The Urban Planning Process.: Dames, Thomas Allan

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Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive

Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection

1972

The urban planning process.

Dames, Thomas Allan.


Purdue University

http://hdl.handle.net/10945/16420
m
THE URBAN PLANNING PROCESS

A Thesis

Submitted to the Faculty

of

Purdue University

by

Thomas Allan Dames


II

In Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree

of

Doctor of Philosophy

August 1972

T148501
1:L
LIBRARY
NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOS
MOIJTERSY, £AJ*X1P< &334Q

To Ursula Anne
Ill

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

With a deep sense of gratitude, the author wishes to


personally thank Dr. William L. Grecco, Professor of Urban
Planning and Engineering at Purdue University, for his
enlightened leadership and counsel, not only during the
conduct of this research, but throughout our warm and
professional association. All that is worthwhile in this
work was born of this association. To receive such counsel
from Dr. Grecco is an unforgettable intellectual pleasure.
For their interest, guidance, and reasoned criticism
of this research, the author wishes to sincerely thank
Professor Harold L. Michael, Head of Urban Planning and
Engineering at Purdue, Professor Robert D. Miles of the
School of Civil Engineering, and Dr. Colin L. Moodie of
the School of Industrial Engineering. Their participation
was most welcome and they constituted a most sympathetic
audience for the early drafts of this material.
I must also acknowledge a strong debt to my fellow

officers in the Civil Engineer Corps, United States Navy,


for altogether demonstrating a standard of professional
excellence not exceeded elsewhere in my experience. With
a sincere concern for the inequity of singling out one such
officer, I must nonetheless note that Rear Admiral Spencer R,
Smith afforded me the opportunity to observe this excellence
at first hand, and never failed to encourage me to emulate
it.
To Dr. John F. McLaughlin, Head of the School of Civil
Engineering at Purdue, and his staff, I owe a debt of thanks
for the ease of reentry to the Academe.
IV

To my fellow students, past and present, I offer a


warm thank you for a vibrant and stimulating environment of
intellectual endeavor.
I acknowledge the professional and personal counsel of
Dr. Charles C. Schimpeler of Schimpeler - Corradino
Associates, Louisville, Kentucky. Dr. Schimpeler' s unfailing
enthusiasm and competence is a joy to experience.
We are all, of course, the products of our experience
and I must finally acknowledge the unrepayable debt to my
parents and my family for providing environments conducive
to intellectual persuit, often at considerable sacrifice.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF TABLES ix

LIST OF FIGURES x

ABSTRACT xii

INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER I. GOALS AND OBJECTIVES 6

Identifying the Community Influentials 12


The Development of Community Goals and
Objectives 13
The Ordering of Community Goals and Objectives . 26
Notes 36

CHAPTER II. ORGANIZATION 38

A Conceptual Model of Planning Activity .... 38


The Use of the Model in Planning Organization . 44
The Use of the Model in Study Design 50
The Study Design Methodology 57
Notes 66

CHAPTER III. INVENTORY 67

A Data-Use Matrix 72
Land Data 83
Land Use 83
Ownership 84
Frontage and Area 84
Easements 84
Landmark 84
Number of Parking Spaces 84
Assessed Value of Land and Improve-
ments 84
Real Estate Tax Revenue 84
Sale Price and Sale Data 85
Summary 85
Street Data 85
Intersection 85
Length of Segment, Right-of-way
Width and Pavement Width 85
Functional Class 85
Structural Composition and Percent
Grade 86
Average Traffic and Peak Hour Traffic. 86
Number of Accidents 86
Curb Parking 86
VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)

Page
Sidewalks and Street Lights 86
Number of Lanes and Loading Zone ... 86
Transit Route and School Route.... 86
Access Control 87
Condition 87
Utilities Sharing Right-of-way.... 87
Summary 87
Structural Data 87
Year Built and Type of Construction . 87
Building Condition 87
Number of Floors, Total Floor Area
and First Floor Area 88
Number and Type of Building Code
Violations 88
Rehabilitation Cost 88
Police Calls and Fire Calls 88
Utility Service 88
Summary 88
Dwelling Unit Data 89
Percent Vacant 89
Residents by Sex and Age Groups ... 89
Family Income 89
Family Education and Occupation ... 89
Vehicles Owned, Place of Work and
Means of Transportation to Work . . 90
Number and Types of Communicable
Diseases 90
Rent 90
Summary 90
Non-Dwelling Unit Data 91
Peak Shift Employees, Number of
Employees and Optimum Total
Employment 91
Major Product Groups 91
Percent Sales Outside the Area.... 91
Summary 91
Some Concepts of Sampling 92
Sample Size 94
Sample Selection 95
Simple Random Sample 95
Stratified Random Sample 96
Systematic Sample and Stratified
Systematic Sample 96
Cluster Sampling 97
Error 97
Accuracy and Precision 98
VL1

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)

Page
Urban Information Systems 101
Information Hierarchy 102
Levels of System Sophistication 102
System Development 102
Summary 105
Notes 105

CHAPTER IV. ANALYSIS 106

The Use of Models 109


The Strategy and Tactics of Modeling . . . 110
An Example 113
The Use of Systems Analysis 117
General Systems Theory 117
Urban Systems Analysis 121

CHAPTER V. FORECASTING 125

The Forecasting Model 126


Substance 126
Area 134
Procedure 135
Forecasting Techniques 136
Economic Activity Forecasts 136
Population Estimates and Forecasts .... 145
Land Use Forecasts 147
Transportation Forecasts 149
Summary 158

CHAPTER VI. DESIGN 159

Considerations of Form 161


Considerations of Quality 169
Operational Considerations 176
An Example 179
Summary 183
Notes 183

CHAPTER VII. EVALUATION 184

The Conceptual Model of the Evaluation Phase . . 186


Substantive Scope 186
Areal Scope 188
Procedural Scope 190
Evaluation Steps 190
Evaluation Roles 190
Evaluation Strategies
Summary 191
Vlll

TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)

Page
Evaluation Techniques ..... 192
Intuitive Methods 193
Monetary Valuation Methods 194
The Equivalent Uniform Annual Cost
Method 194
The Present Worth of Costs Method . . 195
The Equivalent Uniform Annual Net
Return Method 195
The Net Present Value Method 195
The Benefit/Cost Ratio Method .... 196
The Rate of Return Method 196
Social Accounts Valuation Methods 198
Utility Value Methods 199
Goal Achievement Methods 201
Psychological Valuation Methods 205
Summary 206
A Note on Practice 207
Conclusions 211
Notes 211

CHAPTER VIII. IMPLEMENTATION 213

The Conceptual Model of the Implementation


Phase 215
Substantive Scope 215
Areal Scope 219
Procedural Scope 221
Operational Considerations 223
A Note on Federal Assistance 233
Summary 234
Notes 235

CONCLUDING REMARKS 236

BIBLIOGRAPHY 238
General References 247

VITA 258
IX

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1-1 Sample Community Goals and Objectives .... 15

II-l Sample Work Item Resource Assignment 62

III-l Descriptive Data Showing a University Level


of Service 70

III-2 Sample Land Use Plan Objectives and Data


Items 73

V-l Cents Worth of Input per Dollar Output .... 138

V-2 Input Requirements in Dollars 139

V-3 Allocation of Sales by Percent 140

V-4 Allocation of Sales by Percent Direct and


Indirect 141

VI-1 Site Features/Design Considerations: Steeply


Sloped Site 171

VII-1 Conceptual Payoff Matrix 199

VII-2 The Goals -Achievement Matrix 202

VTI-3 Historical Evaluation Technique Emphases . . . 210

VIII-1 Methods of Implementing Environmental Policies,


by Land Form 229
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1-1 A Conceptual Visualization of the Client
Constituency 10

II-l A Conceptual Model of Planning Activity ... 39

II-2 A Conceptual Elemental Event in the Planning


Model 41

II-3 The Community Land Use Forecast in the Model . 43

II-4 The Organization Phase in the Conceptual


Model of Planning Activity 45

II-5 Conceptual Demand Curves . 47

II-6 The Use of the Conceptual Model in Planning


Organization 52

II-7 Four Conceptual Staffing Schemes 54

II-8 Sample Parking Study Flow Diagram 58

II-9 Sample School Study Flow Diagram 59

11-10 Sample Organization Phase Flow Diagram .... 61

III-l The Inventory Phase in the Conceptual Model


of Planning Activity 68

III-2 A Sample Data-Use Matrix 78

III-3 The Relationship Between Sampling and Non-


sampling Error 99

III-4 The Relationship Between Accuracy and


Precision 100

III-5 Logic Diagram for Coding Information to


Land Parcel 104

IV-1 The Conceptual Model of Statewide Recreational


Travel to State Parks 114

V-l The Forecasting Phase in the Conceptual Model


of Planning Activity 127

V-2 A Conceptual Forecasting Model 128


XL

LIST OF FIGURES (cont.)

Figure Page
V-3 Conceptual Forecasted Outcomes 132

VI-1 Example Demand Curves, Golf and Swimming . . . 180

VII-1 The Evaluation Phase in the Conceptual Model


of Planning Activity 187

VIII-1 The Implementation Phase in the Conceptual


Model of Planning Activity 216
X1L

ABSTRACT

Dames, Thomas Allan. Ph.D., Purdue University, August, 1972.


The Urban Planning Process. Major Professor: William L.
Grecco.

The precept central to this work is that there is a


methodology common to urban planning over the entire ranges
of such planning from the most comprehensive to the most
limited and from the greatest in areal extent to the
smallest. This common methodology is considered as a
process with a definable beginning, a definable end and
requisite intermediate steps.
The beginning occurs with a need to plan perceived by
the client constituency of the planner and refined through
the formulation of a set of goals and objectives of this
constituency. This procedure, as well as necessary
administrative requirements, occurs in the organization
phase of the planning process. The planning process continues
sequentially through a series of steps or phases to investi-
gate and institute proposals deemed desireable and feasible
based upon the enunciated goals and objectives. The phases
have been designated as that of organization, inventory,
analysis, forecasting, design, evaluation, and implementa-
tion. The distinctions among the phases are both conceptual
and operational, not withstanding due regard given to feed-
back and feedforeward elements.
A conceptual model of the planning process is intro-
duced and examined throughout this research. It is hypothes-
ized that this model adequately demonstrates the sequential
nature of the planning process. It further demonstrates
that procedural considerations can be used to conceptually
examine the substantive scope of planning, from the most
XLLL

general to the most specific, and the areal scope of planning,


from the greatest to the smallest. The interaction of sub-
stance, area, and process defines planning in both a con-
ceptual and operational sense.
Specific examples of planning procedures are intro-
duced in the research with a twofold purpose: to demonstrate
the mechanics of a specific technique; and, more importantly,
to bridge the gap between the themes of concept and opera-
tionally.
The research is addressed to specific audiences. These
include the engineer who finds himself in a planning situa-
tion, representatives of other professions similarly situated,
executives in both the public and private sectors and,
generally, that individual with little planning education or
experience who is faced with the need to participate in
urban planning.
A second audience is the Academe. A work of this type
will constitute a sound basis for a graduate or undergraduate
introduction to urban planning irrespective of the student's
main area of interest.
A third audience is the planning profession itself.
The body of literature on the planning process is disjointed
and fragmented. Typically it consists of four types of
documents: detailed technical treatises on a particular
technique; somewhat more general works albiet about a
specific type of planning; histories about the planning
process in a specific situation participated in or observed
by the author; and philosophical works about the need to
plan. This is an impressive and valuable body of knowledge
but, perhaps owing to its generally recent vintage, it has
not been brought together in a format such as this.
.

INTRODUCTION

The precept central to this work is that there is a


methodology common to urban planning over the entire ranges
of such planning from the most comprehensive to the most
limited and from the greatest in areal extent to the
smallest. This common methodology is considered as a
process with a definable beginning, a definable end and
requisite intermediate steps.
The beginning occurs with a perceived need to plan.
This perception has as its basis the difference between the
style of life currently held by the perceptor and that style
defined as "better" based upon his set of values . In a
macro sense, the exploration, definition and development of
the various sets of values held by the public defines the
public purpose. The public is made up of those people
directly affected by the plan and is termed the client
constituency of the planner so as not to limit this discussion
to the more restrictive sense of public; i.e., governmental,
planning. The formulized and measured sets of values are
called the goals and objectives of the client constituency
and serve as the conceptual basis for specific planning
endeavors
The planning process then runs sequentially through a
series of steps or phases to investigate the institute
proposals deemed desirable and feasible based upon the
enunciated goals and objectives. The phases have been
designated as that of organization, inventory, analysis,
forecasting, design, evaluation, and implementation. The
distinctions among the phases are both conceptual and
operational, not withstanding due regard given to feedback
and feedforeward elements.
A conceptual model of the planning process is intro-
duced and examined throughout this work. It is hypothesized
that this model adequately demonstrates the sequential
nature of the planning process. It further demonstrates
that procedural considerations can be used to conceptually
examine the substantive scope of planning, from the most
general to the most specific, and the areal scope of
planning, from the greatest to the smallest. The inter-
action of substance, area, and process defines planning
in both a conceptual and operational sense.
These themes of concept and operationality run through-
out the work. In maintaining the two, some information at
the extremes is necessarily omitted. As a result, this
work is neither a theoretical development of the planning
process nor a procedural manual. It rather is conducted on
a level of discussion intermediate between the two. A
further theme is one of commonality. Only where absolutely
necessary were distinctions made between planning in the
public sector and planning in the private sector. Institu-
tional considerations were also minimized, so little
reference is made to planning in a large, complex and highly
structured environment or one less so in any of these
qualities. It is thought that such considerations have
impacts which will not detract significantly from the
information presented. Balancing this commonality, specific
examples have been included with a twofold purpose: to
demonstrate the mechanics of a specific technique; and,
more importantly to bridge the gap between the themes of
concept and operationality.
The examples were purposely chosen so as not to fall
within one type of planning from chapter to chapter. It was
felt that this would lend too much credence to the mechanics
of the examples, to the detriment of the concepts underlying
those mechanics. There is a commonality of concept from one
type of planning to another, quite apart from whatever
. .

the substance of the chosen examples happens to be. It is


up to the reader to make the necessary transfer as
appropriate
In this same vein, the applications of the conceptual
model of planning activity are suggested, but not exhausted.
The themes of concept, operationality and commonality
were nonetheless addressed to specific audiences. These
include the engineer who finds himself in a planning
situation, representatives of other professions similarly
situated, executives in both the public and private sectors
and, generally, that individual with little planning education
or experience who is faced with the need to participate in
u rban p lann ing

A second audience is the Academe. It is thought that


a work of this type will constitute a sound basis for a
graduate or undergraduate introduction to urban planning
irrespective of the student's main area of interest.
A third audience is the planning profession itself.
The body of literature on the planning process is disjointed
and fragmented. Typically it consists of four types of
documents: detailed technical treatises on a particular
technique; somewhat more general works albiet about a
specific type of planning; histories about the planning
process in a specific situation participated in or observed
by the author; and philosophical works about the need to
plan. This is an impressive and valuable body of knowledge
but, perhaps owing to its generally recent vintage, it has
never been brought together in a format such as this.
Chapter I opens with a discussion of the concept of
the client constituency and methods of its identification.
The discussion then turns to methods of identifying the
goals and objectives of this constituency and measuring
their relative importance.
Chapter II, Organization, introduces the conceptual
model of planning activity. This model, together with the
goals and objectives of the client constituency developed
in Chapter I, is then used to delimit the planning area and
nest the substance of the plan into a hierarchy of planning,
from the most general to the most specific. The administra-
tion of the planning effort is discussed and the refinement
of the goals and objectives into an operational scheme is
traced through the preparation of a prospectus, a study
design, and procedural manuals.
Chapter III discusses the inventory of information
deemed necessary to plan, based upon the operational and
administrative refinements executed in Chapter II. A
data-use matrix is presented showing the conceptual end
use of various data for typical plans. Discussions of
sampling and the use and development of urban information
systems close the chapter.
Chapter IV investigates the analysis of inventoried
data. Typically this analysis follows the classical
scientific method of induction, generalization, deduction and
testing. The use of models is defined and explored and
some suggestions are offered regarding the strategy and
tactics of modeling. Two examples illustrate these concepts.
General systems theory is outlined and a discussion on
urban systems analysis demonstrates that the use of the
conceptual model of planning activity developed in this
work is itself a systematic analysis.
Chapter V contains an investigation of the problem
that urban planners face in dealing with future events and
the attendant risk of forecasting. A conceptual forecasting
model is examined and a relatively detailed discussion
follows on the techniques of forecasting key measures of
economic activity, population characteristics, land use
characteristics, and transportation characteristics.
Chapter VI on urban design discusses the preparation
of a plan, or a set of alternative plans, designed to meet
these forecasted characteristics in a manner arising from
i

and consistant with the goals and objectives of the client


constituency. It is necessarily the most philosophical
phase of the planning process. An exploration of general
and specific considerations of form and considerations of
quality is followed by a discussion of the modi o per end
of urban design. One such mode is developed as an example
at the end of the chapter.
Chapter VII investigates the evaluation phase of the
conceptual model of planning activity. As with other phases,
the benchmarks continue to be the goals and objectives of
the client constituency. A relatively detailed treatment is
offered of the range of evaluative methods including those
that are intuitive, monetary, social, utile, goal-achieving,
and psychological. Examples of current practice are
included.
Chapter VIII investigates the natural and operational
conclusion of urban planning, implementation. The role of
the planner is explored within the context of the con-
ceptual model of planning activity. A discussion of
implementation strategies, tactics, techniques and aids
closes the chapter.
CHAPTER I

GOALS AND OBJECTIVES

It seems logical to begin the study of planning method-


ology with a short note about the planner himself and the
milieus in which he must act. A planner is one who plans.
An urban planner plans aspects of urban life and a pro-
fessional urban planner does so or teaches so for a living
with a further connotation of working under an ethic.
It is not purpose of this research to elaborate on this
theme except to note that it is not surprising that numerous
longer established professions lay some claim to professional
urban planning (Pollard, 1969). Under the above definitions,
such claims are justified.
A client is someone for whom another person acts,
again with an ethical connotation. It is difficult, but
necessary, for an urban planner to correctly identify his
client, because the professional relationship established
subsequent to this is as delicate as any repeatedly referred
to in law or medicine.
The client of the professional urban planner is a
constituency made up of the people affected by the plan
and the employer of the urban planner. Carried to its
extreme, we are each a constituent client of any urban plan
ever conceived. The dilemma presented by this situation is,
of course, avoided by limiting consideration of this con-
stituency to those persons most likely to be materially
affected by the plan.
Two examples will suffice to illustrate this. In the
case of a single private entrepreneur who wishes to develop
his vacant property for residential use and annexation by
an existing community, the client constituency is:
the entrepreneur,
the future residents of the property,
the current and future residents of the community,
and, in some respects, the current and future
residents of the region encompassing the
community.
In the case of the city manager who wishes a land use
plan for his community, the client constituency is:
the city manager,
the current and future residents of the city,
and probably the current and future residents
of the region encompassing the city.
Some investigation of this client constituency has
been carried out by Kaplan (1969) and he notes that the
client/planner relationship becomes complexed by individual
constituents who want to participate in the planning process,
by individual constituents who view the employer/planner
relationship as working counter to their best interests,
and by the self doubt of the planner himself as to who
exactly is his client.
Add to this the fact that decision making in urban
affairs has been often justifiably characterized as incre-
mental, remedial, serial, exploratory, fragmented and
disjointed (Braybrooke, 1963) and one is left with the
question "Why plan at all?"
The reason is that the study of urbanization leaves
little doubt that past plans have had an impact on urban
development. This impact has sometimes been generally good,
sometimes generally bad. The later instances are often
thought of as a failure _to plan but it is the contention of
this work that they were the failure to plan adequately .

Indeed, many of the serious problems of American cities


today have been traced by sociologists, politicians, and
urbanologists to the failures of past planning. The natural
.

forward extension of this contention is that today's plans


must be adequate to deal with problems that not only face
cities today but also those that will face our cities some
years from now. A logical correlary to this is that every-
thing should be planned.
Three constraints serve to keep the urban planning
profession away from this normative state of perfection.
We cannot be sure of those aspects of past planning that
contribute to urban malaise today; we cannot be sure of the
consequences tomorrow of today's planning; and we do not
have the resources to plan everything even if the causative
relationships were known. Since none of these constraints
seems likely to be overcome, urban planning will probably
never reach a normative state of perfection. But it is
contended here that the profession can advance toward this
state of perfection by an easing of the three constraints.
This easing can be accomplished by an investigation of the
goals and objectives of the client constituency to establish
the direction of remedial planning (the first constraint),
the direction of prescriptive planning (the second constraint),
and the allocation of scarce resources to this effort (the
third constraint)
An investigation of the goals and objectives of the
client requires citizen participation in the planning process,
actual or vicarious. It is important to consider citizen
participation as a process rather than as a product of this
process (Chisholm, 1970) or an administrative necessity to
gain funding. This process infuses and permeates the
planning process to such a degree that both the planning
and the goals and objectives of the client constituency
change over time as a result of their interaction.
In discussing planning in a Swedish suburb Anton
(1969) notes:
The goals of the various actors were developed in the
process of bargaining itself rather than existing as
,
.

predetermined ideas in the minds of the actors. Since


goal modification in exchange for political support
was the essence of the bargaining process and since
political support of a sufficient number of actors to
produce agreement was essential for resolution of the
issue, the outcome represented the final stage in a
series of successive approximations to what was
least objectionable rather than to what was most
desirable. 1"
Two themes are emphasized in this comment. First, the
goals and objectives of the client constituency change over
time and the course of the planning process, and second,
these same goals and objectives are used to evaluate pro-
posals and decide from among alternatives. A sample method-
ology for establishing the goals and objectives of the client
constituency at the outset of the planning process follows
in this chapter. Later in the work, and particularly in
Chapter VII, several methods of evaluation are explored to
decide from among alternatives.
The set of individuals comprising the client con-
stituency can be analyzed in a manner similar to that
depicted in Figure 1-1. This set is actually a system of
overlapping interests, some organizational and some issue
oriented. At the apex rests the decision maker who will
most probably play many roles. A single private developer
may be the dispenser of monies, the arbiter of conflict, the
representative of future occupants, etc. Similarly, at the
apex might be a city planning commission, a private foundation,
a federal agency, a city manager or any such conceivable
employer of a professional urban planner. This is the usual
point of entry for the planner into the system.
At the base rests the public at large characterized
by a very limited knowledge of their city or cities in
general, a very limited knowledge of the time and expense

* Superscript numbers refer to Notes at the end of the


Chapter
10

FIGURE I-

A CONCEPTUAL VISUALIZATION OF THE CLIENT CONSTITUENCY


2

11

of the planning process, and a very limited awareness of


the interdependence of the elements that make up their
city (Branch, 1968).
In between these extremes and at the apexes of various
smaller figures are individuals with personal or altruistic
interests in the plan. These individuals are the community
leaders or responsibles of subsets of individuals within the
community, and as such, they are influential in community
affairs. These subsets are often called publics and almost
everyone in the community can be said to participate in many
publics; one say arising from his job, another from his
ethnic origin, another from his religion, another from his
marital status, etc.
The methodology exampled here suggests the use of these
community influentials to establish the goals and objectives
of the client constituency. The arguments for this are
threefold. First, the goals and objectives of the employer
or even the employer/planner team are most probably not
congruent with those of the client constituency. Second,
the cost of establishing the goals and objectives of the
client constituency as a whole, even by sampling methods,
is prohibitive. There are many reasons for this, among them
might be the need for a massive public education program to
enlighten the public at large. It cannot be denied that this
would be a worthwhile endeavor of itself but it is probably
outside the budgetary and professional scope of urban planning
Further, such an education and subsequent investigation of
community values would take so long a period of time that the
data might perish. Bolan (1967) writes that,
. .values are continually changing, goals are
.

shifting, priorities are varying - the public


agenda never really stands still for one to mount a
concentrated attack on it. Moreover the decision
environment itself changes over time. Elections
are won and lost, faces and personalities change,
new laws are passed, and marginal adjustment of
institutional structure continually occurs.
12

The third argument for using community influentials to


establish goals and objectives is that the community influen-
tials themselves are in a position to aid in implementation
of the plan, and thus tender their judgments not only upon
hypothetical considerations, but also upon specific future
conditions that they will work to see effected. Their
prophecies tend toward self fulfillment. Further, to plan
without taking the goals and objectives of the community
influentials into account leaves the plan vulnerable to
challenge by them.
The goals and objectives of the client constituency are
established and measured by the following three step process:
1. Identify the community influentials;

2. Have the community influentials develop the goals


and objectives of the community;

3. Have the community influentials develop an order


of precedence of these goals and objectives.
Much of what follows here regarding these steps was
first elucidated in a work by Schimpeler (1967) in Louisville,

Identifying the Community Influentials


There are several methods for identifying community
influentials. The first consists of identifying those indi-
viduals who have the potential of being influential by virtue
of their position in the client constituency. The employer
of the planner would be identified here, if not elsewhere.
Other examples are elected or appointed officials, bank
presidents, industrial magnates, leaders of civic organiza-
tions, major businessmen, prominent professionals, media
directors, educators, and leaders of political parties.
Another method involves issue examination. For each
issue area in the recent client constituency history, an
attempt is made to establish who supported proposals that
were adopted, or who successfully countered the proposals of
others (Dahl. 1961).
13

A third method begins with a panel of knowledgable


citizens who are asked to select from the set of individuals
in the client constituency (perhaps provided by methods one
and two) those who are community influentials (Hunter, 1953).
This process can be iterative and converging by then going
to the selected influentials and asking them in turn to
select from the list of selectees.
A fourth method recognizes the correlation between
influence and participation in social and civic organizations
such as the Chamber of Commerce, the Rotary Club, etc.
Persons who participate in many of these are probable
influentials (Olmstead, 1954).
A fifth method is to identify the relatively small
number of individuals who hold, or have held policy making
positions in a number of organizations. These inter-
organizational influentials then comprise a highly distilled
and possibly closed network of influence that can be brought
to bear on a given issue (Perrucci, 1970).
There appears to be no unanimous agreement among
sociologists and political scientists as to the best method.
Further, there is dissent on the degree that the methods
effect the results (Perrucci, 1970) and whether the methods
converge on the same set of influentials (Preston, 1969 and
Fox, 1969).
Schimpeler noted that the Hunter Reputational Technique
and the Position Potential Techniques can result in the
broadest identification of community influentials.

The Development of Community Goals and Objectives


The community influentials are gathered together at
what will most probably be a series of meetings extending
over several weeks. They are given the charter by the planner
or the planner/employer team to develop a set of goals and
objectives for the community. Here the planner provides an
extremely important function by providing seed ideas to
14

insure that, over the course of these meetings, each facet


of community development that he knows as a professional
to be important is considered by the committee. The planner
must be manifestly objective in this process and most careful
not to inject his own values into the process. Further,
his audience will be affected not only by what he says but
by how he says it, in the same manner that the public may
be affected not only by the physical characteristics of a
presented plan, but also by its manner of presentation
(Creighton, 1969). These seed ideas may take the form of
lectures or discussions about prior studies or may even be
an examination of the goals and objectives developed in
conjunction with other plans. It is recommended that the
planner provide this committee with an initial set of goals
and objectives as a starting point from which the final set
will evolve. Convergence on a single set will be much
faster with some initial input, yet this will not preclude
the formulation of goals and objectives in words meaningful
to the committee. A sample set of goals and two levels of
objectives is here provided in Table 1-1 for the planner's
consideration. It would be highly improbable that any
committee would completely accept the given set without
substantial change.
Free discussion of the meaning of goals and objectives
should ensue so that each participant and the planner are
aware of the connotations of sometimes abstract terms. The
goals and objectives should be well ordered in so far as
their generality is concerned and there must be some
aggregation of concept from the specific to the general.
One suggested order is that goals be defined by several
levels of objectives which are further defined by work items.
If one participant feels very strongly about "providing
pedestrian foot paths between residential areas", for
instance, that can be a second order objective under
"develop a balanced, effective, integrated transportation
15

Table 1-1

Sample Community Goals and Objectives 3

A. Public Safety Program Development

1. Insure Safe Publicly Owned Facilities (excludes


legislative action)

a. Insure the maintenance of public buildings


(transit terminals, libraries, public offices,
theaters, etc.)

b. Provide for safety through design, construction,


maintenance, and operation of the transportation
system (streets, highways, transit and sidewalks.)

c. Provide maintenance for the grounds and equip-


ment of open space areas.

d. Insure well lighted public areas.

e. Provide efficient emergency forces and facilities


(civil defense, fire fighting, police, etc.)

2. Provide for adequate public and semi public facilities


through safety regulations and their enforcement.

a. Insure the safe operation of transportation


system.

b. Insure the control of dangerous goods and


installations (explosives, chemicals, etc.)

c. Insure the safe installation and operation of


public utilities.

d. Promotion of industrial safety.

B. Public Utility and Transportation Development.

1. Insure maximum effectiveness of public utilities, by


design and locational considerations (electricity,
telephone, water, sewers, and gas).

a. Location of various utilities should be coordin-


ated.

b. Insure that all public utilities are provided in


an area as necessary to assist the desired stage
of development.
.

16

Table 1-1, cont.

c. Extension of utilities must be done in an


efficient and economical manner.

2. Take measures and develop programs to minimize


maintenance costs of public facilities.

a. Develop program of preventive maintenance and


reduced maintenance costs.

b. Evaluate maintenance costs as a basis for


selecting design.

3. Develop a balanced, effective and integrated trans-


portation system which provides for the accessib-
ility requirements of each land use.

a. Provide pedestrian footpaths between residential


areas, schools, shopping centers and recreational
areas

b. Provide adequate arterial roads to insure rapid


and safe movement to and from the area and also
within the area.

c. Reduce the pedestrian-vehicular conflict in the


CBD.

d. Provide alternative modes of travel to serve


the various needs of people and activities as
and where necessary.

e. Provide for the safe and convenient interchange


between mode.

C. Economic Development Programs

1. Develop public improvement programs within available


financial resources.

a. Provide capital works improvements which will


provide for economic growth.

b. Provide improvements to maintain value inherent


in existing facilities.

c. Establish priorities of capital works improvements


on the basis of community's value system.
.

17

Table 1-1, cent.

2. Insure effective utilization of mineral, vegetation,


air and water resources.

a. Provide priorities for immediate and future


water use.

b. Provide for flood control improvements.

c. Utilize available water resources for generating


electric power.

d. Utilize fertile lands for the production of


foodstuffs

3. Establish a strong economic base through commerce


that will bring money into the community.

a. Achieve an external-internal favorable balance


of trade.

b. Diversify the community's economic base.

c. Promote the advantages of the community's


recreational or tourist facilities.

d. Require or reserve sites for possible new manu-


facturing or industrial facilities.

e. Provide utilities, streets, zoning changes, etc.


for industrial or commercial use.

4. Insure the optimal utilization of all land.

a. Provide a comprehensive land use plan.

b. Provide proper and adequate zoning for the various


land use forms.

c. Provide guidelines as to the proper location of


buildings and utilities within the zones.

d. Establish a proper planning and control unit to


advise on the proper use of available land.

e. Establish desirable standards to be used for the


setting up of the various land units.
.

18

Table 1-1, cont.

5. Achieve increased disposable income for all people.

a. Training to provide skills for unskilled people


and increase skill level of skilled people.

b. Increase number of available jobs, workers per


family and/or number of hours worked per week.

c. Tie all salaries, wages and pensions to the


Consumer Price Index.

d. Provide guaranteed minimum annual wage.

D. Cultural Development

1. Preserve historic sites and areas of natural beauty.

a. Promote formation of local citizens groups to


identify sites and work for preservation.

b. Encourage private enterprise to purchase and


preserve sites through tax incentives.

c. Establish a trust fund from federal taxes to be


used for purchasing and preserving sites.

d. Encourage individuals to convert suitable private


sites to public land through tax incentives.

e. Make awards for good design of housing develop-


ments, highways, etc., which preserves natural
sites .

2. Promote adequate public libraries, museums and cul-


tural activities.

a. Provide neighborhood libraries as well as central


libraries

b. Provide mobile libraries.

c. Provide or promote facilities for meeting places


for neighborhood cultural and service groups.

d. Provide portable displays from museums and


cultural centers for use in neighborhood school
and social centers.
19

Table 1-1, cont.

3. Protect meaningful focal tradition and encourage


civic pride.

a. Promote civic committees and groups to observe


important local traditions and historical dates
and anniversaries.

b. Promote funds for operation of civic leagues.

E. Health Program Development

1. Regulate the provision and design of health facil-


ities for the prevention and cure of disease.

a. Establish minimum standards for health facilities


(hospitals, nursing homes, clinics).

b. Enforcement of the abofe standards.

2. Regulate the numbers and training required of


personnel in health.

a. Establish minimum standards for personnel in


health areas.

b. Enforcement of the above standards.

3. Provide for the removal of contaminants through


community programs and regulations.

a. Provide sanitary sewers and treatment plant.

b. Provide storm sewers.

c. Provide for refuse collection and disposal.

d. Provide for street cleaning, snow and ice


removal from publicly owned facilities.

e. Establishment and enforcement of air pollution


control measures.

4. Provide for adequate public health facilities,


personnel and programs for the prevention and cure
of disease.

a. Provide training and education programs to


enlighten the population to common nuisances
or health hazards.
.

20

Table 1-1, cont.

b. Provide preventive medicine services.

c. Promote community programs and planning to


eliminate mental and physical health sources.

d. Educate the population to health welfare services


available and coordinate the programs.

F. Education program Development

1. Provide adequate personnel and facilities to insure


a basic (12 Year) education for all.

a. Improve coordination between schools in both


the public and private sectors for economic
utilization of resources and a unified
effort

b. Provide adequate primary education personnel


and facilities.

c. Provide adequate high school education personnel


and facilities.

d. Improve and update the curriculum on all above


levels

2. Provide adequate facilities and personnel for


other educational programs.

a. Provide adequate pre-school facilities and


personnel. (Headstart, nurseries, kindergarten,
etc .
)

b. Provide adequate colleges and personnel.

c. Provide adequate technical schools and staff,


(vocational studies, job retraining, etc.)

d. Promote non-formal adult education.

G. Welfare Program Development

1. Eliminate injustice based on discrimination

a. Provide information to all communication media.

b. Provide a police force supervised by the people.


.

21

Table 1-1, cont.

c. Provide for correction of injustice through


proper legal channels.

d. Promote media which encourage understanding


between all groups.

2. Develop needed public welfare programs.

a. Provide aid to the elderly.

b. Provide aid to unmarried mothers.

c. Provide special education and aid to handicapped


people

d. Provide a Day Care Center for families where


both parents must work.

e. Provide medical assistance to needy people.

f. Provide informational centers for instructing


eligible people of the services available.

3. Encourage development of religious opportunities.

a. Provide suitable building sites.

b. Provide for adequate parking facilities.

4. Develop an aesthetically pleasing environment.

a. Provide attractive structures.

b. Provide attractive landscaping.

c. Screen or remove objectionable land uses.

d. Eliminate objectionable advertising displays.

H. Recreation Program Development

1. Establish open space programs.

a. Provide sufficient space to meet the existing


and future needs of the community.

b. Establish and design the open space in a


pattern so that it provides a maximum of emenity
and convenience.
.

22

Table 1-1, cont.

2. Provide adequate recreational facilities utilizing


places of natural resources and beauty and at
places of greatest need.

a. Make all facilities flexible so that they


insure economy and efficiency.

b. Provide standards and recreation programs that


are compatible with cultural, social, and economic
characteristics of the community.

c. Use recreational facilities as a developmental


tool to reinforce patterns of land use consistent
with community goals.

d. Make proper use of buffer zones.

I. Political Framework

1. Improve the framework for citizen participation


in governmental functions.

a. Keep the public fully informed of governmental


affairs to ensure an awareness of issues,
objectives and decisions (using the various
mass news media, public meetings, exhibitions,
etc . )

b. Develop in people a sense of personal participa-


tion and responsibility (using citizen meetings
and/or committees).

c. Encourage people to voice opinions and to discuss


issues so that those making decisions will be
better able to judge what is in the best interests
of the community as a whole.

2. Establish equitable taxation policies (bases, mix,


rates)

a. Policies to provide the needed revenue, compatible


with the community's ability to pay the taxes.
b. Make policies completely rational and equitable,
free from any form of discrimination or favorit-
ism.
23

Table 1-1, cont.

c. Ensure that tax assessors are adequately trained


and skilled to prevent taxation injustices.

d. Select tax bases that are easily understood and


accurately and easily collected.

3. Develop an effective governmental administration.

a. Ensure an efficient management structure within


the administration.

b. All staff appointments to be made on the basis


of capability and special skills (not on
seniority or political affiliations).

c. Fix salary levels and conditions for staff so


that the best available people are attracted.

d. Ensure that decision making at all levels is


free from any political considerations.

e. Ensure full co-ordination and liason between


governmental agencies and also with private
enterprise (to enable a ready exchange of aid,
ideas and information).

4. Establish sound governmental fiscal programs.

a. Examine all existing and possible new sources


of revenue to ensure that all possible revenue
is channeled into the fiscal programs.

b. Ensure that programs achieve the optimum balance


between the community's goals and the finance
available.

c. Ensure that programs are realistic (i.e. within


the economic capability of the community).

d. Coordinate expenditures necessary for the initial


plan implementation.

5. Develop an effective area-wide planning process.

a. Establish a permanent planning organization for


the area.
.

24

Table 1-1, cont.

b. Ensure that planning is a continuing process by


up-dating and review.

c. Set up regional committees to provide for


representation of each local government unit
in the area in the planning process.

d. Promote funds for research and development in


fields concerning urban development.

e. Promote funds for research and development (in


the planning sphere) necessary to continually
improve the plan as conditions and technology
change

6. Establish effective regulations and control mechanisms

a. Thoroughly review all existing legislation within


the city (establishing any that are missing,
removing any anomalies, etc.)

b. Legislate for effective land use zoning controls.

c. Legislate for effective land access controls


(to enable more efficient arterial usage).

d. Legislate for effective controls on all nuisances


impairing the uroan environment.

Housing Development

1. Encourage rehabilitation and conservation of


neighborhood programs.

a. Provide incentives for owner's improving by


conservation or rehabilitation.

b. Provide public work improvements to encourage


conservation and rehabilitation.

2. Provide adequate low cost housing.

a. Provide for low cost rental housing.

b. Provide for increased ownership of low cost


housing unit.
.

25

Table 1-1, cont.

3. Develop neighborhood Programs.

a. Provide delimiting boundaries.

b. Provide a central social and cultural institution

c. Provide for recreational and open space facil-


ities.

d. Provide for convenient shopping.

e. Provide for a safe circulation program.

f. Provide for the esthetics of the neighborhood.

g. Provide for adequate land use in the neighborhood

h. Provide for auxiliary activity facilities.

4. Promote a wide variety of housing types as required


within the community.

a. Provide for various choice of housing types.

b. Provide for adequate design and esthetics of


units

c. Provide for densities of structures.

d. Provide for various area densities.


.

26

system which provides for the accessibility requirements


of each land use" which is itself a first order objective
under the goal "public utility and transportation develop-
ment". Some such ordering of generality is necessary for
the purposes of comparison and evaluation. The assignment
of work items to define specific objectives in specific
community situations is a matter for the goal formulation
committee
It is important for the planner to be prepared for an
iterative and painstaking analysis. The planner injects
ideas, the participants respond, the planner injects, the
participants respond, etc.
After the fourth or fifth trip around the cycle the
elements which pass through the screen of democratic
approval accord more and more closely with the value
system of the people in the community. In the
process, the idea formulator himself has been tempered
with the heat of his confrontation with his peers,
and he himself, perhaps unwittingly, has become a
more sensitive instrument more closely atuned to
community values.^

The Ordering of Community Goals and Objectives


The placing of the formulated goals and objectives
into an order is relatively easy using any of the three
methods described below. These methods can be used to
order the goals and then to order the objectives within
each goal. The term "criterion" is used to mean either a
goal or an objective as applicable.
In a ranking method, each of the participant community
influentials gives to the most important criterion the
value 1, the second most important criterion, the value
2, etc.
If there are n criteria and m participants, the
planner converts each rank by subtracting it from n. Thus
a converted rank of n-1 is assigned the criterion receiving
the raw rank of 1, n-2 for the criterion receiving the
raw rank of 2, etc. The composite rank (R.) for a given
.

27

criterion (j) is the sum of the converted ranks of all the


m judges
m

R R-ji , j = 1, 2, . . . n-1, n.
j

i = 1

A normalized utility value (u.) associated with each


criterion j over all the participants is then:

R.
u , j = 1, 2, . . . n.
n

R.
J

j - 1

An example follows.

abed
Participants
abedParticipants

C 1 2 2 3 2 2 1
3
r r
i i
t t
B 2 4 1 2 B 2 3 2
e e
r r
i i
3 3 4 1 1 1 3
a

D 4 1 3 4 3 1

Raw Ranks Converted Ranks


28

A 8 A 8/24 = .333
c C
r r
i B 7 i B 7/24 = .292
t t
e e
r C 5 r C 5/24 = .208
1 l
a a
D 4 D 4/24 = .167
1.000

Composite Ranks Utility Values

A rating technique may also be employed with essentially


the same mathematics. In this case, a list of criteria
is placed adjacent to a scale marked in units continuously
from, say, A rating of
10 to 0. indicates no value and
a rating of 10, the highest possible value. Any value
(including duplicates) along the continuum may be assigned
to any criterion. This avoids the conversion step in the
previous method and, as before,

R. = Rjj, = 1, 2, n-1 n
J ,

i = 1

and,

R.
J
u .
= j = 1, 2, . . . n
,
J
n

R.
J

J - 1
29

Yet another way of ordering the criteria was developed

by Schimpeler, (1967) modifying a method developed by

Churchman and Ackoff (1954). Let the symbol ( be read

"is preferred to". If criterion j is preferred to

criterion k, G. v G-, , then u. \ u, . Let this symbol

/\j be read "is indifferent to". If G. /\J G,


k , then
J

u. = u .
k

Step 1. Rank the criteria according to preference


(perhaps according to methods one and two);

G G G
l } 2 } 3
rJ }
ro aj
, 1 G . where G-, 1 G
n-1 J n' 1 J n

Tentatively assign the value i _ 1


=
Step 2. u-, to G-, .

Assign tentative utility values to the


remaining criteria according to their
approximate preference,
n

Step 3. If G-. I /\ G. (the remaining criteria

j 2
n

taken together), adjust u,' so that U {/^J u i

j = 2
n

and proceed to step 4. If G-j/V/X G. ,

j = 2
n

adjust u-! so that u,


1
= "*C, u! and

j = 2
30

proceed to step 4.
n

If G^ J /\ G., adjust uj so that

J = 2
n

u
i<£; ^ Then drop the least

J - 2
preferred criterion, G , from consideration
and repeat step 3. Continue this process

until G,

A/
/
I
A
j
/X
= 2
G.
°> where G is the least

perferred criterion of all the remainder


taken together when G-, first becomes preferred
or indifferent to this combination.

Step 4. Drop the most preferred criterion G, from


consideration and repeat the entire proceedure
for Gj , and G^ , etc., until the last com-

parison; i.e., G _9 vers us G


n-1 ! / \ *
G
n

is completed.

Step 5. The tentative utility values are then normal-


ized before
u!
J
u .
=
J
n

u'
J
31

To carry foreward the previous example, assume that


a participant judge maintains the following relationships
among criteria:

G
a {
G A b
g
c a G
d>

G
a
J
% A G
c
G
b [
G
c A e
d ,

G
fe j
G
c , and

G„
C
A/ G,.
Q

Then for u',u' =


a a
1 , u '

D
= .8,u' =
c
.6, u'=
q
.5 and
d

u' = 1 <C *^> u! = 1.9 is in consonance with the

judge's preferences.
Dropping G, from consideration, we find that
c

u '
= 1 <.
< H
j
"N
= b
u!
-j
= 1.4, "> which is counter to the

judge's preferences. Therefore u' must be adjusted upward


a
to, say, 1.5, and G is dropped from consideration.
a.

Then for u£ , u^ = . 8 <^ "C u! = .9 is in

j = c
consonance with the judge's preferences.
Dropping G_, from coiisideration we find that ,

u/ = .8 ^ u' = .6 which is in consonance with the judge's


preferences. G, is dropped from consideration.
32

counter
„» -
/ u" d = .5 and this is
1
*S
Then cfor u - .o i
u fi
,
,

q
to the judge's
preferences which reflect that this pair
5 to reflect
this
is indifferent, u^ is then adjusted to .

indifference and the iterations end.


The new relationships are thus:

u! = 1.5,
a
u - - .8
utility
„t = u - .5 l
'
and the associated normalized
-c r* d
values are,

u' = 1.5/3.3 = .454


a

u' = .8/3.3 = .242


b
u' = .5/3.3 = .152
c

ui = .5/3.3 - 15 2
d 1.000.

In this manner, each


goal Is compared to all the
objective defining a goal
other goals, each first order
objectives defining
is compared to the other first order
second order objective defining
a
that same goal, and each
first order objective is
compared to the other second
same first order objective.
order objectives defining that
values for each subset
What results then, are utility
be normalized over the entire
of criteria which then must
done by multiply-
set of criteria. The normalizing is easily
values.
ing the appropriate utility
was a comparison of
Suppose that the previous example
in this case.
goals, there being only four

u - .454
A
u - .242
B
u - .152
c
U
D = .152
TTCDTi
.

33

Suppose that goal A was defined by five first order


objectives with the following utility values;

U 222
A1 "
-

U 306
A2 "
-

u; = .150
3

A3
1.000,

and that first order objective Al was defined by seven


second order objectives with the following utility values;

u 102
Ala =
-

130
"Alb -
-

u = « 176
Alc
u 170
Md - -

u' = .200
le
u 050
Alf "
-

u' = .172
Aig
1.000.

Let U. equal the utility of goal i, U ! .


, equal the
non-normalized utility of first order objective j defining
goal i, and U. . equal the normalized utility of first
order objective j defining goal i.

Then U. . equals U. x U*. .

and "C^ U = U., for n first order objectives


^— .

L-
..

)
L
defining goal i.
j = 1

Similarly, let U!., equal the non-normalized utility


of second order objective k defining first order objective
j, and U..-, J of second order
the normalized utility
lj k
objective k defining first order objective j
34

Then U
ijk
= U.. x V
m

and U . ., = U. .
, for m second order objectives
-* •*
defining first order obiectiv
obji
k = 1 j which, in turn, defines
goal i.

It follows then that, for p goals,


P p n n m

U. =
l

i = 1 i-l j = 1 i = 1 j = 1 k = 1

U. ., = 1.

In the example,
= U " 454 X .222 = .101
U
A1 A * U Al
U U U = 454 X .306 = .139
A2 " A * A2
U = U x U = 454 X .150 = .068
A3 A A3
= 454 X .176 = .080
U U
A4 " A
x U
M
U = U x U = 454 X .146 = .066
A5 A A5
.454,

and

U = U X U = .101 x .102 = .0103


Ala A1 Ala
L'
= U X U = .101 x .130 = .0131
Alb A1 Alb
U = U X U = .101 x .176 = .0178
Ale A1 Alc

U = U X U = .101 x .170 = .0172


Aid A1 Ald

u = U X U = .101 x .200 = .0202


Ale A1 Ale

r [
= U X U = .101 x .050 = .0050
Alf A1 A!f

u f
= U X U = .101 x .172 = .0174
Alg A1 Alg .1010
35

This chapter closes with a discussion of some of the


pitfalls that await the unwary planner. The concept of
using community influentials as advocates of the client
constituency is obviously a middle road. On one hand, it
is proposed that the value system so established more
accurately reflects that of the client constituency than
if this value system were established or assumed by the
planner working alone. On the other hand, the value system
established by investigating the full set of individuals
(or a sampled subset) is considered to be an unnecessary
expense. Many social scientists and planners will find
fault with this, and with good reason. But it must be
remembered that real life situations are constrained by
time and money and the process described here bends rigor
to gain feasibility. An obvious matter of further
research would be to measure just how closely such a
process approximates the values of the community as a
whole, taking into account the aforementioned problem of
public education in planning, the great area of indifference
to specific proposals, the transient nature of some resi-
dents and the apathy of others. All these and other
factors mitigate against consensus.
The time dependency of community influence has been
discussed. The planner should be sure that the process
described herein is brought to an expeditious conclusion
and that the values can survive the time span required to
use them in planning and execution. The process described
here bends rigor to gain speed.
Community leaders themselves are biased. Participants
should be instructed to seek some measure of selflessness
in considering goals and objectives. Some residual bias
is not necessarily a fatal defect however, as this bias
is presumably apparent to and supported by the power base
of each position of community influence.
5

36

Some leaders may not want to disclose their position


of influence and some may not have the time to participate
in the moderately lengthy negotiations. These factors
should be considered in the selection of the goal formulation
participants. There is the further danger that some genuine
leaders may not be identified in the process and thereby
made opponents of.
Some of the publics identified in Figure 1-1 may have
no leaders, or may constitute such minorities that they
might be ignored by the mechanics of the identification
process. The planner may have to devise safeguards to
protect their best interests.
Finally, the goals and objectives developed by the
client constituency influentials may run counter to the
professional opinion of the planner.
As in the legal profession, client's defined objectives,
priorities, and ultimate strategies take precedence
over those of the professional as long as the pro-
fessional-client relationship exists, but the pro-
fessional can always opt out if selected value systems
and defined courses of action cause moral or profession-
al anguish.
The goals and objectives developed, weighed and
measured by the community influentials become, in the last
analysis, a kind of counsel to the planner and to the
decision maker. The latter takes this counsel, adds his
own political, economic, and managerial intelligence, and
decides how to allocate resources to the planning effort.
He decides what, if anything, needs planning most. If
this decision specifies some planning, then the planner
takes that direction, adds the counsel of the community
influentials, and plans.

Notes

1. Thomas J. Anton, "Politics and Planning in a Swedish


Suburb," p. 262.
37

2. Richard S. Bolan, "Emerging Views of Planning," p. 243.

3. William L. Grecco, "Planning Methodology and Techniques,"


Coarse C.E. 613, Purdue University, West Lafayette,
Indiana. These goals and objectives were developed
by Dr. Grecco and his students over several years
during the conduct of this course. The set given is
as of 1971.

4. Edmund N. Bacon, "Urban Process," The Conscience of


the City p. 1169.
,

5. Marshall Kaplan, "Advocacy and the Urban Poor," p. 97.


38

CHAPTER II
ORGANIZATION

In 1968, the American Institute of Planners committed


itself to consider social and economic development planning
in addition to physical planning in future professional
endeavors. Wetmore (1970) relates how the Committee on
Restatement of Institute Purposes found a cube diagram to
be particularly helpful in visualizing the extent of
comprehensive planning.
This Chapter introduces a modified and refined version
of that cube, the investigation of which forms the basis
for the organization of any planning effort. Subsequent
chapters will again refer to this cube from time to time.
This cube is hypothesized to be an adequate conceptual
model of planning activity.

A Conceptual Model of Planning Activity


Consider the cube illustrated in Figure II-l. One
axis defines the areal scope of planning activity. This
axis is bounded at one extreme by the largest physical area
that can be considered in planning, the universe. At the
other extreme is the smallest area, perhaps a single room
in a dwelling. In reality, of course, these limits are
only approached and in between them lie the more commonly
investigated areas of nation, state, region, urban area,
city, community, neighborhood, parcel, etc.
Another axis defines the substantive scope of
planning, from the most comprehensive to the most limited.
At the comprehensive limit of this axis, planning escalates
into policy making and at the limited extreme, planning
39

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40

becomes, in fact, design. The limits of this axis are also


only approached in applied planning and in between lie
the familiar "comprehensive" planning, economic planning,
land use planning, school planning, recreation planning,
tot lot planning, etc.
The third axis defines the procedural scope of
planning from beginning to end. The basic framework of
this investigation reflects the contention that, of the
three axes, this is the most clearly bounded, the most
analytically discrete and the most easily understood. This
axis maps the planning process through its seven rational
phases; organization, inventory, analysis, forecasting,
design, evaluation, and implementation. This axis is
generic to any planning irrespective of its substantive or
areal scope.
Consider a single element in this model as illustrated
in Figure 11-2. Let this single element represent an
event in the planning process. Disregarding model boundary
conditions, this event is procedurally preceeded by
another event and followed by a third event. Even if this
one event runs concurrent with many others, it and the
others each have a precedent and an ensuing event in real
time. The inescapable passage of time forces this relation-
ship and thereby provides the methodological basis for an
investigation of the planning process. An ordering of
this event with respect to its precedents and its ensuing
events identifies it along one axis of the cube. This
identification enables the planner to systematically
investigate the relationships of this event with its
neighbors along the substantive scope and areal scope axes.
Any identification along the areal scope axis is a
function of the objectives of the client constituancy
the prior related planning, the resources available, and
the boundaries of the governmental units involved. Any
identification along the substantive scope axis is a
41

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function of the first three factors above, as well as


being a function of the necessary precursors in planning,
as a population study and an economic base study are
necessary precursors to land use planning.
Consider, by way of example, that event defined by
the intersection of "community", "land use", and "forecast"
along the areal , substantive and procedural scope axes
respectively. This is illustrated in Figure 11-3.
Occurring at a point in time before the community
land use forecast must be a community land use analysis;
that is, the structuring of the base data to accurately
portray the state of community land use at a point in time
and from which forecasting will be made. Occurring at a
point in time after the community land use forecast will
be one or more community land use designs based upon the
forecasted data. These relationships are procedural and
occur along the procedural scope axis.
Along the areal scope axis there are two problems.
First, the area of the element itself must be defined
in space. Second, the relationships of that elemental
area to that that includes it, possibly here called the
region, and to those that make up it, possibly here called
neighborhoods, must be explored. The use of this conceptual
model forces the planner to make these explicit considera-
tions, generally called delimiting the study area.
Along the substantive scope axis of the model, the
planner is forced to fit the plan in question into a
hierarchy of planning, recognizing that some plans are so
general as to be policy statements which generally recommend
further planning. Further, as plans become more limited
in substantive scope, they tend toward specific design
measures and action programs which have more apparent impact
on the community. As plans tend toward specific designs
they draw upon explicit or assumed or intuitive prior
43

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44

planning as necessary precursors. Thus the community land


use forecast must be based on some higher order informa-
tion contained in the community population forecast, and
the land use forecast itself has a relationship to its
parts such as the community industrial land use forecast,
residential land use forecast, etc

The Use of the Model in Planning Organization


As a result of the process described in the last
chapter, the planner has been given a charter to develop
a plan. This development logically begins with an investiga-
tion of the plane of the model cube defined by the sub-
stantive scope axis and the areal scope axis. This is
illustrated in Figure II-4 and the planner must now set
the boundary conditions of his effort and design a study
that will fulfill the goals of his client constituency as
near optimally as possible.
Considering first an investigation of the areal scope
axis, it is apparent that any chosen boundary must be a
function of the type of study to be done. Given this,
the factors to be considered can be thought of as comprising
three catagories, socio-economic, physical and political.
It is difficult to cite some examples of socio-
economic influences on areal scope outside of the context
of a specific kind of study. Nonetheless it seems apparent
that if the study deals with a service such as those
available in a Central Business District, or those provided
by transportation, that the area studied will be markedly
affected by the geographical distribution of those people
likely to use the service. Sometimes this can be
interpreted from symptomatic data such as the agricultural
milkshed, the commuter shed, or the retail trade shed.
Any such planning study dealing with the provision of a
service and thereby satisfying a demand can probably best
be delimited by setting thresholds of maximum and minimum
45

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46

areal size. The minimum areal size may be also a functional


consideration of the facility such as the minimum number
and types of stores in a shopping area, or the minimum
number of students to economically support a secondary
school
Physical characteristics of the area set some geo-
graphical boundaries. The building of a highway or the
bridging of a river may extend the study area more in one
direction than another.
Much of the analysis of both socio-economic and
physical factors lends itself to graphical interpretation.
Figure II-5 displays the often encountered shapes of demand
curves of the plots of distance (or time as a measure of
distance) versus the cumulative percentage of people whose
needs are satisfied at this distance. The factors plotted
could be "secondary school students walking to school" or
"metropolitan newspaper deliveries" or "patrons of a
amusement park" or any such factor bearing on the study at
hand. The abscissa measures the "friction of space". The
slope changes indicated could be interpreted as occuring at
that point of distance, the threshold, where a marginal
increase of the factor loses significance.
Those factors deemed to be important and representa-
tive by the planner could then be plotted on a map of
suitable scale and some approximation made of a limit to
the study area suitable for them all.
One of the most important influences in delimiting
the study area is political. If a governmental agency
provides some or all of the funds, the study boundary could
be directed to be the political boundary of that agency.
The same holds true for a private employer. If outside
factors are still important, they can sometimes be simulated
as "influence sources" or "influence sinks" at the
appropriate edges of the study area.
47

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DISTANCE

Figure II-5

Conceptual Demand Curves


48

There are two remaining decisions to be made regarding


delimiting the study area. One must always consider the
extent of the resources available for planning. Nearly
every resource can be reduced to dollars and for any effort
the dollars available must at least equal the dollars
needed.
Finally there remains the concept of prior work and
necessary precursors. If, for instance, the planner is
directed to study housing in an area, and there exists
accurate recent population data for a somewhat larger or
smaller or overlapping area, he must consider the cost of
adapting these data to his proposed area versus changing
his area to fit the existing data base. This leads directly
to the investigation of the other axis defining the organiza-
tional plane in Figure II-4, and the concept of a hierarchy
of planning.
This other axis is used to measure the substantive
scope of planning and reflects the existence of a hierarchy
of planning. By hierarchy of planning, it is recognized
that different plans may address the same subject in
different detail. One would not logically find a timing
order for sequential traffic signals on Main Street in a
comprehensive plan, although that plan will offer the
general scheme for a desired transportation system. A
next lower order plan, the transportation plan, will
probably continue to refine this subject but the timing
order would probably be designed in a still lower order
plan, the major thoroughfare plan. In the same manner, a
comprehensive plan may speak of school locations by
community, a land use plan may designate a large parcel for
school development, a school plan may site the school, and
finally an architect/engineer designs the building. One
would not logically find the siting considerations or the
building design in the comprehensive plan.
.

49

These examples demonstrate that there is an order


of generality and comprehensiveness in planning, from the
management of gross data over comprehensive consideration
to the management of specific data over limited consideration
This same axis measures the orderly development of planning
from policy making to design, from the general to the
specific
Unfortunately for the reputation of planning as a
profession, this means that the results of some plans are
mandates for further planning. So to counteract this, one
sometimes finds the most amazingly discrete recommenda-
tions in otherwise broadly comprehensive plans. This is a
forced consideration, however, and one that does not
immediately follow from the scope of data considered. In
general though, the order of planning measured along the
substantive scope axis is relative, with higher order plans
dealing with gross data, many disparate factors for con-
sideration, and being policy oriented. Lower order plans
are concerned with specific data, allied factors for
consideration, and action programs and specific designs.
Ideally, a planner should be directed to plan in
this natural progression from the general to the specific.
Various factors, some political and some arising from
competition for scarce resources, sometimes force the
planner to "start in the middle". If, for instance, a
client constituency wants a land use plan and has no
comprehensive plan, population or economic base studies,
the planner must compensate for this by designing that land
use planning process if not to overcome, at least to ease
the impact of the absence of this higher order policy and
data. He may design the study to incorporate some of the
major elements of population and economic base studies and
term the resultant land use plan as "interim" pending the
results of recommended further study. In this case, the
population and economic base studies are necessary
50

precursors to land use planning and, if they do not exist,


the planner must compensate for this in the study design.

The Use of the Model in Study Design


The design of an urban planning process is called a
study design. A study design often is comprised of three
types of documents, a prospectus, the study design itself,
and one or more procedural or operational manuals.
A prospectus is a highly distilled general statement
of the objectives of a particular study, the role of various
agencies and participants in the study, the general process
to be followed, some gross estimate of the time involved
and a gross estimate of the cost. The objectives stated
are those of a particular study which follow from, and
should not be confused with, the goals and objectives of
the client constituency in the meaning of Chapter I. This
is a most sensitive document to author as it is used to
justify funding of the study design. Many times the pro-
spectus is prepared with very limited funds in the hope
that the ensuing justification will provide funds to cover
its costs. Great care should be taken in the wording of
the study objectives so that if subsequent investigation
reveals that these objectives are for some reason not
suitable, they may be amended without threatening the
funding. Even more care should be taken to insure that any
cost figures given are sufficient to complete the study
design. The prospectus is the document prepared to make
an initial estimate of the study feasibility and to fund
the study design, and these funds should not be confused
with those generated by and justified by the study design
to do the actual planning. The finished prospectus presents
decision makers with a basis to judge whether or not to
proceed with the study design. As such it is a decision
point for the sometimes many sponsoring agencies involved.
In the case where the single private developer is the
51

decision-maker, this process of evolving a prospectus could


well be carried out orally. Given the decision and the funds
to proceed, the next step is to design the study.
The study design itself is a work program formula-
tion of the steps necessary to do the planning. It is some-
what similar to this discussion in that it is not the
planning but instead the planning methodology. It should
define what is to be done, who is to do it, when it will
be done and how much it will cost.
Here the conceptual model of planning activity is most
valuable. Figure II-6(a) shows the ideal structuring of
the planning process. Here all necessary higher order
planning has been accomplished, there is no major inter-
action with greater or smaller geographic areas, all
necessary precursors are present, policy is set and the
planner can proceed up the procedural axis from organization
to implementation in designing the study.
It is much more likely however that the elemental
interface considerations forced by the conceptual use of
the model will disclose vacancies in higher order planning,
elemental interaction with greater or lesser geographic
areas that cannot be ignored, the absence of necessary
precursors or policy or a combination of all these.
Figure II-6(b) represents the case where an element
of a necessary higher order plan is missing and must be
addressed in the lower order plan, and therefore in the
lower order plan study design.
An example might be a land use plan study design where
it was found necessary to complete or amend a prior economic
base study forecasting.
Figure II-6(c) represents the case where elemental
interaction with both lesser and greater geographic areas
forces that interaction to be explicitly addressed in the
plan, and therefore in the plan study design. An example
might be a community major thoroughfare plan where the
52

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53

regional major thoroughfare already implemented forces


some aspects of the community plan, and the community plan
itself affects the design, evaluation and implementation
of neighborhood feeders.
Figure II-6(d) represents the case where a higher
order plan, such as a comprehensive plan, even though not
quite complete, can influence a plan several levels below
it, such as an urban renewal plan.
These, of course, are merely examples of the great
number of elemental interactions that could exist for a
particular proposed plan under particular conditions in
a specific situation. The important concept is that the
use of the conceptual model of planning activity in the
study design forces the planner to consider these inter-
actions and allow for them where necessary in the study
design and thereby avoid mistakes of omission. Further
discussion of the relationships of each successive element
along the procedural scope axis follows in Chapters 111
through VIII.
A study design must address the questions of pro-
cedure, staffing and cost nearly simultaneously. Normally,
the framework used for analysis beginning with the inventory
phase and ending with implementation is that of procedure,
with the study then broken down and reassembled to check
for staffing and cost feasibility. In the organization
phase, first consideration is more often given to staffing
and funding.
This work will not examine the staffing of consultant
operations or the moot question of single source funding as
in the case of the single private developer. Rather it
will examine staffing and funding in the multiple sponsor
public sector of planning. Four generalized staffing
schemes are illustrated in Figure II-7 (Hensen, 1968).
The policy committee is typically composed of
elected or appointed officials of the participating public
54

POLICY CITIZEN S POLICY CITIZENS '

ADVISORY ADVISORY
COMMITTEE COMMITTEE
COMMITTEE(sy COMMITTEE (S)>

/technical
/technical i committee (s)

i committee (s)

f DIRECTOR

/retained /contributed
(
professional
V STAFF I STAFF

(a) (b)

CITIZENS a, CITIZENS >


POLICY POLICY
ADVISORY ADVISORY
COMMITTEE COMMITTEE
COMMITTEE (Sj/ \COMMITTEE(S)/

( TECHNICAL
TE<

I COMMITTEE (S) /TECHNICAL


ICOMMITTEE (S)

DIRECTOR

CONSULTANT I CONSULTANT

(c) (d)

Figure II-7

Four Conceptual Staffing Schemes


55

agencies. It establishes the framework of the study, sets


policy and finance, makes appointments to other committees,
employs key personnel, reviews plans and makes the ultimate
decisions as to selection of alternatives. They are the
decision makers. In the Rhode Island Statewide Compre-
hensive Transportation and Land Use Planning Program (1965)
for example, this policy committee was composed of:
the State Director of Public Works,
the Executive Director of the Rhode Island
Development Council,
the Program Director,
the Director of the State Department of
Business Regulation,
the Chairman of the Rhode Island Public
Transit Authority,
theMayor, City of Cranston,
theMayor, City of Pawtucket,
theMayor, City of Providence,
theDirector, Eastern Region, Federal
Aviation Agency,
the Division Engineer, Rhode Island Division,
United States Bureau of Public Roads,
and the Regional Administrator, New York
Regional Office, United States Housing
and Home Finance Agency.
The Citizens' Advisory Committee(s) is composed of
key business, labor, civic leaders and public officials
who advise the policy committee on matters of public
concern. They in turn aid in the general public's under-
standing of the key concepts of the resultant plans. Such
a committee could be identically the same as, or a sub-
committee of, that described in Chapter I.
The Technical Committee is typically composed of
planners, engineers and other professionals who are called
upon to both advise the policy committee and advise and
possibly direct the staff or consultant. Since there
is this dual purpose, there are often two such committees,
one composed of those professionals who are direct partici-
pants in the study and the other made up to tap professional
resources not so directly involved. In the Joint Program
for the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area (1963), the directly
,

56

participating technical committee was made up of:


representatives of the Minnesota Highway Department,
representatives of the Twin Cities Metropolitan
Planning Commission,
representatives of the Minneapolis City Planning
Commission
representatives of the St. Paul Planning Board,
the Minneapolis Engineer,
the St. Paul Engineer,
the Washington County Engineer,
the Scott County Engineer,
the Ramsey County Engineer
the Hennepin County Engineer,
the Dakota County Engineer,
the Carver County Engineer,
and the Anoka County Engineer.
The use of permanent staffs, staffs contributed from
participating agencies, and the degree of use of consul-
tants is a matter for the judgment of the policy committee
based upon the need and availability of resources. In
analyzing the generalized staffing forms shown in Figure
II-7, Hensen notes that II-7(a) is characteristic of large
urban areas in a position to pay the continuing salaries
and expenses of such a staff. Form ll-7(b) may be more
economical but with a degradation of service by contributing
agencies commensurate with their contribution to the study
staff. Often this degradation is not acceptable if the
contributing agency is a small one and such a structure has
the tendency to be dominated by the larger contributors
who can more easily minimize this degradation. Form ll-7(c)
is characterized by the use of a local, small, but permanent
staff to direct the work of the consultant. This is quite
expeditious in that it can get the study moving without taking
the time to fill many staff positions or negotiate with
contributing agencies for staff support. Form ll-7(d) is
the most expeditious of all in that it eliminates entirely
the difficult problems associated with staffing.
Generally, as consideration of staffing alternatives
moves from II-7(a) to II-7(d) there is an increase in cost,
57

an increase in speed of accomplishment, a decrease in


personnel associated problems and a decrease in the level of
effort assigned to a continual planning process as opposed
to a single plan. These are important questions for the
decision maker, answered only by an examination of the
resources available in a specific situation.

The Study Design Methodology


Given that participating agencies feel a need to plan,
and that a prospectus has been authored defining the sub-
stantive scope and the areal scope of the effort (what to
plan), and that based upon this prospectus the participating
agencies have funded a study design and formed a policy
committee, and this policy committee has appointed
coordinating committees and established an organizational
structure (who will plan) , there remain two unanswered
questions before a decision can be made to proceed; namely
how to plan and what will it cost. Both of these questions
are answered in the study design.
What follows here is an examination of study design
methodology. This is inextricably tied with planning
methodology, addressed phase by phase in this work,
beginning, of course, with this chapter on organization.
Much of the detail of planning methodology must then neces-
sarily be deferred to later chapters and one cannot design
a study without reference to the information contained
therein. But because study design is necessarily accompl-
ished in the organization phase, the methodology therefore
must be examined at this juncture.
This first step in study design is to construct a
precedence diagram or flow chart of the major activities
to be performed. The ordering of activities in this
precedence is one of work, which is similar to but not
necessarily the same as one of time. Two examples are
given in Figures II-8 and II-9.
58

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60

As can be seen for these examples, this flow chart


is a schematic "thinking through" of the study by examining
it with reference to the procedural scope axis of the
planning model.
The next step further refines the flow chart by
breaking each flow chart element into its appropriate work
items and continuing the assignment of precedence. An
example is given in Figure 11-10, from the Cleveland Seven
County Transportation/Land Use Study, (1966). Note that
this example deals substantively with the subject matter of
this chapter and its illustrative purpose here is thus
twofold
Because of the great number of work items that are
likely to be considered, it becomes helpful to code the
work items. This coding should be so devised that a
single unique number will identify a work item for budgeting
work scheduling, progress reporting, cost accounting and
filing. Rhode Island (1965), for example, used a six
digit number with the first digit defining the substantive
scope, the second digit the procedural scope, and the
remaining digits in sequential order. Thus if "5" were
land use and "3" were analysis, the 530000 series of work
items all deal with land use analysis.
This process of breakdown is repeated as many times
as necessary until the planner feels he has a sufficient
uniqueness of each work item to enable him to tentatively
assign resources for its accomplishment. The planner then
assigns resources based upon their expected availability
as established by the policy committee of decision makers.
In some cases, there may be only a single cost figure
necessary to describe the case where a consultant will be
asked to perform the work item. At the opposite extreme
of a full time permanent study staff, the assignment of
resources is exampled in Table II-l.
61

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62

Table II-l

Sample Work Item Resource Assignment'

Work Item Number 570002


570003
570004
570005
570006

Title: Compute and distribute socio-economic


data: 1990, 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985.

Objective To obtain input data for generation


of trip productions and attractions.

Method

Procedure The selected land use plan will be


based on forecasts to 1990. Accomplish-
ment of the recommended pattern of
development must be "staged" at five
year intervals from 1970 to 1990 in
order to determine transportation and
other facility requirements for each
period

Forecasts prepared in five year


increments provide the basis for staging
the land use plan. The analysis of
development potential will help guide
the staging process. Policy decisions,
such as those involved in extension
of utility services or construction of
community facilities, will also be
considered.

Input 570000

Output: A staff memorandum describing the


staging process and quantifying socio-
economic data for each forecast year.

Personnel Chief Planner 5 days


Principal Planner 10 days
Senior Planner 25 days
Data Processing Chief 5 days
Programmer (1401) 25 days
Senior Engineering Aide 25 days
Junior Planner 25 days
Typist 15 days
63

Table II-l, cont.

Equipment: Desk Calculator


Planimeter
IBM 1401 Computer 10 hours

Cost: Personnel $ 3,552


Computer 500
Other

Total $ 4,050

Allocation: R I D C
.

64

When the tentative assignment of resources is complete


for every work item, the planner aggregates these resources
by catagory over all the work items. He may discover, for
instance, that he has assigned 393 senior planner man-days
and at 218 man-days per man-year, the policy committee must
hire a senior planner for 1.8 years. All resources are so
aggregated and then a final distribution of resources is
made taking into consideration feasibility, (hire a senior
planner for two years and assign .2 man-years of non-senior
planner work); resource availability, (is a senior planner
available); and procedural constraints illuminated in the
flow chart, (perhaps two senior planners can be hired for
a year each and work concurrently)
This is the point in study design where the planner
must actually schedule the work within the resource con-
straints. These are management decisions and the PERT/CPM
methodologies are highly recommended as tools to aid this
managerial effort. O'Brien (1969) is an excellent reference
for these methodologies. Upon completion, the planner
reports to the policy committee/decision maker the answers
to the questions posed by them; namely, how will we plan
and what will it cost.
Of course it is recognized that this detailed managerial
effort is costly. It is clearly wasteful if the scope of
the planning or the experience of the planning staff is
such that good management would deem it unnecessary. Should
these or other circumstances allow it, the complexity of
the planning study design as outlined here can be reduced.
The conclusion of the study design is the next decision
point for the policy committee/decision maker. Should they
feel that the study methodology is within their resources
and that all prior decisions are still germane, they can
decide to proceed with the plan itself. For small or
relatively straightforeward plans, the planner can proceed
directly to his designed inventory phase.
65

More often, however, there exists a need for one


further elaboration and refinement of the study design to
educate the staff in procedure. This refinement is usually
satisfied by the preparation of procedural manuals for
selected elements in the study design. A procedural manual
gives step by step direction to a practitioner. Very
commonly, procedural manuals are written for home interviewers
to set standards of appearance, insure that the information
is entered correctly on the form, to provide the interviewer
with the answers to probable interviewee questions, to set
work standards and generally to try to set a uniformity of
procedure from interview to interview. Procedural manuals
are also often prepared for key punch coders to ease the
strain of interpretation. If the answer in box 33 is "yes",
enter "1" in line 64 on the card, etc.
Occasionally the policy committee decision makers will
fund the preparation of procedural manuals separately from
and before the study itself. If so, the completion of the
procedural manuals then represents yet another decision point
for the policy committee. As before, if all still augurs
well, the decision may be made to proceed and the planner
enters the inventory phase of the plan.
In summary, there are four decisions in this organiza-
tion phase. The first is the decision to plan and this
results in a formal structuring of the decision makers
(policy committee, advisory committees) and the preparation
of a prospectus. The second is the decision to design a
study and this results in resource allocations. The third
decision results in procedural or operational manuals as
deemed necessary. The fourth decision examines the feasib-
ility of the study as a whole and results in a decision
whether or not to proceed to the inventory phase of planning.
In practice, some of these decisions may run together but
they are always nonetheless implicitly or explicitly made.
66

In closing, it should be pointed out that if there is


one phase of the planning process that is subject to
criticism, it is this of organization. There is probably
no phase more consistantly underfunded in practice, owing
the failure of the policy committee to realize that to plan
once they must actually plan twice . The planning process
must be examined from beginning to end via the study design
and then the planning itself executed. The reluctance of
the policy committee to expend considerable resources before
even "starting" is understandable and therein lies a
dilemma which can only be mitigated through a wider under-
standing of the planning process. It is obvious that if
the study design will not yield the results sought after,
the study itself can hardly be expected to make up this
deficiency.

Notes

1. R. Hensen, "Development of an Informational Manual


J.
on the Urban Transportation Planning Process for
Technical Committees in Smaller Urban Areas," p. 68.

2. After Cleveland Seven County Transportation/Land Use


Study, "Operations Plan," CPM/PERT Network.

3. Rhode Island Statewide Comprehensive Transportation and


Land Use Planning Program, "Program Design Report,"
p. 239.
67

CHAPTER III
INVENTORY

Figure III-l presents the inventory plane of the con-


ceptual model of planning activity. On this plane lie all
the pieces of information or data necessary to plan over
the entire substantive and areal scopes of urban planning.
The information all exists. It may be not collected,
or collected in an unusable form, or collected by an
agency which is unknown or unavailable to the planner. It
may be collected and at hand but too old or too biased.
But it all exists and the seeking out, sorting and using of
this information usually constitutes by far the most expen-
sive phase of the planning process. This seeking out and
sorting of information for eventual use is termed the
inventory phase of planning and procedurally follows organ-
ization and preceeds analysis.
One way to approach the problem of taking inventory is
to recognize that there are, in general, two major end uses
of data. Data may be used to describe a situation or to
analyze a situation. Although in practice this distinction
sometimes is blurred, its importance is such as to warrent
continued consideration here.
Consider descriptive data. Information such as this
is used to describe a situation and compare that situation
to others by comparing the equivalent descriptive data sets.
From a methodological standpoint, there exists a marked
tendency to use those descriptive data items already avail-
able rather than to initiate a new collection. This follows
from the intuitive or explicit knowledge that most situations
can be described in many ways, even by symptomatic data in
68

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69

place of causal data. Thus, the data needs are not


rigorously constrained and available data are easily sub-
stituted for what were originally considered desired data.
Descriptive data must sometimes be differently aggre-
gated to make them meaningful to the decision maker and
client constituency. The planner may find it helpful to
deal with parts-per-million of an air contaminant, for
instance. But it may be more meaningful to describe that
concentration as pounds swallowed per year — that being enough
to kill a horse etc.
So descriptive data can be characterized as substitut-
able, possibly symptomatic, comparative, readily available
and meaningful to the general recipient. Taken together,
sets of descriptive data are said to describe a level of
service. This level of service then represents the balance
struck between the demand for that service and the resources
allocated to fulfilling that demand.
"Level of service" is something of an elusive term and
is only defined within the context of a problem. The level
of service of a transportation facility, for instance, may
be expressed in terms of travel time, safety, comfort,
convenience, cost or any combination of these and other
factors. The choice of expression is strongly influenced
by its meaning fulness to the client constituency.
The level of service of a university, for instance, may
be described by the data sets shown in Table III-l. Some
data are both available and meaningful in the academic
community, some are equally available but have acquired a
lesser meaning, and some, of course, are unknown. In cross
classification, some data may be termed descriptive because
of their inherently strong theoretical basis. Some data
rest on somewhat weaker theory, some are symptomatic and
some may be false and misleading. The example given here
can be argued against but, taken as a whole, it does describe
a level of service and becomes particularly meaningful when
70

Table III-l

Descriptive Data Showing a University Level of Service

Known and Known and Less


Meaningful Meaningful Unknown

Strong Theoretical Admission Undergraduate


Basis for Standards hours taught
Description by instructors

Weaker Theoretical Dollar Staff counseling


Basis for value Staff time/student
Description Research

Symptomatic Number and Alumni Dollar


Descriptors Kind of Support
Academic
Awards

False Football
Descriptors Record

the status of one university are compared to some "standard"


or yet another university.
The second and other general type of data are analytic
in nature. This type of data probably has associated with it
very strong elements of causality. Failing that, it at
least has been proven to be, or is strongly suspected of
being, highly correlated with as yet undiscovered elements
of causality. Data of this type is measured with a stated
degree of precision and is used in calibrating analytic
models of growth and behavior. Because these data are used
in model building they are, or should be, forecastable on a
sound theoretical basis. They are generally not substitut-
able as were the descriptive data and therefore must be
collected regardless of expense. It is the need for these
data that precipitates field work of sometimes vast propor-
tions and this is largely what determines their expense.
71

As opposed to descriptive data, analytic data are


causative or highly correllated to cause, precise, fore-
castable, expensive and sine qua non to ensuing analysis.
Obviously then, the need for analytic data must be
closely examined. The need for such data must be fully
documented and justified in the most rigorous way to ensure
that the cost of collection is not borne unnecessarily.
Each analytic data item collected must have its use in later
analysis and forecasting phases of the planning process.
Of course, when the undeniable need for some analytic
data item precipitates an expensive collection procedure,
that procedure often makes some descriptive data marginally
beneficial when collected under the the same procedure.
The archetypical case is the United States decennial census
which was first organized to count people and now has been
broadened considerably.
Still caution must be applied here, too. Any data
must be coded, stored, retrieved, displayed and manipulated
in many ways and there are very real costs associated with
all these activities. The collection of data, no matter how
easy or difficult, must be based on the need for that data
in the ensuing phases of the planning process. It is to
minimize the cost of data collection and its subsequent
manipulation, if for no other reason, that the organization
phase described in the previous chapter is so important.
Before any data are collected there must be some iterative
feedback from the analysis and forecasting phases to that
of inventory to ensure that there is a necessary end use
for each data item and that no end uses go wanting for data.
So in selecting those data to be collected, the
planner's charter is to be highly selective and discrimina-
tory in the ad hoc situation. Nothing is gained and much is
lost in collecting data for their own sake.
In Chapter II, one of the purposes of the organization
phase of the planning process was to establish a highly
,

72

distilled statement of the objectives of a particular plan.


This was generally done in the study design and, more
specifically, in the prospectus. In the inventory phase of
the planning process, each data item collected must sub-
stantially contribute to the achievement of those objectives.
The only justification for incurring the cost of collection
and subsequent manipulation of data is that those data make
this contribution. All data not making this contribution
are superfluous to the plan considered, and a mismanagement
of resources.
As an example of the type of analysis needed to preclude
such an occurrance, Table III-2 has been prepared showing a
hypothetical set of land use plan objectives and the data
items necessary to achieve them. This table has been
abstracted from the areal scope axis of the conceptual model
of planning activity and, accordingly, no attempt should be
made to employ it quid pro quo in an actual planning process.

A Data - Use Matrix


As an example of the types of data generally collected
in urban planning, Figure III-2 matches these data against
end use by plan. Data items considered here are compiled
from three general sources (Hearle and Mason, 1963; Maxman
1968; and Tiebout, 1962). The fourteen planning processes
listed are representative of the range of urban planning
activity measured along the substantive axis of the model.
For each cell defined by a data item and a planning process,
an "A" is entered if that data item is generally used in an
analytical way in the process and a "D" is entered if the
data item is generally used in a descriptive way in the
process. No entry signifies that the data item is indifferent
to that planning process.
The matrix is generalized and bears no relationship
to a particular geographic area measured along the areal
scope axis of the model. Accordingly, the matrix can be
.

73

Table III-2

Sample Land Use Plan Objectives and Data Items

Broad Plan Objective To provide a plan for orderly


and optimum use of major
community resources of land,
both spatially and quantita-
tively.

Specific Plan Objectives: a. To determine the kinds of


land use required for the
community.

b. To determine (based upon


standards acceptable to
the community) intensity
of development for each
land use.

c. To establish the amount


of land required in each
land use.

d. To properly locate each


land use, relative to
each other.

e. To coordinate with other


planning

f. To establish procedures
for implementation.

g. To secure citizen coopera-


tion.

h. To research.

Data to be Collected Purpose of Collection

1. Base Maps and Charts For displaying or plotting


data collected and to serve
as a basis for studies.

Regional Map To determine the community's


geographic location and
relation to surrounding cities
and communities, indicating
any specialized land uses.
, .

74

Table III-2, cont.

B. Street, Road and To determine location of


Highway Map indicat' circulation system and can be
ing right-of-way, used in tabulating area
width, and struc- used for streets, roads and
tural capacity highways to assist in class-
ification of street system.

C. Topographic Map To determine drainage patterns


and general suitability of
areas for specific types of
development

D. Geological Map To determine existance of


deposits of materials of
possible commercial value and
thereby determine suitable
land use.

E. Soils Map To determine suitability for


various types of buildings,
airports, and other structures
requiring special foundations.

F. Zone Map To determine existing zones in


use by the city.

G. Existing Land Use To determine categories of


Maps present land use and for
tabulating land use by per-
centage of total land.

Public and semi- To determine location and


public facilities, number of community and
such as public private facilities.
buildings, parks,
playgrounds To determine location and
schools, hospitals availability of lakes, forests,
churches, museums, and other areas suitable for
treatment plants ,
recreational development.
libraries, etc.

Private facilities To determine adequacy of


such as single facilities by coordination
family, two family with other development plans
and multi-family to establish areas required
residences, com- for future use.
mercial buildings,
light and heavy
industry.
. . . .

75

Table III-2, cont.

3. Undeveloped and To determine available vacant


vacant areas. area for future development.

H. Location of navigable To determine the measure of


rivers, railroads, RR accessibility for various
sidings and stations, land parcels.
piers and wharfs, bus
terminals, airports,
etc

I. Location of pollution To determine the possible


discharges and the uses of adjacent land.
Sag curve for various
points along rivers
and streams. Also
location of signifi-
cant air pollution
sources

J. Easements for public To determine planning of


utilities noting future land uses on the basis
ownership, existing of their utility needs.
utility lines and
their capacities.

K. Population Density To determine present popula-


Map tion density by area and
evaluate existing densities

To determine future density


and community facility
requirements

L. Population Changes To determine population


Map movement, increases and
decreases

M. Land Value Map To determine economic suit'


ability of land use pro-
posals .

2. Percentages employed in Determine primary and


each occupational secondary functions of
category. community and to relate
land use requirements to
these functions.
. . . .. .

76

Table III-2, cont.

3. Populations and their To determine building types


composition by age, and population density.
groups, income and sex.
To determine types of land
use required.

To determine standards for


intensity of use of land.

To determine amounts of
each land use.

To determine percentage of
each type of residential
development

To determine community
facilities required on a
neighborhood, community and
regional basis.

4. Aerial Photographs To determine, in conjunction


with other data collected,
land use and geographic
features

5. Prevailing Winds To determine spatial


relation of industrial and
other land use.

6. Area Industrial Trends

a. Standard Industrial To determine tha area


Classification attractions to certain SIC
classes

b. Average land used and To determine existing land


number of employees use requirements in terms of
for each class number employees

c. Historical trends on To determine future economic


economic activity potential

1. Number of labor
force
2 Percent unemployed
3. Basic/non-basic
ratio
. .

77

Table III-2, cont.

d. List of community To determine the range of


attributes important industries which might be
to industry. attracted

7. Area Population Forecasts To determine future population


so it can be related to use
requirements

8. All other plans prepared To coordinate with Land Use


for development, such as Plan.
schools, recreation, etc

9. List of civic organiza- To secure citizen cooperation


tions and their officers and participation.
78

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83

faulted in the context of a specific real life plan.


Nonetheless most of the analytic and descriptive relation-
ships were hypothesized to hold true from location to
location.
Neither is the matrix exhaustive, but rather illustra-
tive of the analytic/descriptive split of data end uses.
It further shows how one data item may change end use from
one type of plan to another. The non-dwelling unit data
illustrated will provide the means for carrying out but one
type of the several possible economic base studies, any one
of which may be preferable to that shown. Further, some
whole classes of data have been omitted, such as that data
set dealing with the engineering features of the soil,
water table, topography, extractive potential, etc.
The strategy in designating analytic or descriptive
relationships was one of minimizing the number of analytic
relationships to a level commensurate with the detail
required for a particular plan. In a real life situation,
this same strategy should be employed as a measure of
economy. Secondly, the question of degree of aggregation of
data has been deferred to later in the chapter.
The data have been organized into two main classes,
land data and structural data. Street data are a special
type of land data and structural data are further refined
depending on whether the structure is a dwelling unit or
not. All data items associated with people are linked
to the dwelling unit in which they abide.

Land Data
Land Use . As can be seen from the matrix, these data
are one of the singular primary inputs to analysis over much
of the range of urban planning. They describe the actual
land use as opposed to zoning and variance which describe
the legal use and any relaxation of the law. The source of
land use data is a field survey and the source of zoning
and variance data is appropriate governmental records.
.

84

Ownership The need for owner identification occurs


.

when particular land parcels may be considered for acquisi-


tion, as in transportation route selection or urban renewal.
The source of this information is the appropriate assessor's
office
Frontage and Area These are dimensional character-
.

istics of the land parcel and are important in land use


planning and lower order plans such as parking, accident
prevention, recreation, urban renewal and housing planning.
This information is available in the assessor's office.
Easements Easement information illuminates any
.

encumbrances on the land parcel which may restrict develop-


ment. In assumes analytic importance in the case of land
acquisition. This information is kept by the utility compan-
ies holding the easements and is recorded in deed books.
Landmark . This information describes architecturally,
historically and culturally significant items about the
parcel and its use is mostly descriptive. It assumes analytic
importance when its preservation is threatened. The source
of this information is a field survey.
Number of parking spaces . It is a matter of indifference
whether this information is coded to land data or structural
data but it is an important consideration in most types
of automotive transportation studies. The source of this
information is a field survey.
Assessed value of land and improvements . Although
assessed valuation is notorious for its failure to be
equitable from place to place, it may be the only readily
available mechanism for a first approximation of possible
purchase price. Its source is the appropriate assessor's
office.
Real Estate Tax Revenue . This is a worthwhile bit of
information particularly when compared to some dollar
measure of municipal services consumed by the parcel, so as
to determine whether a particular land parcel is a revenue
85

producer or revenue consumer in a community. Its source is


the local assessor's office.
Sale price and sale data . This information is
probably more reliable as an indicator of worth than assessed
value is, but it may be difficult to obtain. One way of
estimating sale price is to count the tax stamps filed with
the deed and multiply by the appropriate converted tax rate.
As with all the valuations mentioned, its use is primarily
descriptive except perhaps when purchase is contemplated.
Summary The land data portion of the matrix shows
.

some very significant trends. Land use and landmark data


are important over nearly the whole range of studies listed.
Zoning, dimensional and valuation characteristics are
important to a somewhat lesser extent. The remainder of
the data assume specialized importance depending upon the
planning undertaken.
By plan, as might be expected, land use planning
requires use of nearly all the land data. Recreation
planning, major thoroughfare planning and urban renewal
planning require like amounts of land data, but only over
the parcels directly affected.

Street Data
Intersection . Whether or not a parcel is an inter-
section classifies the subsequently listed data bits. The
source of this information is base maps and a field check.
Length of segment, right-of-way width, and pavement
width . These dimensional characteristics are analogous to
those of a non-street land parcel and are used in all the
listed types of transportation plans. The source of this
information is base maps and a field check.
Functional class . This is a convenient division of
the level of service provided by the street system — express-
way, major arterial, collector, local - and is used for its
descriptive characteristics over a wide range of plans. In
86

that such classifications imply a wide range of controls on


adjacent development regarding access, its use in analytic.
The source of this information is base maps and field check.
Structural composition and percent grade These are .

analytical information items used in most types of trans-


portation planning. The source of these data is the
appropriate engineering agency.
Average daily traffic and peak hour traffic These .

are analytic data used in most types of transportation


planning. The source of this data is a field survey.
Number of accidents . This statistic is gathered over
some appropriate time interval and is used in all the listed
types of transportation planning to analyze the efficiency
of traffic movement. It also can be used as a descriptor
in other plans such as urban renewal and environmental health
planning. The source of this information is police records.
Curb parking . These are analytic data used in all types
of transportation studies. Their source is a field survey.
S idewalks and street lights . These are mainly descrip-
tive data except in accident prevention planning. Their
descriptive characteristics extend beyond the types of
transportation planning to such plans as urban renewal and
land use. The source of these data is the appropriate
engineering agency and a field check.
Number of lanes and loading zone These are further
.

analytic data items used in automotive transportation studies.


Their source is base maps, the appropriate engineering agency
or a field survey.
Transit route and school route . These are descriptive
data that become analytic because of the number of things
that each implies. Their sources are field surveys and
transit companies or school boards as appropriate. This
information is rather widely used over the types of studies
listed.
.

87

Access control This information is used analytically


.

in all the transportation plans listed. Its source is a


field survey.
Condition This information is used analytically in
.

the transportation plans and descriptively in some others


such as environmental health and urban renewal. Its source
is a field survey.
Utilities sharing right of way This information is
.

used analytically in land use planning and accident prevention


planning. It can be used descriptively for other plans if
the situation warrents it. Its source is the appropriate
engineering agency and utility companies.
Summary . The street data portion of the matrix shows
the following trends. The functional classification of a
street segment is useful information over a wide range of
planning studies. Transit route, school route and accident
data similarly have an impact outside of pure transportation
studies
Just as the land data items were most exhaustively
used in land use planning, so too the street data items
are used in the various types of automotive transportation
planning. Almost all of this use is analytic in nature.

Structural Data
Year built and type of construction . These are descrip-
tive data in environmental health planning, and analytic
data for those particular structures considered in plans
such as urban renewal, housing, school and recreational
planning. They are generally available from the appropriate
assessor's office and checked in the field.
Building condition . This information is analytic in
use for all the plans enumerated above as well as higher
order plans such as comprehensive and land use plans. The
source of this information is the field survey.
88

Number of floors, total floor area and first floor


area. These information items measure intensity of land
use and they are analytic in lower order plans such as
urban renewal and tend to be descriptive in higher order
plans such as environmental health. This information is all
gathered by field survey.
Number and type of building code violations. This
information is all analytic and would be used in the low
order small area plans, such as housing plans and environ-
mental health plans. Its source is the appropriate
engineering office.
Rehabilitation cost This is an estimated cost of
.

repairs necessary to bring the subject building up to a


condition requiring only normal maintenance. It is used

analytically in lower order plans and descriptively in higher


order plans. It is grossly estimated during a field survey.
Police calls and fire calls These data are used
.

almost always descriptively except in environmental health


planning or when paired with the cost of other municipal
services and compared to real estate tax revenue. In the
cost/income
latter instance some estimate can be made of the
ratio generated by a particular area. Their sources are
the appropriate departments.
Utility service. These data are gathered for all
plans and
utilities to be used analytically in lower order
are the
descriptively in higher order plans. Their sources
appropriate utility companies and a field check.
Summary .The structure data portion of the matrix
shows the following trends. Building condition data are
processes.
used analytically over a wide range of planning
costs and
Intensity of use measurements, reliabilitation
lower order
utility service tend to be used analytically in
Police and
plans and descriptively in higher order plans.
in a
fire call data tend to be used almost entirely
89

descriptive sense as symptomatic of a wide range of urban


ills.
Considering the matrix by plan, low order plans deal
intensively with these data in an analytic sense. The school
buildings might be so investigated in a school plan, for
example. Environmental health planning shows about an equal
mix of descriptive and analytic use of the data. High order
plans tend to deal with the data almost entirely in a
descriptive sense.

Dwelling Unit Data


Per cent vacant . For each dwelling unit, data of this
type is commonly used descriptively in land use planning
and environmental health planning. It is used analytically
in urban renewal planning and housing planning. Its source
is a field survey or the United States decennial census in
aggregated form.
Residents by sex and age groups . This is another
primary set of information quite analogous to land use data
in its universality of use. Probably the best source of
these data is the U.S. decennial census, updated as necessary
for intercensal years. This is particularly true after
1970 when some of these data can be disclosed by the Census
Bureau at the level of the block without violating the
Bureau's rules of confidentiality. For smaller areas or
less aggregated information, a field survey is necessary.
Family income . This is a widely used descriptive
statistic that is available from the Census Bureau in
large aggregation. As a measure of socio-economic class it
is used analytically in environmental health planning,
urban renewal and housing planning. For small areas, the
source of this information is a field survey.
Family education and occupation . These are two
descriptive statistics widely used as indicators of socio-
economic status. They are available from the Census Brueau
in large aggregation or from a field survey as necessary.
90

Vehicles owned, place of work and means of transporta -


tion to work These statistics are used descriptively when
.

available and analytically in automotive transportation


planning, major thoroughfare planning, parking planning and
mass transit planning. They are available in large aggrega-
tion from the Census Bureau or from a field survey in more
detail. The field survey would probably include a search
of vehicle registration records and employer records.
Welfare payment This information is used descrip-
.

tively in land use and population studies and analytically in


environmental health planning and urban renewal planning.
The source of this information is the appropriate welfare
agency.
Number and types of communicable diseases . This
information is used descriptively in population planning and
housing planning and analytically in environmental health
planning and urban renewal. Its source is the appropriate
board of health.
Rent . This information is used descriptively in high
order plans and analytically in lower order plans such as
urban renewal and housing planning. It is available from
the Census Bureau in aggregated form or must be gathered in
a field survey.
Summary The dwelling unit portion of the matrix
.

discloses the following trends. The data are very strongly


descriptive overall. This is to be expected as changes in
the population are not plannable in the aggregate. The
data tend to analysis in the lower order plans when they
are used to establish housing classes, socio-economic status,
and when the population consumes public services such as
health, welfare, public housing and schools. The class of
data regarding vehicle ownership and the work trip is
strongly analytic in transportation plans.
Considering the matrix by plan, nearly every plan
makes analytic use of the matrix entries. Population
91

studies, environmental health planning and housing planning


use the data most intensively.
Possible users of these types of data are strongly
encouraged to investigate the information services available
from the Census Brueau (Siegelman, 1971; United States
Bureau of the Census, Census Use Study, 1970-71, and 1970
Census Users' Guide, 1970).

Non-Dwelling Unit Data


Peak shift employees, number of employees, and
optimum total unemployment These measures of employment
.

are all analytic when used. The first is an important


consideration in all types of transportation planning and is
a subset of the second. The third gives some measure of
possible economic expansion under favorable conditions.
The sources of this information include the appropriate
agency administering the unemployment insurance act and a
field survey of employers.
Major product groups . This information is used
analytically in comprehensive, land use and economic base
planning. Its source is the field survey.
Per cent sales outside the area and the remainder of
the information in the table. This information is included
for completeness and it is all used analytically in one type
of economic base planning (Tiebout, 1962). Its source is a
field survey of employers.
Summary . The non-dwelling unit portion of the matrix
is entirely analytical in nature. Such descriptors of
building condition, etc. that might be desirable have
already been considered in the structural data portion of
the matrix. There remain then just two classes of data,
employment statistics and sales statistics. The former are
used in transportation plans and, with the latter, in
economic base plans.
. .

92

Some Concepts of Sampling


In the previous section, the source of much of the
data used in urban planning was a field survey. This
procedure is very expensive and time consuming when data
must be gathered for each individual, or each structure, or
each dwelling unit over a widespread area.
An alternative to gathering data for each individual,
structure, dwelling unit, etc. is to sample. Some defini-
tions are in order here.
A "population" is defined as the totality of all
possible values (measurements or counts) or a particular
characteristic. This characteristic could be a person, a
structure or a dwelling unit or it could be a person's
age, a structure's condition or the number of bedrooms in a
dwelling unit. Thus, populations exist within populations.
Populations which may be considered for analysis
should be selected with great care and defined explicitly
so that no ambiguity will arise as to the inclusion or exclu-
sion of a given element. A "sample" is a portion of the
population selected according to some rules. The sample
characteristics are then used to infer the population
characteristics
In some cases, the population may be constrained in a
manner such as to make sampling necessary for any measurement
at all. The population could have an infinite number of
elements, as in the classic coin toss, and total enumeration
of these elements is impossible. The population member
could be destroyed in measurement and thus make sampling
necessary. Or the population could be inaccessible, no
longer in existance or unobservable
In urban planning, however, one is more likely to
encounter populations which can be totally enumerated.
Why, then, should the use of sampling be considered?
A sample in which only a portion of the entire popula-
tion is examined is usually substantially less expensive
93

than a total enumeration. This is true despite the added


cost of sample design and analysis. Secondly, a sample
will usually provide information faster than a total
enumeration. This results from two considerations, the
actual time required to survey the sample vis a vis the
total population, as well as the lesser time of editing,
coding, tabulating and analyzing sample data rather than
population data. Another reason to consider sampling instead
of total enumeration is that greater accuracy may be achieved.
This may be surprising in view of the fact that sampling
will introduce another source of error, sampling errors,
about which more will be said later. But this error intro-
duction can be more than countertended by stricter controls
on interviewing, editing, coding and tabulating the data.
The imposition of these stricter controls is feasible
because the sampling is simply a smaller scale undertaking
than a total enumeration. These stricter controls are almost
all tied to personnel actions and typically arise from being
able to hire a smaller but better qualified staff within
available resources. The fact that qualified staffers may
be in short supply and incur a premium cost simply reinforces
this tendency.
Lastly, if all else remains constant, such as time,
money and staff, sampling can provide more detailed and
intensive information about a population than a total
enumeration.
In summary, accuracy, speed and economy are the chief
characteristics of data obtained by sampling if and only
if the sampling procedure is carried out according to the
theories of probability and statistics. These theories are
applicable only with difficulty when the population size
is very small. Also the small sized population obviates
many of the problems associated with total enumeration.
Accordingly, a total enumeration is more advantageous than
sampling when the population is small. In urban planning,
94

for instance, sampled characteristics inferred to the


population of city dwelling units may illuminate general
areas of substandard housing. But to decide the fate of
each dwelling unit in a smaller urban renewal area would
require a total enumeration of those characteristics of
substandardness particularly if each dwelling unit were a
,

single detached house making it a population of one.


Total enumeration in urban planning also has some
secondary cooptive effects which may be desirable. Public
acceptance, compliance, response and support may be more
readily forthcoming in the circumstance of total enumeration.
Sampling is not the unguided substitution of a portion
of the population for the whole. Rather, the size of the
sample required, the manner of drawing it, the measurement
of sample characteristics and the inferences which can be
made about equivalent population characteristics, and the
errors and confidence limits on this information are all
based on the rigorous application of the laws of probability
and statistics.
From a conceptual standpoint, sample design is based
on two considerations, size and selection.

Sample Size
Sample size is based upon the variance of the sample
(and, by inference, the variance of the population) and not
upon the size of the population. If the population were
completely homogeneous, then the characteristics of that
population could be measured with a sample of one. If the
population were completely heterogeneous, then the character-
istics of that population could only be determined by a
total enumeration.
In reality, of course, most populations are a mix
of homogeneity and heterogeneity over different character-
istics. In practice, the sample size is usually determined
by entering the appropriate equations with a desired variance
95

If, for a desired variance, the sample size derived is


feasible in terms of time, economy, and personnel and
equipment necessary to execute it, it is utilized. The
sensitivity of variance to size changes is examined and
some judgement applied to the results.
The variance necessary to achieve the measurement
objectives of the sample is estimated. It is estimated
based upon the results of prior similar studies, or in some
cases, the results of a pilot survey. Another common pro-
cedure is to collect a sample of some stated size, analyze
the data, and if the objectives of the survey are not met,
to increase the size of the sample by adding to it. This
assumes that the sampling procedure is replicable and that
the characteristics measured are not time dependent over
the course of the procedure.

Sample Selection
Sample selection is a term describing the method of
choosing the sampled elements from the total population.
It takes various forms.
Simple Random Sample . This is the most basic and
least complicated selection procedure. It requires three
conditions; that the population to be sampled be clearly
defined, that each element in this population be uniquely
identified, and that the population elements are statistic-
ally independent. Given these three conditions, a necessary
variance can be estimated, a sample size determined, that
sample be randomly drawn from the total of the uniquely
identified population elements, the characteristics of the
sample measured, and these measurements inferred to the
population as a whole.
The procedure of random drawing is accomplished by
numbering each of the uniquely identified population
elements and then drawing the sample, by number, using a
table of random numbers.
96

Stratified Simple Random Sample Sometimes the popula-


.

tion considered is already classified according to some


principle significant to the projected analysis. Examples
may be sex and age of human beings, buildings by age,
neighborhoods by size, families by automobile ownership, etc
If the uniquely identified population elements can be
assembled into strata homogeneous with respect to some known
characteristic, simple random samples can be drawn from
within the stratum and the resulting variance can be then
considered in two parts - that resulting from sampling
within the stratum and that between strata. If the
stratification is indeed significant to the analysis,
moderate variance reductions can be expected.
There are several types of stratified simple random
sampling. It may be desirable to vary the simple random
sample size from stratum to stratum, or, conversely, to hold
the simple random sample size constant. It may also be
desirable to allocate parts of the sample size to various
strata in proportion to the anticipated variance in each
stratum. This is called optimum allocation.
Systematic Sample and Stratified Systematic Sample .

A more practical selection method may be substituted for the


random selection described in the two methods above. This
is called systematic sampling or stratified systematic
sampling as appropriate and is obtained by determining the
overall sampling fraction or the various strata sampling
fractions. If this fraction is 1/100 then 100 is the
selection interval. A random start is established, say 37
and the sample selected is then elements 37, 137, 237, 337,
etc. This method obviates the administrative complications
that arise from using a table of random numbers to select
every element, except, of course, the first element.
Systematic selection is a replacement for random
selection, and, assuming no periodicity or linear trends in
the population characteristics, may be freely used in
either simple sampling or stratified sampling.
97

Cluster Sampling Homogeneity within strata has been


.

described as a tool to reduce variance. Heterogeneity can


be used also in the design of a sample. If it is suspected
that, for the purposes of a particular survey, groups of
population elements can be formed having the population
characteristics essentially the same as those identified
in random or systematic sampling, then the physical or
analytical availability of these groups may make them
economically preferrable to a random or systematic sample.
This is called cluster sampling. The cluster basis can be
analytic but is most often physical such as school rooms or
city blocks. Clusters can be nested within clusters which
are, in turn, within clusters. This is called multistage
cluster sampling. Area sampling is a special form of
multistage cluster sampling where the clusters are successive
geographic units. Cluster sampling can be used with simple
random or systematic sampling and stratefied sampling to
create complex sample designs.

Error
The many types of error that enter a survey can be
broadly classified into sampling errors and non-sampling
errors. Non-sampling errors are those which would occur
whether a sample is collected or a total enumeration made.
An example would be trying to evaluate some characteristic
of the population as a whole via a telephone interview.
Obviously people who do not subscribe to telephone service
would be ommitted. Further, this ommission would occur
regardless of the method of survey; i.e., sample or total
enumeration.
Sampling errors arise out of the general failure of
the sample design or a lack of randomness where necessary.
Deming (1950) provides a classic list of sampling
and non-sampling errors. He terms the latter procedural
biases. Some of these include the failure of the
.

98

questionnaire, the failure of the method of canvass, bias


arising
arising from non-response or late returns, bias
and careless
from the interviewer, careless field procedure,
editing, coding and interpretation of the results.
Deming's illustration of the triangular relationship
shown in
between non-sampling errors and sampling errors is
Figure III-3. The conceptual use of this figure is most
of resources
helpful in determining the proper allocation
to the sampling technique.
inspection, non-
In some types of simple industrial
and resources should
sampling errors may be relatively small
error. In much
be dedicated to the reduction of sampling
of the survey work associated with
urban planning, the

converse is probably true.


planning
Accordingly, it is not uncommon for urban
preliminary test of the
sampling procedure to incorporate a
This will serve to
survey, usually called a pilot study.
size, sample
check the design parameters such as sample
effects and
selection, procedural bias, interviewer
variance

Accuracy and Precision


measures
Precision measures sampling error. Accuracy
non-sampling error.
total error, i.e., both sampling and
error and an accurate
A precise design has a small sampling
as well. In Figure
design has a small non-sampling error
a poorly designed mail
III-4, design A is typical of say,
measure a character-
questionnaire of a sample too small to
istic of the population. In design B, the sample size may
the questionnaire left
have been expanded and stratified and
design remained
unchanged. In design C, the original sample
redesigned to remove
the same, but the questionnaire was
editing and coding
bias, nonresponses were pursued, and
of course, reduces
procedures were strengthened. Design D,
both the sampling and non-sampling errors.
99

SAMPLING ERROR

NON-SAMPLING ERROR

ABC represents some given error representation with RMSE = AB.

RMSE = AD (a decrease in root mean square error) can be

achieved by =

1. an increase in sampling error if the concurrent decrease

in non-sampling error is great enough (AEF) }

2. an increase in non-sampling error if the concurrent decrease

in sampling error is great enough (AGH);


3. or, of course, a decrease in both types of error (AKJ).

Figure III-3

The Relationship Between Sampling and Non-sampling Error'


100

neither precise
nor accurate

precise , but
not accurate

DESIGN D

Figure 111-4

The Relationship Between Accuracy and Precision


101

Urban Information Systems


As demonstrated by the previous sections of this work,
the collection and use of urban information is complex, time
consuming and expensive. One is tempted to serach for short
cuts in the hope of possibly finding the Holy Grail, the
information already collected and available for planning.
Every urban area has an urban information system.
The complexity of these systems ranges from the very simple
to the most sophisticated. The simple systems are typically
found in the files of municipal service agencies of small
towns. Examples are a list of dwelling units in a mail
route, the fire chief's knowledge of fire main locations, a
list of voters, familial information collected with school
enrollment and church affiliation.
At the other extreme, urban information systems
conceptually exist with complex models and data manipulations
which measure real time changes in the urban area and take
administrative action on these changes. An example might
be the occurance of the relocating of a family in town.
Here the information system might gather demographic data
about the family, match the family to the new rented or
owned parcel of land and dwelling unit, establish utility
service and monitor consumption and bill, assign the children
to schools and measure their impact on the school program,
measure the new transportation service demands and their
impact on the transportation system, and a whole host of
other planning and administrative decisions. Perhaps the
relocation of this family will automatically program the
construction of a new elementary classroom, the hiring of
an additional teacher, the reallocation of children to
classes, and the resultant changes in the tax structure.
The planner is faced with two related problems in
urban information. One is to search the already existing
system, whether simple or sophisticated, for his data needs.
102

The related problem is to consider the need for a system


more sophisticated than that in existence. Some of the
concepts which must be considered in upgrading the system's
level of sophistication are addressed here to conclude this
subject of the inventory phase of the urban planning process.
Much of the information on this subject which follows was
compiled from Maxman (1968).

Information Hierarchy
The conceptual formulation of an information theory
has resulted in identifying a three step hierarchy of
information (Horwood, 1964). The first stage of informa-
tion is known as raw data and it consists of numbers, symbols,
lists, etc., generally on paper and not yet organized into
a machine record. When this information is machine proces-
sable, it is known as banked data, the second stage of the
hierarchy. When this banked data is able to be manipulated
such as in updating, searching and retrieval operations it
is termed a data library.

Levels of System Sophistication


There are likewise three general levels of system
sophistication. The first and most basic only tabulates
data. The second level will contain certain specialized
models which may, for instance, compare two parameters to
form a ratio which may be considered valuable. The highest
level of system sophistication describes that system that
can both monitor and simulate the real world (Hamilton, 1964).

System Development
The choices of levels of system sophistication and
hierarchy of information to be incorporated into an urban
information system are based upon a number of criteria.
Some of these are: the purpose of the information, the
essentiality of the information, the cost of the information,
103

'the maintainability of the information, the ease of


[reduction and aggregation of the information, the applic-
ability of the information to the users' end needs, the
available hardware and software, and the political climate
surrounding the establishment of the system (Hamilton, 1964).
These criteria are actually breakdowns of two essential
considerations, the modules of collection and the methods
of aggregation. In urban planning, the most commonly used
module of collection is the land parcel. This makes good
sense as urban studies are generally defined in place over
the passage of time and it is the basic premise of urban
planning that the physical arrangement of land uses has
far reaching social and economic implications. Returning
to Figure III-2, the land parcel provides information
according to the logic diagrammed in Figure III-5. Thus,
demographic, social and economic data are tied to the land
parcel.
Since urban studies are located in space, the land
parcel is also most valuable as a means of aggregation.
With proper coding and programming, land parcels can be
logically aggregated into blocks, tracts, zones, areas,
and the political city as a whole. To maintain flexibility
in this aggregation, the land parcel should be the lowest
level of aggregation collected. Unfortunately, the informa-
tion used in urban planning is sometimes private in nature
and safeguards must be established against unauthorized
disclosure of this information. Thus, the decennial census
data is only published in aggregation sufficient to mask
individual identification and its use is severely constrained
in this respect. As a general rule, any data collected as
an investment for future use would be in the least aggre-
gated form possible. This principle differs from the highly
utilitarian guidelines previously set forth for data
collection for a specific planning process. For a specific
process, the end use is known and it is more economical to
104

LAND
INFORMATION

NO
STREET

YES

STREET STRUCTURAL
INFORMATION INFORMATION

YES
DWELLING UNIT

NO

DWELLING UNIT 'NON-DWELLING UNir


INFORMATION INFORMATION

Figure III-5

Logic Diagram for Coding Information to Land Parcel


.

105

use the highest aggregation of data feasible for two reasons;


it is generally easier to obtain, and it facilitates analysis
and forecasting in the aggregate with attendant error
reduction. But, if the end use of the data is not known,
any aggregation is a constraint that may render the data
useless
As an example, consider a data item measuring popula-
tion. Population per traffic zone is highly aggregated
and probably useful enough for macro transportation plans.
It would be unwise, however, to collect population data in
this aggregation for an urban information system. It would

not disclose, for instance, the numbers and ages of


children in a school district should that information be
desired at a later date. Accordingly, population informa-
tion should probably be collected by age and sex for each
dwelling unit. Then any information necessary could be
extracted from the system in any aggregation deemed
appropriate. It is this need for future flexibility that
makes the design of an urban information system so complex.

Summary
Urban information systems are expensive undertakings
which accrue benefits only in the future. As such they
comprise very real investments and must be judged as such.
In these times, when so many public agencies and
municipal
operating
authorities have great difficulty just meeting their
expenses, the investment in an urban information system
is

difficult to justify. When it does occur, however, it


authority
signals a very real committment by that agency or
to the philosophy of a continuing planning process.

Notes

Some Theo ry of Sampling, p. 129.


1. After W. E. Deming ,
. .

106

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS

In the ideal case of the conceptual model of planning


activity, the analysis phase is something of a watershed.
The goals and objectives of the client constituency have
been established and endorsed by all concerned. The planning
staff is organized and funded and is a viable entity. The
drudgery of data collection is over and the planner now has
everything at his disposal to plan. He has entered his
element
The rub is that in all too many cases, this element
is unfriendly if not openly hostile. Instead of rigorous
theory to guide him, he finds vague hypotheses. In the
place of certainty he finds conjecture. Little seems
universal, much is unique. Worse, some things claimed sure
seem doubtful
That this situation may be typical of a new discipline
such as urban planning offers little consolation. The
planner must face the prospect of evolving nearly ad hoc
theories of urban behavior before he can begin to apply
them. However he does have an arsenal of potent tools with
which to work.
This chapter investigates some of those tools within
the framework of the analysis phase of the planning process.
Analysis is defined as the separating or breaking up of the
whole into its parts with an examination of these parts
to find out their nature, proportion, function and inter-
relationship. It implies the reverse, synthesis, as well.
Analysis can and does occur with data at any point in time
or over time. Historic data can be analyzed. Contemporary
107

data can be analyzed and future data can be analyzed. The


only distinction made in this work is that the actual fore-
casting of future data will be treated in the next chapter
because, in practice, it follows at least the analysis of
contemporary data.
Harris (1966) has correctly pointed out that urban
planning analyses tend to follow the classical scientific
method; induction, generalization, deduction, testing.
While all these elements may not be present in a single
plan, the distinction has its use.
Confronted with an array of data, the planner arranges
the array into patterns. This pattern arrangement may come
about as a result of intuitive feeling on the part of the
planner, or as a result of his prior experience. From these
patterns he generalizes their structural, spatial, temporal
and functional relationships. These relationships may be
based on a hypothesis of cause and effect, probability, or
simply correlation. The planner analyzes from the specific
conditions presented by the data to some generalities
regarding their behavior. He thus induces theory. This
theory is then applied to other sets of data, perhaps
historical, perhaps from another planning effort, or perhaps
from his own contemporary data (a subset not considered in
the original induction). The behavior of the test data is
deduced and then matched against actual observation. If
the deduced behavior and the observed behavior are different,
the theory must then be modified. If these behaviors are
the same, the theory is not disproved and then used to
describe the behavior of forecasted data.
As Harris notes, this distinction between induction
and deduction is quite commonly blurred. Usually, induction
begins with some preconception of theory. This preconception
tends to identify the behavior patterns likely to occur.
Also, when the deduced and observed behavior patterns differ,
the planner returns to an inductive process to try to
reformulate a theory.
. .

108

The fact that these preconceptions occur is not


necessarily alarming. Based upon experience or insight,
they may suggest theory that indeed proves to be valid.
Further, these preconceptions are the only way to break
the otherwise circular argument advanced in this work that
one must design his analysis to see what data are needed,
but one must investigate data patterns to design a proper
analysis
Implicit in analysis is a normative/ substantive
comparison. The analysis may demonstrate a cause for each
effect, a probable cause for each effect or merely a
correlation of effects or patterns. Some judgement needs
to be made in any case as to the desirability of these
effects. This judgement is facilitated by a comparison of
that which is, with that which should be; or, for the future,
that which probably will be, with that which probably should
be. The philosophy and mechanics of these comparisons for
design evaluation are discussed in Chapter VII, but this
phase of the planning process and those following are rife
with evaluative judgements and some aspects of this need
be opened here
Procedurally, the planner must take the observed
contemporary data patterns, perhaps generalized into theory,
and compare them to some normative data patterns or theory.
This comparison of contemporary patterns to contemporary
standards yields contemporary excesses, deficiencies, faults
or aberrations which may then be deemed worthy to be met
by short range corrective plans. The same holds true for
selected times in the future. Key variables are forecasted,
behavior patterns deduced, and these patterns are compared
to forecasted future standards. At each temporal stage in
the analysis, of course, previously injected plans have their
effects. Plans are then conceived to shape and serve the
deduced patterns.
.

109

There remains the question of the source of these


standards. First and foremost they are based on the goals
and objectives of the client constituency. The inter-
pretation and refinement of these goals and objectives for
a specific planning purpose has already been made in the
organization phase of the process. It remains for the
planner, with the advice and consent of the committees
structured in the organization phase, to further refine
these planning objectives into planning factors.
These planning factors are discrete, measureable
criteria inferred from the objectives of the plan. As an
example, suppose that "to provide for adequate housing for
all residents" was a plan objective. It might be profession-
ally inferred that minimum occupancy standards should
include a measure of floor space per occupant. This planning
factor may be then refined to mean 250 square feet today,
275 square feet five years from now, 300 square feet ten
years from now, and so forth.
A collection of these planning factors describes a
level of service of a particular entity. The planning
design effort then centers around correcting contemporary
deficient levels of service, forecasting future standard
levels of service and then meeting these future levels in
future plans.

The Use of Models


All the concepts, preconcepts, theories, patterns,
and levels of service so far referred to can be generically
called models. These models are the tools of planning
analysis
Lowry (1965) has noted that models can be classified
as to their function. Descriptive models imitate some
feature of the real world as it is observed. An urban
descriptive model could possibly reduce the complex structure
of a city to a set of relationships both coherent and
110

rigorous. Such a model would show the interaction of the


physical environments of
social, economic, political and
help
the city. But, by definition, such models will not
or aid in the evaluation
with information about the future
of alternatives.
the notions of
If one adds to a descriptive model
a predictive model.
process and causality, the result is
The planner generally begins
with a desired output and tries
input. The induction-
to relate it to the available
the result that future
deduction process is followed with
acted upon by future relation-
input (plans and resources) is
output (the meeting of fore-
ships (theory) yielding future
casted levels of service).
set of future inputs,
If the planner has more than one
as is likely to be the case,
and wishes to test each set
most utile, he may devise
of future outputs seeking the
the
a planning model. This is the most complex model in
includes the specification of
Lowry scheme and the process
consequences of each
alternatives, the prediction of the
of these consequences
alternative, and the rating/ranking
specified goal statements.
as to how well they fulfill

Modeling
The Strategy and Tactics of
that there may exist
Lowry' s classification suggests
as^
a strategy of modeling. This strategy can be phrased
with a sense of style
"employing appropriate techniques
Appropriateness suggests that
There are two key concepts.
a proper fit. Each
which is right for the purpose and
a purpose, and fit
modeling effort must then be tied to
auxiliary conditions such as
both the specific purpose and
available. When any of these
quality of data and resources
than the others,
conditions is emphasized more or less
dysfunction include a
dysfunction occurs. Examples of
of
assumption for the quality
modeling effort too simple by
little or too much relative
data available; the converse; too
Ill

allocation of resources to the data collection and the


modeling effort; and the generation of a predictive model
based upon data which can only be poorly forecasted.
A sense of style refers to the artfullness of applica-
tion. It is very closely tied to design and creativity and
is the specific or characteristic manner of expression,
execution and construction of the model. A sense of style,
like appropriateness, only gains its meaning in application.
Contributing to this modeling strategy is a collection
of tactics. One set of these tactics is that group of
writings which deal with the choice between dichotomous
facets of modeling. Harris (1967) offers a list of these
facets which includes the distinctions between models that
are: descriptive versus analytic, holistic versus partial,
macro versus micro, and static versus dynamic.
The descriptive versus analytic distinction is the
same as that between inductive and deductive reasoning.
This has already been explored and it is only necessary to
reiterate that each has its use in urban planning.
The holistic versus partial distinction is most
manifest in the separation of urban planning practice and
urban planning research. The practitioner is forced to take
as holistic a view as possible whereas the researcher
can

afford the luxury of holding the balance of the urban


environment constant while he investigates but one aspect
of it. The distinction blurs as holistic views come to be
aggregations of partial views. The substantive scope axis
of the conceptual model of planning activity was devised
to define the hierarchy of various types of urban
plans.

The distinctions along that axis came closest to mirroring


the distinctions among various degrees of holistic and
partial analyses.
Harris holds that the macro versus micro distinction
centers around the level of aggregation concept. This was

first addressed in the inventory phase of the planning


112

process where it was noted that data should be collected


on as disaggregated a basis as possible. The basis of this
tactical distinction is, however, that most of the variables
in urban planning only gain statistical meaning in aggrega-
tion. Thus we are interested in total street utilization,
park space per neighborhood, sales in the CBD school age
,

population, etc., but these impacts are cumulative over


discrete individuals, families, businesses and institutions.
Micro analyses are often necessary to assess these individual
impacts even though a macro analysis may show the cumulative
effect of some change.
The static versus dynamic distinction is largely
procedural. There is no philosophic difficulty in recogniz-
ing that urban systems are dynamic and should be so
modeled.

The difficulty is, of course, a computational one. For

ease of conceptualization and manipulation, urban models


are generally structured in static equilibrium. An
approximation to dynamics is sometimes made through recur-
sive manipulation.
Another class of tactics associated with model building
possible
deals with the relative propagation of error through
model forms. Alonso (1968) suggests that the error pro-
be
pagated and amplified by "long chains of argument" may
so great as to obviate the benefit of these
complex models.

In this case, the aggregation or complementary use of


extension of
simpler models may yield better results. As an
the strategy of appropriateness, poor quality
data is

probably best used in simple models. Further, error cumulates


Alonso
differently with different mathematical techniques.
of the
demonstrates that addition is the least dangerous
mathematical operations. If one cannot add, multiplication
or division are preferable to subtraction or
raising

variables to powers.
largely
Yet another class of modeling tactics are
situational in context. Bolan (1970) clearly rejects the
113

notion that models which are more clever, more complex, and
which contain more facts are per se necessarily superior
to those with less such ingredients. He argues that the

long range master planning predisposition of planners may


make them too Utopian in method and philosophy to model short
range problems. Models must take into consideration
political realities as well as technical bases. The power
and capacity of the planning agency, the government as a
whole, and the political process must be a part of the
modeling effort. Fact should be distinguished from value
judgments and further, there is a question of value to
whom. Effects need be disaggregated and the diversity of
value existent in society should be modeled, lest the
planning decisions resulting therefrom force homogeneity
where it is neither warranted nor wanted. Further, models
constitu-
should have relevant and real meaning to the client
ency in their planning situation. Analyses should answer
been
questions that are utile, not questions that have not
asked.

An Example
science
That modeling should be at least as much art as
is apparent. Whether it be called creative technology or
as long
technologic creativity is a matter of indifference
as both elements are present. The process occurs in the
planning activity.
analysis phase of the conceptual model of
figure
Consider Figure IV-1. Within the model this
of that
shows the organization, inventory and analysis
substantive scope
planning effort which is defined along the
(destinations).
axis as statewide (origin) to state parks
of the many
Illustrated are two analytical methods, typical
organization
that could be conceived based upon the same
and inventory.
statewide state
Schulman (1964) designed a model of
gravity model.
park recreational travel based upon the
114

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U
CO

o
4J

CU
>
co
5-1

H
CO
C
o
•i-i

U
cO
cu
> 5-1

H CJ
CU
CU t*
5-4

D CU
bO
•H •H
En
CU
•u
cO
4J
en

CM
O

CU
-a
o

cO
3
PROCEDURAL SCOPE •P
O,
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o
PI
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>- \-
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z
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cr
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: , ,

115

R.
J

1 ' 64
(D..)
T. . = T.
n R.
J

1 ' 64
,-i (V
where
T. .
= the number of automobile trips from residential
area j to recreational area i,
T. = the total number of automobile trips attracted
to recreational area i from all residential
areas
D. .
= the road distance in miles between residential
area i and recreational area j

and R. = the number of recreational trips to all recrea-


tional areas generated from residential area j.
Matthias (1967), working with a similar problem,
designed two models, one for travel to a state park when
there was no intervening state park, and one for travel
when an intervention occurred.
For the closest park,
0,579 x
Y = 338e' '

and for an intervening park,


488 *•
Y = 129e-°-

where
Y = annual trips from all origins per 1000 population,
and X = distance to the recreational area in question in
miles from the population centroids.
Both the Schulman gravity model and Matthias logarithmic
model are inductive. Schulman apparently had a strong per-
conception that his data would fit a version of the well
.

116

known gravity model. Matthias' work may have been more


inductive in that the logarithmic form evolved from the
data patterns. Both researchers then proposed using their
models in a deductive way to forecast future trip generations.
Neither research was associated with an ongoing plan
(such as to provide transportation service to the recreational
areas) so there was no need to evolve and compare levels of
service. Both Schulman and Matthias investigated the "level
of service," so to speak, provided by already existent models
of this type of behavior and felt that improvements could
be made
The models are both descriptive and predictive.
Matthias' conceptual basis was that trips will be generated
according to distance from the facility with due account for
intervening opportunities. Schulman 's conceptual basis was
that trips will be generated in proportion to attractiveness
and in inverse proportion to difficulty, resistance or "the
friction of space". Both researchers assumed that historical
patterns will continue which, however self -perpetuating , is
hard to argue against, at least in the near future.
Both models are partial rather than holistic and both
are macro rather than micro. In addition, both models are
static although Schulman 's has a wider conceptual use of
equilibrium as it considers origins as well as destinations.
Neither researcher needed to consider the political
environment. If this research were carried out in an applied
situation, this environment would be very strong as has many
times been demonstrated in the siting of major recreational
facilities and their attendant impacts.
Outside of the contextual issue of a plan, it would be
difficult to pass judgement on the adequacy of these models.
It is apparant, however, that they model only a small part
of something bigger. In addition, they are each composed
of parts of smaller concepts which might be more meaningful
if considered separately. The philosophic and procedural
.

117

problems of "smallness", "bigness" and the feeling that


everything may influence everything else leads quite naturally
to the analysis of the behavior of systems.

The Use of Systems Analysis

General Systems Theory


Every systems analysis paper in the rich field of
the discipline begins with a definition of a system.
Definitions are elusive at times and this is perhaps no
better exemplified than in the attempts made to define
a system. For clarity in definition one usually lists
attributes or else makes some attempt to classify systems.
Generally speaking, a system is a set of related
elements. Beer (1959) has noted that these elements can
be simple and deterministic as in a window catch. They
can be complex and deterministic as in an electronic
computer. The elements can be simple and stochastic as a
set of coin flips. Or they can be complex and stochastic
as in a warehouse inventory system. There is usually
reserved the classification of exceedingly complex stochastic
for such systems as the United States Economy. The exceed-
ingly complex deterministic system set is generally regarded
as empty.
Systems analysis is an interdisciplinary endeavor.
To prevent this endeavor from degenerating into undisciplined
approaches, some integrating structure must be applied to
the analysis. Boulding (1956) suggests that between the
general constructions of pure mathematics and the highly
specialized theories of specific disciplines there exists
a general systems theory. There are two paths to this
theory: an investigation of real world phenomena that them-
selves cross disciplines, and the study of the hierarchy of
systems according to the complexity of their basic
individuals
118

There are several real world cross disciplinary


phenomena. The birth-survival-death syndrome is one which,
for instance, can be applied to a living organism, an
idea, a communication bit, an element in a queue and many
otherwise unrelated occurrences. Other cross disciplinary
phenomena include behavior, growth, and communication.
The second path to general systems theory could be
the result of the following hierarchy of levels in systems
analysis offered by Boulding. The first level is that of
statics. Some typical systems in this level would consist
of frameworks. Geography is a good example. The second
level is that of simple dynamics. implied here is regularity
and a clockwork is a good example. The third level of
systems is cybernetic in nature. These are those kept in a
state of homeostasis by which a variable is kept between
two limits and always tending to equilibrium. Blood pressure
is a good example. The fourth level of systems constitutes
those that are open or self -maintaining such as the cell.
This level is usually the limit of theoretical systems
study. The fifth level is genetic-societal in nature. An
example of this is the society of cells in a plant. The
sixth level is that of self-awareness and is characterized
by animals. The seventh level of systems is that of self-
awareness coupled with abstraction and is typified by man.
The eighth level is that of human social organization and
it nature and dimension of human value
is the level of the
systems. An understanding of this level would benefit the
discipline of urban planning. The ninth and highest level
of systems is that of transcendence and the systems character'
ized by this level are beyond human experience.
Another hierarchy of levels of systems based on their
degree of automaticity has been offered by Kossiakoff (1960).
The zero order system replaces no human energy and assumes
no control function. Examples are hand tools. The first
order system requires energy but input and control are
119

supplied by man. Examples include bench saws and pneumatic


drills. The second order system uses mechanical power
exclusively but man must start-stop the system. Examples
are radial drills and pipe threading machines . The third
order systems are completely self acting and first genera-
tion automatics. Examples include special manufacturing
machines as for cigarettes, lamp bulbs and bottling. The
fourth order system measures its own performance and corrects
to a standard. Examples are oil refineries, generators and
regulators. The fifth order system automatically solves
problems according to pre-specif ied control equations. An
example is a pre-programmed computer controlled machine.
The sixth order system is that of system solution to complex
formal logic conditions. Examples include telephone
circuits and robots. The seventh order system learns from
its mistakes, attempts different modes of operation as
necessary and improves its techniques. Examples include
any system that learns by experience. The eighth order
system extrapolates from its experience, forms modes of
operation beyond its experience and performs inductive
reasoning. Examples include systems that have intuition.
The ninth order of system can create beyond itself.
Because of the breadth of systems analysis and because
the analysis is compounded by the fact that systems exist
in systems, the search for a general systems theory is
probably futile in terms of the end desired. But the
ancillary effects of this search yield new techniques and
perspectives, the value of which cannot be denied.
So finally we are forced to define systems analysis
by listing its characteristics. Fundamental among these is
the definition of the problem and the systematic examination
of objectives and of the alternative ways of achieving these
objectives. Systems analysis often is iterative in nature,
involving formulation, testing, reformulation, re-testing,
etc. Even if the conclusion of the process is that there
.

120

is no preferred alternative, the process itself is often of


educational value to the decision maker. The time frame
of the analysis usually extends far into the future and as
such is often fraught with uncertainty. Often there exists
the possibility of catastrophic outcomes and this might
preclude the use of simple expected value models. Sensitivity
analysis and contingency analysis are often better tools.
Systems analysis usually deals with problems within a very
broad context. Straight-forward solutions are the exceptions
in the welter of variables and often simulation by a black
box is required. For this same reason many systems analyses
are neither exhaustive nor entirely quantitative. As
stressed earlier, this does not necessarily negate their
value.
Despite the complexity of some systems, some useful
classifications can be made of systems in terms of their
analytical properties. The first distinction that is
usually made is between natural and man-made systems.
Often clues to behavior of systems can be obtained simply
by this distinction although the distinction may not be
easy to make. Once made, there exists the possibility of
applying such things as the Newtonian Laws or the precepts
of the behavioral sciences as applicable to the system in
question
There exists an analytical distinction between an
open and a closed system. Open systems exchange materials,
energies or information with their environment. A closed
system operates independently of environment. Some systems
are characterized by their control mechanisms. An open
loop system is one which once activated permits no further
control. A closed loop system permits and possibly requires
control. Feedback may exist in either system but when it
is used for active control it "closes the loop." Yet
another distinction usually made is that between adaptive
and non-adaptive systems. Adaptive systems are those that
possess the ability to react to their environment in such
. .

121

a way that is favorable to the continued operation of the


system.

Urban Systems Analysis


Most long range planning decisions are reached through
the use of the decision maker's judgment and intuition.
The role of systems analysis in this process is the same as
that of English, arithmetic and science. All of these taken
together influence and hopefully sharpen the judgment and
intuition of the decision maker. In almost no cases can the
results of systems analysis be taken as the optimal decision
because of the unquantif iable nature of some of the
variables
To more clearly define the role of systems analysis
in planning, it would be helpful to define the extremes of
opinion regarding it. At one end of the spectrum there are
those who say that planning is entirely Intuitive and
based only on personal judgment and experience. At the
other extreme are those who deny the role of anything not
measurable in numbers. The usual outcome of either of these
two positions is either a model so simple that it no longer
fairly represents the system, or an analysis so complex that
it is not available until two years after the decision had
to be made. Obviously the correct range of endeavor is

between these two limits.


These two extremes are mirrored in the applications of
systems analysis to urban problems. Moore (1966) notes that
at one extreme there are people who argue that there is a
wide range of problems simply begging for analysis within
the urban sphere. These people maintain that there is a
wealth of methodology even today available that is not being
properly exploited in urbanology. Other people dispair
that when analyses have been carried out they have not been
used for decision making due to institutional and political
constraints
.

122

The two positions are reconcilable.


Their recon-
ciliation involves defining the characteristics which make
certain problems suitable for the application of systems
analysis. This involves a consideration of such issues
as welfare economics and political institutions, public
gooas vis-a-vis private goods, incentives in the operation
of specific systems and the political feasibility of alterna-
tives .

The provision of public goods generally requires the


consideration of multiple objectives. Among these objectives
are to use resources efficiently, to be equitable, to benefit
special groups, and to permit scope for individual initia-
tive. The trade-offs required in making any decision here
are largely subjective in nature and perhaps best left to
the political arena. The very least required of the systems
analyst under these conditions is to specify alternative
outcomes for different criteria. A more worthy project would
be to formulate a clearly superior and universal set of
criteria
Moore notes that another problem which overlaps
analysis and politics rests with the design of incentives.
Too often such items as rent subsidies and tax preferences
are not self adjusting to market conditions and freeze into
the economy.
Surely the safest problems on which to conduct air
tight analyses are those which are very limited in extent.
It does not take much imagination to realize that these
local optimal solutions are most probably suboptimizations
in the next system and so on ad infinitum . Even with that
in mind we can, and indeed must, suboptimize at higher levels
than the present.
Even so, systems analysis will never reduce urban
planning to an objective process. The substance of such
planning is too subjective; the political process in which
planning must take shape is too subjective; and decisions
.

123

which must be made about planning are made with bounded


rationality, constrained by such humanist qualities as
politics and ethics, and, on a lower level, by human
frailities such as ignorance and prejudice.
Nonetheless, systems analysis brings to urban planning
some significant benefits. First and foremost, systems
analysis is educative as to both the plan process method-
ology and the plan itself. It ties policy, function,
process, programming and budgeting together in one analysis.
It may disclose wasted resources, clarify issues, reconcile
conflicting or overlapping objectives. It may possibly
introduce a sense of unity to otherwise disparate features
or seemingly unrelated aspects of the plan or planning
process
In conclusion, systems analysis is not merely the use
of complex and holistic models. Rather, systems analysis
is itself a precedural model of a method of approach to
problems. It involves the specification of objectives,
the systematic search for alternative methods of achieving
these objectives, and a comparison of the results obtained
through the use of each alternative. Models, analytical
methods, and scientific procedures are used, but their
assembly and application are strong functions of intuition
and imagination.
The application of systems analysis to the urban
planning process is direct and obvious. In fact, there is
no major difference between the use of systems analysis in
planning and the planning process as described in this work.
As a planner moves along the procedural scope axis of the
conceptual model of planning activity, he executes a
systems analysis. Objectives are defined, a multidisci-
plinary organization is established, data are collected,
analyses are made and tested, parameters are forecasted,
urban designs are conceived and evaluated, the most
124

optimal is selected according to some rational process,


and the selected plan is implemented. The consummate
planner is a systems analyst.
125

CHAPTER V
FORECASTING

With this step the planner begins the second half of


the planning process. Typically more than half the resources
available to him have been expended, but this should cause
no great concern as it has already been recognized that the
inventory phase is very expensive and time consuming and
this has been taken into account in the study design.
Since plans are concerned with future activities, the
analysis of contemporary data alone does not normally
provide a strong rational base for any but the most remedial
or short range plans. The planner is now forced to manu-
facture or synthesize a future inventory for the develop-
ment of future planning demands. There is a very clear
element of uncertainty in this formulation. This forced,
synthetic, probabilistic and assumptive "inventory" for the
"analysis" of future planning conditions is called a
"forecast."
Sometimes the historical inventory already taken
yields data too aged to accurately portray the contempory
conditions. The planner must not only then forecast into
the future, he must also forecast from the past into the
present. This latter process has come to be called
"estimating" and this convention is maintained here.
The techniques of estimating are generally the same
as those of forecasting. Usually, however, some of the
inputs to the estimating procedure are presently known for
certain, thus making estimating less risky than forecasting.
Before considering some of these techniques it is necessary
to examine the general conceptual bases for forecasting.
126

The Forecasting Model


Consider Figure V-l. It represents the forecasting
phase in the conceptual model of planning activity.

Substance
Along the substantive scope axis of the conceptual
model of planning activity, forecasting is used in all types
of planning. However because of the risk and difficulty
involved in forecasting the conditions at any point in the
future, only a few key variables are forecast. All other
future conditions are then inferred from these forecasts.
These key variables are characterized by two general
conditions. They are forecastable with some degree of
confidence by some generally accepted and rational technique;
and they are so closely linked to other desired variables,
either by cause or correlation, that the behavior of
these other variables can be inferred from the behavior of
the key variables.
Suppose that the inventory phase of the planning
process yielded the data conceptually shown in Figure V-2.
Some of the data are current and some are three years old.
Suppose further that the planning process was designed to
provide a plan for five, ten, and fifteen years into the
future. Figure V-2 shows the development of: first, the
estimate of the present condition; second, the five year
forecasts of the key variables; and third, the expansion of
those variables by inference at each of the five year
points of investigation.
The present or past measurement of all the variables
is the inventory phase of the planning process. The
establishment of the inferences for this contemporary data
(estimated data if need be) is accomplished in the analysis
phase. Key variables are then forecasted and inferences
drawn from them as to the behavior of other variables based
upon the discovered contemporary inferences. In the example
127

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A Conceptual Forecasting Model


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129

shown in Figure V-2 the forecasting is halted every five


,

years of forecast time and the behavior of the inferred


variables is deduced. Some of these inferences may be
deemed by the planner to be viable only in the near future
and thus the figure shows a gradual reduction in the number
of inferences drawn as the fifteen year forecast year is
approached. Should the circumstances warrant it, no
intermediate inferences need be made at all, or, conversely,
inferences could be drawn yearly or monthly into the future.
The substance of the key variables for all types of
urban planning is one or more of the following:
measures of economic activity,
population characteristics,
land use characteristics, and
transportation characteristics.
Each of these key variables can be further broken
down into demand variables, resource variables, or standard
variables. The interest of the planner is in properly
satisfying the future demand for recreation, housing,
community facilities, streets, or whatever the substance
of the plan in question. This demand is forecasted, future
standards of satisfaction are applied to the forecasted
demand yielding forecasted requirements. These requirements
are met by the allocation of resources forecasted to be
available
Consider, by way of example, the forecasted demand for
retail food shopping in an area. This demand is generated
by the resident forecasted population in the area. It also
need not be forecasted as a key variable, but rather inferred
from the forecasted population.
The demand is very obviously related to a resource
variable which measures the supply of land likely to be
available for retail food merchandising, and number and types
of retail food merchandising establishments, their spatial
distribution in the urban area, and the buying population
hinterland necessary to support each of them.
130

The specific relationships between the forecasted


demand variables and the forecasted resource variables
are the forecasted standard variables. These standard
variables measure levels of service. Examples in this case
might include a maximum walking distance between households
and convenience food shopping, the parki.ng necessary for a
supermarket, and the residential population necessary to
support such a supermarket. Not only must the demand and
resource variables be forecast, but the relationships
between them, the levels of service, these standard variables
must be forecast as well. Perhaps there will be no need
for convenience shopping, perhaps supermarkets will take
over this function, perhaps delivery will assume a greater
importance, perhaps people will shop less often, or more
often, etc. Each of these assumptions creates a different
state of nature. In the forecasting of standards, there
tend to be several possible states of nature with associated
probabilities that are either nearly equal or difficult to
evaluate at all. In contrast, the forecasting of demands
and resources typically considers only a few states of
nature and one of these usually predominates. In the example,
the forecasted population is unlikely to change present
eating habits.
Another complicating factor is that acceptable levels
of service tend to rise. As soon as a certain level of
service is met, the public expectancy grows and clamor is
soon raised for the newer, the better, the faster, the less
expensive and the more convenient.
Thus, the forecasting of standards is something of
the bete noire of urban planning. The beast must be
approached however, to help reduce the many unanswered
demands and oversupplys that plague modern urban life.
The distinction between planning in the public sector
and planning in the private sector has been assiduously
avoided thus far in the model because it is not until
131

forecasting that it gains meaning. Consider Figure V-3 (a).


It shows four forecasts of a hypothetical variable based
upon different sets of assumptions. The solid line is the
forecast based upon a continuance of present governmental
policies and no significant cultural changes. It is thus
the most likely occurrence. This depends, of course
upon how distant the forecast year may be, but is particu-
larly likely in the near term because of cultural and
governmental inertia effects.
The private sector is nearly powerless to affect the
occurrence of this condition. As such, planning in the
private sector seeks to meet these forecasted conditions
in the best possible way. This is usually measured in
terms of profit. The most likely forecast is taken as a
"given", speculation on the other forecasts ends, and the
process continues from this point.
The public sector, on the other hand, has some powers
available to it which may change the likelihood of the
different forecasted outcomes. Suppose it is deemed that
point A, in Figure V-3 (a), is a forecast with qualities
deemed preferable to those of point B, resulting from a
continuance of present public policies. What results then
is the first major design decision faced by the planner.
He must consult very closely with the client constituency
and they together must determine whether they will simply
plan to meet the conditions of point B, as in the private
sector, or accept a higher risk course of changing public
policy or public culture in the plan in an attempt to reach
point A.
The degree of risk involved, in addition to the risk
of forecasting itself, depends upon the substance of the
forecast. If points A and B represented amounts of land
zoned for high density apartment use and the local planning
commission could easily change the limits on this use, then,
if subsequent market pressure could be withstood, there could
132

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c onceptual Forecasted Outcomes


133

very well result less of this use and the public policy
could change public culture in the community. This is a
relatively low risk change in public policy.
Suppose points A and B were population forecasts.
Public policy could provide a system of incentives and
penalties to limit population growth, perhaps the public
culture would react favorably with these programs and the
forecast might move away from point B towards point A.
But to plan on the forecast significantly moving is probably
a high risk undertaking.
In practice, the criticality of decisions of this
type is muted by three factors. First, planning is continu-
ous, not only within the process as outlined here, but also
"from process to process" over time as inputs change.
Changing inputs include changing personalities, changing
resources, changing demands, changing values and changing
complimentary or supplementary programs and conditions.
Thus, although planning may consider effects fifty or even
one hundred years into the future, the programs generating
those effects will be reviewed almost as many times in the
interval. The forecast conceptually shown in Figure V-3 (a)
actually occurs in a pattern similar to Figure V-3 (b) as time
goes by, with resultant corrective programs (if the hypothesis
is still valid) or (should conditions change) new plans
entirely.
The second muting influence has as its basis the
limited power of government in a democratic society. Although
some key variables could, under different circumstances, be
considered as endogenous to the urban planning process, they
are not. The governmental controls on economic activity
and population growth necessary to make these variables
endogenous are too severe to be in consonance with the
laissez - faire tradition of United States government. As a
result, these variables are considered exogenously with, at
most, only a mild warping of their expected outcomes
resulting from governmental activity.
134

The third muting influence is operational in nature.


In order to get on with the design of alternative solutions
to any problem, that problem must be bounded, perhaps
assumptively but bounded nonetheless. There is a clear
,

need for rigorous urban theory and for this reason the
planner and client constiuency must not be capricious in
cutting off debate. That point must come, however, and
when it does, the conclusions then reached are taken as
"givens" and the problem solving process proceeds. This
does not preclude the important concept of feedback, but
for the substance of forecasting, the feedback loop is too
long and awaiting its information is antithetical to
planning. To the philosophers we leave the rest.

Area
Concerning the areal scope axis of the conceptual
model of planning activity, only a few points need be made
regarding forecasting.
In the inventory phase of the process, it was recognized
that delimitation of the study area could have a significant
impact on the inventory. As might be expected, this holds
true for the synthetic inventory, the forecast, as well.
In particular, however, some measures of economic activity
are very sensitive to areal delimitation. Further, some
forecasting techniques make use of historical areal relation-
ships to "step down" greater area forecasts to their
lesser area conponents . This occurs because large area
forecasts can be made with greater confidence than small
area forecasts, all else being equal.
The problem with large area forecasts rests with the
loss of refinement. This becomes especially apparent when
the object of the study at hand is to locate some particular
facility. The large area forecast may indeed warrant the
location of that facility but the question of where, within
the area, may require an additional subdivision of the
. .

135

large area, an additional analysis making that already done


wasteful by reason of being inconclusive.
In general, the area under consideration in the plan-
ning process is subdivided according to the homogeneity of
the forecasted variable. There may be areas of a certain
kind of residential land use, areas of a certain population
density, areas of a similar family income, areas of similar
transportation demand, or whatever else may be under consid-
eration. The homogeneity of the forecasted characteristic
enables the planner to treat these variables in aggregate
rather than to have to deal with each family, each automobile
and each residence.
Thus the problem of areal subdivision for forecasting
involves balancing the three characteristics of largeness
for methodological simplicity, smallness for refinement and
the degree of homogeneity of the important forecasted
variables

Procedure
The point was made earlier in this chapter that the
substance of the forecasted key variables for all types of
urban planning is one or more of economic activity character-
istics, population characteristics, land use characteristics
and transportation characteristics. Those characteristics
dealing with economic activity and population tend to be
much more exogeneous than the remaining two, and procedurally
are usually forecast first. They are as near to primary
inputs as exist in urban planning, whereas transportation
and land use characteristics are more clearly associated
with whatever the nature of the plan in question happens
to be
Population and economic activity characteristics can
methodologically be forecast independent of each other.
This then provides a cross check of at least some of the
characteristics. From population studies one could deduce
.

136

employment and income; and from economic activity studies


one could deduce employment thence population.
Land use and transportation characteristics are less
independent of each other. Different land uses affect the
transportation system differently, and different transporta-
tion facilities tend to promote different land uses. The
forecasting techniques for these characteristics are recursive,
involving trial distributions and tests for internal com-
patability as well as satisfaction of boundary conditions.
Some of the forecasting techniques are quite sophis-
ticated and draw from academic disciplines not only supportive
of urban planning but also with a body of knowledge and
methodology unique to them. This is particularly true with
regional economics and demography. Accordingly, the question
of hiring professional staff to execute these forecasts
must be addressed in the organization phase of the planning
process

Forecasting Techniques
This section on the forecasting phase of the urban
planning process concludes by stepping back from conceptual
considerations and operationally considering some of the
commonly used specific forecasting techniques. Many are
adapted from other original uses and combinations and
permutations of techniques which have been used in the past.
There are clear favorites, but the application of any is a
strong function of not only the end use of the forecast,
but also the resources available to execute it.

Economic Activity Forecasts


Almost all economic activity forecasts make use of
national or regional forecasts as primary inputs, and
selectively apply this data to smaller areas of influence.
The selectivity of application ranges from the most
refined to the most crude.
137

In general, the planner must seek to answer the


question "What are the effects on the area in question if a
certain industry with a certain number of jobs moves into
or out of the area?" The most crude method of analysis is
to assume average conditions for the industry, area, and
jobs and to apply national averages supplied by such
organizations as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. One such set
of averages (Community Relations Fact Booklet, 1969) might
say that, for every one hundred new factory workers there
will be:
359 more people,
$710,000 more personal income per year,
3 more retail establishments,

100 more households,


97 more passenger cars,
$331,000 more retail sales per year,
91 more school children,
$229,000 more bank deposits, and
65 more people employed in non-manufacturing.
One of the most refined methods is that of input-
output analysis (Leontief, 1951). The conceptual basis of
this method is that every industry in a given area has a
relationship to every other industry in the area, and that
these relationships are measureable and can be expressed by
a series of mathematical equations. For each industry, an
analysis is made of the distribution of its output and the
sources of its input. Many of the inputs are themselves
outputs of another industry requiring another analysis and
iterations continue until the process converges. What
results is a many level model of the area economy in terms
of production. The use of input-output analysis in fore-
casting occurs when some share of national or regional
forecasted demand can be inferred to the area in question.
Then the impacts of this larger demand can be traced through
the model of the area economy resulting in area forecasts.
138

As an example, consider a simplified hypothetical


area with only three industries, printing, paper, and
chemicals. For every dollar's worth of printing output,
fifty cents is spent on paper, five cents on chemicals, and
a penny is spent by the printing industry itself. For
every dollar's worth of paper output, a penny each is spent
on printing and paper and five cents is spent for chemicals
And for every dollar's worth of chemical output, a penny
each is spent on printing and paper and forty cents is
spent for other chemicals. The transaction table is shown
below.

Table V-l

Cents Worth of Input per Dollar Output

Printing Paper Chemicals


Printing 1 1 1

Paper 50 1 1

Chemicals 5 5 40

Suppose the national or regional paper production is


forecasted to rise and that this hypothetical area's share
of that rise is forecast to be one hundred dollars. The
biggest assumption in the technique is that the input-
output relationships will continue to hold true, so that
the first effect is a dollar rise in printing production, a
five dollar rise in chemical production and an additional
dollar rise in paper production. This is entered in the
first round of input requirements shown in Table V-2.
These first round requirements likewise require
inputs in the same fashion. The five dollars worth of
chemicals generates five cents worth of printing ($1 input/
$100 output X $5 output); five cents worth of paper ($1
input/$100 output X $5 output); and $2 worth of additional
chemicals ($40 input/$100 output X $5 output). So too for
139

Table V-2

Input Requirements in Dollars

First Round Second Round Third Round Total

Printing 1 .01 .007


.01 .07 .006 .034
.05 .021 1.104

Paper 1 .50 .035


.01 .56 .006 .062
.05 .021 1.622

Chemicals 5 .05 .004


.05 2.10 .028 .872
2.00 .840 7.972

the dollar each of printing and paper generated in the first


round to complete the second round input requirements.
These second round requirements generate third round
inputs, and so on until the process converges.
In the example, it is seen that after three rounds,
the one hundred dollar increase in paper production generated
1.104 dollars worth of printing, 1.622 dollars worth of
additional paper, and 7.972 dollars worth of chemicals.
The construction of the input-output model for an
actual urban area is very complex and this technique suffers
from the general lack of necessary published data. As a
result its use is limited by resource constraints.
Another refined technique is based upon the economic
base of an area (Tiebout, 1962). The conceptual basis is
that any area contains but two classes of economic activities;
firms and individuals serving markets outside of the area,
and firms and individuals serving markets inside of the area.
The economic activities serving export markets are "basic"
and those serving local markets are "non-basic". The basic
economic activities are the prime movers of the area economy.
Non-basic economic activities follow from and are a result
of basic activities. The measure of "activity" could be
140

employment, sales, value added, or income accruing to


residents. Economic activity serving both local and export
markets is prorated accordingly.
Just as in the input-output technique, the economic
base technique traces the flow of this economic activity
from industry to industry. What results is another model
of economic behavior, this one showing the impact on both
basic and non-basic activity for any exchange in the basic
portion of any activity.
As an example of this tracing or linking of economic
activities, consider again the simplified economic area
composed of the printing, paper, and chemical industries.
Suppose that the printing industry sold 80% of its output
to private concerns outside of the area under consideration,
the "exports private" sector. Another 17% is sold to the
federal government, "exports government", and the remainder
is sold locally, a percent each to other printing, the paper
and chemical industries. Similar data are inventoried for
the paper and chemical industries and the results are
tabulated below.

Table V-3

Allocation of Sales by Percent


Private Government

Printing
Paper
Exports Exports
80
28
17
20
3

52
11
Local Printing Paper Chemicals

50
1
1

Chemicals 10 40 50 5 5 40

Before the planner can say that the printing industry


is 97% export (80% + 17%) or that the paper industry is
48% export (28% + 20%) he must investigate how the local
percentages are distributed. Consider the local consumption
of paper, 52% of the paper production. The majority of this
goes to the printing industry. And printing will export
141

some of that. Printing will export to private concerns


40% of the paper production (50% of paper to printing X
80% of printing to exports private); to the government 8.5%
of the paper production (50% of paper + printing X 17%
of printing to exports government) and distribute locally
1.5% of paper production, (50% of paper to printing X 30%
of printing to local). In the same manner printing will
redistribute the 5% of production it gets from the chemical
industry and the 1% of production it gets from its own
industry. So that the three industries are tied to exports
both directly and indirectly. This is shown in the table
below.

Table V-4

Allocation of Sales by Percent Direct and Indirect

Export Export Local (to be


Private Gov't distributed
in the next
round)

Printing Direct 80.00 17.00


Indirect 1.18 .77 1.05
Total 81.18 17.77 1.05 1007o

Paper Direct 28.00 20.00


Indirect 40.38 9.10 2.52
Total 68.38 29.10 2.52 100%

Chemicals Direct 10.00 40.00


Indirect 9.20 18.05 22.75
Total 19.20 58.05 22.75 100%

Considering the paper industry, its first round indirect


•rivate exports is composed of the 40%, that printing will
ixport, the 0.28% that paper will export (28% paper to private
exports X 1% paper to paper), and the 0.10% that chemicals will
export (10% chemicals to private exports X 1% paper to chemicals)
142

The first round indirect government exports is composed of the


8.5% that printing will export, the 0.2% that paper will export
(20% paper to government export X 1% paper to paper) , and the
0.4% that chemicals will export (40% chemicals to government
export X 1% paper to chemicals). The residual of 2.52% will
continue to be distributed in a like manner, round by round,
until it becomes insignificant.
In this simple example, there are no local sectors
of ultimate consumption. In reality, of course, there are.
Some of the paper, printing, chemicals or whatever will be
consumed locally and some will eventually be consumed by
such local sectors as business investment, housing investment,
local governmental operations and export governmental invest-
ments .

In forecasting with this model inferences are drawn


from national or regional forecasts for those industries that
are basic to the area, the inferred shares of the large area
basic industry forecasts inputed to the model, and the
result is the forecasted impact on the local area. This is
clearly analogous to forecasting with the input-output model.
The sample inventory shown in Chapter III lists the
input information necessary for this type of economic base
study. The technique is somewhat sensitive to the unit of
measure of the economic activity and more so to the delimita-
tion of the area studied.
Both the input-output technique and the economic base
technique result in models of economic behavior of the study
area that are at once sophisticated and costly. If, for the
purposes of the plan, such analyses are not required or are
prohibitively expensive, there are a number of cruder, quicker
and less costly techniques which may suffice. One of these is
the Hoyt (1939) economic base theory of which the Tiebout
technique is a sophisticated extension. In the Hoyt technique,
the employment in each basic industry in the area is calculated.
The judgement of the degree to which an industry may be basic
143

is not traced out, as with Tiebout, but estimated by inter-


viewing the industries or using national averages and pro-
ration techniques. If, for example, a national average
shows that there are three retail trade employees per one
hundred population and the area under consideration has
four, the fourth employee is considered to be serving some
undiagnosed export function and is considered basic.
Similarly, if the area in question receives one percent of
the national income and a local industry markets a product
nationally, ninty-nine percent of that industry's employees
are considered basic and one percent non-basic.
Given the basic employment and the total employment,
the basic/non-basic employment ratio is calculated. This
ratio is then applied to forecasted shares of national
changes in employment for each basic industry. This applica-
tion results in a forecast of non-basic employment, and
hence total employment, likely to occur as a result of
changes in the area's basic economic activity.
The basic/non-basic employment ratio is a comparative
tool and its value is more relative than absolute. A very
high ratio is typical of an area of intense export activity.
It may also describe an area of service activity so weak
that it is difficult to obtain a doctor's appointment or to
get a carpet cleaned or a haircut. If the export activity
is dominated by a single industry, a high ratio may indicate
that the area under investigation is dangerously dependent
on changes in the economic behavior of that industry.
A very low basic/non-basic employment ratio could
describe an area of many duplicative and marginally performing
service industries selling each other gasoline and doing
each other's wash. Here is a clear need for the nutritive
impact of additional basic industry for the area's economy.
There are two remaining classes of economic activity
forecasting techniques, differentiated by their use or non-
use of large area or perhaps national economic forecasts.
144

By the use of large area or national economic fore-


casts the planner can, through a series of proration
techniques, successively apply historical relationships of
smaller area participation in bigger area economic activity.
For example, historical data on a county's share of state
employment can be obtained and plotted on a time series.
A curve is fitted and a likely ratio obtained for a future
time period. When this future ratio is applied to the
forecasted state employment, the result is the forecasted
county employment. The future state employment was obtained
in the same manner from forecasted regional employment, and
that from the forecasted national employment.
This technique can be used to forecast any economic
indicator in addition to employment, providing the input
data are available. It also can be used to forecast any of
these indicators by component sector such as heavy manu-
facturing employment, retail trade employment, and agricul-
tural employment.
The technique is probably best used when forecasts
are obtained for all the component parts of each larger
area. Then internal consistancy checks can be made to
insure that the sum of the parts does indeed equal the whole
and that the relationships of the parts to each other remain
rational at each stage in the process. When this is done this
technique is commonly called the apportionment method.
If, however, the proportioning is done without reference
to the complimentary areas, as a regional share may be pro-
portioned to a state without considering the other states
making up the region, or a state share may be proportioned
to a county without considering the other counties, then the
technique has come to be called the ratio step-down method.
Every forecasting technique so far outlined depends
upon the readily available national forecasts of specific
economic indicators as exogenous variables. Should these
for some reason be suspect or not applicable, the only
145

recourse is to forecast based upon an extrapolation of present


and historic local trends. This last class of techniques
is the most crude and only as good as the imagination and
intuition of the forecaster.

Population Estimates and Forecasts


As in economic activity forecasting, population
forecasting methods range from the refined to the crude
but in each case they are inherently simpler to execute
owing to the consideration of only three central variables;
births, deaths and migration. Of these, migration offers
the most difficulty owing to the lack of a good basis for
forecasting it.
In the cohort-survival method, the population is
separated by sex and perhaps race into convenient age groups
each covering typically five years. Using specific mortality
rates for each sex-race-age group, called a cohort, the
survivors are forecast into the same sex, same race, but
five year older cohort. This is done for all cohorts and
then a forecasted net migration is distributed over these
groups and added to or subtracted from the survivors. Using
specific birth rates for the women in each race-age cohort,
the zero to five year old sex-race-age cohorts are generated
to fill the vacancies caused by the five year aging process.
The procedure is repeated until the forecast year is met.
The strength of the cohort-survival method is that it
recognizes that the vital birth and death rates vary from
cohort to cohort.
The use of the cohort-survival method is at the same
time limited by the availability of forecasted specific
rates and the judgement involved in computing and distri-
buting migration. A simpler case of the cohort-survival
method involves considering the aggregate population rather
than sex-age-race cohorts and applying aggregate forecasted
rates. Thus is called the migration and natural increase
method.
146

If national or large area population forecasts are


available, they can he prorated down to the smaller area
being considered by either the apportionment or ratio step-
down methods in a manner analogous to that for economic
activity.
Cruder population forecasts can be obtained from the
forecast of employment made in the economic activity fore-
casts or from a conceptual technique which forecasts the
population holding capacity of an area based upon forecasted
zoning, land characteristics, available water and other
utilities, etc. Also, if the city in question is clearly
analogous in development to another older city, some fore-
casts can be based on the present day development of the
older area.
Again as in the case of the economic activity studies,
local trends can be used exclusively to forecast population,
these trends being identified by any of a number of common
mathematical techniques. A strong basis must be held for
assuming that historical rates will continue and that
specific correlative relationships will remain constant.
Because of the relative ease of employing any of these
techniques, it is a recommended practice to use several
simultaneously in an attempt to gain greater confidence in
the accuracy of the forecasted population, yet writers have
been hard pressed to state a best method. If the migration
of an area were known to be zero, the simple natural increase
method might prove to be the "best."
Estimating the present population is a lesser included
case of forecasting the future population. This is so because
some of the input data is presently available. The most
refined methods deal with migration and natural increase
in a manner first developed by the Bureau of the Census
(Chapin, 1965). The method is to take the most recent
census enumeration, compute the natural increase by any of
the methods above, estimate the net migration and loss or
147

gain from the armed forces, and the resultant sum is the
present population. The net migration is estimated in either
of two ways. In one case the ratio of the census year
total population to the census year school population is
multiplied by the current year school population. This
would give current year total population if local and national
school enrollment trends were the same. This is usually not
the case so the resultant figure is corrected by multiplying
it by the percent change in local school enrollment minus
the percent change in national school enrollment.
An alternative method develops an estimate of current
school population based upon natural increase alone using
for example, a cohort survival approach with one year cohorts.
The difference between this estimate and the current school
enrollment is attributable to net migration.
Other methods of population estimating depend upon
symptomatic data. As deaths are commonly a matter of public
record, for instance, one could apply to them known average
death rates to arrive at the estimated population of each
death group for which a rate exists. The same holds true
for birth rates to arrive at the number of women of child-
bearing age, thence the rest of the population. Changes in
the number of dwelling units, automobile registrations or
similar such data could be used, in conjunction with known
rates, to arrive at population estimates. As with population
forecasting, it is not uncommon for several of these methods
to be used in an attempt to gain confidence in the resultant
estimate.

Land Use Forecasts


Land use forecasting is of a different genre than
population or economic activity forecasting because it is
tied very closely to design considerations. It also enjoys
an interdependent relationship with transportation forecasting.
Further, of all the types of forecasting, that of land use
148

has the strongest association with forecasted standards of


use. For these reasons as well as the fact that specific
land use forecasting techniques are typically unique to the
circumstances of their application, it is only with reluctance
that land use forecasting can be discussed outside of the
context of a specific problem.
Nonetheless, the conceptual basis is clear. Land use
forecasting predicts the amounts and kinds of land use
likely to occur as a result of the fulfillment of the
population and economic activity forecasts. Further, it
forecasts the likely locations of these uses and in this
sense, enters the whole area of design considerations
discussed in the next chapter. Included in these considera-
tions are the careful balancing of uses to each other, the
impacts of uses on the transportation system, and the
possible plan elements and public policies which might
favorably change the forecasts.
Chapin (1965) calls these considerations location and
space requirements, and Martin (1961) calls them location,
activity and intensity considerations. The manipulation
of these considerations and the affixing of them to pieces
of land is typically accomplished through the use of one
or more of the following four classes of models.
The first class of forecasting model is judgemental in
nature. The planner simply studies the area under considera-
tion, its relationship to the rest of the area, the character-
istics of the supply of land and the expected population and
economic demands on the land, its present or future zoning,
accessibility and like considerations, and intuitively
forecasts what the likely development will be. This is
not to imply that intuitive and creative judgement is not
used in the other methods, but here there are no computa-
tional or procedural techniques employed to aid in judgment.
The second class of forecasting model adds to the first
some procedural rules. Martin calls this land use accounting
149

and from the balance of available land after each forecast


are successively subtracted out public open space and
recreational land, singular uses such as cemeteries, airports
and public buildings, then major commercial use, streets,
industrial use, residential use, and finally, non-residential
uses within residential areas such as schools, churches and
fire houses.
The third general class of models uses mathematical
abstractions to allocate total land use requirements to each
available land unit. This includes all forms of the gravity
model and a good example is the Hansen (1959) model for
Washington, D.C. In this class of models, population and
economic activity growth forecasted for the whole area is
distributed to various zones in the area based upon each
zone's attractive force compared relative to the attractive
forces of the remaining zones.
The fourth class of land use forecasting models is
composed of mathematical abstractions of economic behavior.
This analysis can be micro or macro in approach, and typical
examples include the work by Herbert and Stevens (1960),
Stewart (1969), and Lowry (1964). Models of this type
allocate to zones amounts of population and economic activity
based upon observed economic behavioral patterns used by
individuals and firms in location decisions.

Transportation Forecasts
This introduction to transportation forecasting con-
cludes this chapter on the forecasting phase of the urban
planning process and is necessarily limited to urban ground
transportation. The forecasting techniques for this type
of activity are part of a large and strong body of knowledge,
primarily due to a favorable set of federal, state and
local legislation supportive of both research and operations.
This body of knowledge includes more than forecasting
methods, of course, and has come to be called Urban
150

Transportation Planning or UTP. A brief review of UTP is in


order here in relation to the conceptual model of planning
activity.
In the organization phase, UTP has become somewhat
more institutionalized than planning in general; first,
because of a generally more refined and widely applicable
set of procedures, and second, because of various legisla-
tive and administrative requirements imposed by state and
federal agencies. In the inventory phase, UTP concentrates
on four major classes of information: demographic, social
and economic characteristics of the area; a complete facil-
ities inventory of the urban transportation system; land use
characteristics; and an origin-destination survey composed
of home interviews or widely sought after substitutes, a
truck and taxi survey, and cordon counts of traffic across
boundaries of the study area. In the analysis phase a
network is constructed to simulate the transportation system
together with these inventoried characteristics. Land use,
demographic, social, and economic relationships are con-
structed to explain the amount, location and timing of
inventoried trips. Distributional relationships are con-
structed to explain movements observed from one traffic
zone to another. These generally balance the desire to
travel, measured by some propensity to interchange, against
the resistance to travel, measured by a decay of this pro-
pensity due to zonal separation, which is in turn measured
by time, distance, cost, etc. If the application of these
and other relationships (for instance, the split of trips
between the automobile mode and the mass transit mode) to
the network results in a duplication of the inventoried
observations regarding the amount, location, timing, mode
and distribution of trips, both the network and the
relationships are hypothesized to be valid. UTP then moves
to the forecasting phase.
.

151

The first step in UTP forecasting is to determine the


amount of trips produced at, or attracted to, each traffic
zone for the forecast year. Separately forecast demographic,
economic, social and land use characteristics serve as inputs
to the various techniques.
One method, first used by the Chicago Area Transporta-
tion Study (1960), constructs from the inventoried data a
trip rate per acre for different land uses. The land uses
are differentiated by character, location and density
characteristics. New trip rates are forecast and applied
to forecasted land uses resulting in the amount of forecasted
trips
Another method, developed by Walker (1960) for the
Puget Sound Regional Transportation Study, uses cross
classification analysis, a statistical technique in which
average values of a dependent variable can be obtained for
different combinations of two or more independent variables.
The independent variables are considered in ranges or classes
and, in this case, there were three classes of environmental
factors and six classes of household characteristics. For
each of the eighteen combinations of these independent
variables, trip production rates and trip attraction rates
were calculated from the inventoried data by cross classifi-
cation. For each zone, the forecasted environmental and
household characteristics then determined the applicable
rate of trip production or attraction.
Another method uses the statistical technique of
multiple regression analysis. Equations are typically
constructed with trip production or attraction being some
function of independent variables such as trip purpose,
family income, vehicle ownership, land use, distance from
the CB, length of trip, mode of trip, and time of day. The
analysis calibrates this model to present and historical
data for the area in question. Any forecasted changes in
152

the independent variables are then inserted by zone and


the equation solved for future trip generation by zone.
All these methods base trip generation on the demo-
graphic, economic and land use characteristics of the traffic
zone. Another type of trip generation model includes as well
consideration of the transportation subsystem that serves
the zone and connects it to other zones. Zones with
relatively more accessible destinations should produce more
trips and zones that are themselves relatively more access-
ible should attract more trips. Nakkash (1969) has developed
a model that considers this accessibility which states that
the relative accessibility of a zone to an activity for a
certain purpose is equal to the accessibility of that zone
to that activity for that purpose divided by the sum of all
the accessibilities of all the zones to that activity for
that purpose. The accessibility of any one zone to any one
activity for any one purpose is the sum over all the zones
of the size of the activity in each zone multiplied by a
friction factor corresponding to the travel time from the
zone in consideration to each of the other zones for the
purpose under consideration.
Trip generation models forecast the likely number of
trip ends, either productions or attractions. The links
between these ends are next distributed from zone to zone
in the area. The several distribution models used to forecast
these interzonal transfers can be broadly classified into
two types, synthesis models and growth models.
Synthesis models forecast interzonal transfers based
upon the behavior patterns of travelers observed in the
inventory and analysis phases. One type of synthesis model
is the opportunity model which mathematically states that
the probability that a trip will terminate within a zone is
equal to the probability that the zone contains an acceptable
destination times the probability that an acceptable destina-
tion closer to the point of origin has not been found. The
153

probabilities are determined empirically from the inventoried


data and follow the observed trend that the longer the trip,
the more selective is the destination.
Another synthesis model is the gravity model which
mathematically states that the number of trips from one zone
to another zone is directly related to the total number of
trips originating in the first zone and to the total number
of trips ending (a measure of attractiveness) in the second
zone, and is inversely related to a "friction of space" as
measured in travel time, distance, cost or a combination of
these factors. The friction defined by these factors varies
by trip purpose.
Tomazinis (1962) formulated a combination of the
gravity model and the opportunity model called the competing
opportunity model. This model states that the probability
that a trip is going into a zone is the ratio between the
number of trip destinations in the zone divided by the
number of destination opportunities an equal time away
from the origin as the zone in question. This model considers
the land uses at the origin and destination as well as the
intervening land uses. It uses zone productions and the
resultant attractions may not be in accord with the
attractions as forecasted by trip generation techniques.
This is resolved by successive approximations.
Grecco (1962) has developed a synthesis model based
upon the theory and mechanics of linear graph theory. Trip
flow is a function of demand and travel time. In the
linear graph, flow sums to zero at each vertex or zone, and
demand sums to zero around each circuit or interzonal
distribution.
The other general class of distribution models are
growth factor methods and they differ from synthesis model
in that they project current demands rather than synthesize
future demands.
154

In the uniform factor method, a single growth factor


is estimated for the entire area under consideration. The
interzonal transfers inventoried by the origin-destination
study are then multiplied by this factor to yield future
interzonal transfers.
In the average factor method, different growth
factors are forecast for each zone and the average of the
two appropriate factors is used to multiply the inventoried
interzonal transfer between any two zones. Adjustments
are successively approximated to satisfy the control totals.
Fratar (1954) has developed a growth factor based upon
the present distribution and the growth factors of the future
destinations. The ratios of the present attractions for
each destination divided by the total present production
for the origin in question, are multiplied by the respective
destination growth factors to yield distributional factors.
These distributional factors are then normalized and
applied to the future trip productions from the origin in
question.
Although the use of growth factors to distribute trips
is simple, it does require the input of an origin-destination
survey and constant zonal boundaries. The growth factor
mechanics also break down when considering low volume zones
that are likely to greatly increase from the base year to
the forecast year.
The next step in the forecasting phase of UTP is to
split these distributed trips between those likely to be
accomplished by automobile and those likely to be accomp-
lished by mass transit. The four most important factors
affecting mass transit usage are automobile ownership,
density of development, transit service characteristics, and
the economic status of the tripmaker.
The Pittsburgh Area Transportation Study (1961) has
shown that an automobile ownership increases from no cars
to three cars per household, transit usage decreases from
. . .

155

sixty percent to eleven percent of all trips made per


household. The reasons for the decrease are intuitively
clear
Transit usage increases with density or intensity of
land use development. Again the reasons are simple. High
density residential development is generally inhabited by
low income - low auto ownership families. High density
non-residential development is typically associated with
high attractiveness for tripmaking together with difficult
and expensive driving conditions.
Four factors govern the level of service offered by
mass transit; travel time, travel cost, travel comfort and
travel convenience. Each of these has a preferred direction
of improvement as perceived by the potential user.
Increasing family income is correlated with a decrease
in transit usage. This decrease is not quite so severe with
work trips as it is with non-work trips because of the
continued use of rapid rail mass transit for work trips in
some areas as a cultural phenomenon rather than an economic
one
These four factors are not independent of each other.
They are also related to and vary according to trip purpose
such as the work trip or the school trip. Accordingly,
modal split models variously consider combinations of some
or all of these factors, based upon intuitive and statistical
evidence, to forecast the probable split between the automo-
bile and mass transit usage. The mechanics of these consider'
ations typically involve graphical techniques or regression
analyses, the interdependence of the independent variables
notwithstanding
Graphical techniques of modal split forecasting include
the use of diversion curves which are a function of system
characteristics. For various ratios of mass transit cost
to automobile cost, or of mass transit travel time to auto-
mobile time, curves are constructed showing the probable
156

percent of total trips diverted to mass transit usage. These


curves are actually several families of curves, each
family classifying and cross classifying the factors affecting
transit usage such as trip purpose, trip direction, time of
day, levels of service, economic status of the traveler,
trip destination, and many more.
Mechanically, these diversion curves either deal with
trip ends, origins and destinations, or trip interchanges,
the movements or trips themselves.
Trip end modal split models are applied to generated
trips, and only after the modal split are these trips dis-
tributed as outlined in the previous discussion. Fertal
(1966) has summarized the key features of some of the trip
end models. In the Chicago model, modal split was explained
by automobile ownership and orientation to the CBD. The
Pittsburgh model introduced the concept of "captive" and
"choice" riders, the former being totally dependent upon
the transit system for their needs. The Erie model added
employment accessibility as a means to differentiate between
transit usage and automobile usage. The Puget Sound model
considered accessibility by four trip purposes.
Trip interchange modal split models are applied to
distributed trips. Fertal notes that the Washington D.C.
model considered only the morning peak hour, and then by
trip purpose and classes of tripmaker characteristics. The
Twin Cities model used multiple regression analyses to
construct two equations for work and non-work trips. These
equations were then plotted to result in diversion curves
of travel time ratio, income, residential density, employ-
ment density, and parking cost for each of the two purposes.
The Buffalo model introduced the concept of "auto avail-
ability." If an automobile is used for a work trip it is no
longer available for other trips and this concept was used
to replace auto ownership.
157

The result of all the work to this point in the UTP


forecasting phase is a trip table. This table shows the
forecasted traffic flow from all origins to all destinations
by mode. Thus the forecasting phase dealing with demand
has ended.
It has been noted, however, that the conceptual model
of planning activity includes forecasting considerations
of resource supply and standards. These considerations lead
quite naturally to the final phase of UTP, traffic assign-
ment .

Traffic assignment is the process of allocating trips


to an existing or proposed system of transportation facil-
ities. Just as in land use forecasting, traffic assignment
brings design and evaluation considerations to bear and
the discussion of these in the conceptual model of plan-
ning activity is deferred to the next two chapters. These
design and evaluation considerations arise because traffic
assignment techniques evaluate and compare alternative
transportation systems by allowing proposals to be syntheti-
cally tested for their traffic carrying capabilities according
to various design standards.
The computational technique for traffic assignment is
one of network analysis. Traffic is assigned to a minimum
path tree in the network from an origin to all possible
destinations. The minimum path is that which minimizes some
travel function such as time, cost, distance, accidents or
a combination of these factors.
All the traffic from one origin to one destination
seeks the same minimum or equally minimum paths. The result
simulates how the trips would be made in the absence of any
capacity considerations along this otherwise minimum path.
This is called the "all or nothing" assignment technique
and is useful as a design consideration to see how the system
should operate unrestrained by resource considerations.
158

In contrast, "capacity restraint" assignment techniques


have been developed. These recognize that the all or nothing
technique tends to overload some links in the network. The
capacity restraint technique applies a restraint function as
the links in the network become overloaded in successive
minimum path assignments. This restraint function could
be static, as a certain maximum number of trips at any time,
or it could be dynamic relating capacities to volumes and
speeds at all times.
Another method developed by McLaughlin (1965) incor-
porates linear graph analysis to assign traffic. One
component is the number of trips from the centroid of any
origin zone to the centroid of any destination zone as
displayed in the trip table. The other component is the
street and its intersections. The trips sum to zero at
each vertex and are the flow variable. The pressure
variables is the value that travelers perceive in the choice
of a route. McLaughlin formulated a value function based
upon cost to reflect otherwise indeterminate subjective
values held by travelers.

Summary
This chapter has considered forecasting both as a
phase in the conceptual model of planning activity and as
a collection of techniques constituting this phase. The

purpose of forecasting is to manufacture a synthetic inventory


of future planning conditions. There is feedback to the
analysis phase for the interpretation of this inventory and
feedforeward from the earlier phases of the planning process
for its construction and scope.
Given this information and interpretation, the planner
is now ready to design a plan, or a set of
alternative plans,

to meet these forecasted conditions in a manner


arising
the
from and consistent with the goals and objectives of
client constituency.
159

CHAPTER VI
DESIGN

The design phase of the conceptual model of planning


activity is both simple and complex. It is simple because,
in its most basic sense, urban design is a bounded problem.
Prior phases have resulted in the identification of demands.
These demands translate into facilities through the applica-
tion of standards. Urban design is the locating of these
facilities on the land surface of the area in question.
The amount of land is bounded by physical constraints, the
amounts and types of facilities are bounded by demand con-
straints. The problem is simplified to a locational and
distributional one.
While this view of urban design has a conceptual
clarity and an operational ease that make it attractive,
it could easily result in a design that is sterile, harsh,
repulsive and inhuman even though it may be mechanically
functional. The design process becomes complex because it
cannot be approached from the standpoint of mechanical
functionality alone. True, machines and systems of services
must function if an urban area is to survive. But the most
important functional operative in an urban area is man and
his refined sensibilities demand an environment that is not
only mechanically functional but also harmonious, fitting,
comfortable and aesthetically in balance with himself, other
men, his machines and facilities, and nature.
This is as awesome a mandate as has ever been presented
by man to himself. It is not new and will never be old.
It is a mandate that comes from everyone in contact with the
area in question. The attempts to satisfy the mandate affect
160

everyone and, for that reason, urban planning enjoys no


lack of spirited criticism, at times, it would seem, from
all sides. So it is with a mixture of reverence, wonder and
fear that the urban planner takes up his pen and accepts
the charter to design.
Fortunately, the urban planner is not alone. It is
widely recognized that nearly equal participation in the
design phase of urban planning is required of architects,
landscape architects, and engineers as well as urban planners
No one of these professions is necessarily preordained to
take the lead in this effort. In fact, this consideration
is ancillary to the need for all to participate. The com-
position of the design team is, of course, a function of
the problem at hand and the resources available. In the
ideal case of a large and well supported undertaking, the
design team should include these professions as well as
those of sociology, regional economics, political science,
operations research, education and many more.
The orchestration of these individuals and their
ideas is a problem not without danger, and it could well be
that the single most important member is identified because
of his administrative capability as well as his professional
contribution.
The composition of the design team is ad hoc in nature
and it would be difficult to construct a normative example.
Referring to the organizational aspects detailed in Chapter
II, the key planning staff and principal consultants would
certainly be expected to participate. If the Technical
Advisory Committee has been intimately involved in the
planning process thus far, they certainly should be con-
sulted. It is not beyond feasibility that the Citizens'
Advisory Committee could be represented on the design team.
There is, of course, a strong element of evaluation
in any design judgement. When the design team cannot agree
on a clearly superior design facet among those considered,
161

alternative plans should be prepared to reflect the differing


points of view. Although evaluation methods are considered
in the next chapter, a system of staged
design and evaluation
cycles could be employed, each more detailed in
agenda than

the previous to keep the number of alternatives currently


viable to a manageable level. In this way, as soon as an
ceases,
alternative becomes undesirable, its development
continue to the
and only those judged to be still possible
next stage.
reflects, of
An operational device such as this only
the general to
course, the continuum design effort from
the specific. As the design process travels along this
gradually diminishes
continuum, the input of the urban planner
in relation to that of the
architect and engineer until,
particular facility
finally, specific design facets of a
come to bear. Recognizing that is is quixotic to establish
the point along the continuum
where the theory and practice

of urban planning defer to the


theory and practice of
nonetheless proposes
architecture and engineering, this work
that this point occurs somewhere
between the gross locational

c.haracteristics of a facility
and the design of the facility
this point as
itself The continuum continues through
design and the design
locational characteristics affect the
affects locational characteristics.
the urban planner and
All along the design continuum,
consider many ideas. These
the design team as a whole must
ma y be pedagogically grouped
into considerations of form

and considerations of quality.

Considerations of Form
palimpsest as
wafer's New Unrld Dictionary defines a
has been written upon or
"a parchment, table, etc. that
previous text or texts
inscribed two or three times, the
and remaining, therefore
having been imperfectly erased
(1968) uses this
marvelous
still partly visible." Martin
162

word to describe the form of the city and it is most appro-


priate. Throughout the history of the city, wave after
wave of influence has left its mark on the city form, never
quite obliterating the prior images.
In recent American history, several individuals have
sought to identify these influences as determinants of form.
Colby (1933) identified opposing centrifugal and centripetal
forces as locational determinents Centrifugal forces are
.

those that cause a move away from the central part of the
city. Examples are spatial force owing to central congestion,
site force owing to intensity of use in the central city,
situational force owing to the unnatural juxtaposition of
land uses in the central city, a force of social evolution
owing to climbing land values and taxes in the central city,
and a force relating to the status and organization of
occupance. The centripetal forces of attraction to the
central city are those associated with site attraction,
functional convenience, functional magnetism and functional
prestige.
Burgess (1929) proposed that, as a city grows, it
expands radially from its center resulting in a series of
concentric circles, each two enclosing a discrete zone.
Recognizing the exceptions caused by natural or artificial
barriers, he proposed that each zone has the tendency to
expand to the next outer zone as city growth occurs. In
Chicago, he identified five such zones; the CBD, the zone
surrounding the CBD in transition, the zone of independent
workingman's homes, the zone of better residences, and the
commuter zone.
Hoyt (1939) proposed that, instead of forming concentric
circles, zones of similar land use tended to be wedge shaped,
radiating outward from the CBD. New development on the arc
of the wedge tended to be of the same character as the
wedge itself.
163

Harris and Ullman (1945) agreed that such city forms


as the concentric circle and the wedge do occur, but they
noted that there were several such centers of circles and
origins of wedges in the typical American city. Among them
are the CBD various districts of wholesale operations, light
,

manufacturing, heavy industry, residential districts of


various kinds, and suburbs and satellites. The centers are
places of high accessibility such as provided by the inter-
section of important automobile routes, rail lines or rapid
transit lines.
Models such as these have become classics in modern
urban planning, and survive to this day despite the new
formal influences caused by the post-war population growth,
increase in disposable income, housing and shopping facilities,
and the rapid rise in automobile ownership. Factors such as
these have made urban dwellers more mobile than ever before,
and this is recognized in the more recent studies of urban
form which consider the dimension of time.
Vance (1966) has mapped seven sequential stages of the
development of the CBD. The first stage is the process of
inception which includes the original siting of the town
and is intimately associated with the functional character-
istics of the landscape. Next occurring is the process of
exclusion whereby the high rent paying abilities of certain
functions tend to locate these functions in the CBD, and
functions with lesser rent paying ability locate in descending
ability along a rent gradient that has its apex at the CBD.
The third stage is one of segregation in which one class of
high renters becomes so large that it naturally subdivides
and segregates into smaller units to maintain identity.
Vance notes that the New York financial district has segre-
gated into a stock-exchange district around Wall Street,
the ship company district on Park Row, advertising on Madison
Avenue, and other corporate headquarters on Park Avenue.
In the next temporal stage of growth, the CBD extends itself
.

164

outward in long thin alignments along arterial streets.


With individual mobility, these sections become an integral
part of the CBD and typically offer business services and
equipment for example. The next stage of readjustment occurs
because of the development of areas outside of the CBD which
attract functions formerly occurring in the CBD. In the

sixth stage, physical redevelopment of the CBD takes place


so that in the last stage, many of the functions associated
with the CBD at the beginning of the cycle are now performed
in satelite districts, and the CBD now performs new, unspec-
ified and highly specialized functions.
The cycle reoccurs for both the new CBD and the satelite
districts
Birch (1971) has proposed and tested the concept of
seven stages of residential growth. Stage one is rural in
nature and characterized by very low density single family
units. Stage two is characterized by a high rate of new
construction of single family units. Stage three occurs
when the area becomes fully developed, with high quality
some
relatively new single family structures and perhaps
multi-unit structures as well. Property values and rents
are at their maximum. In stage four, the structures built
fallen. Lower income
in stage three have aged and rents have
density than
groups move into the area and live at a higher
deter-
the original inhabitants. In stage five, building
the stage four
ioration continues and the grown children of
two areas
inhabitants leave for other stage four or stage
the
of the city. Population declines and average age of
becomes
inhabitants is high. Stage six occurs when the land
inhabitants do not
too valuable for stage five use and the
The land is
have enough political strength to retain
it.
three residential area,
acquired and redeveloped into a stage
Stage seven occurs
but with typically higher densities.
decay.
when the recaptured areas themselves
165

Theories such as these emphasize the temporal as well


as the spatial aspects of urban form. Blumenfeld (1967)
likened the city not to a work of visual art but rather to
a work of music or literature. He notes the single failure
of this analogy arises from the fact that a symphony or a
novel is the work of one man in a definite period of time.
Once completed, it remains so. On the other hand, the city
changes over time, with each new wave of influence altering
what was there before and adding new forms. Additions to
the palimsest never cease.
Urban planners recognize that their symphonies will
be "unfinished"; that their plans will be subject to the
exigencies of politics and finance; that their plans are
based on an incomplete knowledge of causal relationships;
and that their plans may be diluted, misunderstood, and
possibly wither.
One way out of this problem is to "make no little
plans" and to drive for acceptance through sheer audacity,
force of will and personality. An equally preferred method
is to accept the complexity of the problem and treat it as
one of stimulus provision - response classification in the
classic manner of black box simulation.
The goals and objectives of the client constituency
map the desired response. Included here are private
entrepreneurial, household, and individual decisions desired
as part of that response.
The stimuli are public policies, the policies of the
client constituency, the resources operationally available
for both planning and implementation, and, not to be
overlooked, short range changes in current methods of
operation.
The task of the planner is to assemble one or more
sets of stimuli which, when added to the form and policy now
existing in the city, will, in his professional opinion,
provoke varying degrees of the desired response.
166

The considerations of form begin with statement of


the desired response. As an example, Safdie (1970) prepared
an environmental code for urban residential living.

Every family or individual must be provided with an


outdoor space equal to or greater than its interior
living space. This is essential to proper functioning
of the family. The nature of the spaces themselves
would vary from climate to climate.

The outdoor space must be continuous with the indoor


spaces for family functions.

Sleeping facilities for young children should be


close to those of their parents. Teenage or older
children should have separate sleeping accomodations.
Families with children of different ages should have
two children's sleeping areas.

Every child should have a private sleeping space (a


North American criterion; other cultures may be
different). Children should have work and play space
of sufficient size for these functions.

House design must allow the individual to adapt and


change the dwelling.

A family should be able to function normally without


hearing or being heard by its neighbors. "Normal"
functioning includes occasional fights, playing loud
music or instruments, children playing and running
around. A decibel rating similar to that of a single
family house walls with a six-foot air space should
be considered minimal.

The family should be able to carry on normal functions


without being observed by others.

The living and dining spaces should not be observable


from another dwelling closer than one hundred feet.

In the Florida climate, glass area should not face


south or west unless adequately protected. In the
Quebec climate, some openings and living spaces should
receive sun. A dwelling should receive at least three
(four, six) hours of sunshine per day.

In hot climates, openings should be arranged to


capture any prevailing winds and make dwel ings
1

less dependent on mechanical air-conditioning.


.

167

North America is traditionally a single-family-house


culture. It is mandatory that the dwelling unit must
be recognizable and definable from the outside by the
occupant when he is in its immediate vicinity.

Access to the house should be through pleasant space


in which there is daylight. It should be possible
to sit or talk to people. No accumulation of odors.
Provision for children similar to the experience of
a residential street.

A child of this age should be able to leave his family


dwelling on his own and wander to a minimum distance
of one hundred and fifty feet, meet at least six to
ten children of his age, and find some play areas.

Access to play areas and play fields within an area


of five acres.

Access on their own to cultural and recreational


facilities such as movie houses, libraries, parks,
sport centers, etc.

Within the community there must be spaces where adults


can spontaneously meet or just sit around.

The ideal arrangement for the North American family


of any income group is to be able to drive into the
kitchen.

Within the inner community of 5,000, pedestrians and


vehicles should never cross.

Public transportation is mandatory so that the family


will not be dependent on one (or two) cars.

Entrance to houses should be shared by about four


families, to permit social inter -dependency. This
assumption may be wrong in number or even in its basic
form, but something of the sort must be established.
It is certainly true in the selfbuilt favellas of
Latin America.

People need to be able to identify with a larger


community unit. This can be observed in most
vernacular village architecture.

The ideal community is a mixture of various individuals


and families of different size and make up. Older
people, families with young or older children, single
people
.

168

The community must also have within it a mixture of


families of varying professions and racial origin
(this of course is a value judgment that can be
challenged, but writing it down forces one to face it).

Facilities beyond the reach of individual low income


families, such as work shops, car shop facilities,
furniture making shops, greenhouses and plant supplies,
should be provided by the community.

Within fifteen minutes' walking distance the family


should find a medium-size park, shopping facilities
of a minimum of 100,000 square feet, a variety of
cultural and recreational facilities, elementary
school, and some employment opportunities.

Within ten minutes by mass transportation or car must


be major employment opportunities of varying types,
regional shopping facilities of a minimum of 500,000
square feet, high schools and trade schools, a major
regional park.

The community must be designed so as to take full


advantage of natural amenities, existing tree areas,
natural topography, views.

New construction in an existing city must achieve


physical and social continuity with existing con-
struction. 1

Similar sets of criteria could be devised to describe


the
the working environment, the recreational environment,
travel environment, the shopping environment and so forth.
of the
These desired responses set constraints on the forms
stimuli
these
It is important to note that the effect of
tertiary
stimuli over time has some important secondary and
on the
aspects. There is first of all a period of debate
of flux
stimuli and expected response. There is a period
constructed.
during which the stimuli are instituted or
the stimuli,
There is a period of reaction and response to
may
hopefully in the direction expected. These stimuli
further
provoke a response that is itself a stimulus to
lagged,
response. And lastly, the response may be time
is important
dampened or amplified beyond the expected. It
169

to consider all these considerations in assessing the value


of likely responses.
Of course it is recognized that the separation between
form and quality is artificial as they affect each other in
a manner similar to site selection and building design.
Safdie's criterion that every family should be able to drive
into its kitchen tells us something about form but it is
clear that the quality of that design must be examined.

Considerations of Quality
In the practice of urban design, there exists an
often repeated litany of adjectival calls-to-arms exhorting
the practitioner to excellence. Such terms as color,
texture, grain, lightness, symmetry, proportion, balance,
fitness, size, density, harmony, difference, extension,
contrast, accent, expression, vista and scale are familiar
to the profession.
Unfortunately, there is no formula that combines these
qualities in ways to insure design of high quality. Rather
there are general guidelines for each of them which state
that, in the absence of deliberate discordance for effect,
some combine in ways more pleasing than others. Considered

singly and in combinations, they are known to evoke


certain

responses as viewed, used and lived in.


Since the urban planner is interested in evoking
may
certain responses, however complex or ill-defined they
be, he needs to be familiar with these relationships,
design.
although on a scale larger than that used in building
experience.
He must design for the response, for human
Because both the response set and the qualitative
architec-
conditions are so complex, urban planning, like
Proficiency
ture and engineering, is a true creative effort.
is established through practice and urban
planners undergo
with the
internships similar to those of other professions
same degree of creativity.
170

The urban planner must have highly sharpened sensibil-


ities to urban life and an intimate and personal knowledge
of the natural and man-made landscape. For this reason
considerations of design quality begin with a personal and
technical site analysis.
The technical site analysis is relatively straight
foreward and is comprised mainly of base maps and surveys
noted in Chapter III. Simonds (1961) details an excellent
version of a personal analysis in which the planner gets
the feel of the area, its relationship to its surroundings,
and the character of the area. This character includes the
best views, the poor views, the objectionable views, the
vegetation which should be preserved or removed, off site
nuisances, logical avenues of ingress and egress, the direc-
tion and force of the sun and wind, protection from these
elements or their emphasis as appropriate, natural and
topological features affecting development and the overall
effect of buildings, roads and structures currently in
place.
Site qualities by themselves suggest qualitative
design considerations. Simonds classifies several such
site conditions as the pastoral site, the heavy industrial
site, the site oriented to major vistas, the windswept site,
the site dominated by the highway, the resort site, the
site oriented to a body of water and many more.
Consider, by way of example, the steeply sloped site.
If it were proposed that this might be a candidate for
residential land use, certain qualitative design considera-
tions come to bear arising from the site itself. Table VI-1
lists the site features and the corresponding design con-
siderations in this case.
It has been noted earlier that there is a large cross-
over of influence between form and the response that a form
tends to evoke. Lynch (1960) has distinguished five such
. . .

171

Table VI-1

Site Features/Design Consideration


Steeply Sloped Site 2

Site Features Qualitative Design


Considerations

1. Contours are major 1. Placing of plan elements


plan factors. parallel to contours is
indicated

2. Areas of equal elevation 2 Bar and ribbon plan


are narrow bands. forms are suggested.

3. Sizeable level areas are 3 To create such, earth


nonexistant moving and retaining
walls are suggested.

4. The top of the slope is Perhaps the top should


most exposed to the be developed for its
elements view and protection of
the slope.

5. The essence of slope is Terraced, split-level,


rise and fall. and multideck schemes
are suggested. Ramps
and steps are indicated.

6. Perhaps the slope grade Access is necessary from


is too steep for auto- the side.
mobile traffic.

7. The pull of gravity is Excepting those structures


down. designed to look daring,
designs must express
stability.

8. The slope has a dynamic 8 Dynamic plan forms


landscape quality. are indicated.

9. The slope emphasises the 9 The land side might


meeting of earth and express an anchoring and
air. the air side fly free.

A sloping site affords 10 Artifical landscape


great interest in view. development to create
interest may be
minimized.
172

Table VI-1, cont.

11. The slope is oriented 11. Plan orientation is


outwards. normally outward and down
with necessary protec-
tion from the elements.

12. A sloping site has 12. Water must be intercepted


particular drainage and diverted or allowed
problems. to pass under and
through.

13. A slope brings out many 13. The play of running


desireable qualities of water is a plan opport-
water. unity.
173

forms and has proposed that they serve to define the


imagery of the city as experienced.
One such response is evoked by pathways. These are
the channels along which people move and are comprised of
walkways, streets, transit lines, canals, escalators,
elevators and the like. They can further be grouped into
networks, major ones for the street system, minor ones
for the neighborhood, and micro ones for the avenues of
ingress and egress of a facility. Structures and landscape
along the path give it identity. Paths have qualities of
importance, proximity, activity, direction, continuity,
motion and scale.
Another response is evoked by edges. These are the
linear boundaries of different parts of districts of the
city or of the city itself. Edges have the qualities of
penetrability or impenetrability, disruption of continuity,
visual impact and limit.
As opposed to the linear qualities of paths and edges,
districts evoke areal responses. Districts are areas of
uniformity of interest, sometimes poorly defined however.
Examples are uptown, downtown, the CBD residential areas,
,

industrial areas, the "Near North Side", the "Back of the


Yards", "The Block", the'Vieux Carre", and so forth.
Depending on their degree of definition, districts have the
qualities of entry and exit, thematic continuity, and
spatial extent.
Landmarks are places of reference, generally non-
dimensional in nature. They are promient visual images
even though they may be relatively small, as a clock or
a statue. Landmarks have the qualities of singularity of
image, orientation, contrast, prominence, distinction and
identity.
The fifth formal image identified by Lynch is the node.
A node is a center of activity distinguished from a landmark
by its active rather than passive nature. They are the focal
174

points of the city, typically located at the intersections


of major paths. Nodes have the qualities of dynamics,
centrality, interchange, focus, junction and decision.
Lynch suggests that the analysis of such forms and their
qualities, via interpretive studies of the citizens' res-
ponses to them, will enbale the city planner to compose a
composite image of the city. Then design would take the
direction of preserving attractive images, enhancing mediocre
images and changing objectionable images.
Some aspects of the essential mobility of urban life
have been examined. This motion may be controlled by the
urban planner to evoke certain responses such as speed,
direction, and ease of mobility. Simonds has catagorized
a number of qualitative aspects of design in accordance
with their effect on man.
Man is affected by horizontal motion, for instance,
because horizontal motion provides efficiency, freedom,
choice of direction, change of direction, stability, control,
and ease of vision of and in motion. Downward motion has
the qualities of less effort, retreat, refuge, return to
the primitive, nature, confinement, protection, privacy,
economy, simplicity and increased interest in the things of
earth. Upward motion has the qualities of force, exhilaration,
accomplishment, potential, detachment, supremacy, command,
increased concern for safety and visual interest in overhead
planes and the sky.
Man is encouraged to move in logical sequences of
progression, along paths of least resistance, toward that
which pleases, is fitting and wanted, toward change, toward
that which is interesting and curious, towards points of
highest contrast and richest color. He moves toward
exposure, if adventurous; toward order, if tired of con-
fusion; toward confusion, if bored with order; toward pro-
tection, if threatened; and toward objects, areas or spaces
that suit his mood or need.
175

However, man has some degree of difficulty in moving.


Indeed, it has been the technological goal of urban planning,
and urban transportation planning in particular, to ease
this difficulty, generally called the friction of space
(Haig, 1927).
Hawley (1950) noted that the physical pattern of urban
life is largely the result of this friction of space as
manifested in time-cost distance. Actual distance, as it
effects human response, is largely dependent on the techno-
logical developments which overcome the friction of space.
If the technology is such that the time-cost per mile ratio
if high, the accessibility of any one area is small and
that area is therefore limited in its number of potential
uses. If the technology is such that the time-cost per mile
ratio is low, differentiation and specialization of land use
can be high.
Isard (1960) noted that this measure of the friction
of space could include fuel comsumption, the number of
stops, the number of intervening opportunities, and the
social distance defined by factors such as the quality of
information possessed by interacting units, cultural patterns,
and economic and social linkages.
To this concept of the friction of space one may
conveniently add the Simonds qualitative descriptors of
the unpleasant, monotonous, uninteresting, dull, obvious,
undesireable, uninspiring, forbidding, demanding, dangerous,
ugly and unsuitable.
The futility of attempting to consider qualitative
aspects of urban design out of context is fully acknow-
ledged here. The designer must indeed be an artist, working
in the sincere hope that, in the application of his knowledge,
he can provide an environment that is both functional and
aesthetic to the user and beholder. Functionality comes
easier than taste, discrimination, style and balance. It
has been noted earlier that functionality alone is not
176

sufficient. Bat functionality combined with an insensitive


use of style is not sufficient as well. To use the material
outlined here in such a recipe-like fashion will result in
a design that is not aesthetic but arty, mannered, stylized
and fey.
The question, ultimately, must be begged. The urban
planner must design for the appropriate human experience.
He must be sensitive enough, by way of his own training,
to experience fully and personally an abstract design concept
He must be sensitive enough to vicariously experience the
feelings of those for whom he plans. In addition to being
technical and operational, he must be humanist in philosophy
and temperment, contempletive and universal in interest.
The boldest plans are fired in the crucible of humility.

Operational Considerations
Urban design is so large and complex a problem that
it is helpful to conceive of modi operendi The various
.

approaches depend upon the constraints of the problem and


the goals and objectives of the client constituency. The
first general constraint is that the development of a city
occurs over a long period of time. Add to this the fact
that the client constituency changes over time and the design
constraints become at various times changeable, transient,
competing and subject to different emphases. Add to this
the fact that, in most cases, the substance of the plan
deals not with a clear unobstructed plane, but with land
currently in use, with a city currently composed of struc-
tures, people, systems and many planning problems, and the
planner is genuinely challenged.
Spreiregen (1965) has noted several approaches to
this problem. The idea central to all of them is to design
a skeletal outline based on the principles of urban activity
systems, spaces, masses, circulation patterns, growth and
change, urban scale, and the ability of man to comprehend
his surroundings.
177

The skeleton is such that there is ample emphasis and


direction for the proper fleshing in of it, in due time.
This, of course, is a matter of risk but the changeable
nature and immensity of the problem to begin with preclude
it having a determinate solution.
What part of the skeleton to begin with is a function
of the goals and objectives of the client constituency.
If these goals and objectives reflect the fact that the
constituency is most concerned about aspects of circulation
and accessibility, then the logical place to begin is with
the transportation system. There is no quarrel that the
urban transportation system is one of the primary determin-
ants of urban form and quality. Nor is there argument that
the system must not only satisfy functional constraints,
but that it has socio-economic, political and psychological
effects. These considerations make it a favorite starting
point in urban design.
Closely allied with the transportation system are
various questions of land use. From a design standpoint,
the first problem is to determine what uses to site first.
Again, clues may be found in the goals and objectives of
the client constituency and the primary community function.
These should not normally be in conflict.
If the client constituency demonstrates most concern
to
for family housing conditions, then the logical place
begin is with residential land use. In the absence of such
con-
specific direction, the urban planner often begins by
sidering the placement of open space. Spreiregen notes that
not only
this is a most flexible position, with open space
development
reserved for use as such, but for possible future
of residential, commercial, industrial and
transportation
between
uses. A clear distinction needs to be made, however,
open space
open space reserved for future development and
open
reserved for "non-development", that is, to remain
space permanently. The latter suffers from the unfortunate
178

quality of always being "in the market" for subsequent pro-


posals and strong justification and support are necessary
to establish permanent open space as a viable and necessary
land use in the public mentality.
Often it is best to first site those land uses that
are the most conceptually constrained, secondly, the next
so, and so forth. Typically, industrial land uses are the
most constrained owing to their need for transportation,
access to employment, juxtaposition to complimentary use
and need for large and integral areas. Another constraint
arises from the protection of other land uses from the
nuisances of industry. If the goals and objectives of the
client constituency and the economic analyses of the planner
demonstrate the need to attract industry, this argument is
greatly strengthened.
Another design emphasis could be one of unifying the
impact of public decisions in the areas of not only trans-
portation facilities, but also to include urban renewal,
the construction of governmental facilities, and the improve-
ment of governmental operations across the whole spectrum
of governmental concern. An area could be designated as
one of intense, cooperative and unified change, so scheduled
and budgeted, with other areas to follow in a priority
according to their need.
Closely allied with this is the design technique of
siting even a single governmental facility or complex, and
the changes, private incentives, and ramifications that occur
within and about the area in question.
Another important design consideration deals with the
integration rather than separation of land uses. Jacobs
(1961) has had a profound effect on the practice of urban
planning by clearly noting that the vibrant and cosmopolitan
life style of the city comes about because of an admixture
of land uses over different times of the day. A familiar
technique is to integrate commercial, residential and
179

recreational land uses as in Le Corbusier's Marseille Block


and Safdie's Habitat.
Once again it is recognized that many of these con-
siderations lose meaning when discussed outside of the
context of a specific problem. Within this context, even
the same approach is likely to diverge into several alterna-
tives. This is entirely consistent with good planning
practice and many times it becomes difficult to select the
best plan from those that, at the surface at least, appear
equally good. Before proceeding to these concepts of evalua-
tion in the next chapter, this chapter concludes with a
simplified design example based upon the operational considera-
tions of demand.

An Example
Consider the hypothetical example of siting two types
of recreational activities, swimming pools and golf courses,
for the residents of three residential areas, each alike
in characteristics germane to the problem. There are no
such facilities currently available and the goals and
objectives of the client constituency reflect the need for
them to the exclusion of all other considerations. There
is no problem associated with the finances necessary to
construct and operate these facilities, be they public or
private in nature.
Admittedly, this problem is simplified to make the
following point: these facilities can be sited on the
basis of demand satisfaction.
Suppose that there are 800 families in each of the
three areas and that, through the use of surveys or analogy
or national averages or any of the other techniques detailed
earlier, the planner can construct demand curves for these
facilities as shown in Figure VI-1 (a).
The abcissa of Figure VI-1 (a) is a measure of the
friction of space, including all the factors earlier detailed
180

o
z
H
<
u.
o
h-
<r
<
u_ *-*
1-
CO
UJ
Z
UJ
_l
rr
> 3
<
ll
O
*-**

1:

O
t
z
UJ
o
tr
Ui
Q.

FRICTION OF SPACE

(a)

100
CD

i
o
UJ
s o
CO
z
UJ
UJ
X
5 CO
or
1
u <
ui
fe >
i- 2
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UJ
_
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cr
ui

FRICTION OF SPACE

(b)

Figure VI-1

Example Demand Curves, Golf and Swimming


181

that make it difficult or unpleasant to participate. As


might be expected, the curves in VI-1 (a) show that the
families are unwilling to overcome a great friction of
space to go swimming. Reductions in the friction at the
low end result in greatly increased participation until
some limiting maximum is reached.
For golf, on the other hand, the curve demonstrates
that some families have such an "investment" of time, money,
and interest in this activity that they are willing to
overcome large frictions to participate. Conversely,
reducing the friction of space will not materially effect
the level of participation.
If the planner were operating to provide for today's
demand alone, he would only need to know the size of these
facilities in order to site them properly. If the standard
size of a swimming pool were such to accomodate 300 families
and, a golf course, 1600 families, one could proceed.
But let us assume we are also planning for ten years
hence. Suppose the planner forecasts that there will be
then 1000 families in each of the three areas. This is the
new gross demand. But what of the new standards of sat-
isfaction? In prior sections, it was noted that standards
must be forecast as well as demand.
Suppose that the planner feels that people will tend
to swim only if the pool is more accessible than is today
the case. Otherwise, their interests will be such that,
even considering the effect of more leisure time, they will
be diverted to other activities. This is shown as the swim
curve of Figure VI-1 (b), and reflects a change in the
perception of the friction of space.
This results in two design considerations and, quite
possibly, two design alternatives. One involves the
retaining or assuming the same friction of space and designing
a greater number of smaller pools, the greater number result-
ing from the rise of the gross demand and the change in the
182

demand curve from VI-1 (a) to VI-1 (b). The pools would be
smaller because they would not be accessible to, say 300
families, but to some lesser number because of the steepening
of the demand curve. The other design alternative involves
retaining the present size pool, or possibly even increasing
it, and reducing the friction of space or access to the pool
sufficient to utilize its size. In this case, the number of
pools may only go up as a result of the rise in the gross
demand and the siting would revolve about reducing the fric-
tion of space.
Suppose that the planner, in forecasting the golf
demand, feels that the nature of this demand will not change,
but that the percent of participating families will rise
as shown in Figure VI-1 (b). Suppose he feels too that the
rules of play will not change and that his current standard
is applicable. Then his problem is much simpler than that
with the swimming pools and he need only plan for gross
demand factored for increased participation. The location
of the one or more golf courses can be based upon con-
siderations other than the friction of space. The demand
function for golf closely approximates those constructed
for recreational boating and camping in this respect.
The overall solution to the problem (no matter which
of the swimming pool alternatives is deemed better) is to
locate these facilities such that they satisfy the forecasted
net demand according to the forecasted demand curves. These

curves describe a surface, of course, radiating outward in


an
all directions from one ordinate (at the facility) over
surface
abcissa plane (the land surface). The swimming demand
undulates as the falling surface graient from one pool
as
intersects the rising surface gradient of a second pool
it is approached. The golf demand surface hardly undulates
at all.
but of
The undulations are not a function of distance
the friction of space. If, for instance, a pool abutted some
183

physical, social, economic, or political obstacle which


greatly added to the friction of space from that direction,
residents near that pool on the other side of that obstacle
may find a further (in distance) pool to be nearer (in
overcoming friction). Through the examination of this
demand surface then, the planner can properly site the
swimming pools.

Summary
The problem faced by the planner in urban design is to
provide programs and facilities that will evoke certain
human responses when used. The nature of these responses
is largely determined by the client constituency. These
responses to facility or program demands are accomplished
through the professional education and experience of the
planner, coupled with a highly empathic sense of what is
not only functional but also fitting.

Notes

1. After Moshe Safdie, Beyond Habitat , pp. 158-163.

2. After J. 0. Simonds, Landscape Architecture: The


Shaping of Man's Natural Environment pp. 62-63.
,
184

CHAPTER VII
EVALUATION

This chapter discusses the concepts of urban plan


evaluation with the implicit notion that these concepts are
used in decision making. It specifically addresses the
means of evaluating alternative plans that are rather fully
developed. It is recognized that, within the planning
process to this point, much evaluation has already been
made; that decisions arising from such evaluations have
occurred from the start.
The fact that the substance of this chapter affects
earlier phases of the planning process is not a fatal defect.
This is just another example of the point already made that
urban planning is cyclical and iterative with feedforeward
and feedback from each phase. Indeed, it is not uncommon to
design staged or nested evaluations within the process to
accomodate this.
At each of these stages, or perhaps only at this one
should the planning permit, the urban planner needs to
consult with the decision maker to pursue one alternative
among those considered feasible to that point. From this
"short list", one alternative is selected as being prefer-
able to the rest, the decision made, planning or implementary
effort consolidated, and all resources are then directed
foreward along a single path.
Normally, many such consultations are necessary. Some-
times the decision maker is an individual, sometimes a
group, for various decisions sometimes different individuals
and different groups. All these people participate in the
client constituency and sometimes the client constituency
itself may make the decision.
1

185

However the decision maker is identified, it is his


everlasting and sole prerogative to make the decision.
However obdurate and arbitrary it may seem in context, it
is his prerogative and he is not about to relinquish it.
If, on the other hand, he enlists the aid of the urban
planner in evaluating the alternatives open to him, such aid
may take one or several of the forms described here.
As before, the urban planner does not stand alone as
the sole source of evaluative aid. Steger and Lakshmanan
(1968) have noted that the urban planning decision maker
should ideally have access:

to historian, architect, ecologist and anthropologist,


for what articulate human beings have said, and say,
about the quality of their environment;
to sociologists for the application of content analysis;
to opinion pollsters for what people claim they want,
directly;
to the econometrician and statistician for measuring
what has and actually is chosen by consumers;
to social scientist for descriptive and normative
models of consumer behavior;
to the social psychologist, -for structural and
constrained methods for conducting interviews;
to system analysts, for structured experimental
situations;
to the political scientist and statistician, for
intensive analysis of voting behavior, and for methods
to simulate voting behavior; and,
to public administrators, for improved ways
to
ascertain the trade-offs between effects measures
desired by community leadership.
global
Steger and Lakshmanan have further detailed a
effects
solution that takes into account the differentiated
populations,
over the variables of investments, times,
It
economies, areas, social indicators and projects.
plans over
describes the different response sets of various
the ranges of these variables.
evaluative
Later in this chapter, various operational
the most simple
techniques will be detailed, beginning with
that approximate
and proceeding along a continuum to those
this global conceptual solution. Before this however, the
186

conceptual model of urban planning activity will be examined


to elaborate on each of these variables.

The Conceptual Model of the Evaluation Phase


Consider Figure VII -1. It shows the conceptual model

of planning activity developed to this point, emphasizing


the evaluation phase. Sociologists and political scientists
have long been interested in the general question: "Who

governs, where, when, why, how and to what effect?" These


considerations are reviewed within the context of the model.

Substantive Scope
The substantive scope axis reflects and measures the
range of issues (Bolan, 1969) or outputs (Clark, 1968)
associated with the evaluation of alternative urban plans.
Bolan hypothesizes that if the issues are such that
if the
the consequences of action are easily predictable,
are gen-
action is easily accomplished, and if the issues
client con-
erally congruent with the social values of the
can be
stituency, more favorable evaluation of the issues
expected than otherwise. If there is minimal conflict over
will tend to
the ideological content of an alternative, it
values less widely
be evaluated higher than one with social
by the alterna-
held. If many people are intensively affected
tive, it will generally tend to be
evaluated lower than one
distribution and
with'a less comprehensive effect in both
degree of influence.
flexibility. An
Another issue attribute concerns its
be evaluated lower
irreversible alternative will generally
or abandonment altogether.
than one which permits modification
action for an alternative
If the implementary and programming
action by many agencies,
would require complex and coordinated
it will tend to be evaluated
lower than an alternative with
that
a single focus and manager. It is widely recognized
involving alternatives
there is a tendency to procrastination
187

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188

with perceived high risk and uncertain consequences.


Abstract and sophisticated alternatives have a built-in
bias toward rejection owing to the relative difficulty of
communication vis a vis simpler alternatives.
Although it is comforting to see propositions such as
these recognized by sociologists and political scientists,
their content should come as no surprise to anyone who has
attempted to manage a program. With any issue there is
some educative and motivative effort, and as the program
increases in complexity and sensitivity, as is typical of
those in the urban aegis, that effort must be redoubled.
The substantive scope axis of the conceptual model provides
a rough measure of the intensity of education and motivation
as precursors to evaluation. As the substantive scope is
more and more narrowly defined, less such effort is generally
required.

Areal Scope
Bolan terms areal scope attributes as those influencing
the decision field. This field may be considered as com-
prising attributes of the evaluative environment and attri-
butes of the evaluating unit or agency. An evaluation by a
focused decision center and competent and articulated
bureaucracy is more likely to provoke a decision than an
evaluation carried out where these attributes are diminished.
Clark notes that faster and more direct evaluations are
likely in an environment with large demands for governmental
activities and correspondingly large bureaucracies, large
political parties and full time political roles. The
political party serves as an informal integrating mechanism
to implement social action. This applies also to the labor
movement which in less intense organization decentralizes
the decision making structure but which, when intensively
organized, has the opposite effect.
189

Without these and other such integrative mechanisms,


increasing horizontal and vertical differentiation in a
community will result in greater differentiation between
potential elites and more decentralized evaluation of
alternatives. This, in turn, makes evaluation less predic-
table and tends to dilute the effect of dominent publics of
the client constituency.
Differentiation of publics is a reflection of the
degree of homogeneity of the client constituency. Bolan
notes that the more homogeneous and free of political and
social tradition that a client constituency may be, the
more likely will be common evaluations. Conversely, a
heterogeneous tradition-laden client constituency may tend
to indecision unless one of the publics has a clear
dominence over the others.
The power base of the agency or individual making the
evaluation has an effect on the evaluation. If the power
action
base is stable and unthreatened or obscure, favorable
is more likely than if the evaluative unit is
challenged

or continuously accountable. Thus appointed bodies, or


to decide
those with a long term of office, are more likely
bodies. Bolan
a difficult issue than short term elected
cohesive,
continues that an evaluative body that is highly
and narrowly
that sees itself in a position of high status
to evaluative
focused areas of responsibility is more prone
and with no clear
action than a body seen as less important
mandate other than that of comprehensiveness.
the areal scope
These attributes are characteristic of
that the client
axis of the conceptual model in the sense
Whether the
constituency is a function of that same axis.
or cities or a
planner is dealing with a group of states
jurisdictional nature
group of families or individuals, the
and the degree of authority of the
client constituency and
the decision makers,
specifically, the mandates perceived by
proposals.
affect the evaluation of alternative

.
.

190

Procedural Scope
The procedural scope axis of the conceptual model of
planning activity is of most interest to this work because
it is here that the most clear conceptual measures can be
taken of the remaining three sets of variables outlined by
Bolan; evaluation steps, evaluation roles and evaluation
strategies. Clark formulates two procedural generalities
that summarize this work. First, as a function gains
importance in a community, the community members from the
sector performing that function will have an increased
sway over the nature and direction of evaluation, and
decision making. Secondly, as the number and value of the
resources available to a sector increase, that sector will
have similar increased influence.
Evaluation steps for communal evaluation and decision
making are the same as those in the classical model of
individual behavior. Some stimulus, perhaps external, brings
into attention some need or opportunity deemed desirable.
As time and other resources permit, alternative means of
satisfying this need or seizing this opportunity are formu-
lated. Again, as time and resources permit, each of the
identified alternates is examined for costs, benefits and
feasibility. The best such alternative is then acted upon
or not.
Evaluation roles measure the specialization and dimen-
sion of each actor's ability to marshall the most resources,
to occupy favorable positions in the evaluative and decision
making structure, to negotiate with skill, and to generally
influence the behavior of others. Some of the specialized
critic,
roles in the context of urban plan evaluation are the
social-
the initiator, the technical expert, the analyst, the
advocate,
emotional expert, the strategist, the organizer, the
the
the arbiter, the propagandist, and many more including
is a
planner himself. The dimension of each of these roles
personal
measure of each actor's motivation, opportunity and
skills
.

191

Evaluation strategies according to Bolan, are


,

reflections of both the nature of the planning and the nature


of the programming proposed to execute the plan. If the
planning was done by an agency or individual attached to a
center of power, it will have a greater influence than that
planned by independent or advisory agencies or individuals.
Incremental and opportunistic planning tends to be evaluated
higher than the classic grand comprehensive planning, owing
partially at least to the previously discussed problems of
interdependence, coordination and complexity. Planning
dealing with immediate or short range objectives and having
a narrowly constrained influence will tend to be evaluated
higher than long term, goal oriented planning.
As for programming, plans that envision moderate to
small redistribution of resources, minor changes in behavior
both on the individual and aggregate level, and minor
changes in institutions and organizations have a built-in
favorable bias over programming actions requiring massive such
changes
Within the conceptual model then, the planner should
not arbitrarily propose an evaluative procedure.
Rather any
actors
such procedure must necessarily be tailored to the
through
involved, to identify them as they themselves change
alternative
the evaluative steps, and to recognize that
each of them
planning strategies may be necessary to reach
in turn.

Summary
in recog-
There is nothing particularly Machiavellian
outside of the
nizing that there are facets of evaluation
to ameliorate
substance of an alternative, and in maneuvering
remains pro-
their consequences, as long as the planner
outcome of the
fessionally disinterested in the eventual
comes closer to
evaluation. In this way, each alternative
through some of the
being judged on its merits rather than
procedural bias outlined here.
192

Evaluation is by its nature a series of personal


preference decisions, made somewhat less so by being firmly
grounded in scientific analysis with a recognition of bias.
This tends to make the evaluation more univeral which is
,

an attribute much to be desired when the evaluator speaks


for a client constituency.
There is no denying that evaluation of urban planning
alternatives is extraordinarily complex. Returning to the
Steger and Lakshmanan model, it is seen that not only must
invest-
the urban planner be concerned with the variables of
indicators
ments, times, populations, economies, areas, social
and projects, but he must also understand (and make
known to

the decision makers) the conditions under which


each of these

is valued and the extent to which that


valuation is a func-
and
tion of the variables themselves, their interdependence
externalities.
whom?
Some plan aspect may be judged utile; but to
aspect may
Why? Where? When? To what effect? Some plan
be judged costly. The same questions must be addressed.
costly to another,
This plan aspect may be utile to one sector,
and indifferent to a third. Is there a balance of costs and

utilities to each sector? Should there be?


evoke a set of
The plan alternative was designed to
decision maker
responses. In evaluating it, the planner and
differentiation of
must be aware of the distribution and
that set.

Evaluation Techniques
chapters of this
As has been the pattern in previous
operational considerations
work, the discussion now turns to
of evaluation, beginning with
those simpler in concept and
that approach the
proceeding along a continuum to those
model. As a general
conceptual Steger and Lakshmanan
operational techniques is
comment, the use of any of these
available for the
partially a function of the resources
193

planning effort and the prior phases of planning. Few, if


any of these can be artitrarily applied to a planning process
without the necessary organizational, inventory, analysis
and forecasted precursors. The study design must take into
consideration the probable evaluative techniques to be used
some months hence.

Intuitive Methods
The simplest and most direct evaluative methods are
those based on intuition. The decision makers select their
preferences from among the alternatives open to them seem-
ingly without analysis, drawing intuitive guidance from their
own experience. As outlined earlier, this is their pre-
rogative and, once taken, the discussion is closed. There
is little the planner can do but acquiesce.
There is nothing necessarily wrong in this method as
long as three conditions are met. First, the alternatives
prepared by the planner must each be viable and not, as may
occasionally be the case, consist of one or two viable
alternatives with the remainder being "straw men". Indeed
the providing of non-viable alternatives to the decision
maker is non-professional behavior and implies decision
making by the planner, a violation of his advisory authority.
All the alternatives considered should be feasible and the
choice of any should be a matter of relative preference, not
the
Tightness or wrongness. The second condition follows from
first, that while the planner may indeed harbor personal
preferences he should remain professionally disinterested
in the outcome. Third, the client constituency should have
the decision
such faith and trust in the decision makers that
prefer-
makers need not have to analytically defend their
ences .

the third.
The most seldom met of these conditions is
decision
There is also no a priori reason to catagorize
ignore the
makers as so naive that they will consciously
194

manifold difficulties of evaluation of urban alternatives.


Accordingly, some type of more open if not more rational
analysis is usually employed.

Monetary Valuation Methods


A very widely used measure of utility is monetary
valuation. All benefits and costs are reduced to a monetary
value, dollars in this discussion, to compare future flows
of benefits and costs over a specified time frame. The
general objective is to establish the probable net return
for each of the competing alternatives or, conversely,
determine the most economical alternative producing a
specified minimum net return.
The dollar valuing of costs and benefits is acknow-
ledged to be frought with danger, but it also very con-
veniently meshes with administrative procedures and common
cultural values. On a micro level, the question of how much
an individual might be willing to pay for an urban service
is answered every day. In both the private and public
sectors, the one document that ties all facets of a life
style together is the budget. Further, in the private
sector, nearly all entrepreneurial decisions are based on
the expected monetary return, and this exerts a large cross-
over influence on the public sector.
There is no lack of literature on the general subject
of engineering economics with the unfortunate side effect
of a multiplicity of terms. The convention maintained here
is from Winfrey (1969) and the material follows
from his

work.
The equivalent uniform annual cost method disregards
operating
benefits and combines all investment costs and all
costs into a single annual figure. This annual figure is
if such
equal to all costs associated with the alternative
life of the
costs were distributed equally over the economic
the
alternative. Residual or terminal values at the end of
. .

195

economic life are treated as negative capital costs. This


method assumes non-valuable and equal benefits will accrue
from each of the competing alternatives. This assumption
may approximate the real situation in only a very limited
scenario
The present worth of costs method again disregards
differentiated benefits and combines all costs into a single
figure, the value of which is the money necessary at time
zero to finance the project over its economic life. This
value can be directly converted to the equivalent uniform
annual cost by multiplying it by the appropriate capital
recovery factor. The present worth of costs method is
likewise limited by the assumption of equal and non-valuable
benefits among the competing alternatives.
The equivalent uniform annual net return method combines
all benefits into a single annual figure which is added to
the negative equivalent uniform annual cost. The alternative
having the most positive equivalent annual net return is
the one preferred. The main assumption in this method is
that the alternatives each produce an annual benefit that
can be dollar valued. A minimum attractive rate of return
is used in the calculations so that as soon as the net answer
becomes positive, the alternative will be earning a rate of
return more than this specified minimum. Since the benefits
are valued, they do not have to be equal among competing
alternatives
The net present value method compares the present
value of both costs and benefits and is the same in principle
as the present worth of costs method. Whereas the methods
outlined so far call for comparisons among competing alterna-
tives, this method can compare alternatives to the present
value of doing nothing, the null alternative. The assump-
tion is that the money is currently earning a minimum accep-
table rate of return. When the calculated net present value
is positive, the alternative will earn at a rate
higher than

that currently.
196

The benefit/cost ratio method provides a ratio of the


equivalent uniform annual benefit to the equivalent uniform
annual cost. The present worths of benefits and costs can
be used in ratio form as well. A ratio greater than one
exceeds the minimum acceptable rate of return used in the
calculations and the alternative with the highest ratio may
be preferred. More typically the alternative that provides
the greatest increase in the benefit-cost ratio is preferred.
The use of a ratio masks the absolute values of the costs
and benefits and may obfiscate considerations of magnitude.
The benefit/cost ratio method allows for the differentiation
of benefactors and beneficiaries and has been widely used in
the public sector for this reason. Some discussion, outside
the scope of this work, has centered about whether annual
operative costs are a negative benefit (and thus in the
numerator) or a cost (and thus in the denominator). Winfrey
holds that because the objective of the analysis is to
indicate an investment profitability, because of consistency
with other methods, and because of general cost accounting
procedures, the former position is most sound. For the
same reasons, the terminal value factor should be placed as
a deductive in the denominator.
The rate of return method identifies that discount rate
which will equate the negative cash flows or costs to the
positive cash flows or benefits. The alternative with the
highest rate of return is preferred. There are no restric-
tive assumptions as to the equality of benefits among alterna-
tives as long, of course, as they can be monetarily valued.
Alternatives can be compared to each other or to the null
alternative. The rate of return method yields a direct
be
measure of the profitability of an alternative that may
applica-
more meaningful than the benefit/cost ratio in some
tions .

here
The six economic models of evaluation described
following
become somewhat mechanically limited as any of the
197

factors become significant; alternatives with unequal


economic lives, reversals in the direction of cash flows,
fluctuation in the magnitude of cash flows over time and rates
of reinvestment. There are, however, procedures and assump-
tions which can be used to accomodate these considerations.
The models could also be sensitive to changes in the terminal
values of the alternatives, to changes in the length of the
analysis period, and to changes in the discount rate. Cer-
tainly good procedure would call for sensitivity analyses
of these factors.
Of course, the overriding burden of these methods of
economic analysis is not on the methods so much as on their
input data, the dollar valuation of costs and benefits.
Hill (1968) has noted that by the very indivisible nature of
some collective social benefits there is no market by which
to measure or value them. There are indeed some social
benefits that are valued because they are produced privately
and marketed; there are some that are never marketed but may
be subject to monetary valuation; but there are many more
that are simply outside the scope of monetary valuation.
Although some recognition is given these intangibles Hill
,

suggests that the net effect of economic analyses alone is


to automatically enhance the importance of effects that can
be monetarily valued to the detriment of the effects that
cannot. This may be a reversal of the true order of things.
One way out of this dilemma might be to consider what
might be called second order market effects. If, for
example, real property appraisal were a more exact science,
and if property values could be considered to reflect social
effects not otherwise monetarily valued, perhaps such
appraisals of the effects of each alternative could aid in
distinguishing among them by imputing the market. The
values thereby imputed could then be used in economic
analyses. This approach seems to be of most immediate use
in evaluating alternative land use plans.
.

198

More likely than not however, economic evaluation


methods will not alone suffice to properly judge urban
planning alternatives.

Social Accounts Valuation Methods


Litchfield (1964) has proposed and used a system of
social accounts to measure the costs and benefits of urban
planning alternatives. The costs and benefits so identified
need not necessarily be included in the overall measure of
economic efficiency. Sectors of producers and sectors of
consumers are identified and for each sector he forecasts
the costs or benefits that will accrue under each alterna-
tive. The values given these costs and benefits may be
monetary, they may be numerical values in non-monetary
terms, or they may be intuitively valued in descriptive
terms. For each alternative, a complete set of social
accounts is constructed which Litchfield terms the planning
balance sheet. With the use of this balance sheet the
decision maker has a firmer base from which to compare
tangibles with intangibles, the incidence of costs and
benefits over different sectors if brought to light, and
those design elements that are high in cost and low in
benefit may be identified.
In discussing this technique, Hill recognizes that it
is a step foreward along the evaluative continuum from
strict economic methods but notes that the planner's evalua-
tion of the intangibles is groundless if it is made without
reference to the goals and objectives of the client con-
stituency. Benefits and costs are not necessarily absolute
but have a relative and instrumental value defined by these
goals and objectives. To maximize some benefit in the
abstract is meaningless.
Still in the absence of resources for methods still
further along the continuum, the construction of a set of
social accounts is an improvement over purely economic
analyses
199

Utility Value Methods


The concept of utility measures has been introduced
in Chapter I in the context of measuring the preferences of
the community for goals and objectives. Based upon these
measures of preference, weights could be assigned to each
goal and objective to approximate the value system of all
or portions of the client constituency. Fishburn (1967)
has summarized twenty-four mathematical techniques for esti-
mating additive utilities and three such were described in
Chapter I, ranking, rating, and a method of successive
comparisons.
Suppose urban planning alternatives could be assigned
such utilities; each utility being defined as the sum of
the cost utilities (negative) and the benefit utilities
(positive) for each alternate plan under a specific set of
external conditions or states of nature. If such utilities
could be assigned, the results could be incorporated into a
payoff matrix as shown below. A's designate alternates;
U's designate additive utilities; and N's designate states
of nature.

Table VII-1

Conceptual Payoff Matrix

N- No N ... N.
3

U U U ... Ujj
11 12 13
U U u ... u
21 22 23 2j

u u u ... u
31 32 33 3j
• • • • •
• • • • • •

••• U
U
il
U
i2 "13 U
200

Given a payoff matrix, there are several well known


operations research techniques for evaluating the alternatives
and selecting the best (Miller and Starr, 1960). If the
probabilities of occurrance are known, the best strategy
is the one that maximizes the expected value, EV, where:

EV = <^r U P for n states °f nature, each with


i ij j

J = 1
a probability of occurrance, P..
If the probabilities of occurrance of the states of
nature are unknown, there is no one best criterion for
selecting an alternative. There are instead several such
criteria, the selection of which depends to a large degree
upon the policies and attitudes of the decision makers.
The Wald maximin criterion suggests that the decision
maker should always be pessimistic and select the alterna-
tive with the largest minimum utility, the maximum minimum
or maximin.
The Hurwicz maximax criterion suggests that the decision
maker should always be optimistic and select the alternative
with the largest maximum utility, the maximum maximum or
maximax.
The sensitivity of the decision to the range of criteria
between the maximin and the maximax is easily investigated by
synthesizing probabilities on the states of nature. This
could result in a coefficient of optimism which approximates
the expected value criterion.
The Savage minimax criterion suggests that the decision
maker should select that alternative which will minimize
the regret he may feel having chosen an alternative and then
discovering which state of nature will occur. Regret is
measured by the difference between the maximum utility and
all others under each state of nature. The decision maker
then selects the alternative with the minimum largest regret,
the minimum maximum or minimax.
201

Under all these criteria the probabilities of the states


of nature were unknown, yet the choice of criterion allows
the decision maker to favor the probability of good or bad
outcomes depending upon his personality, the stakes at
hand and the environment of the decision.
Actually the Bayes' hypothesis would demand that the
states of nature be explicitly considered equiprobable. In
that case, for n states of nature, the best alternative is
the one with the highest expected value, the probability

of each state of nature being l/n.

Goal Achievement Methods


The utility of a particular planning alternative only
gains meaning in relation to a set of planning goals and
objectives. The nature of the use of goals and objectives
developed at the outset of the planning process has been
amplified in every phase of the process to this point. It
is fitting that this feedforeward should
continue through the
evaluation phase.
goals-
Hill (1968) has proposed the construction of a
achievement matrix for each planning alternative under
consideration, conceptually shown in Table VII-2.
C>C ,j3 >T and ^ are §
oal statements and 2,3,5 and 4
determined in a
are their respective weights which could be
column lists
manner described in Chapter I. The incidence
or establish-
those groups of people, institutions, economies
A relative
ments that are affected by the alternative.
goal. Hill
weight is determined for each group for each
determination. The
does not specify the manner of this
benefits accruing to
letters A, B, C ... are the costs and
may be in monetary
each group measured by each goal. They
indicates that no
units, utiles, or descriptors. A dash (-)
if that plan were
cost or benefit to a group would occur
indicates the
implemented. For some of the goals, £__
202

Table VII-2

The Goals Achievement Matrix

Goal description:
Relative weight :

Relative
(7\~
2

Relative
%
Incidence weight Costs Benefits weight Costs Benefits

Group a 1 A D 5

Group b 3 H 4 R
Group c 1 L 3 S

Group d 2 2

Group e 1 K 1
} U

£ £

Goal description: ST
Relative weight: 5 4

Relative Relative
Incidence weight Costs Benefits weight Costs Benefits

Group a 1 N 1 Q R

Group b 2 2 s T

Group c 3 M 1 V W

Group d 4 2

Group e 4 1

£ £
. .

203

summation of their effects may be valid. Hill also notes


that ranges of costs or benefits could be specified to
bracket those which are uncertain. Braces indicate that
some costs or benefits are indivisible among the braced
groups. Among the alternatives, the preferred is the one
whose matrix demonstrates the highest goals achievement
index
This index may be intuitively arrived at, with the
greatest benefit of the goals achievement matrix being
merely the surfacing of the complexity of the intuitive
interpretation. On an ordinal basis, a simple measurement
of -1, 0, +1 could be used to describe a decrease in goal
achievement, no effect on goal achievement, or an increase
in goal achievement, respectively. On a ratio basis, more
complete information could be imputed to the model, with the
attendant risk of the choice of units and the masking of
considerations of magnitude.
Hill recognizes that the goals achievement index,
however arrived at, is difficult for the decision maker to
digest. There may be no single index at all in contrast
to that of, say, the economic efficiency of earlier described
methods
Schimpeler (1967) has proposed two evaluative decision
models based upon the measurement of goals achievement.
Referring back to Chapter I, assume that a set of community
goals and objectives has been developed, G. j = 1, 2, 3 ,

... n; and for each G. a numerical utility value has


been
assigned, U . , j = 1 , 2 , 3 . . . n,

U. = 1.
J

j = 1

Schimpeler proposes that a group of professionals


the
associated with urban planning be assembled to consider
the
alternative plans. Without knowledge of the values of
204

client constituency, U for each G. they are instructed to


. ,

render dispassionate professional judgments as to the prob-


ability that a given alternative plan will affect each goal
or obiective, G.. A modification of the Schimpeler
J
techniques would require that, if there are i alternative
plans, this effectiveness measure, e.., would be 1 if objec-
tive i is assured under alternative i. An e.. of implies
that alternative i has no effect on objective j. An e.. of
-1 means it is practically impossible to achieve objective
i with alternative i. Values of e between 1 and -1 . .

reflect this professional judgment of the probability of


effectivness and the degree of that effectiveness of each
alternative-goal combination.
The result is an effectiveness matrix which, when
multiplied by the value matrix for the goals and objectives,
yields the cumulative utility, U. of each alternative ,

plan. Thus;

U. = "*> e. .

u., where there are i plans and j

j - 1
goals and objectives.
The alternative with the highest cumulative utility
is preferred.
Schimpeler has also developed an extension of his
model to weight the values of various socio-economic groups
partici-
of the total population according to their numerical
pation in that total.

ill
U. = u!1 ,
2
UT +
+ TT ,
. . .
„k
uy +
i
.

. ..
P
uT;
IT and
L

u . e. .
, where

j - 1
U. = the total utility of alternative i;
205

U. = the utility of alternative i as determined by the


kth socio-economic group, k = 1, 2, ... p;
u. = the criterion weight for objective j as determined by
the kth socio-economic group;
e..= the effectiveness of plan i relative to objective j;
and,
a, = the fraction of the total population represented by
the kth socio-economic group.

Psychological Valuation Methods


This work has repeatedly recognized that the ultimate
charter of the urban planner is to design physically and
programmatically to evoke a desired set of human responses.
Human response to stimulus is the business of the psycholo-
gist and Craik (1968) has proposed that psychological
measures of evaluation may be most appropriate to differenti-
ate among plan alternatives.
If some sort of display of the alternatives could be
presented to the client constituency, psychological measures
of the constituency interpretation, interest and response
to the display could be made. The display may be an actual
real life situation, or simulations of such through audio-
visual methods or three dimensional models.
Craik has classified thirteen methods to measure the
constituency response to such displays. Free descriptions,
adjective checklists, and activity and mood checklists may
be used to measure constituency reaction. A Q-sort method
may be used to measure reactions along a continuum from
Semantic
"most characteristic" to "least characteristic". A
Differential Rating or Thematic Potential Analysis are
the
sensitive to subtle differences in observations. In
story
latter, observers would be asked to compose a brief
about "something which might fittingly happen here".
appropriate
The use of symbolic equivalents, such as
color
metaphors, or multisensory equivalents, such as
206

sequences or music themes, betray human response perhaps


otherwise hidden.
People make inferences as to the kinds of people that
might live, work or play in selected environments. These
social stereotypic cues offer insights as to their own
relation to the environment, as does empathic role playing.
If the client constituency could describe the effect
upon them if they lived in the environment displayed, this
could be compared to their current self evaluation to
investigate the change in response.
Salesmen are very aware of the effects of viewing time
and viewing sequence on their customers and the most popular
or the most returned to or the longest viewed display might
evoke the best responses when considering urban alternatives.
A full discussion of psychological measurement pro-
cedures is far afield of the scope of this work, but the
use of professional psychologists in evaluation of urban
alternatives is an intriguing possibility.

Summary
The previous section has considered some operational or
near operational methods of evaluating alternative urban
plans. If it is clear that there is no global operational
solution to the problem of plan evaluation, it is also
clear that progress toward that solution is being made.
It remains for the urban planner, working in context,
to design evaluative procedures somewhat ad hoc .In addition
to the conceptual and operational constraints outlined here,
he will find, of course, institutional, legal, and resource
constraints affecting his chosen methodology.
Manheim (1962) has conceptually described evaluative
methodologies as necessarily being communicable, repeatable,
comparable and revisable. To be communicable, the process
that a
of evaluation should be explicitly enough defined so
second party may follow it. If the process yields the same


207

result from the same inputs, it is repeatable.


When different
results can be traced to different inputs, the process is
comparable. Revisability allows for new information or
feedback.
Perhaps the greatest lesson of the discussion is this:
because of the nature of urban planning, evaluation may
always incorporate large elements of intuitive thinking.
Thus, each of the methods outlined here as well as any
combinations, permutations, and extensions that the planner
may devise, can only serve as an aid to intuition and must
never be taken dogmatically. A corollary to this would
state that the evaluation method should affect the evalua-
tion as little as possible, and every parameter should be
examined for its sensitivity.
Boyce, Day and McDonald (1970) have proposed a set of
conceptual guidelines for this ad hoc effort which summar-
izes the material covered above. Any evaluation of an urban
planning alternative should include the following character-
istics: technological and fiscal feasibility; distributional
effects and equity; conservation of economic, social and
natural resources; flexibility to respond to changing condi-
tions; levels of service and systems performance; economic
efficiency; organization of facilities and services; social
interaction and diversity of opportunities; the nature of
cooperative action and joint decision by conflicting groups;
and the distribution of control among the various types
and levels of the public and private sectors.

A Note on Practice
Boyce, Day and McDonald have researched the evaluation
strategies and techniques of several major transportation
and land use planning processes. Their research is beyond
the scope of, but an excellent adjunct to the material
covered in this chapter. Some of their conclusions are
herewith included to demonstrate how various emphases of
208

technique have occurred within the constraints of working


in context.
In researching evaluative methodology, the authors
readily admit to the difficulty of reconstructing evaluations
based upon a wide variety of source material ranging from
precise technical memoranda to furtive verbal allusions.
Many facets were apparently not documented at all.
Five of the major transportation and land use planning
evaluative processes that were summarized by them are those
of Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Milwaukee and the Twin Cities.
The Regional Planning Council of Baltimore had a
legislative mandate to develop and adopt a comprehensive
plan for the region. Boyce e_t al. termed their evaluative
processes and methods to be generally "ad hoc and eclectic".
The Boston Regional Planning Project, and later, the
Eastern Massachusetts Regional Planning Project was a joint
program, rather than a specific agency, instituted to
provide a comprehensive development plan for its region.
The authors termed its evaluative methods and processes to
be "distinctive", articulated, and "to have achieved a more
realistic compromise with diplomacy and planning resources,
3
than any other(s) currently in operation."
The Chicago Area Cooperative Land Use Transportation
Project was a joint venture of the Northeastern Illinois
Planning Commission and the Chicago Area Transportation
Study. Its charter was to prepare a comprehensive land use,
public facility and natural resource plan for the six
counties of northeastern Illinois. Their evaluative methods
and processes were characterized to be "hasty and austere",
partially due to an unfavorable political climate and budget
limitations, but it was pointed out that "a classical
'narrowing down process was fully worked through, and concrete
1

moves were taken to foster public participation and implementa-


4
tion."
209

The Milwaukee work was guided by the Southeastern


Wisconsin Regional Planning Commission, composed of members
appointed from area counties. The commission was authorized
to prepare and adopt regional plans for the physical develop-
ment of the area. Boyce e_t a_l. term the Milwaukee effort
"The epitome of a solid and exhaustive study, by all prevail-
ing standards. It was outstanding for the amount, rigor and
relevance of its technical contribution, and for its highly
structured and coherent program..."
The work in the Minneapolis-Saint Paul area was directed
by the Joint Program whose organization structure is described
in Chapter II. It is a form of quasi-metropolitan govern-
ment authorized to deal with problems at that level, and to
coordinate the activities of all public agencies serving the
region. Boyce ejt al_. characterized the operation as
"innovative", "involved", and successful. "Whatever may
have been lost through the accompanying de-emphasis of
technical assessment in favor of intuition, was more than
made up by a demonstration of informed, sensitive and shrewd
diplomacy, and by the crystallization and enunciation of a
refreshing philosophical approach."
Table VII-3 has been prepared to demonstrate the
strategic emphases employed during the five planning processes
A distinction is made between the examination of a single
alternative and the comparison of two or more alternatives.
Network performance measures refer generally to the techni-
ques of traffic assignment as previously presented in Chapter
V. The "cost of systems" heading refers to the general
criterion of economic efficiency. Public activity systems
are typically utilities, services, public policies regarding
land use and natural resources. Private activity systems
were largely commercial in character, but could include
industrial and residential incentives. Efficiency analysis
refers to the conceptual balancing of costs and benefits.
1 i 11 1 1 1

210

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Effectiveness analysis includes the concept of goal achieve-


ment as an evaluative technique.

Conclusions
The problem of urban planning evaluation is multi-
dimensional and any group of procedures employed by the
planner must give due account to each of these dimensions.
The states of nature and the alternative plans them-
selves are the two dimensions that provide the framework
for the others. With these, the planner must consider the
sectors,
groups of people (or economic sectors or industrial
etc.) and their degree of participation, their
values, and
over these
the distributional effects of the alternatives
the
groups. He must consider the likely effectiveness of
alternatives, judged in some way that is relevant.
social
To these dimensions, the planner must add the
considera-
and cultural effects of evaluation with attendant
tions of roles, strategies and procedures.
measures
All these effects must usually be reduced to
and to guide
of resources to compare costs and benefits
programming. The best alternatives are those that are the
the word.
most profitable, in the grandest sense of
into time,
All of this occurs over time, is projected
effects which
will operate in future time, and will have
are time dependent.
absolute
Considering all these dimensions, the only
relative.
of urban plan evaluation is that it is

Notes
Evaluation
1 Wilbur A. Steger and T. R. Lakshmanan, "Plan
Methodologies: Some Aspects of Decision Requirements
Vi
and Analytical Response, p. 69.

Evaluating
2. Morris Hill, "A Goals-Achievements Matrix for
Alternative Plans," p. 23.
212

3. D. E. Boyce, N. D. Day and C. McDonald, Metropolitan


Plan Making: An Analysis of Experience with the
Preparation and Evaluation of Alternative Land Use and
Transportation Plan's^ p~. 140.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid. , p. 6.
:

213

CHAPTER VIII
IMPLEMENTATION

It would be manifestly inappropriate to conclude this


work without a consideration of the natural and logical
conclusion of the substance of the planning process - the
implementation of the plan, its policies and programs. That
this is difficult however, mirrors the difficulty of plan
implementation itself and the attitude certainly exists to
simply state that such matters are best left to politicians,
to present the fee statement, and to steal quietly into the
night.
Such behavior assumes that a recognizable end of the
planning process has been reached, Even this may not be
the case. Without belaboring the point, it is recognized
that much of planning is continuous and changing. Such
characteristics are among the poorest reasons and even less
of an excuse for the failure of planning to reach sound
conclusions, even though they may be conditional on future
assumed scenarios.
Perin (1967) has noted that an obsessional disorder
is one
where an individual is incapable of bringing a task
to a conclusion and substitutes continuously repetitive
behavior that assures no ending - stresses that what
is being avoided is acknowledgement of incompetance
for the task at hand, whether real or imagined... The
way in which comprehensive planning work is (sometimes)
^

organized and undertaken, being pointed as it is


toward the production of one plan, has patently
obsessive characteristics. The 'incompetance being
masked by endless and diffuse studies may relate
closely to the fact that analytic work in city planning
has yet to make its peace with the tolerable range of
error appropriate to each topic it deals with: fear
214

of being found 'wrong' in a recommendation or


'incomplete' in the range of variables studied has
led to an abuse of 'open-endedness and 'flexibility'
'

as important to the planning 'process'. The leap to


action must be made.l
Throughout this work, the concept of operationality
has been given a high precedence. In fact, the identifi-
cation of planning as a process presupposes a beginning and
an end. The material presented in earlier chapters has
been oriented not only to operationally alone, but also
operationality with direction, purpose and conclusion. It
as are
is hypothesized that such procedural considerations
outlined here are both an incentive to implementation and
a necessary beginning of implementation.
The professional position of the planner relative to
implementation is analogous to that of the planner relative
to evaluation and decision making. As in the case of the
and
latter, implementation actions are an executive function
it is the prerogative of the executive to retain
such

functions unto himself. If he so chooses, so be it.


Again as in evaluation and decision making however,
in these
the planner should stand ready to aid the executive
functions and should make his capabilities and recommenda-
tions known to him. Because programs and plans are some-
implementa-
times redirected, even unconsciously, in their
programs
tion; because the specific application of general
not every
may sometimes cause injustice; and because simply
consequence can be foreseen; Davidoff and Reiner (1962)
one
pose for the planner the role of an overseer,
who aids policy makers by observing the direction
programs are given and by suggesting means fgr re-
directing these toward their intended goals.
of an
Such a role clearly brings the planner out
A
advisory staff position closer to one of execution.
faced with
secondary benefit of such a role occurs because,
own petard,
the possibility of thus being hoisted by his
to the
planners are then likely to give due consideration
conditions of operationality.
3

215

Care must be taken lest such a prospect dampen the


necessary innovation required of the urban planner. Wurster
(1964) has made note of the inherent tempermental conflict
between the skepticism necessary to scientific endeavor and
the emotion necessary to effective reform.
By and large, science can only help to explain why
things are the way they are. Since there are always
good reasons, there is a tendency for good studies
to make current conditions seem inevitable. And
this can lead to a kind of paralysis with respect to
issues which require bold innovation... In a field
where there can never be full factual proof of what
ought to be done in the future, moreover, too much
respect for scientific methods means timidity in
making positive inferences and bold judgements.
As exampled by these comments, planners have come to
recognize that their professional responsibilities extend
beyond the preparation of technical planning documents.
Planning is a political process as well as a technical
process. The political aspects of the process, although
occurring throughout, are most apparent in the implementa-
tion phase. In the discussion which follows, these aspects
are examined with reference to the conceptual model of
planning activity.

The Conceptual Model of the Implementation Phase


Figure VTII-1 shows the conceptual model of planning
activity, emphasizing the implementation phase.

Substantive Scope
The substantive scope axis of the conceptual model
measures the continuum of implementation actions dealing
with the substance of the plan. Of course, such actions are
themselves a function of many variables, but measured along
this axis they can be said to approximate two largely
inseparable conditions: first, the degree to which the
goals and objectives of the client constituency identified
in the planning process are congruent with those actually
1
216

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217

held by the client constituency; and second, the degree to


which the identified goals and objectives are fulfilled by
the proposals, balanced against the costs incurred.
This axis is the ultimate measure of the adequacy of
the planning process in identifying and satisfying the value
set of the client constituency, from the most general to the
most specific. At the general end of the continuum, this
axis measures such things as the appropriateness of the
planning approach, the reasonableness and economy of the
process, the morality of the philosophy and, in apologia,
answers the question "Why plan?". As each of these measures
is seen as "good" and "fitting" by the client constituency,
there is an increased tendency to implementation.
Proceeding along the continuum in the direction of
increasing specificity, the value set of the client con-
stituency becomes more refined in definition and narrowed
in application until at the end of the continuum, a specific
design facet is valued. As long as that facet, perhaps the
placement of a chair in a room or a tree in a park, does
not violate any of the higher order goals and objectives
(previously enunciated or perhaps just "felt") it remains a
candidate for acceptance. It is then judged by the narrow
and refined value set. In this case, "I am tired. Does the
chair look comfortable?" or, "I am warm. Can I rest in the
shade of that tree?" As before, as each of these measures
is seen as "good" and "fitting" by the client constituency,
there is an increased tendency to implementation.
Of course the majority of the planner's concern involves
implementation issues of substance between these two extremes.
In response to the need to identify and refine the goals and
objectives of the client constituency along the continuum,
to the need to carry and use these value sets throughout
the planning process, and, in fact, in response to the public
demand to participate in planning, it is appropriate to
formally develop statements of policy against which implemen-
tation actions can be measured. These statements of policy
218

are at once an input, a throughput and an output of the


planning process. The input manifestations have been dis-
cussed in Chapter I; the throughput manifestations have been
developed and used in each succeeding chapter; this chapter
is concerned with output.
Statements of policy are a series of documents of
differing refinement as necessary but of consistent value
when considered as a whole. In terms of horizontal inte-
gration, there may be one for implementation of transporta-
tion policy, one for implementation of recreation policy,
one for implementation of land use policy, and so forth.
In terms of vertical integration, there may be one for
industrial land use, industrial land use by type, a specific
industry unique in some characteristic, and that office
responsible for industrial zoning changes.
These statements of policy serve as guides to imple-
mentation. These guides can be used by executives, admin-
istrators, commissioners, department heads, foremen or anyone
in position of planning and programming implementation as a
reference against which to measure his behavior and guide
his decisions.
Goodman and Freund (1968) have called this "policies
planning" and have cited the general benefits which accrue
to it.

1. The essential and uncluttered character of the


policy statements facilitates public under-
standing and public participation in the
planning program.

2. The policy statements permit and encourage


imtimate involvement in the planning process by
elected officials.

3. The policies plan serves as a coordinative device,


bringing together under a single framework the
diverse agencies that may have an impact on
development. In this respect it is particularly
useful in multijurisdictional areas.
. ^

219

4. The policies plan provides an element of stability


and consistancy in the planning program in that
it will not be made obsolete by changing conditions

5. The policies plan can be useful as a guide to


legislative bodies responsible for adopting land
use controls, to boards and commissions authorized
to administer the controls, and to the courts
which must judge the reasonableness of the
legislation and the fairness of its administra-
tion.

Chapin (1963) has termed this an "urban development


policies instrument" which serves as a "framework for
steering public policy." He defines these instruments as
"a recognized basis of co-ordinated action by all levels
of government in policy decisions relating to urban
development
The development of policies statements serves as an
aid to implementation by assuring proper implementation
of the plan at the appropriate level of executive and
administrative action and by establishing a clear basis for
such implementation decisions.

Areal Scope
Along the areal scope axis of the implementation
phase, the planner is most concerned with problems arising
from the multiplicity of governmental units in the area
affected by the plan. It is not uncommon for a metro-
politan area in the United States to have tens of such units
and, in larger metropolises, hundreds.
Of these, a major fraction may be affected by the plan
and, of more consequence in this discussion, a somewhat
lesser fraction partake in its implementation. Hopefully
one of these units will be designated and clearly recognized
as the lead activity, with the others playing a subordinate
role. Whether or not such a hierarchal organization of
units may exist, if the planner is to participate in the
implementation phase, it will probably require him to
220

coalesce the various units to insure the proper direction


of implementation.
Friend and Jessop (1969) have addressed this question
and have formally defines six classes of problems basic to
multi-agency planning.
The problem of mechanisms for strategic control deals
with connecting and disconnecting those agencies which have
decision fields related to the plan. It includes the means
of regulating and orchestrating these agencies into behavior
consistant with and in the preferred direction of the plan.
Such strategic control mechanisms bear the stresses arising
from different interpretations, methods and procedures from
agency to agency.
Closely allied with this problem of mechanisms is that
of strategic control authority which addresses the question
of where responsibility for control is to be centered, and how
to establish such a nucleus effective and acceptable to the
various agencies. Obviously if a hierarchal arrangement
already exists, these problems are somewhat relieved. An
alternative arrangement is a division of mechanisms of
strategic control to groups of agencies, all functioning
under the same superior authority. In the case of clearly
separate authorities, if mutual adjustment, indirect
pressures, and the threat of public indignation are not
sufficient to coordinate implementation, the need arises
for the formation of yet a superior level of authority.
As implementation proceeds, the patterns of inter-
dependency among agencies are likely to change. The strategic
control authority must have sufficient information at its
disposal to monitor these changes and regulate them with
either anticipatory or remedial action. The problem of
sufficient information deals with the questions of how much
and what kinds of information are sufficient to monitor the
implementation, and whether this information can be gleaned
from already existent channels or if new sources are required.
221

The problem of democratic guidance centers about the


role of the client constituency in the implementation phase.
The planning process so far detailed has included such
participation and care must be taken that those agencies
implementing the plan are accessible to the ideas that
formulated the plan.
Closely allied with this is the continuing problem of
common language among different professions and different
segments of the client constituency.
Of course the ultimate success of a multi-agency
endeavor will depend upon the various motivations of the
participant individuals. Friend and Jessop recognize this
with their final problem, that of sufficient motivation.
The key to success is to assure that the implementation
processes remain acceptable to the individuals and groups
who must operate them and who themselves have private and
career motives which must be satisfied.
The coordination of these implementation agencies by
the executive authority, or the planner working on behalf
of that authority, demands astute managerial and political
ability, the cultivation of which is discussed in these
concluding sections.

Procedural Scope
Planning implementation is not apolitical and the
procedural scope axis provides a conceptual measure of the
planner's necessary behavior in the political arena. While
not unprofessional, such behavior has been traditionally
regarded by some as outside the professional skills of urban
planning. Rabinovitz (1967) has noted this strain between
the role of planning and the role of effectuation. Since,
however, the success of planning is tied to the success of
the political system, the planner must be prepared to marshall
influence in those political systems too weak to support the
necessary implementation. To require such behavior of the
.

222

planner is to ask him to broaden his concept of professional-


ism to include those skills which he cannot monopolize,
which is contradictory, of course, hence the strain between
roles
The only solution to this dilemma is to allow such
political behavior to be recognized as a necessary adjunct
to professional planning. This behavior could then include
the preparation of an instrument variously called a political
plan, implementation plan, or tactical plan (Guttenberg,
1964).
Throughout the planning process thus far, discussion
has centered about the goals and objectives of the client
constituency. In its variants and refinements through the
process, this goal orientation has been maintained, modified
by the constraints of operationality . Guttenberg has suggest-
ed that explicit recognition be given to these operational
constraints in the form of a tactical plan, describing the
means necessary to achieve the end state enunciated by the
goals and objectives. The client constituency has already
persuaded itself to the desirability of this end state, so
the purpose of the tactical plan is not to win their assent,
but rather "to overcome the self contradiction involved when
the individual acts publicly and when he acts privately".
This is done by tactically changing the field in which
private decisions are made so that these decisions are more
likely to be oriented toward the public objectives.
A tactical plan is closely related to conventional
capital programming. In the latter case, elements of the
plan are scheduled for implementation based upon anticipated
needs and trends and fiscal constraints. The tactical plan
expands this concept to include those steps that need be
taken not only to anticipate trends, but to control them,
to shape the background market conditions and locational
preferences necessary for the goals and objectives realization
This would include the possibility of deferring the common
7

223

order of implementation to allow the private sector to take


advantage of programmed incentives deemed desirable.
Guttenberg notes that such tactical planning requires
the planner to shift his focus from ends to means. Admit-
tedly these means can be relatively impotent and few in
number. But for effective implementation, the planner must
step foreward from his concern with long range objectives and
subject these objectives to the difficult and sometimes
contradictory effects of programming in time. The client
constituency may already be impatient with the perceived
time span between the present status and the status described
by the endorsed goals and objectives. The circuitous route
plotted to achieve such may increase this impatience to
levels unacceptable.
In submitting the tactical plan to the public, then,
the planner is presenting the implications of a goal
plan, and in so doing he is subjecting it to a test
far more critical than if he merely presents the 'bill'
in terms of financial costs. In short, he is testing
the seriousness and durability of the public purpose
itself, for this is what the goal plan represents.
As a result of this confrontation, the public may
decide to rethink its objectives a little more
carefully, perhaps a little more realistically. But
if it retains its objectives, than it is better pre-
pared to realize them because it is forearmed with
knowledge of their implications in time. These con-
siderations alone are enough to justify tactical
thought and planning.

Operational Considerations
The conceptual model of the planning process has
served as a means of establishing the need for the planner
to take an active part in implementation. The plan as a
document standing alone may indeed fire the imagination and
enthusiasm of those who witness it, but its implementation
occurs in the realm of politics with the attendant need for
persuasion, incentives, penalities, codification and
legislation, procedures, publicity, power and much supportive
activity.
,

224

This supportive activity is varied and takes its many


forms essentially because the plan imposes some restrictions
on individual behavior for the good of the public-at-large
and these individuals need to be convinced of the propriety
of those constraints. Even if this were not the case, man
does not behave with perfect rationality and needs the
fear of penality and the desire for profit to help him
interact with his fellows in ways which are socially accep-
table.
So (1970) has assembled some of the supportive imple-
mentation activity into an illustrative and suggestive
framework of seven catagories "the classic method,"
:

gaining and strengthening allies, information, cooperation,


coordination, ad hoc problem solving, and education and
indoctrination. Recognizing that they are not often used
singly, but in combinations, the salient characteristics of
each are as follows.
The classic method of implementation activity regards
the planning authority as the advocate of good planning,
largely independent of the executive authority. This planning
authority is typically a commission composed of the laymen
and public officials. It passes judgment on the propriety
of planning actions and, for those that are deemed
desireable,

attempts to convince various executive authorities to imple-


ment them. There is much emphasis on the plan, little
this
emphasis on implementation, and the power marshalled in
classic method is advisory in nature.
By gaining and strengthening allies, the planning
authority seeks the active support of its constituent local
executive authorities and increases the capabilities of
This
these executive authorities to plan for themselves.
give due recognition to the fact that these executive
authorities have the power to implement, so they might as
with that
well have access to planning expertise commensurate
power. For example, the planning authority can sponsor
. .

225

legislation, if necessary, to allow such local executives


to plan; it can provide technical assistance in the planning
effort, either in the form of personnel or a library of
appropriate information. This implementation activity
dilutes somewhat the power of the planning authority in
exchange for the opportunity to inject its own point of
view and provide a visible administrative service.
Another supportive activity recognizes that the pro-
vision of planning information may influence development
decisions in both the public and private sectors. This is
an expensive activity, as noted in Chapter III, and tends
to be regarded as non-operational in that it does not
provide answers, only elaborations of problems.
Planning authorities recognize that other similar
authorities make decisions at equal and greater levels of
government which directly affect their area of concern. By
actively seeking to cooperate in these decisions, the
planning authority can assure once again that its point of
view is considered. Joint projects also expose the planning
authority to the methods and procedures of its sister
activities
It is unlikely that the planning authority will have
the power to resolve conflicts of implementation among
several governmental agencies. Through the use of methods of
coordination, thus necessarily circumscribed, the planning
authority can, however, provide the forum in which such
conflicts can be aired, and provide a quasi-arbiter role by
surfacing potential conflicts, inconsistancies and duplica-
tive programs
By ad hoc problem solving, the planning authority can
increase its implementary role by actively seeking to
discover and then solve the problems of most immediate concern
to its constituent executive authorities. Some staff time
is diverted from long range planning to investigate recent
and high impact local developments and thereby be in the
vanguard of knowledge about their effects.
226

The method of implementing plans by indoctrination and


education was the one most frequently cited by planning
authorities in the So study. This includes such activities
as the publication of newsletters, brochures for the layman,
news releases, special conventions and conferences and the
like. The goal of such activity is twofold: to convince
the public and its executive authorities that planning is
necessary; and to convince this same audience that the plans
and policies endorsed by the planning authority are appro-
priate to the problems at hand and should be implemented.
The outstanding feature of all these implementation
actions is that they are based upon persuasion. As such
they depend very strongly upon the personality of the planner
and his acumen as a salesman. It seems not quite fair that
such serious substantive issues as these may very well hinge
upon the personal abilities of the participants rather than
the issues themselves. Such, however, is the nature of
the political system.
Implementation powers beyond persuasion are of two
kinds; those allotted to the planning authority, and those
retained by the executive authority even though possibly
designed by the planning authority.
Of the latter, at once the most familiar and complex
are the implementation activities of zoning, subdivision
regulation and urban renewal. Goodman and Freund (1968)
provide a detailed treatment of each of these, the elabora-
tion of which is outside the scope of this work.
For the purpose of definition, however, zoning may
be considered the legal means of classifying urban land
into districts, each district being then regulated as to
the height and bulk of structures that may be permitted, the
area of land which may be occupied by these structures, the
density of the resident population, and the use permitted
of non-residential structures. It is the legal means of
regulating land use.
.

227

Subdivision regulation is the legal means of insuring


that urban development occurs in a manner consistent with
the community s goals and objectives. Tt serves many purposes,
insuring that the subdivision public systems such as streets,
schools, utilities, land ownership and tax records, and other
such systems are both adequate for the subdivision and con-
sistent with those of the city.
Urban renewal is the legal means whereby a city may
use its power of eminent domain to purchase parcels of land
for new development, both public and private. It is
designed to remove areas with urban problems so excessive and
complex that their piecemeal solution is beyond the cap-
ability of less sweeping measures.
Another great power of the executive authority rests
with its own development of municipal real estate. As a
land owner and the developer of public facilities, the
executive authority exerts a great influence on the type and
amount of private development occurring about these fac-
ilities .

Returning to the implementation powers available to


the planning authority, there exist some such powers which,
while not as strong as those available to the executive
function of government, do go beyond those characterized
by persuasion alone.
So, Goodman and Freund, and other authors have made
reference to these powers, generally catagorized as man-
datory referral. With this power, the planning authority
has the legal right to review the development plans of any
agency or private interest having an impact on the area
under its purview. The right of review by the planning
authority is mandatory; its recommendations are not usually
binding however
Although in this discussion the convention of So was
used in classifying implementation actions, all such actions
may be considered ad hoc in context. That is to say that,
228

since the implementation powers of urban planning have trad-


itionally been very weak or, when strong, narrowly defined,
any and all such actions are generally marshalled as avail-
able, out of a due respect for the seriousness of the issue.
Meshenberg (1970a) has constructed an outline of the
suitability of environmental features to urban development
and a conceptual measure of their tolerance to use by man.
Of interest to his discussion, he included in this outline
the methods and techniques by which appropriate design
development policies could be implemented. By his own
admission, the outline is neither exhaustive nor specific.
Rather it is intended to portray the range of available
techniques in a manner suggestive to local application.
With this in mind, Table VIII-1 has been adopted from
Meshenberg' s work as an example of the ad hoc use of many
implementation techniques, in this case, organized by land
form.
Many, if not all, of the methods of planning imple-
mentation require the expenditure of public monies. If
there is an ultimate test of urban planning, it must
center about the willingness of the executive and the con-
stituency for which he speaks to divert money from the
manifold demands for urban services into that service pro-
vided by planning, including implementation.
In another survey, Meshenberg (1970b) cataloged the
revenues and expenses of governmental planning agencies of
various sized jurisdictions. He established that such
agencies spend about one dollar per year per constituent.
There was a range, of course, from about a half dollar to
more than two dollars. The figures are somewhat troubled
by the lack of consistency from authority to authority as
to what constitutes planning, and by the expected differing
accounting systems.
This money is raised through local taxation procedures
and in many cases, supplanted by federal aid. This chapter
concludes with a short discussion of the latter.
.

229

Table VIII-1

Methods of Implementing Environmental Policies, by Land Form 8

Land Form Implementation Methods

Land Soil and Topography

Wet and Subdivision and sanitary regulations


Impervious requiring public water supply and
Soil sewage disposal.

Poor Load Building code and grading ordinance


Bearing Soil prescribing development standards.

Flat Land Pollution control ordinances, land


use controls.

Low Slope Grading ordinances limiting terracing,


topsoil and vegetation removal; sub-
division controls setting appropriate
street and utility design standards;
zoning to limit density of development.

Moderate Density zoning, grading ordinance


Slope requiring sedimentation control; sub-
division ordinance requiring maintenance
of vegetation and design standards for
streets, possible hillside development
controls

Steep Slope Public purchase in fee; open space


zoning; scenic or other easements;
reforestation.

Major Ridge Height and density restrictions in


Lines zoning ordinances.

Valley Scenic qualities preserved by open space


or agricultural zoning; public purchase;
purchase of easements or development
rights; conservation zoning.

Gorge and Public purchase; zoning controls to


Canyon, Glacial limit peripheral development
Moraine

Promontory Zoning for high-rise buildings; view


protection regulations.
. ;

230

Table VIII-1, cont.

Abrupt Relief Public purchase in fee; purchase of


Changes easements

Land Rock

Weak Sub- Zoning for low density and low-rise


structure development and to exclude areas of
assembly and uses which would create
serious hazards during earthquakes;
building codes prescribing special
construction methods and materials.

Minerals Natural resource zoning including per-


formance standards to prevent encroach-
ment; performance bond to ensure site
rehabilitation; preferential assessment

Water

Surface water Planned unit development controls


and Riparian sanitary ordinance prohibiting use of
Land septic tanks; water quality standards
to restrict discharge of pollutants;
water zoning to separate incompatable
water uses; zoning to restrict shoreline
development to water compatable uses;
public works planning.

Floodland Same as for surface and riparian lands;


zoning controls to exclude structures
from the channel and floodway; building
code requiring f loodproof ing of structures;
limitations on grading, filling, dredging
and diking.

Wetland, Marsh, Public purchase or purchase of easements;


Bog Swamp
, grading and filling ordinances; agricul-
tural zoning; limitations on surrounding
areas to preserve ecological processes,
conservation zoning.

Estuary Increased state control over estuary


and coastal zone use; more stringent
control over dredging, filling, draining;
zoning to restrict development to uses
requiring coastal zone locations;
pollution controls.
231

Table VIII-1, cont

Aquifer Limitations on groundwater withdrawal.

Aquifer Subdivision and sanitary controls


Recharge requiring public sewerage; pollution
Area discharge controls; prevention of
intrusion of salt water or other
groundwater contaminents special sewer
;

construction techniques; limitations on


dredging, stream widening filling
,

etc .

Air

Corridor Land use controls restricting locations


of polluters upwind of receptors;
source controls; performance standards
in zoning ordinances.

Vegetation and Wildlife

Woodland Forest conservation controls; zoning


and subdivision controls limiting
intensity of development, destruction
of vegetation, and setting standards
for improvements; authorization for
limited lumbering.

Wildlife Public purchase; purchase of scenic,


Habitat hunting, fishing easements; zoning
limitations on surrounding areas; very
low density zoning for seasonal cottages
and restrictions on access roads.

Prime Agri- Exclusive agricultural zoning; prefer-


cultural ential farmland assessment.
Land

Pasture Open space zoning where appropriate.


Land

Prairie Public purchase; zoning and other


limitations on surrounding areas.

Cultural and Landscape

Unique Remanent Public purchase; zoning and other


limitations on surrounding areas.
232

Table VIII-1, cont.

Scenic Vistas Purchase of easements or development


rights; very low density zoning; open
space or agricultural zoning.

Historical and Public purchase or purchase by civic


Archeological groups; architectural control; historic
Sites area zoning; landmarks commission.
. .

233

A Note on Federal Assistance


In 1967, the Office of the Vice President published
a guide to federal assistance programs. While some of
the programmatic information is dated, the philosophy behind
federal assistance is not.
Federal assistance is designed to aid local governments
in stimulating and cultivating the local private sector
to perform the required services. The government provides
the climate and opportunity to enable the private sector to
act through the provision of both technical and financial
assistance
The initiative for such assistance rests with the
local government. It should identify the goals and objectives
of its client constituency, plan to achieve these goals in
an organized and coordinated manner, program the implementa-
tion in a way which is both appropriate and flexible,
manage the implementation effectively and in coordination
with the private sector, and, in short, carry out a planning
and implementation program that is altogether feasible,
appropriate and necessary.
Federal assistance is limited on the whole and well
documented demands can be expected to exceed available
appropriations. Accordingly, even among justified requests,
assistance is parceled out according to various formulas.
A state's share of available funds is generally determined
through the use of both apportionment and matching provisions.
Apportionment formulas specify the proportion of the total
federal grant funds for which each state is eligible. Such
formulas are usually based upon some combined measure of
population, financial ability and need. Matching formulas
specify to what extent participating states must share the
program costs, and can be a ratio fixed from state to state,
or varying, depending upon the ability of each state to
participate
234

The use of federal assistance adds at least one and in


some cases several levels of program administration. These
levels insure that local program objectives are consistent
with those of the national program and those of the state.
Plans, programs, specifications, contracts, procedures and
administration are all subject to administrative action.
During implementation, regular reports are required on
program status, federal laws and regulations regarding
personnel matters such as the hiring of minorities and the
use of a merit system must be observed. Purchasing,
accounting, and contract administration procedures must
be followed. Final review and close out mechanisms may be
made mandatory and, at least at project completion, a
federal audit may be held.
Federal assistance is available in an ever increasing
variety of substantive areas impacting on urban life. In
addition to assistance in the general area of community,
metropolitan and regional planning and development, assistance
is available in the areas of local economic and business
development, transportation, welfare and social services,
health, education and culture, manpower development and
employment assistance, public safety, disaster assistance,
civil defense, land, water and air resources, planning and
development of physical facilities, housing and community
development, public utilities, recreation, service centers
and community buildings.
Information abounds in a great many places regarding
these programs and a search could well begin at the state
agencies dealing in these matters and the regional offices
of the appropriate federal departments.

Summary
This chapter has attempted to trace the difficult and
tortuous path of implementation, first conceptually and then
operationally.
235

The planner is seen in a dual role; first the provider


of technical expertise, and second, the political advocate
of proper implementation. In the latter case he must
marshall those tools perceived as available to him, ranging
from discrete policy statements to his own power of
persuasion. He is faced with the difficulties of both the
substance of the plan and the milieus in which it must be
implemented. There are constraints of resources, time,
money, social and bureaucratic systems, procedures, law and
jurisdiction, all of which temper both the plan implementation
and his behavior.
Each of these constraints serves to define and bound
the general concept of operationality . To plan outside of
this concept is not only useless, but criminally wasteful
of public resources. In assuming the mantle of urban
planning, the planner must also assume this responsibility.

Notes

1. Constance Perin, "A Noiseless Secession from the


Comprehensive Plan," pp. 337-8.

2. Paul Davidoff, and Thomas A. Reiner, "A Choice Theory


of Planning," p. 113.

3. C. B. Wurster, "Introduction", Explorations into Urban


Structure Melvin M. Webber e_t al
, p. 11.
.
,

4. William I. Goodman, and Eric C. Freund, eds., Principles


and Practice of Urban Planning p. 332.
,

5. F. Stuart Chapin Jr., "Taking Stock of Techniques for


. Shaping Urban Growth," p. 81.

6. Albert Z. Guttenberg, "The Tactical Plan", Explorations


into Urban Structure Melvin M. Webber et a 1
, p 199. . ,
.

7. Ibid, p. 217.

8. After Michael J. Meshenberg, "Environmental Planning:


1, Environmental Information for Policy Formulation,"
pp. 30-34.
236

CONCLUDING REMARKS

The overriding demonstration of the preceeding discus-


used to
sion is that methodological considerations can be
of urban
tie together the diverse and numerous aspects
planning. The conceptual model of planning activity is a
considera-
suitable framework for tying these methodological
and a pedagogic
tions together, in both an operational sense
of
sense. In neither sense, however, is the application
the model exhausted. Urban planning is probably too complex
a universal
and too creative to allow for the existence of
considerations
methodology. Rather, the use of methodological
as suggested by the model provides for
the planner and his

client constituency a sense of direction, an ordered conceptual


end of
procedure and an operational beginning, middle, and
the planning process. Such information is presented as
showing the way without being dogmatic.
because,
The theme of operationality is thus stressed
expensive
creativity notwithstanding, urban planning is so
trust that every
an undertaking and so clearly in the public
environment
effort must be made to carry it foreward in an
of astute business practice. Considerations of methodology
encourages and
are thereby focused, and such an approach
might other-
promotes a task oriented operationality which
considera-
wise suffer in the face of the many philosophical
tions that are necessary.
planning
Lastly, it is thought that any phase of the
without making
process as outlined can never be obviated
the process non-operational. To be sure, a phase may be
done in terms of
done by someone else, it may be already
abbreviated or even
some prior effort, it may be deferred,
237

intuitively arrived at, but it must be addressed somehow and


someway. Any such adjustments are not necessarily fatal
and, when properly aligned with conceptual considerations,
are in fact efficient refinements to the theme of operation-
ally.
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VITA
258

VITA

Thomas Allan Dames was born in Oak Park, Illinois on


June 30, 1943.
He graduated from Fenwick High School in 1961 and the
United States Naval Academy in 1965. He holds the commission
of Lieutenant, Civil Engineer Corps, United States Navy.
Lieutenant Dames has served at Great Lakes, Illinois,
Phu Bai and Gia Le in the Republic of Vietnam as a Company
Commander in the 133rd Seabees, and Pearl Harbor, Hawaii.
His duties have necessitated extensive travel in the Far
East.
He is also a graduate of Purdue University, B.S.C.E.,
1968 and M.S.C.E. in Urban Planning and Engineering, 1968.
Lieutenant Dames holds several American and foreign
military awards, including the Navy Commendation Medal,
the Army Commendation Medal, the Combat Action Ribbon, and
the Republic of Vietnam Technical Service Medal and Civic
Action Medal.
Lieutenant Dames is married to the former Ursula Anne
Roberts of Annandale, Virginia. They have two children,
Thomas Christopher and John Damien.

i
&£ ^'V ur^n 9^

Thesis
136244
01474 Dames
The urban planning
process.

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