dihdār him-
self.25
Regardless of the probability of a personal connection between the two men,
however high, Maḥmūd Dihdār’s manuals of letter magic and letter divina-
tion represent the state of the art in Safavid Iran during the second half of the
tenth/sixteenth century, and as such would certainly have been absorbed by
a polymath as voracious and unrelenting as Shaykh Bahāʾī. The open acclaim
of his mastery of the occult sciences, even in official Safavid chronicles, thus
provides a counterweight to the curious silence surrounding Maḥmūd Dihdār’s
career. Iskandar Beg Munshī (d. 1633), court historian to Shah ʿAbbās, indites in
23 Jaʿfariyān, Naqsh-i khāndān 409–410. As to the enduringly popular association of Mīr

Dāmād with Shaykh Bahāʾī precisely in lettrist terms, an anecdote related by Nāẓim al-
Islām Kirmānī (d. 1919), the renowned chronicler of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution,
is representative: he reports having met, in Shawwāl 1326 (October–November 1908), a cer-
tain individual who claimed to be in possession of a talismanic shirt prepared by the two
great Safavid scholars for Shah ʿAbbās, with the virtue of rendering its wearer bulletproof.
Kirmānī, Tārīkh-i bīdārī-yi Īrāniyān, 235–236.
24 Al-ʿĀmilī, Kulliyyāt, ed. Kātibī 71 (ghazal: agar kunam gila-yi man az zamāna-yi ghidār):
man ān yagāna-yi dahr-am ki vaṣf-i fażl-i ma-rā / nivishta munshī-yi qudrat bi har dar u
divār // bi har diyār ki āʾī ishāratī shinuvī / bi har kujā ravī ẕikr-i man buvad dar kār.
25 See e.g. Mīr-Jahānī Ṭabāṭabāʾī, Ravāyiḥ al-nasamāt 100.

264 melvin-koushki
encomium: Shaykh Bahāʾī, the ultimate scholar, is “possessed of eternal forms

of knowledge (ʿārif-i maʿārif-i azalī), a master of sciences occult and manifest
(vāqif-i ʿulūm-i khafī u jalī).”26 Shaykh Bahāʾī’s student and servitor (khādim)
Ḥusayn b. Ḥaydar al-Karakī al-ʿĀmilī (fl. 1621) is reported to have said of his
teacher: “He was exceptional in his knowledge of certain sciences [i.e., the
occult sciences] that were ignored by (lam yaḥum ḥawla-hā) his contempo-
raries, and even by his predecessors as far as I know, among both elite and
nonelite scholars.”27
As noted, moreover, his reputation as an outstanding occultist has remained
intact down to the present, or rather grown considerably. Writing in the high
Qajar period, Mīrzā Muḥammad b. Sulaymān Tunikābunī (d. 1885) offers
account upon account of the Shaykh’s wonderworking ways: his miracles (karā-
māt) include conversation with the dead, the creation of dragons, and the
taming of lions.28 His magic squares are reported to have protected Shiraz and
Isfahan from the plague for centuries:
It is widely known that Shaykh Bahāʾī engraved a magic square (mu-

rabbaʿ) or other figure on a stone and buried it on Iran’s frontier in the
vicinity of Shiraz to defend against the woe of pestilence (vabā), which
was thereby prevented from entering Iran from the time of the Shaykh to
that of Fatḥ ʿAlī Shāh (r. 1797–1834), when Prince Ḥusayn-ʿAlī Mīrzā was
governor of Shiraz and all the princes had designs on the throne and were
therefore preoccupied with amassing money. The English were thus able
to buy the stone from the prince-governor of Shiraz for 120,000 tomans,29
who, out of his lust for wealth, turned a blind eye to Iran and its people,
forgetting—Say: O God, Master of the kingdom! (Q 3:26)—that kingship
is in God’s hand alone. In any event, after the stone was sold pestilence
came to Iran, and the plague (ṭāʿūn) followed; and to this day most years
see an outbreak of plague. The Shaykh is also known to have constructed
another magic square and buried it in the vicinity of Isfahan to defend
against plague, and from that day to this it has not struck the city. Even
26 Iskandar Beg Munshī, ʿĀlam-ārā-yi ʿAbbāsī ii, 967. Cf. Kāshifī’s definition of the division
between the two types of sciences in the preface to his Asrār-i Qāsimī, or ʿAlī Ṣafī’s in
his abridgement Tuḥfa-yi khānī (MS Majlis 12575/2, 273–284: 274): occult sciences (ʿulūm-
i khafiyya) are those sciences that are not freely discussable in madrasa or majlis settings,
as they must be kept from the unworthy (nā-maḥramān).
27 Khwānsārī, Rawḍāt al-jannāt vii, 58; quoted in Nūrī, Mustadrak al-wasāʾil xx, 228; and al-
Muhājir, Sittat fuqahāʾ abṭāl 269–270.
28 Tunikābunī, Qiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ 291, 293–294; Ishkavarī, Maḥbūb al-qulūb ii, 407.
29 Dah davāzdah hizār tūmān.

during the year of the great plague that overtook all the cities of Iran, it
did not visit Isfahan.30
Even today in his hometown of Baalbek, the Shaykh’s spells are still famous:
To this day locals relate the story that when the Shaykh was hosted at a
house near the river that divides the town, in the neighborhood that is
still called Ḥayy Āl Murtaḍā, he was so annoyed by the constant croaking
of the frogs that he was driven to cast a spell (waḍaʿa raṣdan) that would
silence them forever. And as it happens, one now never hears frogs croak-
ing within the city limits despite their abundance in its waterways—an
inexplicable phenomenon.31
Strange as all these feats might seem, they were firmly rooted in an inquiring
scholarly mentality; as Muḥaddis̱ Nūrī (d. 1902) reassures us, in explanation of
al-Karakī’s encomium above: “The wondrous acts (gharāʾib) that would man-
ifest from him at times … were the products of these [occult] sciences.”32 In
this case, then, the fame of the student would seem to enlighten the relative
obscurity of the teacher, Maḥmūd Dihdār—and the teacher’s lettrist oeuvre
the sociopolitical and indeed biological feats of his greatest student.
Apart from such reports and Maḥmūd Dihdār’s oeuvre itself, perhaps our
best source for understanding the role of occultism in Safavid society gener-
ally and Shaykh Bahāʾī’s association therewith in particular is, significantly, a
Timurid-era grimoire: the Asrār-i Qāsimī (Qasimian secrets) of Ḥusayn Vāʿiẓ
Kāshifī (d. 1505), Sabzavari preacher, polymath, and famed occultist. Purport-
ing to be a Persian translation of two Arabic works on sīmiyā and rīmiyā, the
Asrār-i Qāsimī does not appear to have been much read in the late ninth/fif-
teenth and the tenth/sixteenth centuries; but in the eleventh/seventeenth cen-
tury its popularity blossomed. Testifying to the magic manual’s new cachet, in
the early decades of that century it was expanded to include briefer sections on
the three sciences mentioned by the author but deliberately left aside: kīmiyā,
līmiyā, and hīmiyā.33
30 Tunikābunī, Qiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ 295. On contemporary anti-plague letter magic—a primary

application of the science for centuries—see e.g. the Ottoman plague treatises of ʿAbd al-
Raḥmān al-Bisṭāmī (d. 1454), Kemālpaşazāde Aḥmed (d. 1534), and Taşköprüzāde Aḥmed
(d. 1561). Varlık, Plague and empire 11–12, 226–228, 233, 244.
31 Al-Muhājir, Sittat fuqahāʾ abṭāl 229–230. My thanks to Hussein Abdulsater for alerting me
to these accounts.
32 Nūrī, Mustadrak al-wasāʾil ii, 228.
33 The definitive study to date of this seminal grimoire is Subtelny, Kāshifī’s Asrār-i qāsi-

266 melvin-koushki
Most significant for our purposes here, the interpolated section on līmiyā
(talismans) includes a wealth of detail as to the identities and activities of prac-
titioners of letter magic during Shah ʿAbbās’s reign in particular—in effect, a
who’s who of high Safavid occultism. The single most-cited authority is, not
surprisingly, Shaykh Bahāʾī;34 Sayyid Ḥusayn Akhlāṭī (d. 1397), the great Tabrizi
Kurdish lettrist-alchemist of the late fourteenth century, teacher of Ibn Turka
and primary model for Maḥmūd Dihdār, runs a close second.35 Equally notably,
the philosopher Mīr Ghiyās̱ al-Dīn Manṣūr Dashtakī (d. 1542) figures as per-
sonal lettrist to Shah Ṭahmāsb.36 A number of other prominent scholars and
shaykhs feature as master letter magicians,37 and great emphasis is placed on
mī. That Safavid elite interest in the Asrār-i Qāsimī already was already evident in the early
ninth/fifteenth century is indicated by the fact that Kāshifī’s son ʿAlī Ṣafī (d. 1533) produced
a simplified version of this work in 1522 at the request of Durmish Khan Shāmlū (d. 1526),
Safavid governor of Isfahan and then Herat; this version is titled Tuḥfa-yi khānī, aka Kashf
al-asrār, and like its source treats only of sīmiyā and rīmiyā (see e.g. MS Majlis 1065/5, 175–
256; Subtelny, Kāshifī’s Asrār-i qāsimī; Melvin-Koushki, Quest 272). For his part, Kāshifī
Sr. defines sīmiyā as the manipulation of imaginal constructs (khayālāt), and rīmiyā as
terrestrial magic (shuʿbadāt). Although he lists three other related occult sciences in the
preface—kīmiyā, or alchemy; līmiyā, or talismans; and hīmiyā, or astral magic—and var-
ious authorities and texts under the rubric of each, he explicitly states that the Asrār-i
Qāsimī is conceived of as a translation-adaptation of two Arabic works in particular: the
K. Siḥr al-ʿuyūn of Abū ʿAbdallāh Maghribī (aka Kitāb Ibn al-Ḥallāj), and the treatise ʿUyūn
al-ḥaqāʾiq wa-īḍāḥ al-ṭarāʾiq by the seventh/thirteenth-century alchemist Abū l-Qāsim
Aḥmad al-ʿIrāqī al-Simāwī (al-Sīmāwī) (Asrār-i Qāsimī, MS Majlis 12559/2, 52–167: 54–55;
on the latter see Holmyard, Abuʾ l-Qāsim al-ʿIrāqī; Saif, Cows and the bees). (It should
be noted here that Kāshifī always bases his works on others’, though his exemplars are
typically in Persian.) Kīmiyāʾ, līmiyāʾ, hīmiyāʾ, sīmiyāʾ, and rīmiyāʾ often occur in a series,
their initial letters being combined to produce the occultist motto “the whole is a secret”
(KLHSR = kullu-hu sirr). Cf. ʿAllāma Ṭabāṭabāʾī’s (d. 1981) definition of these five sciences
in his Mīzān (i, 244); significantly for our purposes here, in the same section he quotes:
“Said our Shaykh al-Bahāʾī: ‘The best book on these [five] arts is one I saw in the city of
Herat titled Kullu-hu Sirr—a phrase derived from the first letter of each of these sciences’
names: al-kīmiyā, al-līmiyā, al-hīmiyā, al-sīmiyā and al-rīmiyā.’”
34 See e.g. Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī, lithograph 87, 98, 99, 102, 105; and Lory, Kashifi’s Asrār-
i Qāsimī 537. Given the exclusively Safavid tenor of the interpolated section in question,
Lory’s identification of this Shaykh Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad with Bahāʾ al-Dīn Naqshband
is obviously incorrect.
35 See e.g. Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī, lithograph 98. On Akhlāṭī see Binbaş, Intellectual net-
works 114–140; Melvin-Koushki, Quest 47–57 and passim; on Akhlāṭī as Dihdār’s model see
Melvin-Koushki, Occult science of empire.
36 He is mentioned more generally as a master talismanist; see e.g. Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī,
lithograph, Bombay 1883, 85, 92, 97, 104.
37 E.g., Mīrzā Jān Kāshgharī (86), ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Gīlānī (90, 91, 97), Mīrzā Kāshānī (96), ʿAbd
al-Ṣamad Ardabīlī (114, 116).

their prized and potent support of the various political actors of their day—
even Ibn Sīnā (Shaykh Bū ʿAlī) is cited as a lettrist to be feared.38 The author
of this section—most likely Shah ʿAbbās’s court astrologer-geomancer and his-
torian Jalāl al-Dīn Munajjim Yazdī (d. 1619), as Maria Subtelny has shown—
presents himself as a member of Shaykh Bahāʾī’s scholarly circle, even reporting
that the Shaykh once invited him to collaborate on the construction of a magic
square at court.39 That the Asrār-i Qāsimī has been attributed to Shaykh Bahāʾī
himself is thus both unsurprising and significant.40
Maḥmūd Dihdār, naturally, is one of the first authorities mentioned. In his
case too his service to the Safavid ruling elite is the salient point:
On seeking an audience with kings (dīdan-i mulūk): One must inscribe a

4×4 square on gold and populate it with the numbers of the holy verse
God is All-gentle (laṭīf ) with His servants, providing for whomsoever He will
(Q 42:19) [= 998], combining these with the letters of his own name. He
should then insert the resulting number in the square, refraining from
speech in the process. Of these two names [i.e., his own and the king’s], he
should write one at the top of the square and one at the bottom …,41 and
carry [the talisman] on his person. Thus when he sees the king he will be
honored and shown generosity. This square was developed by Mawlānā
38 Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī, lithograph 89. On the Safavid transmogrification of Ibn Sīnā
himself, the second father of peripateticism, into a Neopythagorean-occultist authority
see Melvin-Koushki, World as (Arabic) text. Most famously, the important occultist man-
ual Kunūz al-muʿazzimīn (Spellcasters’ treasures) was likewise attributed to Ibn Sīnā well
after the fact, presumably in the Safavid period (ed. J. Humāʾī, Tehran 1331 Sh./1952).
39 Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī, lithograph 93, 101; for a translation of this passage see Subtelny,
Kāshifī’s Asrār-i qāsimī.
40 ʿAbbās, Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī 287; Nūrī, Mustadrak al-wasāʾil xx, 228. The latter finds such
an attribution offensive:
[Shaykh Bahāʾī’s] popular reputation [for occult knowledge] grew to such a point
that people attributed to him every kind of rare or strange act (nādira wa-gharība)—
the majority of such attributions being baseless and false. Indeed, one contemporary
writer even went so far as to attribute to him the book The Qasimian Secrets, presuming
it to be dictated by him to a man named Qāsim. Thus did a poor [scholar] make it seem
as though this great scholar authorized the commission of great sins as prescribed in
this book. [It instructs one], for example, to tie a cow up in a granary, have intercourse
with it, then pour certain medicines in its vagina (among other such vain actions); this
operation they call the Great Secret (al-nāmūs al-akbar), and assert that the parts of
this cow when applied to the man [in question] allow him to achieve invisibility (al-
khafāʾ) and other such operations.
On this (in)famous operation see Saif, The Cows and the Bees.
41 Two words here are indecipherable.

268 melvin-koushki
Maḥmūd Dihdār Shīrāzī, who constructed one for Amīr Khan;42 as a result
he attained control over all of Fars (imārat u iyālat-i Fārs-rā yāft).43
But lettrists were not simply props to power—they were also checks on that
power. Here Shaykh Bahāʾī is presented as protecting hapless souls from royal
wrath by exerting occult control over the shah’s moods:
[On negating the anger of kings]: If a king becomes angry with someone
such that the latter is at risk of execution, he should use this same num-
ber to inscribe this square on gold at an auspicious hour and donate some
sweetmeats (andakī shīrīnī) to the poor; in the same hour the king’s wrath
will turn to graciousness and clemency. My own departed teacher saved
many individuals from execution by virtue of this square, and Shaykh
Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad [al-ʿĀmilī] (may He sanctify his secret!) con-
structed one for Āqā ʿInāyat [Allāh], who as a result was protected from
being the object of royal displeasure as long as he lived.44
Needless to say, the ability to manipulate the mind and emotions of sovereigns
was a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it made lettrists natural allies to
ambitious up-and-comers seeking to unseat their superiors; on the other hand,
it suggested them as a dangerous liability to any political players who, having
achieved power, were more concerned with maintaining the status quo. Here
Shaykh Bahāʾī deploys an operation attributed to Ibn Sīnā himself for the ben-
efit of an imperially ambitious Shah ʿAbbās:
If one wishes to bend the hearts of kings, sultans and rulers to one’s will
(taskhīr-i qulūb-i pādshāhān u salāṭīn u ḥukkām), such that they will not
be able to contradict anything one says or bear one’s absence even for a
moment, and such that one rises in rank above all one’s peers and is held
42 This figure would seem to be Amīr Khan or Amīr Beg II Mawṣillu, a former Aqquyunlu
commander who joined the Qizilbash in 1507 and became one of the most important offi-
cers of the Safavid state, holding such posts as guardian of prince Ṭahmāsb and governor-
general of Khurasan. See Woods, Aqquyunlu 12, 166, 192–193. However, as Amīr Khan died
in 1522, Maḥmūd Dihdār, at the height of his career between 1569 and 1576, would presum-
ably have been no more than an infant at the height of the amir’s own career. But if there is
any truth to the relationship posited here between Amīr Khan and Maḥmūd, this suggests
that the latter may have been born in the last decades of the ninth/fifteenth century and
lived for almost 100 years.
43 Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī 85–86.
44 Ibid. 86.

in the highest esteem by sultans, one should, when the Sun is in exalta-
tion, engrave the following number as a 6 × 6 magic square on a plate of
gold, and bismi Llāh bismi Llāh bismi Llāhi l-Raḥmāni l-Raḥīm [= 1,122] at
the top: 3,851.
This operation is one that Shaykh Bū ʿAlī [i.e., Ibn Sīnā] took from
Shaykh Yaḥyā ʿArab, a prominent scholar of his day, whence Mawlānā
Aḥmad Lārī took it. One day this great seal talisman (muhr) was described
to the king, [which prompted] someone present to remark that Mullā
Aḥmad Lārī’s books were in the possession of Allāh Virdi Khan. Someone
was therefore dispatched to bring these books, and when they had arrived
Shaykh Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad [al-ʿĀmilī] (God sanctify his secret) car-
ried out [on their basis] just this operation to subjugate the hearts of all
creatures and kings. He did so in the year 1010 after the Hijra [i.e., 1601 CE]
when the Sun was in exaltation, and bound [the resulting seal talisman]
on the arm of the king. The first conquest [Shah ʿAbbās] achieved [as
a result] was his taking of Tabriz [from the Ottomans in 1603]; thence-
forth his career of conquest ( jahāngīrī) was daily furthered. [A similar
seal talisman] was made for the renowned governor (navvāb-i ʿaliyya-
yi ʿāliya) [Allāh Virdi Khan], who attained his exalted office thereby.45
There is, in short, no better operation than this for the purpose of sub-
jugation.
If one wishes to make [such a seal talisman] for other great kings, one
must add to this number [that of] the holy verse Now there has come to
you a Messenger from among yourselves; grevious [to him is your suffering,
anxious is he over you, and to the believers] gentle, compassionate (Q 9:128)
[= 2,782].46 One must also, having performed a full ablution (ghusl), don
a white robe, and during the operation hold [a piece of] sugar (nabāt) in
one’s mouth until its completion (a maneuver held to be most effective
by practitioners of this art); one must also perform the ritual ablution
and burn aloeswood and ambergris incense to perfume the air, thereby
rendering [the operation] impressive and honorable to all.47
45 The fact that Allāh Virdi Khan’s onetime attendant and vizier of Fars, Siyāqī Niẓām
(d. 1603), introduced precisely a lettrist section in defense of Shah ʿAbbās’s imperial legiti-
macy in the introduction to his chronicle Futūḥāt-i humāyūn—in this following venerable
early Timurid precedent—is highly relevant in this context; see Quinn, Historical writing
46–53.
46 A marginal note gives 2,898, which cannot be correct.
47 Ps.-Kāshifī, Asrār-i Qāsimī 88–89.

270 melvin-koushki
Shaykh Bahāʾī’s fame as the greatest sage-mage of Safavid Iran, in sum,

was no later fiction back-projected by superstitious plebes of the Qajar era
wistful for lost imperial glory, but already firmly established among scholarly
elites during his lifetime and immediately after. For it precisely answered the
needs of contemporary Safavid intellectual-imperial culture—which explic-
itly embraced occultism as a primary means of Shiʿizing Iran. Because he
himself wrote few overtly occult-scientific works, however, modern histori-
ans, occultophobic as a rule, have facilely discounted or even disappeared this
central feature of his intellectual identity and sociopolitical role, emphasiz-
ing instead his brilliance in True Sciences like astronomy or law.48 This reflex-
ive and entrenched historiographical distortion of such early modern Muslim
renaissance men as Shaykh Bahāʾī makes impossible—is indeed designed to
make impossible—the comparative study of alternate Western early moderni-
48 Shaykh Bahāʾī’s surviving oeuvre would seem to contain few authentic occult-scientific
works, although several have been consistently attributed to him and indeed frequently
published as such in modern editions. His popular fālnāma, dedicated to Shah ʿAbbās,
may well be authentic, and has been published at least 13 times in the last 70 years; see
e.g. Fālnāma-yi Shaykh Bahāʾī, ed. M. ʿAlī-Niyā, Tehran 1363 Sh./1984; Yādgār, 1374 Sh./1995;
Gulī, 1384 Sh./2005; and Naṣrābādī, Kitābshināsī 640–641, no. 56. Perhaps also authentic
is a manual of jafr sometimes entitled Baḥr al-ʿulūm al-jafriyya (Naṣrābādī, Kitābshināsī
225–226, no. 35). Various passages in his perennially popular Kashkūl are likewise sugges-
tive, such as its brief discussion of ʿilm al-ṭilasmāt, which concludes by asserting: “The
science of talismans is easier to learn and deploy than the science of magic (ʿilm al-siḥr).”
Al-ʿĀmilī, Kashkūl ii, 188. The fact that Shaykh Bahāʾī there cites Ibn Turka’s K. al-Mafāḥiṣ
in support of the epistemological superiority of oneness to existence is likewise highly
significant. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 79.
By contrast, the Persian al-Sirr al-mustatir dar ʿulūm-i gharība u jafr u khwābnāma that
is often attributed to Shaykh Bahāʾī in modern printings is rather by one Muḥammad Riżā
Saqqāzāda Vāʿiẓ, who compiled it as an anthology of material on the various occult sci-
ences (see [Tehran 1964?]); the Arabic print version has been published at least thrice:
Qom 2005, Beirut 2005, and Qom 1427/2006. See Naṣrābādī, Kitābshināsī 628–629, no. 40.
Further works whose authenticity Naṣrābādī doubts include the Arabic treatise Aḥkām
al-naẓar fī katf al-shāh, on scapulomancy (ibid. 610, no. 4); the Arabic treatise Istikhāra bā
Qurʾān, on two methods of quranic bibliomancy taken from Ibn Ṭāwūs (ibid. 611, no. 7);
and Iʿjāz-i asmāʾ Allāh taʿālā, a short Persian treatise on the inimitability and effects of
the divine names, written by the author for his son Muḥammad Amīn (ibid. 612, no. 9; it
has been published as Kashf-i rumūz-i ism-i aʿẓam). (As he notes, Āqā Buzurg proposes
as author of the last work Shaykh Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Makkī al-ʿĀmilī, Bahāʾ al-
Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥsin al-ʿĀmilī, or Muḥammad b. Muḥsin al-ʿĀmilī.) MS Malik 6118,
a substantial (238ff.) Arabic lettrist work on the active properties of divine names copied
in the fourteenth/twentieth century, is presumably the same treatise. For her part, ʿAbbās
rejects the authenticity of all such works, dismissing them—rather rashly, as this study
suggests—as being flatly “incompatible with Shaykh Bahāʾī’s approach and intellectual
style.” ʿAbbās, Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī 267, 286.

ties: only European Renaissance men are currently historiographically free to

be the committed occult scientists they so frequently were.49
To remedy such a massive imbalance in the literature on our Safavid sage-
mage, thus making comparative study possible, I propose the oeuvre of his
lettrist teacher as key to this crucial aspect of his scholarly and political identity:
all the occultist operations with which Shaykh Bahāʾī is credited are there laid
out in exhaustive scientific detail. Due to persistent scholarly occultophobia,
however, Dihdār’s many works on lettrism remain entirely unpublished; while
certain of them do circulate rather widely online, they do so only in (usually
poorly) scanned lithograph or manuscript form. His magnum opus, the defini-
tive manual Mafātīḥ al-maghālīq (Keys to all locks), would seem to be partic-
ularly popular—a Google search on this title, unique to Dihdār, returns over
56,000 hits.50 A huge amount of basic philological spadework thus lies before
us; of the major lacunae that riddle our knowledge of Islamicate early moder-
nity, none yawns wider or is more debilitating than the almost total absence of
studies on the occult sciences and reliable editions of even the most seminal
occult-scientific texts.
Let us, then, to the texts. The historiographical benefits that will accrue from
such a philological renaissance are hinted at by the example of several recent
editions of Safavid texts that, while not exclusively occult-scientific in focus,
contain substantial material in that vein. I cited above Mīr Dāmād’s Jaẕavāt u
mavāqīt and Nibrās al-ḍiyāʾ, both featuring lettrist content, as well as Kāzirūnī’s
Sullam al-samāvāt. (Rustamdārī’s landmark Riyāż al-abrār, naturally, has yet to
be published.) While such works shed much-needed light on Shaykh Bahāʾī’s
immediate intellectual and social context, a fourth recently published text
is perhaps even more telling: Quṭb al-Dīn Ishkavarī Lāhījī’s (d. btw. 1677 and
1684) Laṭāyif al-ḥisāb (Subtleties of calculation).51 This manual of mathemat-
ics, penned by the Safavid shaykh al-islām of Lahijan and protégé of Mīr Dāmād
and Shaykh Bahāʾī both, complements the latter’s far more popular Khulāṣat
al-ḥisāb, used as a textbook for centuries after.52 But unlike that work, which
has no occult-scientific content, Ishkavarī’s features an appendix that explic-
itly presents lettrism as the discipline’s most immediate application, especially
for scholars of a Twelver persuasion: the introduction holds up ʿAlī as mathe-
49 I call for such a comparative study, a new philological revolution, in Melvin-Koushki,

Taḥqīq vs. taqlīd; see also Melvin-Koushki, (De)colonizing early modern occult philoso-
phy.
50 This as of August 2017.
51 Ishkavarī, Laṭāyif al-ḥisāb.
52 For a discussion of this seminal textbook see ʿAbbās, Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-ʿĀmilī 645–668.

272 melvin-koushki
matical exemplar, and the khātima opens with a lettrist analysis of the names of
Muḥammad and the Twelve Imams (all being ontologically intrinsic to Q 33:33),
treats of finger counting (ʿuqūd-i aṣābiʿ) and fraction of numeration (taksīr),
then closes with a long section on logogriphs (sg. muʿammā) and riddles (sg.
lughz) and their solutions, which prominently features Shaykh Bahāʾī as mas-
ter of this art—a mainstay of lettrist practice from Ibn Turka onward.53
Ishkavarī’s manual, like those of Dihdār, thus makes explicit a social rule
Shaykh Bahāʾī’s oeuvre leaves largely implicit: to be a Safavid mathematician is
to be a lettrist, and to be a lettrist is to magically protect and shape empire. Such a
conclusion can only further strengthen the emerging scholarly consensus that
the epochal transposition of Safavid Iran to a hierocratic Twelver footing was
accomplished less by state policy than by popular, saintly, charismatic, and
syncretizing scholars like Shaykh Bahāʾī, primary architects and engineers, in
every sense of those job titles, of the new Safavid Shiʿi imperial culture.54 Safa-
vidists in particular, of course, have long contended with the question of saintly
charisma and its historically transformative routinizations; but they must now
account for the scientific method many prominent Safavid scholars successfully
followed in its pursuit.
3 Pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī on the Supreme Name
That scientific method so rigorously on display in Dihdār’s authentic oeuvre is

far less so in the popular lettrist poem attributed to his greatest student; indeed,
it is there downgraded, as it were, to mere “pop science.” I noted above, however,
that pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī’s mas̱navī on the Supreme Name is nevertheless at
core authentic: over half of its 104 lines are taken from Dihdār’s Kunūz al-asmāʾ,
a 383-line didactic poem on lettrist methods of deriving various divine names
for magical and divinatory purposes, and the focus of Javāhir al-asrār, Dihdār’s
autocommentary on this work, which reproduces the poem in its entirety.
53 Ishkavarī, Laṭāyif al-ḥisāb 12–13, 67–70, and 74–92 respectively; and Melvin-Koushki,
Quest 382–385; Binbaş, Intellectual networks 84–85. My thanks to Mathieu Terrier for this
reference.
54 See Anzali, “Mysticism” in Iran; Moin, ʿUlamaʾ as ritual specialists; Melvin-Koushki, Occult
science of empire; on Shaykh Bahāʾī as legal architect of the same see Abisaab, New ropes
for royal tents. Significantly, it would seem that the architects of the Islamic Republic
in Iran have returned to this ideal, consciously or otherwise; Imam Khomeini himself
referred to the “Islamic republic system” (niẓām-i jumhūrī-yi islāmī) as an expression of
“divine geometry” (handasa-yi ilāhī). Tavakoli-Targhi, Clerico-engineering.

At the same time, the anonymous reworker of Dihdār’s original did not
simply take lines at random, but was clearly at pains to obscure the original
import of those lines, whether by changing their wording at key junctures or
by changing their order in the poem and supplying many new lines, from an
as yet unknown source or authored for the purpose, to disrupt their logical
flow. (Of the mas̱navī’s 104 lines, a full 45 are thus added.) Where the Kunūz
al-asmāʾ treats of a range of lettrist techniques as applied to various divine
names, that is, the reworked version treats solely of a single Name, the ism-
i aʿẓam, which is yet identified only very cryptically—and using lines that
have very different referents in the original. Since its reworking, moreover,
many corruptions have further muddled the text, due precisely to its popular-
ity, and the various latter-day versions circulating widely in print and online
are frequently divergent, and equally frequently nonsensical and nonmetri-
cal.
In other words: both by design and through textual corruption over time,
the lettrist operations alluded to in the poem below are scientifically invalid,
and hence do not admit of serious analysis. The value of this text rather lies
primarily in its status as a popular vehicle for later imaginaries of high Safavid
imperial-intellectual culture. I therefore see little need to follow Ayatollah
Ḥasan Ḥasanzāda Āmulī’s procedure in his 1979 commentary on the poem,
R. Rumūz-i kunūz (On the allusions in [Dihdār’s] Kunūz), wherein he does
attempt to decipher these terminally cryptic allusions. Sayyid Muḥammad
Ḥasan Mīr-Jahānī Ṭabāṭabāʾī (d. 1992) attempts the same in his own, though
much briefer, commentary.55 Both scholars recognize the highly corrupt nature
of the text, and correctly associate it with Dihdār; Ḥasanzāda Āmulī goes fur-
ther to establish a more reliable version of the text with reference to his per-
sonal manuscript copy of Dihdār’s Javāhir al-asrār.56
To make more historiographically usable this unique window onto Safavid
high lettrist culture at the turn of the eleventh/seventeenth century, as well as
its afterlives to the present, I therefore provide a “corrected” edition, with mod-
ernized transcription, on the basis of manuscript copies of Dihdār’s original.
In this I do follow Ḥasanzāda Āmulī, although my reading diverges from his
in a number of places, due in part to the different manuscripts of the Javāhir
al-asrār I have at my disposal; I also note certain reasonable variations in the
55 Mīr-Jahānī, Ravāyiḥ al-nasamāt 100–113.

56 He also references Dihdār’s magnum opus, Mafātīḥ-i maghālīq, throughout his com-
mentary, as well as other seminal Safavid-era occult-scientific manuals, including Sayyid
ʿAbdallāh Balyānī’s (fl. 1576) Jahān al-raml (World of geomancy); see Melvin-Koushki, Per-
sianate geomancy.

274 melvin-koushki
footnotes, but ignore nonsensical corruptions. What minimal commentary I

provide in the footnotes largely depends on his and Mīr-Jahānī’s. I must stress,
however, that no edition of the reworked poem can be definitive; that offered
here simply seeks to approximate what it may have looked like at inception,
when each line, however divergent from its source, presumably still made a
measure of sense.
As for provenance: my tentative dating of this odd little text to the Qajar
period (1779–1925) is likewise purely impressionistic; much further research
into Qajar scholarly culture in general and its receptions of Shaykh Bahāʾī and
Maḥmūd Dihdār in particular will be necessary to strengthen, deny, or con-
firm it. But there does exist, at least, a terminus ante quem: 1258 (1842), the
copying date of a majmūʿa that contains what appears to be a rather heavily
abridged version of the same, with emphasis on the non-original section on the
name Jochebed (ramz-i nām-i mādar-i Mūsā), but including Dihdār’s original
lines as well, under the takhalluṣ Bahāʾī.57 That this version is focused on this
name rather than the Supreme Name indicates that the poem, while already
recognizable, was still textually very much in flux during the first half of the
thirteenth/nineteenth century; this fact alone strongly suggests it to be a Qajar
product.
In its various versions, moreover, sensical or otherwise, the poem is patently
an exercise in cultural remembrance. What little scientific content has been
retained from the original, then haphazardly recombined, is evidently
deployed solely for symbolic purposes—the reworker was certainly no lettrist
adept. That is, the text rather smacks of the neoclassicizing ethos of the Qajar
period, which saw a profusion of similar pseudepigrapha in all fields, from
philosophy to poetry;58 it also reflects the contemporary uptick in occultist
prognostication ahead of the millennium of the Imam’s occultation (1874 CE).59
57 MS Majlis 1149/5, fols. 56b–57a. I did not have access to this majmūʿa at the time of writing,
but the Majlis catalog description, which includes a partial transcription, suggests that this
version of the mas̱navī opens with line 9, moves directly to line 18, the beginning of the
section on Jochebed, and ends much as the longer version does.
58 My thanks to Sajjad Rizvi for this observation; see e.g. Rizvi, Hikma mutaʿaliya; Rizvi, Shiʿi
political theology. This neoclassicizing impulse is epitomized by the twelfth/eighteenth-
century bāzgasht-i adabī (literary return), an initially partial and decidedly local move-
ment whose victory over “decadent” early modern Newspeak (tāza-gūʿī) was totalized
in the late thirteenth/nineteenth and early fourteenth/twentieth centuries in colonialist-
nationalist discourse. On the early modern tension between perennialist progressivism—
espoused precisely by Safavid scholars like Shaykh Bahāʾī, Mīr Dāmād, and Maḥmūd
Dihdār—and declinist neoclassicism, see Melvin-Koushki, Taḥqīq vs. taqlīd.
59 Rizvi, Shiʿi political theology 698.

It must further be emphasized that the Shaykhi and Babi movements both
embraced precisely lettrism in furtherance of their respective millenarian
projects.60 The lionization of Shaykh Bahāʾī specifically as preeminent Safavid
mage, while rooted in indisputable historical and textual reality, thus accords
particularly well with broader Qajar cultural tendencies, and the poem’s disre-
gard for scientific detail accords poorly with Safavid. As Tunikābunī’s Tales of
the scholars testifies most eloquently, patently legendary material had accreted
to the persona of Safavid luminaries like Shaykh Bahāʾī by the mid-thirteenth/
nineteenth century. Our text, romantically and unusably cryptic, accordingly
points vaguely—though in this case quite rightly—to lettrism as the source of
its hero’s powers.
This is not to suggest that some Qajar scholars would have been unaware of
the simultaneous bogusness and appropriateness of the poem’s attribution to
Shaykh Bahāʾī. The circle of Mullā ʿAlī Nūrī here again deserves special men-
tion: a philosophical neoclassicist, Nūrī was clearly cognizant of and much
exercised by the lettrist writings of Mīr Dāmād and Ibn Turka both—the the-
ory behind Dihdār’s praxis. It is thus no surprise that one of his students, Mullā
Muḥammad Jaʿfar Lāhījī (d. 1844), wrote one of his handful of works as an ʿirfānī
commentary on another lettrist poem, wholly authentic, by Dihdār, dedicating
it to the powerful Qajar governor Muʿtamad al-Dawla Manūchihr Khan Gurjī
(d. 1847).61 Likewise, most of the manuscript copies of Dihdār’s Javāhir al-asrār
date to the Qajar period.
While not conclusive, such elite Qajar scholarly investment in Safavid intel-
lectual culture thus suggests our text to be a product of a more popular, if still
scholarly, milieu. As that may be, its rise in popularity would not seem to pre-
date the early thirteenth/nineteenth century; and the commentaries thereon
by such outstanding modern Iranian Twelver scholars as Sayyid Mīr-Jahānī
Ṭabāṭabāʾī and Ayatollah Ḥasanzāda Āmulī testify to the remarkably durable
salience to the present of this Safavid-Qajar lettrist classic.
4 Note on the Text
Maḥmūd Dihdār’s Javāhir al-asrār is preserved in Iran in some 23 manuscript

copies (one partial), of which I currently have access to three, all Qajar-era;62
60 Cole, World as text; Melvin-Koushki, Quest 281.

61 Lāhījī, Sharḥ-i abyāt-i Dihdār.
62 MS Majlis 12653/1, fols. 1b–68a (copied 1231/1816); MS Majlis 12890/13, pp. 155–162 (19th c.);
MS Millī 18796/1, fols. 2a–73b (n.d.).

276 melvin-koushki
these preserve the full text of the author’s didactic lettrist poem Kunūz al-
asmāʾ, interspersed with prose commentary. As for the reworked poem attri-
buted to Shaykh Bahāʾī that is the subject of this study, of the many versions
circulating in print and online I have relied in the main on those given in
Javāhirī’s 1993 edition of Shaykh Bahāʾī’s Kulliyyāt,63 Mīr-Jahānī’s 1954 commen-
tary,64 and Ḥujjat Balāghī’s 1971 compilation Yaʿsūb: Az har chaman gulī;65 but
I have usually preferred Ḥasanzāda Āmulī’s 1979 version, corrected with ref-
erence to the author’s personal manuscript copy of the Javāhir al-asrār.66 To
highlight the authentic core of the poem, those lines not original to Dihdār have
been bracketed in the translation.67 Finally, again following Ḥasanzāda Āmulī,
I have replaced throughout the three instances of Bahāʾī’s takhalluṣ with Dih-
dār’s: ʿIyānī, “Eyewitness.”68
5 Text and Translation
A! O you at whose command the two worlds are perfected: ‫ای دو عالم به یک امر از تو تمام‬ 1
all beings from you are strung together and ordered!69 ‫کاینات از تو به تنسیق و نظام‬
Whatever arises from these planes nine, ‫هر چه برجاست در ا ین تسعه بساط‬ 2
63 Kulliyyāt 93–99.
64 Ravāyiḥ al-nasamāt 101–113.
65 Yaʿsūb 2–8. Significantly, Balāghī attributes the poem to both Shaykh Bahāʾī and Maḥmūd
Dihdār.
66 Rumūz-i Kunūz.
67 See also the unpublished but helpful draft translation by Stephen Lambden, which I dis-
covered only after my own was complete; it is overliteral, however, and depends solely on
Javāhirī’s corrupt version: http://hurqalya.ucmerced.edu/sites/hurqalya.ucmerced.edu/
files/page/documents/rumuz.pdf (accessed 7 June 2017).
68 As Dihdār declares in his Javāmiʿ al-favāʾid (Tehran, MS Millī 18712 p. 33): “I have opened
the door for you / and further explained my cryptic words: // thus is my penname Eyewit-
ness (ʿIyānī) / for in such wise do I find you an Entic Well (ki dar īn shīva ʿayn-iʿyān-am).”
(He here plays on the word series ʿayn-ʿiyān-iʿyān, the first meaning “eye,” “spring” and
“essence,” the second “eyewitnessing” and the third “finding a spring or well.”) Similarly, in
his Ḥall al-rumūz fī sharḥ al-kunūz (MS Millī 7706/1, p. 412): “I have thoroughly explicated
these cryptic statements, / have broken the talisman guarding the secret treasure—//
hence have I been given the penname Eyewitness / and the overflowing knowledge of
such arcana.”
69 My translation here incorporates Ḥasanzāda Āmulī’s reading of the vocative particle ay
as a pregnant lettrist allusion to the preeternal nature of the alif. Rumūz-i kunūz iii,
373.

whatever appears from these lodges seven70— ‫و آنچه پیداست در ا ین هفت ر باط‬
all have their being from your bounty ‫همه از جود تو دارند وجود‬ 3
and do bow and prostrate before your way; ‫پیش راهت به رکوعند و سجود‬
for from our being from yours do we inhabit the traces, ‫چون به هستی ز تو در آثار یم‬ 4
our eyes fixed upon your encompassing grace. ‫چشم بر لطف عمیمت دار یم‬
The letter, to the wise and perceptive, ‫نزد اهل خرد و اهل عیان‬ 5
is a body whose spirit is its number. ‫حرف جسم و عدد اوست چه جان‬
Had not the letters their numerical values ‫یعنی اعداد حروف ار نبود‬ 6
prayers could never be answered. ‫سرّ دعوات مقر ّر نشود‬
The effect of a Name, whatever it be, ‫ا ثر اسم به هر اندازه‬ 7
and however invoked, ‫که بخوانند به هر آوازه‬
is such that any prayer must be answered ‫ک نیست که در اسرع حال‬

ّ ‫هیچ ش‬ 8
immediately and exactly: of this there is no doubt. ‫به اجابت برسد بی اهمال‬
And the letter is the imperial treasurehouse and jewelhoard ‫ حرف است‬71‫گنج اسمای الهی‬ 9
wherein God’s Names are kept. ‫گوهر مخزن شاهی حرف است‬
Thirty and six letters are they as spoken and heard;72 ‫سی و شش حرف که در گفت و شنید‬ 10
but their intimations are endless, ‫کس به پایان رموزش نرسید‬
their range of effects eternally infinite: ‫ا ثرش نامتناهی به دوام‬ 11
whether noble or common, all do benefit. ّ‫ص و چه عوام‬ّ ‫منتفع زو چه خوا‬

They explicate the rarefied realm of high heaven ‫ص جبروت‬ّ ‫ شارح عالم خا‬12
and open heaven and earth to conquest; ‫فاتح عالم ملـک و ملـکوت‬
70 I.e., the nine celestial spheres and seven terrestrial climes.

71 The original here has rather asrār-i ilāhī.
72 The next line in Dihdār’s original explains this with reference to the gematrical value
(ḥisāb-i jummal) of the Name ilāh (36); but what the seven letters added to the 29 of the
Arabic alphabet (28 and lām-alif ) could be is not otherwise clear—perhaps the planets?
Cf. Ḥasanzāda Āmulī’s review of alternative alphabetical tallies. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 384–
388.

278 melvin-koushki
they summon divinity’s very secret, ‫ سرّ لاهوت از آن در حضر است‬13
and enlighten humanity’s soul. ‫جان ناسوت از آن باخبر است‬
They are the origin of every atom, ‫ نطق هر ذرّه از آن در قال است‬14
as tradition tells us, and all mystics confirm;73 ‫داند ا ین هر که ز اهل حال است‬
many are their effects in this earthly realm, ‫ بس ا ثرهاست در ا ین عالم خاک‬15
as the spiritually alive are aware— ‫کهکنند اهل معانی ادراک‬
for naught of all that appears in this two-pathed cloister ‫ هر چه پیداست در ا ین دیر دو راه‬16
does so but it manifests God’s Names. ‫نیست بی جلوۀ اسماء اله‬
[Yet the Supreme Name is hidden from view, ‫ اسم اعظم که نهان از نظر است‬17
and no intellect can attain it. 74‫عقلها جمله از آن بی خبر است‬

The Just has Names a thousand and one, ‫ الف و یک اسم که دارد دادار‬18
each with a special benefit when activated.75 ‫هر یکی فایده ای را در کار‬
One of them was known to a certain prophet— ‫ یک از آن داشت یکی پیغمبر‬19
Moses’s mother’s father, a nomad; ‫پدر مادر موسی از بر‬
but he kept it hidden from all, ‫ لیک می داشت نهان از هر کس‬20
and was content to simply be father of [Amram], ‫پدرش بود در ا ین عالم و بس‬
who, by command of the Lord of the world, ‫ تا به فرمان خداوند جهان‬21
was ennobled with its knowledge in turn. ‫یافت عمران شرف وصلت آن‬
Having learned of this holy Name— ‫ شد از آن اسم مقّدس آگاه‬22
supreme among God’s Names— ‫که بود اعظم اسماء الل ّٰه‬
73 Needless to say, to translate ahl-i ḥāl (usually, as here, contrasted with ahl-i qāl) as “mys-
tics” is extremely problematic; I do so here only for reasons of style, as there is no proper
term in English for “the folk of immediate experience.”
74 Lines 17–30 are not in Dihdār’s original.
75 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī cites in support of this more unusual number (i.e., than the tropic 99)
two verses from the opening section (on tawḥīd) of Sanāʾī’s (d. 1131) Ḥadīqat al-ḥaqāʾiq, as
well as the 1,001 divine names included in the Greater Armor (al-jawshan al-kabīr) sup-
plication ascribed to the fourth Twelver Imam, Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn ʿAlī. Rumūz-i kunūz iii,

He prayed: “O Lord, by the virtues of this Name, ‫ب به صفات ا ین اسم‬

ّ ‫ گفت یا ر‬23
by the utter sanctity of this Name, ‫به حّق حرمت ذات ا ین اسم‬
grant me a noble son ‫ که مرا ده ولدی با مقدار‬24
possessed of wisdom, knowledge and authority! ‫صاحب معرفت و علم و وقار‬
Make him one of Your prophets ‫ نبی مرسل خود ساز او را‬25
and console him at every turn; ‫در همه باب تو بنواز او را‬
and grant him a son, O glorious Lord, ‫ب جلیل‬

ّ ‫ داد او را پسری ر‬26
who shall cast Pharaoh’s robe into the Nile.” ‫که زد او جامٔە فرعون به نیل‬
Noah likewise was saved from perishing in the Flood ‫ نوح از برکت ا ین اسم و صفات‬27
solely through the blessing of this Name and its virtues. ‫یافت از مهلـکٔە آب نجات‬
Thus too did Moses speak with the divine manifestation ‫ موسی از برکت ا ین اسم به طور‬28
as fire on the mount. ‫یافت گفتار تجل ّی با نور‬
When Jesus invoked this name, ‫ عیسی ا ین اسم چو برخواند اموات‬29
the dead were raised by its power. ‫یافتند از ا ثر اسم حیات‬
All that is in the world subsists through this Name: ‫ هر چه در عالم از ا ین اسم به پاست‬30
hence its status as the treasury of all Names].76 ‫ز آن که ا ین اسم کنوز الاسماست‬
It is a pearl from the oystershell of mysteries, ‫ که ا ین درّ از صدف اسرار است‬31
a matchless royal jewel. ‫بی بدل چون گهر شهوار است‬
Oh, what a Name is this, ‫ وه چه اسم است که بسیار کسی‬32
far beyond the ken of most!77 ‫نیستش بر سرّ آن دسترسی‬
Its properties are infinite; ‫صیتهاش ندارد پایان‬

ّ ‫ خا‬33
it irradiates its knowers. 78‫عارفان نیز بدان در تابان‬
293. See Mullā Hādī Sabzavārī’s (d. 1873) often lettrist commentary on the same, Sharḥ
al-asmāʾ.
76 i.e., the kunūz al-asmāʾ—a reference to the title of Dihdār’s original poem.
77 This line in the original refers rather to the method of taksīr.
78 In the original: ‫خاصیتهاست ندارد پایان | عارفانند به آن دانیان‬

280 melvin-koushki
Worldly fortunes, whether good or bad, ‫ ز نیک و بدحال‬79‫ وضع آفاق‬34
may be derived in general guise [from that Name]. 80‫می توان یافت به سنج اجمال‬
It is a special Name indeed—for in its letters ‫ اسم خاص ّی است که اسرار جهان‬35
are safely hidden all the secrets of the cosmos, ‫هست در کنز حروفش پنهان‬
which are known only ‫ کس چه داند که چه اسرار است ا ین‬36
to those chief among the righteous. ‫صٔە زمرۀ ا برار است ا ین‬
ّ ‫خا‬
If you utter this Name repeatedly, ‫ لفظ ا ین اسم چو تکرار کنی‬37
activating it according to mathematical usage, ‫چون به آداب عدد کار کنی‬
you will achieve your desire in every affair ‫ قفل هر کار گشایی به مراد‬38
and revel in perpetual divine grace. 81‫گردی از فیض مداما دلشاد‬

[This Name confers 14 benefits in particular.82 ‫ چارده نفع رساند آن اسم‬39
First, it enables you to break talismans. 83‫اّولین آن کهگشایی تو طلسم‬

It makes your enemies run like mercury ‫ دشمنت نیست شود چون سیماب‬40
and enslaves them with its floodlike assault. ‫بند گردد به دمیدن سیلاب‬
If you invoke it sincerely and with certitude, ‫ گر بخوانی ز سر صدق و یقین‬41
you will find buried treasure. ‫کشف گردد همهگنج زمین‬
Jinn will be your companions, ‫ جنیّ ان با تو مصاحب گردند‬42
all saints will associate with you, ‫اولیا جمله به تو پیوندند‬
all people will defer to you— ‫ جلمٔە خلق سرافکنده تو‬43
even the caesar of Rome will become your slave. ‫قیصر روم شود بندۀ تو‬
79 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī suggests awfāq as a preferable reading. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 402.
80 The original referent here is a comprehensive prognosticon ( jafr-i jāmiʿ), significantly
styled a cosmic zīj: ‫جفر جامع چه اگر مشهور است | سر ّ آن لیک بسی مستور است || آن کتابی‬
‫است که احوال جهان | هست در کسر حروفش پنهان || زیج دوران است که نیک و بدحال | ز آن‬
‫صٔە زمرۀ ا برار است آن‬
ّ ‫توان یافت به نهج اجمال || کسی چه داند که چه اسرار است آن | خا‬
81 Lines 37–38 in the original: ‫لفظ هر اسم که تکرار کنی | چون به آداب عدد کار کنی || قفل هر‬
‫باب گشایی به مراد | گردی از فیض قرائت استاد‬
82 A full 14 benefits do not follow in this or other printed versions at my disposal.
83 Lines 39–47 are not in Dihdār’s original.

You will be beloved of all. ‫ همه خلق حبیبت گردد‬44
You will also attain alchemy, ‫کیمیا نیز نصیبت گردد‬
and easily master every difficult science. ‫ هیچ علمی به تو مشکل نشود‬45
Not for an instant will the Real forget you. ‫یک زمان حّق ز تو غافل نشود‬
You will be forever smiling and joyous ‫ مت ّصل با لب خندان دلشاد‬46
and your worldly and spiritual affairs prosper alike. ‫دین و دنیای تو گردد آباد‬
Yet each person’s path to knowing ‫ لیک هر کس به طر یقی دیگر‬47
this Name’s potency is different.] ‫دارد از حالت ا ین اسم خبر‬
The secret of all Names is wholly comprised by its letters. ‫ سرّ اسماء حروفش به تمام‬48
But never disclose this to the public: 84ّ‫تنوان گفت مبادا که عوام‬
for having learned of it, they will attempt to use it ‫طلع گشته به آن کار کنند‬
ّ ‫ م‬49
and harm many people in their ignorance. ‫خلق را بیهده آزار کنند‬
The cryptic teachings of the elite must never be elucidated ‫صان تنوان گفت تمام‬
ّ ‫ رمز خا‬50
lest ignorant fools learn how to act on them; ‫تا نیابد ا ثرش جاهل خام‬
such are they who deviate from the path of justice 85‫ زو روند از پی انصاف به در‬51
and are unwary of evils. ‫وز بدی ها ننمایند حذر‬
[It is permitted only to mature individuals, ‫ باشد از حسن عمل اهل کمال‬52
who will act only worthily with the power of this Name, 86‫چون بیابند از ا ین اسم مجال‬
and never intend evil thereby, ‫ در عمل عزم بدی ها نکنند‬53
nor think of any unlawful thing. ‫فکر در باب ردی ها نکنند‬
In the Torah, God called [Amram’s wife] Jochebed, ‫ یوخابد خوانده خدا در تورات‬54
in other scriptures He called her Nakhvāt,87 88‫در صحف خوانده خدایش عورات‬
84 The line’s original referent is again taksīr: ّ‫سر ّ تکسیر حروفات تمام | تنوان گفت مبادا که عوام‬
85 This first hemistich repeats the second of line 78 below.
86 Lines 52–62 are not in the original.
87 I here prefer the alternative reading, although have not found evidence for Nakhvāt
as a known alternative; Yārkhā/Yāwkhā and Yārkhat are sometimes given, however, so
Nakhvāt—perhaps Yakhvāt—could be a corruption of the latter.
88 Alternatively: ‫ق اندر تورات | در صحف گفته خدایش نخوات‬ ّ ‫یوخابد گفت ح‬

282 melvin-koushki
and in the sura that is the Gospels called [ʿImrān’s wife] ‫ حن ّه در سورۀ انجیل بخوان‬55
Hannah: all are perfectly correct.89 90‫به درستی که همان است همان‬
In our own Quran there occurs [the same name] ‫ هست در مصحف ما بعد سه میم‬56
after the three Ms in the midmost sura among the ḥāwamīm ‫در میان سوری از حامیم‬
whose bayyina equals 70:91 ‫ مخرج بینّ ه اش هفتاد است‬57
this is a master principle [to follow]. ‫ا ین همه قاعدۀ استاد است‬
For where one person [calls Jochebed] Ṭaysūm, ‫ خوانده طیسوم دگر یک قیسوم‬58
another says Qaysūm, and a Maghribi Hayshūm,92 ‫مغر بی گفته به لفظ هیشوم‬
while among the Arabs Jochebed (Yūkhābad) is standard— ‫ هست مشهور عرب یوخابد‬59
but a Persian says Barkhānad! ‫عجمی گفته و را برخاند‬
[Likewise,] a Daylami will write kāfilnā ‫ دیلمی کرده رقم کافلنا‬60
but another group rāḥilnā.93 ‫باز جمع دگرش راحلنا‬
Yet another group offers jāmarruth ‫ تحیٔە قوم دگرش جامّرث‬61
where a fourth prefers gāmarruth.94 ‫هست یوخا به دگر گامّرث‬
[In short:] in recording and retelling names ‫ در احادیث و روایات و خبر‬62
everyone has their own version.] ‫هر یکی را است طر یقی دیگر‬
89 In reference to Q 3:33–35, some Quran commentators draw an equivalence between

Amram and Jochebed, parents of Moses, and ʿImrān and Hannah, parents of Mary; sim-
ilarly, an ontological equivalence is apparently being drawn here between the mother of
Moses and the mother of Mary despite their differing names.
90 Javāhirī gives lines 55–61 as follows: ‫حنه در سورۀ انجیل بخوان | بحقیقت که هم اینست وهم آن‬
‫|| خوانده طیوم دیگر یک قیوم | مغر بی گفت که هست او هیوم || هست مشهور عرب برجانه | عجمی‬
‫گفت ورا برخانه || دیلمی کرد رقم کافلنا | باز جمعی دگرش راحلنا || نجیه قوم دگر جاهر شا | هست‬
‫بوخانه دگر طاهرشا‬
91 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī notes that the Name here in question is ʿalīm, All-knowing, and cites its
uses in invocation. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 407–409.
92 Cf. Mudarris, Rayḥānat al-adab vii, 26, who lists the variants of the name Jochebed (Yūch-
ābadh, Abādkhā, Abādkhat), then cites Ibn al-Athīr’s further variants: “It is said that the
name of Moses’s mother—by which all locks and bindings may [magically] be opened—
is as follows: Ṭaysūm, Ayūm, Qayūm, Daymūm, Dayūm.”
93 I.e., “we contracted” and “we equipped for a journey” respectively.
94 This line is particularly corrupt—perhaps these are meant to be two further versions of
Jochebed?

But for all that this Name is extremely famous, ‫ گرچه ا ین اسم بسی مشهور است‬63
here I have something else in view.95 ‫لیک اینجا نه چنین منظور است‬
[My years now being one hundred ten, ‫ سال عمرم به صد و ده چو رسید‬64
I have therefore thought to rend this secret’s veil] 96‫فکرتم پرده از ا ین راز در ید‬
and so have brought forth the priceless provision ‫ از ذخا یر کهکنوز الاسماست‬65
that is the treasures of the Names,97 98‫بنده ا ین گنج برآوردم راست‬

and have carried out this task in all propriety ‫ بهر آسانی ار باب طلب‬66
to ease the way for serious seekers, ‫کردم ا ین کار به آداب و ادب‬
to put a spring in their step, so they may attain ‫ خواستم تا که در ا ین علم بهکام‬67
of this science what they desire—such was my aim. ‫بنهم بر قدم مردان گام‬
God the One be praised, Who in this art ‫ لل ّٰه الحمد که توفیق احد‬68
has granted me the effluxion of His aid! ‫داد در ا ین هنرم فیض مدد‬
So mightily have I striven in this science ‫ من در ا ین علم بسی بردم رنج‬69
as to break all [treasury] talismans with this treasure,99 ‫که طلسمات گشودم ز ا ین گنج‬
and have now opened it ‫ سر ا ین گنج گهر بگشودم‬70
and brought out its jewels for inspection, ‫گوهر گنج عیان بنمودم‬
and paraded its houris entirely veilless ‫ حور یان را همه بی ستر و نقاب‬71
for the benefit of my friends.100 ‫بنمودم به تمام احباب‬
I have opened the treasury to seekers ‫ بهر طل ّاب گشودم سر گنج‬72
and freely given away its riches, ‫نقد ا ین گنج نمودم بی رنج‬
95 The original referent here is ḥisāb-i jummal: ‫جمل حرف چهگر مشهور است | لیک اینجا نه همان‬
‫منظور است‬
96 This line is not in the original. The versions of Javāhirī and Mīr-Jahānī both give the
author’s age as 71; in other printed versions the first hemistich reads: ‫سال عمرم چو به آخر‬
‫برسید‬
97 Kunūz al-asmāʾ, again a reference to Dihdār’s original.
98 In the original: ‫از ذخا یر کهکنوز الاسماست | ا ین عددها بدرآوردم راست‬
99 I.e., the protective talismans on treasury doors.
100 The line’s original referent is the 14 light letters, i.e., the quranic muqaṭṭaʿāt.

284 melvin-koushki
have brought forth jewels from the mine of work ‫ گوهر از کان عمل بنمودم‬73
and removed their covering. ‫پرده از چهرۀ آن بگشودم‬
The wage of those who work such a special mine ‫ص‬ّ ‫ مزد مردی که از ا ین معدن خا‬74
is [to give] the jewels they find to the few deserving. ‫ص‬ّ ‫گوهرش را چو بیابد به خوا‬
Because he’s undertaken such charitable work ‫ عمل خیر چو بنیاد کند‬75
remember ʿIyānī in prayer! ‫از عیانی به دعا یاد کند‬
In short, weariness can never turn aside ‫ غرض ا ین است که ار باب طلب‬76
serious seekers from their purpose. ‫نکشند از پی مقصود تعب‬
When they have mastered these principles entirely ‫ ا ین قواعد چو سراسر دانند‬77
let them recite a Fātiḥa for me, ‫بهر ما فاتحه ای برخوانند‬
and when they achieve results from this Name ‫ چون از ا ین اسم بیابند ا ثر‬78
let them not deviate from the straight path. ‫نروند از ره انصاف به در‬
You who possess the secret of this science and its praxis— ‫ ای که داری سرّ ا ین علم و عمل‬79
that the difficulty of this science be made easy for you, ‫ل‬
ّ ‫تا شود مشکل ا ین علمت ح‬
open your soul’s ears and your heart’s eyes ‫ گوش جان باز کن و دیدۀ دل‬80
so I may do precisely that. ‫ل ا ین مشکل‬

ّ ‫تا کنم بهر تو ح‬
If you find my discourse attractive, ‫ گر تو را میل به تقر یر من است‬81
listen well: for the time to discourse has arrived. ‫برگشا گوش که وقت سخن است‬
If you make my words your heart’s treasure ‫ سخنم گوهر گوش دل کن‬82
you will reap wisdom’s reward. ‫گوهر گوش خرد حاصل کن‬
If you seek from ʿAlī’s science a lesson ‫ اگر از علم ولی اللهی‬83
by way of blessing101 ‫به تیم ّن سبقی می خواهی‬
[know that] of those who have searched that vast ocean ‫ بهر طل ّاب از آن لجٔەّ ژرف‬84
the perfected have found many great pearls. ‫کاملان راست درّی چند شگرف‬
101 Lettrism is particularly associated with ʿAlī and Jaʿfar by Sunni and Shiʿi lettrists alike; see
Melvin-Koushki, Quest 171 and passim.

I myself have taken a lesson from these ‫ من از آن طایفه دارم سبقی‬85
and recite it again for them in these pages. ‫خوانده ام در برایشان ورقی‬
[These my cryptic words that make manifest my thought ‫ در رموزات که فکرم جلی است‬86
are among the gifts of Muḥammad and ʿAlī.] 102‫از عطاهای نبی و ولی است‬
Know you not that the [Supreme] Name ‫ اسم او با سور قرآنی‬87
is [in value] equivalent to the suras of the Quran?103 104‫متساوی است اگر می دانی‬
[Properly arranged, its letters are eight, ‫ هشت حرف است به ترتیب و نظام‬88
and expanded (basṭ) become 40 in total.105 ‫بسط حرفیش چهل گشته تمام‬
As uttered its gematrical value is 19:106 ‫ لفظیش نوزده از روی جم ّل‬89
this basic point makes possible its operation.107 ‫هست چون مدخل باسط به عمل‬
Its first letter is M, its fourth L, ‫ اّولش میم و چهارم لام است‬90
its third currently well known,108 ‫سّیمش شهره در ا ین ای ّام است‬
and its last letter is Ṭ, which has letters six— ‫ بود آخر و شش حرف در او‬110‫ طا‬91
understand a point comprehensible only to the pure.109 ‫نکته فهمی که بفهمد نیکو‬
102 With the exception of line 87, lines 86–96 are not in the original.
103 Scil., 114—a value equivalent to the Name jāmiʿ, All-comprehensive, likewise used to
describe the Quran itself as a Supreme Name, as well as jafr (i.e., Imam ʿAlī’s al-Jafr wa-
l-jāmiʿa); see Ḥasanzāda Āmulī, Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 413. An alternative calculation is pro-
posed in Mīr-Jahānī, Ravāyiḥ al-nasamāt 106–107.
104 In the original: ‫ا ین عدد با سور قرآنی | متساوی است اگر می دانی‬
105 As Ḥasanzāda Āmulī notes, the Name jāmiʿ fits this description; when subjected to basṭ,
it produces 8 letters ( JYMALFʿN), when then subjected to ṣadr u muʾakhkhar over 5 lines
become 40 letters in total. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 413–414. Two basic lettrist techniques, basṭ
refers to the expansion of a name or word with the full name of each of its letters, while
ṣadr u muʾakhkhar refers to the reordering of letters in a line by alternately taking letters
from the beginning and end of that line, e.g. ALFMYBNW → AWLNFBMY.
106 See Ḥasanzāda Āmulī for a range of possible interpretations. Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 415.
107 The line’s original referent is the 19 letters of the basmala.
108 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī notes that four Names matching this description occur in the the thir-
teenth section of the Greater Armor (mudīl, munīl, muqīl, muḥīl), and ten in the forty-ninth
(musahhil, mufaḍḍil, mubaddil, mudhallil, munazzil, munawwil, mufaṣṣil, mujzil, mumhil,
mujmil). Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 417. Cf. Mīr-Jahānī, Ravāyiḥ al-nasamāt 107–108.
109 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī proposes the term Paraclete ( fāraqlīṭ/faraqlīṭ) as a possible referent.
Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 418.
110 In some printed versions ẓā.

286 melvin-koushki
In three places its Name begins with D ‫ است‬112‫ از سه جا مصدر اسمش دال‬92
as at the beginning of a verse in the Sura of the Spoils.111 ‫بر سر آیه ای از انفال است‬
Its beginning is 17, its end S ‫ اّولش هفده و آخر سین است‬93
forever in the middle of YS.113 ‫مت ّصل در وسط یس است‬
Its heart is conducive of happinesses varied, ‫ قلب او باعث خوشحالیهاست‬94
its nominative and accusative cases all of them light. ‫فتح و نصبش همگی نور و ضیاست‬
This comprehends the cause of the letters’ effects ‫ شامل عل ّت آثار حروف‬95
and all of the letters’ cycles.114 ‫جامع کل ّی ادوار حروف‬
The product of its bayyina, [as noted,] is 70, ‫ مخرج بینّ ه اش هفتاد است‬96
a master principle [to follow].] 115‫ا ین همه قاعدۀ استاد است‬

How happy the heart that grasps such allusions! ‫ خرّم آن دل که بیابد ا ین رمز‬97
Don’t reveal them to just any winker. ‫نکند فاش رموزات به غمز‬
ʿIyānī, you have elucidated them [enough], ‫ ای عیانی چو تو ا ین کشف رموز‬98
have found and disbursed these riches— ‫کردی و یافتی آن نقد کنوز‬
now reveal no more of this secret, ‫ بیش از ا ین کاشف ا ین راز مباش‬99
cease to be an informant! ‫راز پنهان کن و غماّ ز مباش‬
It is strictly for those who are worthy, ‫ هر که اهلی ّت ا ین حالش هست‬100
who through prayer attain what has here been described ‫به دعا حاصل از ا ین قالش هست‬
But softly now, lest the evil unworthy ‫ دم فرو بند که نا اهل شر یر‬101
learn of this elite method! ‫ص خبیر‬ّ ‫نشود ز ا ین روش خا‬
111 Ḥasanzāda Āmulī here notes a number of Names beginning with either Dh or D. Rumūz-i
kunūz iii, 420.
112 In some printed versions dhāl.
113 As Ḥasanzāda Āmulī notes, H has the value of 17 in the AḤST cycle, descending to S (the
final letter in the Quran), as does B (the first letter in the Quran) in the cycle AJNDh.
Rumūz-i kunūz iii, 420–421.
114 I.e., the different letter series used for different prognosticative purposes, including ABJD,
ABTTh, AYQGh, AHṬM, etc.
115 This line repeats line 57.

It is only by leave of God the Forgiving ‫ من به توفیق خداوند غفور‬102
that I have revealed to seekers this method, ‫طالبان را بنمودم دستور‬
have discoursed cryptically on its theory and applications, ‫ اصل و فرعش بنمودم به رموز‬103
distributing freely the wealth of these treasures. ‫فاش کردم به همه نقد کنوز‬
Let all with utmost sincerity ‫ به عیانی همه از صدق و صفا‬104
offer a prayer for ʿIyānī! ‫بکنند از سر اخلاص دعا‬
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Light upon Light

Essays in Islamic Thought and History

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1 Scholarship and Folklore?

2 The Rise of Islam in a Judeo-Christian Context 25

3 Biblical Turns of Phrase in the Quran 45

4 The Interpretation of the Covenant Verse in Classical Imami

5 Kitāb intizāʿāt al-Qurʾān al-ʿaẓīm

6 Risāla fī l-ṣifāt wa-ʿilm al-tawḥīd

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7 Shiʿi Literature in the Late Ninth Century

8 The Treatise on the Ascension (al-Risāla al-miʿrājiyya)

9 The Image of Qalandar in the Dīvān-i Shams 239

10 Pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī on the Supreme Name, a Safavid-Qajar Lettrist

11 Sufism and Islamic Identity in Jalaluddin Rumi’s Anatolia 291

12 India as a Sufi Spacetime in the Work of Jamālī of Delhi 316

14 Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s Taxonomy of Extraordinary Acts 347

16 Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Soteriology 383

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17 Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī and the Art of Knowing 401

18 Religious Satire in the Maqāmāt of al-Hamadhānī 423

19 Doctrinal Anxiety and Social Reality regarding Music and Dance in

Index of Arabic and Persian Terms 453

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Pseudo-Shaykh Bahāʾī on the Supreme Name, a

How vividly I remember my first formal introduction to lettrism (ʿilm al-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004410121_011

In tribute to Gerhard Bowering, then, who set me—unintentionally, and at

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(Namehoards), by Maḥmūd Dihdār Shīrāzī (fl. 1576), Shaykh Bahāʾī’s teacher

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1 Safavid Philosophy as Occult-Scientific Practice

In recent decades, and watered by the labors of Henry Corbin in particular,

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understand—and shape—reality. That is to say, an investment in the occult

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and geomancy, as a primary occult-scientific application of mathematics by the

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but exclusively of walāya, here presented as Sufi-style sainthood rather than

20 Kāzirūnī, Sullam al-samāvāt 81–130.

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2 Shaykh Bahāʾī as Safavid Mage

I am without peer in this era, the one

As quintessential Safavid Neopythagoreanizing sage, then, it is hardly surpris-

23 Jaʿfariyān, Naqsh-i khāndān 409–410. As to the enduringly popular association of Mīr

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encomium: Shaykh Bahāʾī, the ultimate scholar, is “possessed of eternal forms

It is widely known that Shaykh Bahāʾī engraved a magic square (mu-

For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV

30 Tunikābunī, Qiṣaṣ al-ʿulamāʾ 295. On contemporary anti-plague letter magic—a primary

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On seeking an audience with kings (dīdan-i mulūk): One must inscribe a

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Shaykh Bahāʾī’s fame as the greatest sage-mage of Safavid Iran, in sum,

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ties: only European Renaissance men are currently historiographically free to