ETHNOMEDICAL PROFILE OF THE HOS :

A STUDY IN WITCHCRAFT

THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSI1Y OF DELHI

FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

1998

BY:
SURBNDRA KUMAR SINGH

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

PROP. R. I. MANN

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
DELHI-110007
INDIA
 CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that Surendra Kumar Singh, a Ph. D. Scholar

in the Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, has prepared
this thesis entitled "Ethnomedical Profile of the Hos: A Study in
Witchcraft" under the supervision and guidance of Professor R.S. Mann.

The present work incorporates the result of his mdependent

studies and embodies his own research. The contents of this thesis did
not form the basis of award of any previous degree to any one or the
candidate himself to the best of my knowledge and belief. In my
considered opinion, this thesis is fit for submission for the award of the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

q~
Prof.t.f~
sdt
1~-&--.S&
Head of the Department
Department of Anthropology (Supervisor)
University of Delhi
Delhi -1~
Oeputmmt of Antbrope_.
Untvenin of Delhi. ~n--·
Surendra Kuma
(Candidate)
 Preface

There exists a popular phrase in Spain, Yo no cera en brujas-

pero hay: 'I do not believe in witches-but they exist! It is in the minds

of the people and the Hos are not exception to it. During the field
work, I met many of them who always narrated their encounters with
witches. My own interest in witchcraft began in 1992-1993, while con-
ducting field work among the Grasias of Northern Gujarat.

Eventhough when I started my field work among Hos of West

Singhbhum and chose Ruia as my focal village, I intended to focus on
Ethnomedicine as a whole. But in 1995, two entire families were killed
as the witch-hunters believed that some of the females of these famihes
were withces. These 'accused' females were believed to have brought
misfortunes to them. When I started enquiring about this, to my utter
surprise! I found that there are many more such cases on it-- and the
belief in Witchcraft among the Hos is deeply rooted.

This finding made me to work on witchcraft. However, I have

focusssed on witchcraft as an important component of Ethnomedicine.
The present study is an attempt to understand and explore the social
framework and cultural nuances of witchcraft in the wider perspective
of Ethnomedicine.
 Acknowledgement
This thesis is the product of many hands besides my own. I
wish to express my gratitude to them for their assistance.

I acknowledge my great debt to my Supervisor Professor R.S.

Mann, who through his great intellectual credentials, virtuosity and
erudition, has been the source of deepest inspiration for me throughout
my reseach. A friend and a guide, Professor Mann, through his esoteric
style of functioning provided academic, moral and meticulous
supervision to a novice like me, without which it would not have been
possible for me to complete this work.

My sincere thanks are due to Professor P.K. Seth, Head of the

Department for his warm support. I am also greatful to Professor J.S.
Bhandari and Professor I.S. Marwah, for their invaluable suggestions.
I am also very greatful to Professor V.K. Srivastava for valuable
suggestions and help.

I would like to thank Dr.S.M. Patnaik and Dr. N. Mahrotra,

for their invaluable suggestions and immense confidence in me. I also
take an opportunity to thank all my teachers, for teaching me most of
what I known about Anthropology.

I would-like to thank Mr. Alok Raj(IPS) , West Singhbhum.

for providing Police records and First Information Reports. The help
rendered by Mr. Rajiv Nayanam and Mr. Pinaki Ranjan (Journalists)
during my field work is greatfully acknowledged.

I express my special and heartful thanks to Manoj, Raj, Billu,

Chacha and Chachi, Sanatan, Satishji for their kindness. I can never
thank them enough for their help and love.
 I am greatly indebted to Manjit sir, Manoj sir, Umesh bhaiya,
Shailjaji and Partner for their familial benevolence, invaluable
suggestions and deep affection in every step of the research. I also want
to thank Shekharji, Vaneeta, Priya, Rajnish, Anup, Amit, Shashi,
Subhash, Mallu, Mantu, Nitish, Budda, Chotte and Vinay for their love
and affection. I am also indebted to Ajay, Kirti and Jayant for thetr
unstinting help and guidance.

I am also greatful to Raghavji and Monika, for taking all pains

in typing this thesis with patience.

The award of Junior and Senior Research Fellowship by

ICSSR, New Delhi is highly appreciated. I am also thankful to Ashok
Srivastava (Asst. Director), ICSSR for their his help.

Although it is impossible to name all the informants who

patinetly answered my questions and offered me their friendship and
help. I, nevertheless, wish to express my thanks to them for their kind-
ness and co-operaton.

Surendra Kumar Singh

Department of Anthropology
University of Delhi
Delhi -110007
 Contents

Page
Certificate
Preface
Acknowledgement
Chapter- I 1-42
Introduction
Chapter- II 43-59
Approaches and Methodology
Chapter - III 60-80
Village and Its People
Chapter- IV 81-97
Attitude and Belief System : Towards Witchcraft
Chapter- V 98-129
Nature of Witchcraft
Chapter- VI 130-173
Counter Witchcraft
Chapter - VII 174-185
Witchcraft and Administration
(Formal and Non-Formal Agencies)
Chapter- VIII 186-205

Finale
References 206-217

Appendices 218-277
 Chapter- I
INTRODUCTION
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Disease with its pain and suffering is the most predictable of

human conditions: it is biological and cultural universal. In prehuman
times, as among animals today, disease was almost entirely a biological
phenomenon. As our primitive ancestors evolved into man, their
diseases, many of which they brought along with them and new ones
they acquired along the way, ceased to be purely biological phenomenon;
they acquired social and cultural dimensions as well. For with human
life, unlike other forms of animal life, disease threatens in major
fashion not only the biological safety of the sufferer and his fellows but
also the social and economic life of the group.

Man has sought to cure the sufferer. Rubin says, " By necessity
man has undoubtedly always been concerned with questions of health
and survival , and has sought within the framework of his knowledge
solutions to the problems of illness" (Rubin 1960). In learning to treat
disease man has developed "a vast complex of knowledge, beliefs,
techniques, roles, norms, values, ideologies, attitudes, customs, rituals
and symbols, that interlock to form a mutually reinforcing and supporting
system" (Saunders 1954). This vast complex and all of the other items
we might think to add to the list constitutes a "medical system." The
term properly embraces the totality of health knowledge, beliefs, skills
and practices of the members of every group. In short, we view every
medical system as embracing all of the health-promoting beliefs and
actions and scientific knowledge and skills of the members of the group
that subscribe to the system.

Since the end of World War II, anthropologists, both sociocultural

and biological, have turned in increasing numbers to the cross-cultural

1
study of the medical systems and to the bioecological and sociocultural
factors that influence the incidence of health and disease. In part, their
interest have been theoretical, sparked by the desire to understand
man's health behaviour in its widest manifestations; and in part their
interest have been applied, motivated by the belief that anthropological
research techniques, theories and data should and can be used in
programmes designed to improve health care in both developed and
developing nations.

These anthopologist are referred to as 'Medical Anthropologists'

and the field they represent is the new anthropological subdiscipline,
'Medical Anthropology'.

The field of medical anthropology embraces many perspective

and foci of concern. Conceptually these may be ranged along a continuum,
one end of which is marked by a biological pole and the other, by a
sociocultural pole. Towards the biological pole we find those
anthropologists whose dominant interests include human growth and
development, the role of disease in human evolution, and paleopathology
(the study of disease of ancient man ) etc. Towards the sociocultural
pole we find those anthropologists whose dominant interest include
traditional medical systems (Ethnomedicine ), medical personnel and
their professional preparations, illness behaviour, the doctor-patient
relationships and the dynamics of the introduction of western medical
services into traditional societies, etc.

Paul Fejos (1963) says" To be ill is dangerous, to be cured is

important and desirable. This is perceived by all cultures and they go
doing about it in their own way decicated by their own cultural idioms".
This perceived condition is fulfilled by securing the service of a
personnel who is a doctor in modern society and healer, known as
Shaman in primitive society. Though in both these offices objectives is
2
same, the approach of fulfilling this objective differs-the doctor speaks
of science, whereas primitive man takes help of magic. He thus
introduced the terms 'materia medica' and materia-magica' in medical
anthropology.

The tracing of contemporary medical anthropology begun with

four different sources;

1. The interest of physical anthropologists in topics such as, evolution,

adaptation, comparative anatomy, racial types, genetics and serology;

2. The traditional ethnographic interest in primitive medicine, including

witchcraft and magic,

3. The 'Culture and personality' movement of late 1930's and

1940's, with collaboration between psychiatrists and
anthropologists, and

4. The international public health movement after World War II.

Fabrega defines the field of medical anthropological inquiry as

one that "(a) elucidates the factors, mechanisms and processes that
play a role or influence the way in which individuals and groups are
affected by and respond to illness and disease; and (b) examines these
problems with an emphasis on patterns of behaviour." (Fabrega 1972).

According to Fabrega, two foci in medical anthropology are

western biomedical and ethnomedical systems. These two systems are
based on different etiological theories and set of concepts. The western
system involves biologistic perspective or an ailment is explained in
terms of germ theory, malfunctioning of body or physiological problems.
On the other hand, ethnomedical system is based on various human
experiences, with an emphasis on ernie perspective. In this the focus

3
remains on the way in which a community or group conceptualizes and
tackles its health problem.

These ethno-medical systems are viewed by anthropologists as

socio-cultural systems which give an outline of theory of illness and its
cause, the entailing process of treatment, the role of practitioners in
diagnosis and, treatment and so on. In brief, ethno-medicine is a product
of peoples' culture, emanating from the super natural world. The term
ethnomedicine is, thus, used to refer to those beliefs and practices
relating to disease which are the products of indigenous cultural
development and are not explicitly derived from the conceptual framework
of modem medicine.

At the level of community-several ethnomedical practices are

combined- Shamanistic treatment, herbal methods, house-hold therapies,
etc. The different systems and ways of treatment are combined , and
this is all done to achieve complete and effective treatment. With this,
the term 'medical pluralism' is often used to designate the state of co-
existence and combination of various strategies, ways, methods and
systems of diagnosis and cure.

Each medical system is not only a product of a particular

historical milieu and cultural apparatus, it also has its own cognitive
categories. These cognitive categories are varied in different societies.
In traditional especially tribal society, largely, the entire etiology of
disease and causation, apart from, naturalistic, moves towards personalistic
systems too.

Foster and Anderson, while surveying the ethnomedicalliterature

dealing with causality concepts, present a dual division of naturalistic
and personalistic cognitive framework to 'explain' the presence of
disease. Further they argue that though these terms refers specifically

4
to causality concepts, they can also conveniently be used to speak of
entire medical systems (i.e., not only causality, but all of the associated
behaviour that stems from these views.

In naturalistic systems illness is explained in impersonal, systematic

terms. This systems conform, above all, to an equilibrium model; health
prevails when the insensate elements in the body, the heat, the cold, the
humors or dosha, the yin and yang, are in balance appropriate to the age
and condition of the individual in his natural and social environment.
When this equilibrium is disturbed, illness occur. On the other hand, a
personalistic system is one in which illness is believed to be caused by
the active, purposeful intervention of a sensate agent who may be a
supernatural being (a deity or a god), a non-human being (such as ghost,
ancestor, or evil spirit) or a human being (a witch or sorcerer). The sick
person literally is a victim, the object of aggression or punishment
directed specifically against him, for reasons that concern him alone
(Foster and Anderson, 1971 , pp. 53).

A large number of works have been done in the-·

field of ethno-
-------....

medicine by various medical anthropologists. These works have explored

- -·"--·-- -~···--------·- -----------
the dynamics of the interface between herbal medicine and spiritual
healing, the social implications of indigenous medical knowledge, the
role of power and semantics in an illness situation, doctor-patient
relationship, comparative analysis of indigenous and modem medicine.
However an indepth study attempting to situate the witchcraft beliefs
and practices as an important component of ethnomedicine is still
awaited. In India the gap in this domain of anthropological knowledge
appears to be bigger. The present study is an attempt to understand and
explore the social framework and cultural nuances of witchcraft thereby
contextualizing it in the wider perspective of ethnomedicine. Witchcraft
studies in the ethno-medical researches acquaint us with native theories
of disease causation, the local specialists in health care system, the
5
processes of health restoration, the pharmacopoeia that ts usually
restored to.

WITCHCRAFT

The word witch is derived from the old English wicca (pronounced
'witcha' meaning male witch) and wicce ('female witch', pronounced
'witcheh') and from the verb wiccian, meaning "to cast a spell". The word
'witch', applies to female as well as male witches.

Witchcraft is defined as the belief that members of a community

-·-·----
employ supernatural means to harm others in ways which are socially
disapproved. More broadly, witchcraft is believed to be magic. Magic,
according to Encyclopaedia Britannica, is a "ritual performance or activity
that is thought to lead to the influencing of human and natural events by an
external and impersonal mystical force beyond the ordinary human sphere".
The so called influencing of events is not accomplished by the individual
practicing magic. The rites and ceremonies that he/she undertakes in the
nature of magic are merely symbolic expressions of what he/she wants to
do. Mantras and incantations that accompany such ceremony are the
prayers and petitions to supernatural powers to achieve those ends. The
work is, thus, believed to be done by the deity or spirit, after receiving
"directions" through the rituals.

All magic, whether approved or disapproved, has four elements:-

'·. '···-·-----
A The Performance of a ritual
B. The use of material substance and objects that have symbolic
significance, such as hair, nails etc.
C. The chanting of prescribed spells, and
D. The prescribed condition of the performer--in other words, the
taboos and restrictions incumbent upon the practitioner by virtue
of his being the 'spiritual' leader responsible for actualising the
6
 aspirations of the people.

Though magic is supposed to be a natural term, witchcraft is usually

conceived as a form of destructive magic. When we talk of witchcraft in
anthropology, the concept of 'Sorcery' cames into light Though these
two terms, i.e., witchcraft and sorcery are taken as synonymous by most
of the people, there is a subtle distinction between them. The witch is
classified as a weird and abarrent person , who moves through an obscure
compulsion or spirit posession, while a sorcerer is an ordinary person
using deliberate techniques and external means familiar to other adult
members of the community and is moved generally by simple ill-
will(Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1993). However, both these terms here
have been clubbed together and both have been classified as harmful or a
device to harm others through the supernatural occult power.
We intend not to demarcate these two terms but discuss them together.

Oxford dictionary defines witchcraft as sorcery or use of magic -

and defmes witch as "a woman said to use magic, esp. for evil purpose".
Lessa and Vogt, opine that witchcraft is the exercise of evil through an
immanent power. Witchcraft, unlike sorcery, is derived from within, and
can not be learned. A witch's power to do evil may be dormant and not be
used or it may be increased by practice, but it is nearly always inherited.
J.D.Kirk says that witchcraft is the essence of evil vicious and inscrutable
that whirls through the universe and seeks asylum in sinful souls in which
the germs ofwickednes lie ready to be quickened into life. Sorcery is not
transmitted in the germ plasm: a child can never be guilty of sorcery, but
the kind of precocity in him which enables him to circumvent an adult or
the accepted code is a sure sign of incipient witchcraft. Both vices are,
however, identified with the malice and jealousies that motivate antisocial
conduct. Both of them occur only where you find stresses and strains in
life, where, in other words, there are tensions, actual or potential between

7
people. Hence, it is relatives and neighbours, but never strangers, who
use witchcraft or sorcery against one another.

In the light of above mentioned facts, it would be relevant to review

briefly some works, done on this topic.

Several theories have been put forward to explain the phenomenon

of witchcraft. According to one theory, it had historical origins in the
cult of Diana and witchcraft as found in Europe at the time of the major
persecution was merely a development of this cult. Others have linked
Witchcraft with the devil of Christian theology and yet others have held
that it was the product of specific social conditions which obtained in the
Middle ages. The subject has also been connected with magic, and has
been studied in the light of the various general theories on magic evolved
by antropologists in the latter half of the 19th century and early years of
20th century.

Witchcraft in Judio-Christian Tradition

Witchcraft is considered to be purely from Judio-Christian tradition

though it is freely used in context of premitive societies. According to
Judio-Chrisitin tradition devils being spiritual cannot do their own dirty
works. They, therefore must require physical bodies to get the works
done. They acquire these bodies either by entering (Phenomenon of
possession) or by signing pacts with human beings.

In this tradition, the concept of witchcraft was ultimately

associated with the evil and witches were supposed to be individuals
(mostly females) who were either possessed by devil or had entered into
pact. Often the witches attended the conference of devil, stereotype being-
travelling on a broom stick. In Judio-Christian tradition witchcraft assumes
the existence of power/force. The belief goes that all power had to come

8
from God. For God to be all powerful and good, he had to delegate
capacity for evil to the devil. So devil is the source of evil power and it
brings forth some sort of relationship between devil and the evil doers.
Thus the belief is that whosever thinks/plans evil for others, is necessarily,
possessed by devil.

Witchcraft in Graceo-Roman Times

According to the leading authorities on magic in Greece and Rome,

processes believed to be specifically magical are known to have been
employed in both these societies to produce rain, prevent hail storms,
drive away clouds, calm the winds, make animals and plants prosper, cure
sickness and so on. At the sametime, magic was also used to ruin an
enemy's crops or make his cattle sicken: in the city, it was used to strike
down an enemy when he was on the point of making a speech or taking an
important part in some public celebration: or it was used to prevent a rival
from winning a race or some other events in the public games. Death was
quite frequently considered to be the result of witchery, and such beliefs
were not confined to any one sector of society. Though the practice of
magic for beneficent purposes was considered legal and even necessary
in Greece and Rome, magic and spells which were intended to cause
harm were always held to be illegal. Plato made a distinction between
professional knowledge of maleficent practices and mere amateurs. He
opined that professionals who tried to do evil should be condemned to
death, amateurs on the other hand, ought to be let offlightly. Plato also
attacked those who believed they could summon up the dead and even
bend the gods to do their will by spells as well as by prayers.

Lucan presents us with three hypotheses which focus on the

relationship between magic and religion :

( 1) When the magician invokes, curses or threatens the Gods, he

9
assumes that they have certain weaknesses he can exploit. This is either
because the Gods are capricious or because the magicians know their
secrets, which are withheld from other mortals, sometimes because of
their shameful nature.

2. The existence of some strange kinshsip between the magician and

the Gods, or a certain affmity and sympathy with them.

3. To understand the mentality of the magician it must first be realised

that the Gods of the Greeks and Romans were held to be largely
subject to the same physical and spiritual laws as men.

In Graceo-Roman beliefs, evil has its own proper sitting --the night.
For evil is ultimately achieved by combining a series of techniques which
have been passed down from one generation to the next. Night is looked
upon as the proper time for committing evil deeds, because of its silence
and the atmosphere of secrecy that sorrounds it. Horace's witch, Canidia
invoking the power of night, is worthquoting here for the realistic analysis:-

'Night and Diana, ye faithful witnesses of all my enterprises, who

command silence when we are celebrating our most secret mysteries,
come to my assistance, and turn all your power and wrath against my
enemies'.

In Horace, if it is Diana, we find a similar invocation addressed to

Selene in Theocritus. A particular kind of sexual significance was attached
to the deities. They are either virgin goddesses or goddesses of erotic
mysteries; not mother goddesses, for whom love meant principally
fertility. There is a documentary evidence of the existence over a period
of centuries of the belief that certain women (not necessarily always old
ones) could change themselves and others at will in animals in classical
Gracco-Roman times; that they could fly through the air by night and

10
enter the most secret and hidden places by leaving their bodies behind;
that they could make spells and potions to further their own love affairs
or to inspire hatred for others; that they could bring about storms, illness,
both in men and animals, and strike fear into their enemies or play
terrifying jokes on them.

Christianity, Paganism and Witchcraft

Inevitably, with the triumph of Christianity in Europe, there was a

fresh evaluation of earlier creeds. The spiritual leader of Christian faith,
condemned Paganism and treated their predecessors' belief in much the
same way as Pagans had treated Christianity in earlier days.

In the past, Pagans had claimed that Christians worshippped an ass's

head, that they killed children, and committed other atrocities at their
gatherings. The Christians on the other hand, criticized the Pagans with
justification of pointing out the stupidity and irrationality of some of
their myths and rites, as in fact, already been condemned by the moral
philosophers of classicial antiquity. With scant regards, the god of
antiquity were equated with devils; or after the inevitable process of
simplification had taken place, with the devil himself. The elements of
peity, morality, and decorum in the private and public worship of the
Greeks and Romans were forgotten.

There were several laws forbidding the practice of most kinds of

magic in the Christian legal systems, just as there were others condemning
what were already called idolatrous form of worship. Apart from several
laws, there was one which makes it a capital offence to honour or to
invoke devils. (Book IX of the 'Theodosian' Code). The laws of book
·IX, title 18, in Justinian Code and other ancient legal codes, adopt much
the same position.

11
 Well known passages in the writings of the Church Fathers, on the
subject show that belief in Witch craft was wide-spread. The magic art
were much the same as they had been in earlier periods-astrology,
divination, spells and enchantments, and belief in the power of sorcery,
etc. But the activities of witches were interpreted from a theological
point of view as a phenomenon not wholly real. Here quoting of St.
Augustine in the light of his own experience, is worth memorable:-

'When we were in Italy, we heard of certain women, inkeepers by

trade, who were so learned in the Black Arts that by giving Cheese to
travellers of their choice they could change them into beasts ofburden."
(A passage in De Civitate Dei, St. Augustine).

Though he was doubtful about the physical possibility of these

changes taking place, he believed that the devil had induced a special dream
state in those who believed themselves transformed. While in this trance,
the person involved believed that certain things were really happening to
him.

If the effectiveness of the Black arts could not be entirely denied

(particularly since the Bible considred their powers genuine) it was
possible in certain instances to limit the scope of the Devils power. But
what had been common enough before the advent of Christianity was
thought to be less likely afterwards. Furthermore, the physical effects,
formerly believed to have been caused by the Devil, could now be attributed
to his spiritual rather than physical dominion.

There are a large number of specific cases which provide evidence

of belief in Black magic during this period, but we restrict our enquiry to
the magical powers of witch ..

After the fall of the Roman empire, the power of the strix, stria

12
strign or masca (as the witch was variouslys called in low Latin) lived on
for centuries in the minds of the people. The famous historian Zosimus,
gives an example, in which Flavius Stilicho 's wife made use of a witch to
prevent the Emperor Honorius from consummating his marriage with one
ofher daughters. (Zosimus, V, 28 (ed. Reitemeier)

If witches were particularly prevelent in the parts of old western

empire (Roman), their effect on the lives of numerous people in eastern
Byzantine Empire, was hardly less remarkable. One of the more aggressive
Fathers of the Greek Church constantly preached against superstition in
general. But in some of his surmons he attacked women, who used magic,
with particular vigour.

Byzantine historian Procopius, tells us that Antonina, wife of

Belisarius, 'made use of philtres which her family alone knew how to
make, as if her family consisted of a dynasty of witches." Another
Byzantine historian, Nicetas Acominatus Choniates, refer to the spells,
which Euphrosyne, wife of the Emperor Alexius III, used to learn the
future.

Witchcraft amongst the German and Slavonic peoples

Witches continued to exist in Europe a long time after the fall of

the Roman Empire. The same is true of the witch amongst European
peoples who were not part of the classical world.

Among the Germanic tribes, each individual social class had its
own particular brand of magic: even the Gods used magic in certain
circumstances. The practice of magic in these tribes also corresponded
to their logical and social order (the 'logos' and the 'ethos'), however
surprising this may seem. It is true of other communities which have

13
recently been studied, that maleficent magic flourishes during certain
states of tension. In the highest level of Germanic society, the kings
practised magic publicly, and their success was more or less generally
admitted.

Among the Swedes, 'Erik of the windy hat ' had remarkable powers
as king and magicians . In other cases, the trials and misfortunes of the
community were attributed to the fact that the reigning monarchy lacked
the necessary magical power to deal with the adverse circumstances. But
coming down in the social scale we also discover that in ancient
Scandinavia, every magical activity was thought to be the property of a
particular family.

The division of human activities according to families presupposes

the handing down of knowledge from the period of myths. Witchcraft or
maleficent magic has its own special terminology, and is completely
defined by the word 'seid'. There are passages in !celandine sagas in
which whole families are accredited the power of witchcraft:- father,
mother and children. However, in the classical world, women, or particular
types of women, were believed to have more special powers. There are
numerous passages in the Edda which allude to the skills of women in
magic and the dangers run by those who allow themselves to be dominated
by women. Such a one, for example, was Angerbode, mother of the wolves
who will ultimately eat the sun and the moon :

'East of Midgard, in the Iron forest,

Sat the old witch.
She fed the fearful race
ofFenrer... (Les Eddas)

More or less mythical stories about the power of specific witches

are also to be found in the old Slav chronicles. The story of king Duff of

14
... .
....
'female witch', Scotland, for instance, supposed to have taken place at
sometime between AD 967 and 972, follows a typically well-worn pattern.
According to the Chronicle, an illnes which king Duff caught was attributed
to witch craft. Investigations were made and some witches were eventually
found cooking a waxen image of the king over a slow fire. This explained
the nature of the kings illnes, since he was in a continual sweat. (It explains
the phenomenon of Imitative magic or doctrine of 'Like produces like
of Frazer). Once the women had been condemned, the king was restored
to health.

The Ancient Laws : Towards Witchcraft

The history of European witchcraftcraft is closely linked to the

problem of distinguishing between objective and subjective reality. For
many country people, even now everything which has a name, even
everything expressed in words, has a physical realaity and is not merely a
concept. Thus, if the name 'witches exists, it is because they are really
such things, and if their flights are referred to, then those flights really
take place in the air around us. If tales are told of the ability of witches to
change themselves into animals , it is because they have really been seen
to do so and even been wounded in their animal forms. (Baroja, 1964)

The classic witches' tale has a much deeper significance historically,

psychologically and anthropologically speaking than might at first
seem likely. For centuries , Europeans have been divided into two main
groups, first, those who believe in reality of such occurances and secondly,
those who believe them to be a figment of the imagination, possibly caused
by the devil. ln first case, if such things really occur, there must be some
civil and religious laws to deal with; and if they do not occur, the alteration
oflaws must be there.

Mentioning of the most famous European laws--the Salic Law--

15
which brings in Witchcraft at one point and includes three short chapters
on the topic, would be more relevant here:

"If one man shall call another hereburgium or herburgium, runs the
wording of the law and accuses him of having carried a cauldron (aeneum
or inium) to the place where witches (stiriae or striae) meet, and shall be
unable to prove it, let him be arraigned himself and condemned to pay a
fine of two thousand five hundred denarii, that is sixty two solidi and a
half. ( cf. Du Cange, Glossaruim (Paris, 173 3)

Anohter law runs as follows:

'If any person call a free woman stria (or stiria) or evil one, and
fail to prove it, they shall themselves be arraigned and fined seven thousand
five hundred denarii, which are sixty two (one hundred and eighty seven in
some texts) solidi and a half.'

However, the underlined law is totally different from the above

two:

If a stiria eats a man and is put on trial, she shall be sentenced and
condemned to pay eight thousand denasii, which are two hundred solidi.'

This particular law seems essentially Pagan in conception. It also

contains an early allusion to witches' covens which is different from those
of classical times. However, we can connect it with the witches scene in
Macbeth, when the three witches foretell Macbeth's career at dead of night.
The belief in witchcraft and their coven resulted in the focussing on their
deity, whom they worshiped.

The Witches'Goddess:

The Goddesses of witches which frequently occured in the pagans

16
and christian traditional writing were Diana, Holda and Herodias, of which
some accouats have been quoted earlier (especially, Diana).

Burchard, Bishop of worms from 1006 to 1008 or 1025 (probably

In eleventh century), writes in his famous book Decretales,
"those who believe in witchcraft should do penance for two years."
(Burchard of worms, Decretorum libri xx (ed. cologne, 1584). Further
quoting from the same book on earlier section of magic, he asks," Do you
believe that there are women who, like the one the people call Holda ,
ride by night on special animals in the company of devils which have been
changed into women, as some people --deceived by the devil--believe? If
you do so believe, you should do penance on the appointed days for a
whole year."

John of Salis bury in his Polycraticus, also writes about the witches
with Herodiade, the queen of night who summons nocturnal gatherings
and those who attend are punished or rewarded according to their deserts.
The childrens were sacrificed to lamiae, being cut into small pieces and
greedily devoured. He further comments that those who have such
experiences are but a few poor women and ignorant men with no real faith
in God.

The above quoted passages, describe in detail the nature of witches

covens. In it, there are references to banquet and rites in which human
flesh is eaten, and also to a kind of tribunal which functioned at these
covens punishing some and rewarding others.

Women, however, were more subject to the attacks of the Devil

than men. Women were certainly thought to be more liable to do evil.
The Bible held this view and Pagan authors and church fathers did so too.
(G. G. Caulton, Medieval Panorama. The English scene from conquest to
Reformation, New York, 1957)

17
 There is ample proof of this, for example, in the series of capitals
at Vezelay. Satan uses a woman as a musical instrument. Else where, in the
porch of the church at Moissac there is the particularly horrible detail of
two serpents hanging from the pendulous and flaccid breasts of a woman.
A tod sits on her sexual organs while the devil looks on unperturbed.

The Sabbath

The 'sabbath' appears for first time in inquisitorial trails in the

Carcassonne and Toulouse -regions shortly after the trials of Guichard,
Enguerrand de Marigny and the Countess Mahaut, shortly also, after the
promulgation of the bull, betwen 1330 and 1340. From the very beginning,
the 'Sabbath' always took the same form. There are descriptions attributed
to Anne Marie de Georgel, and Catherine, witches of Toulouse in the
fourteenth century. These descriptions elaborate, how they met some men,
dressed in the hide of beasts and abused their power over them to have a
pact with Satan/Devil. The descriptions also highlight how on every Friday
night they were carried to the Sabbath and submitting to their pleasures
were taught all kinds of sacret spells. They were also advised to offend
God and honour the Devil.

In the Lyons region the sorcerers called their meetings Le fait (the
fact) and Devil was referred as le mortinet. The ordinary people called
these strange gatherings a 'synagogue'. At the beginning of fifteenth
century, people practised black magic and worshipped devil in
Carcassonne , Toulouse, Dauphine, Saroy Lyons, Switzerland, the Tyrol
and Po valley toward Italy.

In 1435, Jean Duprat, the Inquisitor ofCarcassonne, examined eight

men and women who had banded together under a woman called Mabile
de Marnac . Paul Viguier, Armande Robert, Mathe line Figuier boasted of
the Sabbath they had attended in the mountains at Alaric . Two shephards,

18
Catala and Poul Rodier, were accused ofbeing poisoners and magicians.
They had summoned the Devil by night, at a cross road, by sacrificing a
black hen, in order to promote strife in the district. (Lanothe Langon and
number of other writers have referred to these trials)

In Novmandy, witches were called scobaces or "women with

brooms' because of their supposed practice of flying about on
broomsticks .

Nicolas Eymerich pointed out the existence of three sorts of witchcraft

1) The witchcraft of those who practice devil worship making

sacrifices, prostrating themselves, singing prayers, lighting candles,
and burning incense, etc.

2) The witchcraft of those who merely respect the devils and mention
them in litanies along with the saints, asking for their intercession
with God.

3) The witchcraft of those who summon up devils by tracing magical

signs, by placing a child in the middle of circle, by using a sword
or a mirror (Nicolas Eymerich (1376).

Johannes Nider, a Swiss theologian, in mid fifteenth century

described how the Swiss sorcerers seem to have engaged in all usual
practices. They brought on tempests, sterility in men and animal~ they
travelled through the air to distant places and harmed those who tried to
prosecute them. Women were thought to be responsible for making love
potions-- out of beans and cock's testicles amongst other things--and were
also believed to eat human flesh and steal childem. (Johannes Nider, 1435-37)

Baroja (1964), divides the writings of many scholar on the subject

of witchcraft, in there main grouops:

19
1) Those who share the Views on witches-covens of the 'canon
Episcopi' and other works of the early medieval period ; believing
them to be rituals presided over by a Pagan divinity.

2) Those who accept that the 'Sabbath' genuinely takes place in the
presence of satan, complete with pacts, etc.

3) Those who dispute both the previous views of the nature of meeting
and find natural causes to explain the evidence, as either (a) mere
consequence of judicial procedure, torture, etc. (b) the effects of
stupefying drugs, or (c) the result of the mental deficiency of the
person giving evidence.

Belief in Ancient India

The behaviour of an individual as well as members of a group is

shaped by his belief system. This belief system is internalized in the procers
of socialization. The core of the belief system consists of attitudes and
values. By values, we mean preference or Choices, on a scale of things
that people desire and require. In this way, belief system can be defmed as
an organised body of ideas, attitudes and convictions centered around
values or things regarded as important or precious by a group. A belief
system is a social product which arises out of the matrix of symbolic
interaction (Young, 1957).

Belief is an impression about things, whether good or bad, right or

wrong and which have certain impact on mind, It can also be false or true,
persisting in the soicety because of the group support. In continuity to
these beliefs, practices exist which are the activities of both heart and
hand and guided by former. Human practices are individualistic as well as
part of group behaviour. Certain practices are the product oflong standing
customs arising out of cultural beliefs and norms.

20
 These cultural beliefs and practices give birth to many rituals being
manifested in actions. The phenomenon of witchcraft is one of the
bypro ducts of these cultural beliefs and practices. The belief in evil doing
and doers has existed from time immemorial.

In ancient Indian literatures, though, we do not fmd the description

of witchcraft as such, the domain of magic fmds mention in the texts. The
religious life of the people esp. vedic people, is well reflected in the
classical literature-- and at the later phase of vedic age, magic is dealt in.

We have much knowledge of the religion of early Aryans in India.

Through different excavation at Indus valley sites focus has been put on
the religious life of the people. Since, the script is yet to be deciphered,
the scope of obtaining a very reliable data on religion and magic becomes
limited. The religious life of vedic people is reflected in the Vedas. Our
concern here is the Atharva veda consisting mainly of magical spells and
incantations in verse. It possesses an atmosphere of simple animism and
sympathetic magic. Though often in the Rig veda, we read of a mysterious
entity called Brahman; in many context brahman is the magical power in
the sacred utterances (mantra); sometimes implying a sort of supernatural
electricity. The brahman was more powerful than any earthly kings or any
god; by his acuurate performance of sacrifice he maintained all things,
and was therfore the supreme social servant, by the slightest variation of
ritual he could tum the sacrifice against his patrons and de story them, and
was therefore the most dangerous of enemies, There are also evidence
from hymns regarding the mystical identification of god, victim and
sacrificer- and from here sacrifice obtained a greater importance.

With the passage of time, new development in thoughts occured -

and these came from asceties of less rigorous discipline. The original
motive of Indian asceticism was the acquisition of magical power. The
brahmans claimed this already, by virtue or their birth and trainning, but
21
~ere were other types of power, obtained by other means. By the magical
power acquired through asceticism, the person could work miracles, he
could crumble mountains into sea; if offended he could burn up his enemies
with the glance of his eyes, or cause the crops of a whole people to fall. If
respected, his magical power could protect a great city, increase its wealth,
and defend it from famine, pestilence and invasion. His magical power
reflected both malevolent and benevolent acts.

Like early vedic period, we have examples of magical mysticism

in Buddhist literature in Vajrayana or "the Vehicle of the Thunderbolt".
The lesser vehicle taught that release was obtained by the gradual loss of
individuality through self discipline and meditation. The Great vehicle
added that the grace and help of heavenly Buddha and Bodhisattvas assisted
the process. The followers of the new teachings taught that it could be
best attained by acquiring magical power, which they called vajra
(thunderbolt or Diamond). By practice of high stage of detachment and
mental training, the practitiones acurired supernatural powers. These
monks did not live regularly in monastries under orthodox descipline,
and attempted feats of sorcery and necromancy.

The chief divinities of new sects were the "Saviouresses" (Taras),

the spouses of the Budhas and Bodhisattvas. There were also a host of
lesser divinities mainly called by the names of demons, such as "outcaste
women" (matangis), "demonosses" (pisacis), "sorceresses" (Yoginis) and
"She-ghouls" (dakinis). It was thought that these deities should be
compelled rather than persuaded. The text books outlining the means
(sadhana) of doing this were called Tantras and hence the new cult is
often referred to as tantric. By pronouncing the right formula (mantra) in
the correct manner, or by drawing the correct magical symbol (yantra),
one might force the gods to bestow magical power on the worshipper and
lead him to highest bliss.

22
 Among the many formulae of tantric Buddhism, one that is specially
famous- the "six syllables" (sadaksara), Om mani padme hum (Ah! the
jewel is indeed in the lotus) may be sexual in its original significane,
mystically repeating the divine coitus of heavenly Buddha and
Prajnaparmita and of Avalokitesvara and his Tara. In sexual union with a
female devotee he and his partner would become Buddha and Tara, lifting
all taboos. These things were however, done under strict control, and only
by initiates at sacred ceremonies.

Another form of mystical ceremony, practiced in India is Tantra or

Tantric. This sect is still prevalent in practice. Tantra is based on the concept
of union also known as yoga, between the creator and the creation. Even
though the goal of Tantra is the attainment of total
samadhi (union with the almigthy), sex--either real or imaginary--is the
base of the philosophy. The philosophy centres around the union ofShiva
and Sakti, is practiced by the Saadhka (tantric) and his feamle partner
(yogini), seen as Sakti, either physically or through inner visualization.
The saadhka acquires the siddhi (power) through saadhna, (an act
performed with great perseverance.:

Another trap in tantra, is the vamacharya or left handed

(from the fact that goddess sits on the left of her lord) path. The members
practiced these ceremonies for much greater efficiency. Small groups of
initiates met at night, often in a temple or private house, but also frequently
in burning ground, among the bones of the dead. The group formed a
circle, seated around the circumference of a large circular magical diagram
(yantra mandala) drawn on the ground. There was no class distinction at
the ceremony--all were equal. After regular evening worship, the
propitiation of ghosts and other rites, the groupwould indulge in the five
M's (panchmakara) madya (alcohlic drink), mamsa (meat), matsya (fish),
mudra (symbolical hand gestures) and maithuna (sexual intercourse). But

23
the Dakshinacharya or right-handed do not indulge in five M's.

Throgh the Kundalini's (the sex energy force)journey, the

ultimate stage in yoga and tantra--Nirvana (spiritual bliss) is attained.
The whole tantric system is geared to making the Kundalini rise from the
'mooldhara chakra' (its resting place) based below the genitals and above
the rectum to the Sahasrara Chakra, based at the top of the head. It is here
that the sadhaka decides whether or not to use his power for witchcraft-
either --white or black. The Aghori Panthis, the seamy tantrics function
more to harm others. A sadhak who turns to black magic for monetary
gain uses his newly awakened power to curse, gain further power at the
expense of others, or for "mooth" which is murder by remote conrtol.

Aghori, or those practicing the seamy side of tantra, are known to

eat corpses, and have intercourse with them too. Many tantrics on human
skulls (the brain being the repository of intelligence) practice magic in
graveyards and cremation grounds. This is regarded to give them power
over demons and spirit. This power over spirits inables the tan:tric to use
them as his weapon aginst his enemies.

Necromancy is a prominent aspect oftantra magic. Animals and

even humans are slain as sacrifice for the purpose. The practice of this
sacrifice in human societies developed to fulfil a few specific purposes
of living. Gradually it became the common custom which fashioned into a
particular trait. Though the practicing communities had their logic and
practical explanation behind that dreadful practice, yet other saw it in
mischievous attitude which undermined the sacred human life. In order to
make challenges with the unfavorable hazardous situations and thereby to
adjust themselves with the sorrounding, some people started appeasing
the spirits--controlling these total perspectives through the sacrifice of
the best creation of the world, i.e., human beings. Perhaps a particular
idea developed into the remote past in order to achieve some good
24
materials, the highly valuable things needed to be sacrificed. Since the
life of human being was taken by those people as the highest excellence
so they were naturally tempted to forego the human life for higher
advantages. This belief pattern ran down through generations and has been
considered as the specific purpose of enhancing spiritualism amongst the
persons indulged in it.

However, According to Hindu mythology the throwback to devil

and ghosts is basically the result of the impression that death makes no
man. Death as an end is not acceptable-so life of some other sort is
visualised after death. And life is subtly linked with human existence in
that it interferes in human affairs, at the instance of a medium . In other
words, God and ghosts basically exist to cater to human needs and desires.

These needs and disease are realised through awekening of

supernatural powers, which lie dormant in each of us. This is done through
meditation which involves such an intense concentration that one becomes
part of the object, one meditates on. This results in acquiring power to
control it. In other sense, it means that nature and its laws can be coded
to serve the experienced devotees, whether witch or sorcerer. This
medidation is at the sametime linked with performance if specific rituals,
chanting of mantras to get success. The very success depends upon right
procedure of rituals and correct pronunciation of mantras--and belief in
the rituals plays an important role in it.

Witchcraft Studies in Anthropology and other fields

In Anthropology, witchcraft studies have been done by various

scholars and these scholars have interpreted it accordingly. The
phenomenon of witchcraft has attracted many anthropologists to put focus
on it.

25
 Witchcraft is an explanation of how or why certain events occured,
and it usually involves the application of magic by a person to bring about
a desired result. Witchcraft can have many functions in society. It provides
an outlet for aggression and hostility, it is a way of resolving tensions and
conflicts, and it provides a scapegoat for society. It can regulate the
hostility that arises in any social situations. And it can explain such things
as failure disease or misfortune. It has often been pointed out that witchcraft
can act as a mechanism of social control by regulating the behaviour of
certain members of groups, People can be forced to fellow certain patterns
of behaviour either because they are afraid of becoming the victims of a
witch or because they are afraid ofbeing accused of witchcraft.

Evans Pritchard through his work among Azande, focussed

....--_
extensively on the phenomenon of witchcraft. He also differentiated
between a Witch and a Sorcerer, according to which, witchcraft is the
inherent power to harm others by supernatural means, while sorcery is
learned and is the harmful or aggressive use of magic. Further, he adds
that witchcraft among Azande is quite a natural phenomenon. A 'zande
expects people to be ill, i.e. to bewitched and it is not a matter of surprise
for him. The concept of witchcraft, nevertheless, provides them with a
natural philosphy by which the relations between men and unfortunate
events are explained. They believe that a person is designated as witch,
because of an inherited organ or substance called 'Mangu' which is oval,
located somewhere between the breast bone and the intestines, and is
variously descirbed as reddish, blackish or hairy. Male inherites mangu
only from male and female from female. An autopsy may be performed to
determine, the presence or absence of mangu. Witchcraft explains
unfortunate events, but only if these events are unusual and
inexplicable(Pritchard, 1937).

-------
Clyde Kluckhohn in his book Navaho Witchcraft says that there

26
are a number of distinct methods of carrying out malevolent activities.
He argues that Witchery and sorcery are so closely linked that, many
Navaho regard socery as merely a branch of witchery. Kluckhohn
mentions, four type of malevalent activities viz. Witchery, Sorcery,
Wizardry and Frenzy Witchcraft. Witches are associated with death and
the dead. They are likewise closely associated with incest. Suspicion of
incest means, by that very fact, suspicion of witch activity and vice versa.
Anyone can become witch, either male or female. Witchery, is most often,
learned from parents, grandparents or a spouse, but spouse also often
remains ignorant about the other half, being a witch. Killing a near relative,
normally a sibling, is a part of initiation into witchery. A person becomes
witch in order to wreck vangeance to gain wealth or simply to injure
wantonly. Sorcery, on the other hand, is essentially an enchantment of
spells. He does not need to encounter his victim personally at all. By
merely obtaining a portion/part of the victims clothing or personal offal
(hair, nail, urine, body-dirt etc.), he buries it with flesh, or other material
from grave, or under a lighting struck tree. The sorcerer, then recites a
spell, often setting the number of days, after which victim is to die. The
Wizardry type, involves the central concept of injecting a foreign particle
(stone-bone, quills, ashes, charcoal) into the victim. This is sometimes,
referred to as "Bean-shooting". Sucking or objects taken off from victim
is the special cure of it (Here victim, more often than not, takes help
form neighbouring tribes like Hopi, Pueblo-Indians, etc). The last and the
most interesting type is the Prostitution way, which refers to three
different sets of activities. First is the Frenzy witchcraft, wherein, certain
plants are used for love-magic or for success in trading and gambling.
Second, there is the ceremonial witchcraft, which exists to cure the victims
of first set, known as prostitution way chant. Finally, there is a form of
divination which utilizes some of the plants, especially Datura, which are
employed in Frenzy witchcraft, known as Datura divination. Kluckhohn,
further adds that the fear of talking about witches is very strong, as Navaho

27
believes that it might be revealed and consequently harmful (Kluckhohn,
1944)

Less a and Vogt, opine that a witch frequently has an animal form
such as cat, warewolf or a bat. Witches can project evil over great
distances, without moving or they may transport themselves at great
speeds, in order to do some needed mischief. The evil eye or evil tongue,
are variants of witchcraft, some people can cause great harm, simply by
looking or speaking, often without evil intent (Lessa and Vogt, 1958)

Walter B. Cannon, on the other hand, says that phenomenon of

death caused by witchcraft or sorcery, or due to taboo violation, is common
and widespread. He emphasizes on the psychological aspect, while dealing
with 'Voodao death'. He argues that, where belief in sorcery. witchcraft
or supernatural sanctions is firmly held, fear alone can kill. Highlighting
the physiological charge due to fear rage, hunger and pain, Cannon says
that through fear the body is stimulated to meet an emergency. Through
the sympathetic nervous system, muscles are prepared for action, by the
production oflarge amounts of adrenalin and sugar and by the contraction
of certain blood vessels. When the condition is not met by action, or is
prolonged, a state of shock may result. The pressure is reduced, the heart
deteriorates and blood plasma escapes into tissues. Lack of food and water,
thus deteriorates phyiological state. A continuation of this condition may
lead to death, within a few days. This state ofphyiological changes due to
psychological crisis, occurs, when a person himself sees the voodoo
magician, indicationg his voodoo object, towards him or when he comes
to know of the same, through someone else. This phenomenon of voodoo
death is present among the natives of South America, Africa, Australia,
New Zealand and Islands of the Pacific, as well as, among the Negroes of
near by Haiti (Cannon, 1942, 58).

In a through study of the relationships between witchcraft and other

28
aspects of social order, Nadel compares witchcraft among four African
societies. He groups the society into two pairs, the Nupe and Gwari in
northern Nigeria and Korongo and Mesakin in the Nuba mountains of
central Sudan. Within each pair there is a great deal of cultural similarity,
but witchcraft beliefs differ.

In comparing Nupe and Gwari witchcraft beliefs, Nadel points out

that nature of witchcraft beliefs are evil and meant to destroy life. Nupe
witches are always women, while among Gwari witches and their victims
can be members of either sex. This can be explained by the strong
antagonism between the sexes in Nupe society, and by the fact that only
women are accused of witchcraft and only men have the power to defeat
witchcraft. Among Gwari no such antagonism exists. Digging deeper into
the social factors involved, Nadel stresses the economic and social
independence of women in Nupe society. Women generally work as traders
and their husbands, who are agriculturists, are often in debt to them.
Women sometimes also refuse to have children, thus freeing themselves
for their jobs. This creates a role reversal to strong that it is reflected in
Nupe witchcraft patterns.

In comparing witchcraft among the Korongo and Mesakin, Nadel

focusses on their similarity in many fronts-- environment, language,
economic, poltical etc. However, he says, to understand witchcraft we
must understand the age grading that occurs in both the societies. Males
are divided into age groups focussed on the display of virility in atheletic
activities. At puberty this virility is formalized in a cermony where each
boy receives an animal from the herd of his mother's brother.

Nadel notes that Korongo have no witchcraft beliefs at all, while

Mesakins are obsessed by fears of witchcraft and accusations of being a
witch. The distinction between these two societies lies in this fact that
while among Korongo the mother's brother never refuses to give his
29
sister's son an animal, among the Mesakin the mother's brother always
refuses at first, and often the animal must be taken by force. Thus, querrels
are frequent, and if something happens to the youth during such a querrel
the mother's brother is usually accused of witchcraft.

The difference between these two groups could be attributed to

cultural differences in adult attitudes towards life and especially towards
growing old. Both groups fear aging. Yet the Korongo accepts it, whereas
Mesakins try to avoid it. Mother's brother sees the demands for a gift as
a reminder that he is growing old. The gift anticipates the death of the
donor, since upon his death the entire herd will be turned to his heir, the
sister's son. Korongos one prepared for a gradual decline, whereas for
Mesakins it is harder to accept. The gift giving and insecurity at older
stage describes their belief about witchcraft.(Nadel, 1960)

J.D. Krige describing witchcraft among Lobedu of Transvaal make

the distinction between the day witch (Sorcerer) and the night witch
(witch). He says that the co-operative Lobedu society prescribes all
economic competition, but suppressed rivalries are projected into the
magical realm of witchcraft. He further says that magic and witchcraft
occur only when there are interpersoanal tensions. The Lobedus picture
witchcraft as criminality incarnate, an intrinsically evil influence in the
universe which can manifest itself only through a human being: it is
independent of all the supernaturals, but it is not a capricious power, and
it is thought to be set into motion only by malice, hatred and similar motives
and generally only against some specific individual. The art of witchcraft
involves supercausation, is mysterious and transcends the operation of
natural cause and effect. This occurs only where we find stress and strain
in life, where in other words, there are tensions, actual or potential between
people, Hence it is relatives and neighbours, but never strangers, who use
witchcraft or sorcery against one another. (Krige, 1958)

30
Studies on Witchcraft in Recent Times

The facts about phenomenon of witchcraft ascertained from vivid

accounts by the judges, Inquisitors of earlier centuries, have interested
many peoples in recent years. They have been studied by legal historians,
doctors specializing in psychiatiy ; anthropologists and a horde of Satanists
and Anti Satanists, who believe in witchcraft in the same way as earlier
authors did. The glimpses of historical facts about witchcraft involves a
unique Complex of emotions and beliefs. In recent times various scholars
have studied witchcraft and its different parameters and have analysed and
described it .

Margaret Murray, accepts most of the material about 'Sabbaths'

______,
given in the witch trails and, at the sametime, holds that witches worshipped
a mysterious Horned-God of extreme antiquity, dating from prehistoric
times. Murray also claimed that witchcraft is a survival of Paganism.

Alan Macfarlane in his famous work 'witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart

England' establishes some important facts from Essex. Firstly, theories
about the satanic pact, devil worship and nocturnal gatherings of witches
were almost absent from Essex. Secondly, it was most unusal for an
outsider to hunt for witch and initiate accusations; normally suspicions
arose spontaneously within the community. Thirdly, he highlights the
crucial role of the cunning folk, the village experts on the diagnosis of
witchcraft and the use of counter magic. It was they whom the victims
consulted, who confirmed and crystalised their suspicions and who
encouraged the accusations which eventually led to legal prosecutions.
Finally, he offers a plausible socio-economic explanation of the underlying
rationale for the suspicions. He demonstrates that the witch and her victims
were always neighbours, but not equals, 'the victim would be relatively
well off and the witch poor'. The better off neighbours, feeling anxious
and guilty at having failed in his or her social obligations (at some time by
31
refusing), would later interpret any misfortune as due to the offended
women's curse (Macfarlane' 1970)

Ktfitb Thoruas's work Religion and Decline of Magic,

centres around 16th and 17th century England. He describes how people
thought that a witch could harm the health of humans and of animals (a
proces called Maleficium); and accusations and trials centred upon this.
He discusses, for instance, the belief in the efficacy of a righteous curse;
beliefs about the devil, possesion and exorcism; the functions of witch-
belief in accounting for misfortunes and reinforcing moral standards. The
significant aspect of the book was to explain and understand what happened
at the village level, by focussing the personal interactions between the
alleged witch, the supposed victim and the local community. (Thomas,
1971)

Christina Larner's "Enemies of God" (1981) and

-----
'Witchcraft and Religion' (1984), mentions the Scottish witch hunting.
She describes about how the typical scottish suspect was an elderly woman,
"with a sharp tongue annd filthy temper, fairly low in the social scale and
unpopular, she had made some request from a neighbour, been refused,
and shown her anger. Lamer also attributed to the confessions of witch
that how they met Satan in form of a man or a dog, renounced baptism
and sworn allegiance to him, had sex with him and attended the nocturnal
gatherings. Lamer also pays special attention to the question of gender in
relation to accusations. In scotland the ratio over averaged between 80
percent women to 20 percent men. The male suspects were generally
the husband or brothers of accused witch, drawn into the net of a multiple
trials., Those accused of witchcraft, Lamer believes, were usually those,
"who do not fulfil the male view of how women should conduct
themselves", their position was made worse by social and economic
dependence and by increased demands for peity and moral conformity

32
imposed by both the Reforamtion and Counter-Reformation, women
being then regarded for the first time as fully responsible for their own
spiritual salvation.

Clive Holmes has stressed that popular opinion manifested itself

both in accusation and verdicts. He picks out three beliefs as being clearly
"popular"-- the preponderance of women as witches~ the idea that their
powers were hereditary, especially in female line~ the animal familiars.
(Holmes, 1984)

A currently vigorous area of the witchcraft is the issue of gender.

Until the rise of feminism in 1970's, scholars had not paid attention to
the fact that most of the accused were women, and that of these, many
were past the menopause. Feminists seized on this as evidence of gross
patriarchal oppression, and though their arguments were crude and
inadequately based, they spurred historians into serious consideration of
the point. Internationally, it has usually been seen as an echo of religious
sterotyping of women as morally weak, credulous and lustful (Quaife,
1987) and it has been further suggested that their tasks, "as cooks, healers
and midwives" easily led to suspicions of using magic (Levack J 995).

Carol Karlsen strongly argues that in America most accused

women were not under the control of male relatives and were, or were
about to become, economically independent; they were usually above
childbearing age, and had in several cases broken gender norms by sexual
misbehaviour, by pride, or by unusual religious views. The accusations
reflected a struggle to claw back control of property into male hands and
force women to accept their "proper" role (Karlsen, 1987).

Francisco Bethencourt has linked the issue of sex and age by

commenting that medical theory in seventeenth century Portugal, the Evil
Eye was attributed to the emmission of"foul, fetid and malignant fluids"

33
from the eyes of a woman who was mal menstruada, i.e. menstruating
irregularly at her menopause , (Bethancourt 1993).

For Hester, gender and indeed sexuality is cenral. Taking economic

contextualization into view, she points out that widows and spinsters who
tried to support themselves by a crart (e.g. brewing, weaving) threatend
men's livelihoods by their competition, and therfore were just as much a
social "problem" as those who become dependent on charity (Hester,
1992).

Favret-Saada worked in a rural area of western France. She writes

that' a set of words spoken in crises situation' is retrospectively identified
as the cause of harm, and then speaker as a witch. In witchcraft 'words
wage war'. With the degree of participation in her study she became so
deeply involved in the beliefs she was studying ,at one point began to fear
that witchcraft was being directed against herself. This helped her in
gaining confidence of a handful of informants who perceived themselves
as victims of witchcraft attacks and interpreted their misfortunes in this
way (Favret-Saada, 1980).

Many other scholars have also put focus on the phenomenon of

wictcraft in India though a full fledged work on witchcraft is lagging
behind, few scholars have focussed their attention on this. Number of
works done on the subject in India is very less when compared to European
or African studies. It would be relevant to mention some works done in
India.

Carstairs in his book 'Death of a witch' focusses on the belief

.......
behind witchcraft I ·arupa village (Rajasthan). He says that illnesses
caused by witches were feared even more than those ascribed to gods,
demons and male and female ghosts. Many supernatural agencies which
could bring misfortune, sickness or death upon a family, the one most

34
feared was the dakan or witch. Deaths of small childrens or wmatural deaths
are always attributed to the work of~ witch. Witches can temporally discard
their human form and tum themselves into cats or ants. In this form they
can slip out of there house unseen in order to foregather with other witches
at a burning ghat, at midnight. Here they resume human form and ride
marked on the backs of hyenas (In European lore all this was described,
except that the witches ride on wolves). The witch devours the liver of a
victim and she could only be appeased by sacrifice meant to her.

Carstairs futher says that the identity of witches by witch-doctor

is not revealed. This reason behind this is that the witch is still alive and
would be furious if her secret is revealed. She is also credited with the
magical powere of knowing at once if her name was spoken and might
cause harm. Cartairs also puts forward the strange belief of villagers that
if any one eats food with the witch, one also becomes a witch.

Further in his book, he narrates the killing of an old female, Dhapu

(the supposed witch) by the villagers, who according to them, was behind
the sickness and death of many people. Carstairs opens how such stubborn
beliefs in witchcraft serve a social/psychological role. One function such
beliefs serve in a community in which the deaths of infants, children and
young women are all too common is to provide a scapegoat. The women
ofSujarupa mourned these premature deaths with bitter griefbut instead
of reproaching themselves they directed their anger at the nearby witch.
(Carstairs, 1983)

Chaudhary's study is based on Santhal witchcraft. He highlights

the prevalence of witchcraft is santhal villages and the witches as
responsible for many illnesses and diseases and for untimely or unnatural
deaths. Many a time false accusations also occur to settle personal
accounts--consequently leading to killing of supposed witch.

35
 Majumdar, illustrates the belief in witchcraft among Hos. The
physical illness, disease and death are traced to the interference of Bonga,
invoked by witches to cause loss or demage to the property and physical
harm. Disease, deformity and death may all be due to the mischief of the
witches and to overcome this, sacrifices are offered to the malignant
Bongas. The witches cause harm through method of Najomadani
(N ajom-means poison) in which najom is mixed with oil or cooked meat.
The najom is not destroyed when heated or boiled, so that when a man
takes such meat preperation, he is sure to be attacked with diseases, which
more often than not prove fatal.

Majumdar says that witches are either barren women both old and
ugly, or whose ways of life are strange and mysterious. The witches of the
village may invoke a particular malignant bonga, and set it against a person
or his cattle. The Hos believe that the witch, if she wishes to kill a person
must shoot an arrow at an effigy of the man or at his shadow. The man thus
acted upon will die suddenly. He will develop consumption which is
believed to cause holes in the lungs and a slow but terrible death. The
arrow is generally shoot at midnight without being detected. The witches
also make effigy of the person they wish to harm, with powdered rice or
wheat flour. And then they prick it with thorns, believing that the victim
will suffer similar pricks resulting in boils and ulcers all over his body.
The method of contagious magic is also used by the witches (Majumdar,
1950).

Roy gives an account ofMunda witchcraft. He say that Mundas

are great believers in the power of the evil eye. They do believe in witches
and their power to harm others. Repeated sickness or chronic diseases
are attributed to the work of a witch. Witches through their magical power
appease spirits and through these spirits they cause harm to others. The
witch rouse up a particular spirit to afflict victims. Witch finder among
mundas is known as the Sokha, Mati or Bhagat, who is responsible for
36
detecting the witch. Through their ritualistic trance, Bhagat claims to have
seen the witch who has roused up a spirit to cause harm. The witch is then
told to pay the fine, required for sacrifices to appease the infuriated spirit.
In case of denial of guilt and refusal to pay the fine demanded, the supected
witch is not unoften severely thrashed, dispossessed ofland and in some
cases driven out of the village. In times, people accused of witchcraft but
denying the charge by which. have sometimes been beaten to death.
(S.C.Roy, 1968)

Sohaila Kapur gives a vivid account of witchcraft prevalence in

Western India. She in her book desribes the practice of black magic in
Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka, Bihar, Goa and other states. The belief in
black magic or witchcraft in these regions are discussed respectively.

In Maharashtra 'Mooth marana' or murder by distance is a method

of getting even with ones enemies. A few grains of rice or millet are
activted by mantras and flung into the air. This stuff, once airborne, is
believed to outdistance the fastest jet in its search for the victim. It
discovers the victim and hits him with such a force or impact that he
collapses and dies. The strike-force of this fistful of revenge is believed
to be tremendous, because of the potent mantras fed into it. It is an
effective weapon of the witches and sorcerers.

A well known ritual in Maharashtra for mastering spirits involves

infant corpses. The corpse should be exhumed from the grave and then
washed in milk. The contaminated milk should then be collected in bowl,
converted into ghee and then used into lamp whcih is kept alight
continuously for fourty one days. The corpse meanwhile is deressed in a
brand new set of clothes and reburied. During the crucial fourty one days,
the witch or sorcerer prays, meditates and cajoles the spirit of the corpse
to materialize before him or her. If the concentration is intense the spirit
appears before him/her and enquires about the masters wishes. The spirit
37
is then a slave of the witch or sorcerer, trapped to do his/her bidding for
as long as desired.

Foetuses and their dubious uses in black rituals centres around the
infamous Oddiyan phenomenon of Kerala, which was deeply feared at
times. Oddiyans were apparently, members of a tribe that excelled in
witchcraft Oddiyans, in night, grab the pregnant females and drag her off
to a secluded spot, rip out her foetus, and if it is a male, make off with it.
In case it was female, the foetus would be unceremoniously thrown into
the bushes. The oddiyans believed that foetus not only be male, but also
that it should belong to a woman pregnant for first time. Apparently, this
blood-thirsty let made a potion offoctus, by mixinng it with special herbs
annd leaves. The mixture when applied to their limb joints, was said to
transform them into animals. In its animal form, an oddiyan prowled about
looking for victims. It waylaid passers-by and harassed them into hurling
stones or abuse at it. This 'insult' provided an excuse to commit murder.
No sooner was the pebble thrown or a curse muttered than the oddiyan
is resumed human form and strangled the victim. ( A second century Greek
manuscript 'The Golden Ass' recounts a similar Greek belief in
matamorphosing witches who changed into animal form to carry out their
ghoulish activites.)

In Bihar witches can metamorphose themselves into animals and

can cause harm or sometimes death to the victim. Another witchcraft or

--
Sorcery act associated with pregnant women is that of the hadal, the spirit
of a women died in childbirth. The hadal phenomenon is peculiar to
Maharashtra and she is sought by witches or sorcerers for their own
purposes. The person in search of hadal is asked by his guru to identify
those who carried the dead woman's corpse to the cremation ground. The
earth stepped on by two bier-bearers in the rear is collected in a tin-box.
The earth constitutes one of the prayer materials used in invoking the

38
hadal. The next day, the initiates goes to the particular cremation ground
and squats naked on the ground. He I she bums incense and repeats the
incantations taught by his guru. The hadal in this way, subjugated and does
anything the witch or sorcerer wants it to do.

In Karnataka, witches during their black magic rituals, worship Kali

and Durga, though indirectly. The deity is given the name of Sakini or
Dakini and is worshipped with incantations, wine and meat in lonely places-
-preferably in jungle or a crematory. Deities with the curious names
Shakini, Dakini and Lakini are worshipped for purposes of witchcraft. Some
of the common effects of witchcraft are said to be a sudden lack of
concentration. in one's work, an illness that is impossible to diagnose,
friends who became inimical, worms appearing in one's food and a state
ofbuddhisthambham or physical immobility, where one is rooted to a spot.

The worship ofksudradevatas (demon-gods) and pretas(spirit) is

believed to infuse a witch with incredible occult powers. The pretas are
captured and witches get their earthly tasks performed by them. Another
ritual known as the 'Bhanamati', involves a rag doll peppered with pins.
In this accupuncture like occupation, pins are driven into doll's joint. the
image is given a name that of a victim, and then it is thrown inside the
victims's house, may be his terrace, garden or anywhere in the vicinity.
Some also bury it. Witches in Kamataka also believe in capturing pretas
near corpses in a cemetery. The spirits are more easily captured, it is
believed, when the body has been dead for not longer than 10 to 12 days,
or may be a month, and the spitit is still hovering near it, before entering
a higher place of existence. At that time, it is still moving around with
memories of its eartly life and probably still has some unfulfilled desires
left. Through propitiation of mantras and offering of wine and flowers,
the spirit is brought under control for black activities. A male witch in
Karnataka is called 'matagara' and a female, ' matagathi'.

39
 The Goans have similar belief of witchcraft. The Goans believe
that pregnant women are often bewitched by jealous women. There is also
reports that witchcraft in Goa has become a flourishing business. The
witches, charge money for their heird works. Goans also believe that weak
and gullible person is infinitely more prone to possession by Saitan. In
cuncolim--Goan's alleged sorcery centre, near Margao-legend had it that
a witch's corpse which the local church refused to consecrate, remained
fresh for a year and a half after it was buried uncremoniously in a public
cemetery.

In Kerala, there is one strong saying 'the more gruesome the witch/
sorcerer's intention, the deadlier in the effect'. witches are believed to
make their victims insane by mantras. ( Kapur, 1983)

Pokarna discribes the belief supernatural causes behind illnesses

and diseases among Manchwa and Begas villages (Jaipur Tehsil). Under
the title of indigenous health care system--Pokama focusses on the
phenomenon of witchcraft--as one of the causes behind illnesses. Witches
cause sickness through their power and sometimes intrusion of ghosts in
one's body is attributed to them. The villagers believe that a person can
either die or suffer from haemorahage/bleeding due to "kaman and mooth",
a work of witch. This can also cause paralysis. It means cereals thrown on
anyone after preparing it with charm is done in order to produce disease.
(Pokama, 1994)

Vitebsky in his work among Sora's of Orissa, describes the

supernatural intrusion behind the cause of illn~es ~d sometimes death.
The most striking feature of this community is the females, serving as a

1 shaman. The Soras believe in the witchcraft And many deaths and illnesses
are attributed to it. In one particular case, Vitebsky focusses on the death
of a male sora, speaking through Shamanistie ritual regarding the cause
behind his death. The ritual was conducted by the funeral Shaman, Kumbri,
40
to know the cause behind the death of Jamano. Through the inquests,
Mengalu, a fellow Sora, was found to have used his magic. Mengalu's
sorcery was responsible to the death of Jumano. The main reason behind
the sorcery was personal animosity or even dispute over a plot of land.

Among the Soars post-mortem dialogue embodies a quest by the

living for certainty from the lips of the dead. The dead can speak to the
livingthroughShaman's. (Vetebsky, 1993)

Similarly, many other works have been done on witchcraft and

detailed descriptions have been accounted. It appeas that is almost every
societies, whether primitive or modem, witchcraft is present, though in
different pattern and intensity. The belief in witchcraft is embedded in
social matrices, wherever it is present. At the sametime it is interlinked
with other aspects of social arganisation. There are diffemt means of
nullifying of witches' effect, used by the indigenous healers, known
defferently in different societies. There are not only different methods
used by witches to harm his I her enemies, but also various devices of
witchdoctors to counter his I her attack and identification of the concerned
witch.

With these descriptions, I venture into the Ho society. The

present work is focussed on the prevalence of witchcraft and various
parameters related to it. The aim of the present study is:
- ·--__...!-----..

1. To study the existing pattern of witchcraft among the Hos.

2. To study the beliefs and attitudes related to witchcraft practices

in the Ho tribe.

3. To find out the interelationship of witchcraft with other aspects

of social organisation.

4. To study the degree of integration of different elements of

41
 medicine to the whole social system and the cultural
responsesrelated to it.

5. To explore the social and cultural responses to illness and death

as afflictions or misfortunes from the 'ernie' standpoint.

6. To explore the existing organisation of counter-witchcraft in

relation to witchcraft.

7. To study the role of formal and non formal organisations towards

witchcraft.

8. To study the notion of change in witchcraft beliefs and practices.

42
 Chapter- II
APPROACHES AND METHODOLOGY
 CHAPTER II

Approaches & Methodology

Growth of Fieldwork Tradition

Anthropology, since its inception, has travelled a long path-the

journey includes its nascent phase to mature position. Anthropology in
its long journey established itself as a distinct discipline with wider
horizons and deeper insight into its subject matter. The discipline cuts
across the entire liberal arts curriculam, taking other disciplines into its
fold across sectors of time and space that otherwise might have remained
neglected; it studies people from all times and in all places. It also
distinguishes itself from the disciplines it overlaps by its holism (all-
inclusiveness) and its relativism (considering people in terms of their
own cultures).

To achieve this phase of excellence, anthropology with its research

methodology and the vital statistics of field work had been and has been
gaining a new platform in understanding and interpreting human behaviour
and society. Many scholars have contributed with their approaches and
methods to make its wings wider-and in this process, the introduction
of field work method has been the utmost achievement.

It is said that anthropology begun with the description of exotic

people and their customs. The earliest accounts of travellers on savage
life remained the only source of information for the anthropologists for
long. In its nascent phase anthropology drew heavily from these reports
but with passage of time, the anthropologists realised the necessity of
visiting these savage or premitive people about whom they talked, atleast
once. This soon paved a new path in anthropological journey. Since then,
it has crossed four stages of its development. Penniman gives four phases

43
of growth of Anthropology i.e.

A. Formulatory Period (before 1835).

B. Convergent Period (1835 to 1859)

C. Constructive Period (1859 to 1900)

D. Critical Period ( 1900 onwards)

The Formulatory Period centred around the writings of Herodotus,

Socrates, Plato, Aristotle etc. Though, these scholars wrote on various
aspects of human societies and cultures, they were not antropologists.
Their views contributed to theoretical foundations of anthropology. On
the other hand, the works of John Locke, Montesquieu, Kant, Simon and
Comte also enriched the theoretical base.

Convergent Period, shaped the theories of culture with divergent

views on origin ofbiological and social aspects of man. The major scholars
of this period were Marx, Lyell and Smith. At the end of this period,
Charles Darwin with his publication of origin of species, gave a new
dimension to world anthropology.

In Constructive period, anthropology was considered as an

independent discipline and a distinct field of research. It was also marked
by works of classical evolutionists, which accelerated scientific
researches and publications in the field of other cultures.

The evolutionists primarity relied on conjucture and comparative

method. The interpreted data were secondary in nature and therefore
history reconstructed by them was speculative. Tylor and Morgan were
the main advocates of this school, whose writing focussed on culture and
society. The data were collected from different regions and were
compared with the purpose of formulating laws of evolution or the origin
of cultural traits.
44
 But soon, it was realised that the method of second-hand data
collection should be replaced by more authentic one, to arrive at better
and more genuine propositions-the beginning of critical period. Field
work as a first hand data collection tool kit heralded a new beginning in
anthropological arena. Evolutionary school was criticised for its logical
arena. Evolutionary school was criticised for its speculative approach and
were labelled 'Arm Chair Scholars'. The work of functionalists like
Malinowski and Radcliff Brown showed the importance of intensive first
hand data collection with field work method.

It is not so that with the works of functionalist, history of

ethnographic account begun. Previous scholars also put forward the
ethnographic account, but it was based on secondary data. The expedition
under the leadership of Haddon and Franz Boas, led an academic journey
in anthropology. Boas, the exponent of 'historical particularism; went to
Baffm Island in 1883. In 1888, he visited the Eskimos and with this study,
depiction of ethnographic account, through first hand narration was
highlighted.

Boas referred to all minute details of the Eskimo Community.

Soon, he was identified as a veteran ethnographer.

A. C. Haddon in 1902, organised yet another group voyage to Torres

Strait. This voyage resulted in group researches in social anthropology,
separating field work tradition from congectural and evolutionary
ethnological work.

In the beginning of 20th Century, Radcliff, Brown and Malinowski

with their extensive fieldwork studies, helped anthropology to shift its
paradigm in much more stronger way. Brown's study of the Andaman
Islanders reflected his deep insight into the social life of the native people.
He not only recorded the myths and customs of the islanders, but also

45
attempted a sincere interpretation of their social institutions, which
implied discovery not of origin but of meaning.

Malinowski's contribution to field work tradition is par excellence

and has no parallels amongst his contemporaries or even among present
day anthropologists. His study amongst Trobri and Islanders, is considered
to be a field work' in true sense. His focus on participant observation and
use of native language for data collection helped anthropology to establish
itself as such a discipline the presence of which enriched the academic
world. Malinowski's four steps of field work viz.

(a) learning of local language,

(b) data should be collected and Verium as stated by the people,

(c) Imponderabilia of social life, and

(d) Behaviour and its frequency, proved to be an instructor to the students

of anthropology.

On the otherhand, Levi Strauss, though not a field worker in true

sense, laid emphasis on analysis rather than data collection. He proposed
a new method to anthropology known as New Ethnography or Ethno-
Science, highlighting the importance oflinguistics in anthropological data
analysis. This resulted in field work as investigators oriented tool. His
study of 'myth' remains unparallel till date.

In the middle of the twentieth century many dynamic anthropologists

such as Leach, Raymond Firth, Pritchard, Mayer Portes, Nadal, Parsons
and Merton, with their works added new dimensions to field worktraditions.

Leach, in his study, "Political Systems of Highland Burma" ( 1954),

proposed a creative solution by considering conflict itself as a form of
structure. His focus on alternative modes of actions, highlighted the
significance of decision making. Thus, he explained change not by

46
preconceived causal factors, but on the basis of realities as they existed.
In his hand, field work became dynamic and diachronic.

Raymond Firth, with his study among Tikopians, proposed dual-

synehronic model. He focussed on the choice of behaviour and evaluation
of efficiency towa~ds any given goal. Firth hoped that intensive studies
of these choices would lead to the explanations of change not only in
single societies, but also on a cross cultural level, so that "laws" of change
may eventually be discovered.

Pritchard's works centre around the considerations of History. He

urged the anthropologists to search for laws or regularities which were to
be sought in history. He argues that this would reveal that there are
sequences of development in time. His work began a new chapter in
anthropological approaches where history was linked with anthropology.

Mayer Fortes' works moved around discovery of social laws while

studying any society. On the other hand, Parsons and Merton, critical of
certain presuppositions of classical functionalism refined its methods and
with their models, added yet another dimension to field work tradition.

Moving still further, Clifford Geertz makes a distinction between

anthropologist as pilgrim and anthropolgist as cartographer. As pilgrim,
he journeys through, invariably for more than a year, the nuances and
matrices of a culture, usualy different from his own. Imbibition of the
'other culture' is an experience-a conscious experience of being
enculturated-and a key to comprehend an ernie view of the people. As
Cartographer, anthropologists' task is to 'collect data', which, after being
sifted and analysed, yeild the 'picture' of a society the way it is organised
and endures over time. (Geertz, 1988)

Maurice Bloch, makes a distinction between two realms of

knowledge, i.e. Sensational (which can be verbalised) and non-sensational
(expressed symbolically while studying.

47
Of late, it has been urged that native members (on whom study is being
conducted) be used as co authors. So as to make any description more
authentic. This has resulted into change in context-from colonial to
free and from subject to partner.

Beginning from the 1970s there has been a shift in cultural

anthropological methodology-from participant observation toward the
observation of participation. During participant observation ethnographers
attempt to be both emotionally engaged participants and coolly
dispassionate observers of the lives of others. In the observation of
participation, ethnographers both experience and observe their own and
others' coparticipation within the ethnographic encounter (Barbara
Tedlock).

The anthropological discourse has been marked by an extensive

use of what is known as the "ethnographic present" . Scholarly
anthropology developed from the age of discovery, and was founded upon
an exploration of unmapped cultural territories. In this vein, anthropology
has continued to contribute to the expansion of the world horizon. Field
work is diacritical in the antropological practice. While it lasts, it is radical
experience of estrangement and relativism. Afterwords it becomes
memoryand the backbone of objectivism (Hastrup Kirsten; 1995).

Anthropologists in India too have relied upon field work methods

while carrying out their studies. The scholars like S.C. Roy, Majumdar,
Madan Elwin, Hamendorf, Vidhyarthi, Oscar Lewis, to name the few, have
enriched Indian anthropology with their vivid description of Indian society.
Madan is of the view that field work is "living intimately with group of
strangers."

Field work, hence, becomes vital organ as well as an integral part

of anthropological discourse, with its focus on 'emics' rather than 'etics'

48
of culture. As it was argued by the anthropologists that the descipline is
the science of human society -and to realise the scientific nature of the
descipline, objectiity was added to its purview. Even a single dose of
subjectivity was discarded -and a healthy debate on subjectivity verses
objectivity surfaced.

To make any inquiry, plethora of techniques, methods were sought,

by which data had to be collected. Incorporation of the study of complex
societies under its nexus has led to adoption of some sociological methods
of data collection too such as fonnal interview, questionnaire, Sampling
and Survey methods etc.

Some of the techniques and methods which are used in data

collection are observation (participant and non-participant) Interview,
schedule, case study, interview-guide, life-history, etc. In recent times
inclusion of visual aids has highlighted the role of visual anthropology in
data collection.

To sum up, one can say that field work over the years have undergone
various kinds of refinements but its basic tenets remains the same till
date. These refinements and modifications have only enriched and
enhanced the use of fieldwork as the principal method and technique of
anthropological research. NO wonder, it has become the hallmark of
anthropological enquiry.

B. Social Research and Research Process

An anthropologist primary goal is to explore and gain an

understanding of human society and culture. Social research gives a
distinct shape to it with the aid of field work. Social research may be
defined as a scientific undertaking which , by means of logical and
systematized techniques, aims to discover new facts or verify and test old
facts, analyze their sequence, interrelationships and causal explanations
49
which are derived within an appropriate theoretical frame of reference
and develop new scientific concepts and theories which would facilitate
reliable and valid study of human behaviour.

Technique is the means or device or contrivance used for collecting

or precessing data relevant to context of scientific enquiry.

Method is the interrelation of many techniques. It structures the

actual device and implicates a goal. It may be defmed as a system of
complete set of rules of procedures, including techniques necessary to
accomplish the task in attaining the scientific goals.

Methodology provides the procedure to undertake research. It

includes the procedures used to formulate the body of empirical knowledge.
It is an analytical approach for codifying consistent and notable elements
of an universe of enquiry.

Research process undertaken by the investigator refers to overall

scheme of scientific activites for the gain of scientifically attested
knowledge. It involves different stages i.e., formulation of a problem,
hypothesis, research design, measurement, data collection, data analysis
and generalizations.

My Own Encounters and Experiences in the Field

Field work is such a common place term in anthropology that often

the scholars of the discipline tend to take it for granted. The very idea of
field work prompts us to think in terms of established field work
techniques. However, when we take an account of the history of
anthropology in general and history of fieldwork in particular, it is not
very difficult to notice that the field work has been an everchanging
phenomenon. The fact of the matter today is that the methods and
technqiues of fieldwork are no more confined to the standards prescribed
50
by classical anthropolgists, such as Malinowski and Brown. Times have
changed, societies have been transformed and as such, the methods of
field work too. Objectivity in the fieldwork is no more a standard norm.
The cognition and subjectivity of the fieldworker is an accepted fact.

In the light of this background I am encouraged to take the liberty

of revealing my actual encounters in the field. There were times when I
was perplexed by my inability to use the standard and established
techniques. I was unable to use them though their theoretical validity is
not denied.

The present work is focussed among Hos of Ruia village, near

Hatgamharia (Jhinkpani Block) of west Singhbhum district in Bihar. The
village Ruia is mostly inhabitated by the Ho tribe. (Ethnographic profile
has been discussed in chapter 3). The village is approximately 5 kms
south east of Hatgamharia (Hatgamharia is about 34 kms. south of
Chaibasa). Thoguh, Ruia is the focal village, but for a lot of clarification,
counter checks and to search for various parameters related to witchcraft,
I also moved to different villages.

Chaibasa, the district headquarters of West Singhbhum, which is

inhabited by good number of Hos also happen to be my birth -place. As
such, I have many good friends from the community. I have spent a great
deal of time with them and many of my childhood memories remain fresh
till date. Despite being a non-Ho, I have enjoyed a good rapport with
them. I have also shown many shades of their life, have attended their
festivals and marriages. To some extent, this encouraged and enabled me
to watch some of their cultural practices closely.

Therefore, the selection of this community for my doctoral study

was natural enough. Further, it is a fact too well known that this tribal
community like several others, is a vast repository of anthropological
subject matter.
51
 While I was still in the process of deciding upon my focal village,
I was helped by one of my HO friends who took me to Ruia. My frined
was a native of the same village and after having had a preliminary survey,
I was convinced that the village suited the purpose of my study. Lying in
the interior part of the region, Ruia witnesed the natural existence of
traditional life of the HO community to a considerable degree.

As has been mentioned at the outset, my study pertains to the

field of medical anthropology. The focus of the study was to be
Ethnomedicine among HOs. However, my encounters during first two
visits to the field, set me thinking about further narrowing down the focus.
After a lot of contemplation, debates and discussion with friends, teachers
and especially my supervisor, I decided to work upon 'witchcraft' among
HOs rather than ethnomedicine per sc. of course, this was to be conducted
within the parameters of medical anthropology, since withcraft is believed
to be the main reason behind most of the diseases.

June, 1994 was my frrst visit to the field. The one-month trip chiefly
focused around establishing rapport with the villagers and a collection of
preliminary ethnographic data, as well. There I came to know about the
high prevalanece of witchcraft in the community. Many of the deaths and
diseases were attributed to witchcraft. My next visit to the area was in
November, 1994. I was at Chaibasa when I came to know about the killing
of a few members of a family by the villagers. Some of the leading local
newspapers reported the incident. The reason behind the killing was
attributed to witch craft. One female was accused as a witch and along
with her, some of her family members were killed as they were denying
the accusation. When I started gathering information on this, there surfaced
conflicting opinions. Almost all the newspaper reports were of opinion
that grabbing of property was the main reason behind this kiling. On the
contrary, the villagers argued that the female was a real witch and had
caused many deaths with her magical power.
52
 When I started collecting the cases of witchcraft from newspapers,
I was surprised to know that almost every year a good number of females
as well as males were killed due to witchcraft accusations. At the
sametime, the district Administration took it very seriously and _a
'witchcraft cell' was formed. The administration started reviewing the
·- -= =====-were lodged in many police stations. Many
cases smce 1991 and F.I.Rs.
old cases were reopened.

Few political leaders from the community also came out openly and
started criticising the killings. They urged the community members to
stop such brutal attacks, failing which they would renounce the traditional
'Sarna' religion.

These incidents further prompted me to refine my focus of study.

By focussing upon the Ethnomedical profile, I could not have done justice
to the phenomenon of witchcraft which asked for a separate study in itself
It dawned upon me as my utmost responsibility to undertake a detailed
and analytical study ofthe witchcraft among Hos.

The idea of an anthropological study of Hos enthused almost every

member of the community I met. This included mainly the educated
members of the community, settled in and around Chaibasa as also in Delhi.
They were all, very encouraging, firstly, because no contemporary study
of Hos existed and secondly, because the study was being undertaken by
an individual who had been seeing them from close quarters right since
his childhood. They felt that whatever recorded information existed was
absolute and outdated. As such it did not bear much relevance today.
Moreover a study by an individual born and brought up in the same set up
(region) would provide a more realistic picture and in anthropological
parlance an "ernie" perspective.

However, a turning of the table was witnessed when I revealed to

53
these individuals the change in the focus of my study. Those who had
become my confidants during the first two visits began to show reluctance
to cooperate with me. Witch craft is a tabooed subject. They insisted on
my studying other aspects of Ho life. Some thought it was an irrelevant
topic. Others smiled it off as too difficult to probe. Still others showed
signs of scares. All this compounded my inquisitiveners regarding
witchcraft. The urge to discover more and more about the subject grew
stronger. Human mind is thirsty for knowledge. I decided to take up the
challenge without having any second thoughts about the subject. All this
was not without an element of loss. On the one hand, I had to win the
confidence of my informants all over once again. On the other hand, I had
to scan through the existing literature on the subject. The whole endeavour
was to begin from a new end. Naturally enough, this caused a considerable
delay in the completion of my work.

The reason behind their discouragement can best be attributed to

the beliefs pertaining to witchcraft, the details of which will be discussed
in the chapters to come.

The task of gaining support and establishing the lost rapport was
not a cake walk. When I restarted my field work towards the end of 1995,
I found it extremely difficult to launch an immediate probe on the subject.
To overcome this, I still tried talking about other aspects of their life-at
times about matters which would bring me closer to the subject of
witchcraft and at times about totally unrelated matters. The most important
thing now was to keep up the rapport that I had established with them during
my earlier visits. Simultaneously, I also started looking for informants
from other parts of the region.

There is an organization named JOHUR, which keeps an account

of the newspaper cuttings on various aspects of the area and separate
cuttings of witchcraft as well. There I met two other informants who
54
after sometimes started coming close to me. They narrated stories on
withcraft and also invited me to their villages. Even though the invitation
was given, I could see their reluctant face, when probe deeply on the
subject. Sometimes they spoke too little, sometimes they kept mum
despite my assurance of not revealing it to anyone. Same was the case
with villagers. On few occasions, I also accompanied some of the
newspaper reporters, just to make myself acquainted with individuals of
other villages.

Slowly and gradually, the reciprocity of sharing ideas between me

and my informants, started improving. The most difficult part was to make
them astonished by narrating witchcraft stories of different regions. so
as to speak them on their beliefs in the subject. As an anthropologist ,
my primary goal was to collect information, I hated myself for telling
lies sometimes, as I narrated some concocted events. Many-a-time it
worked, many-a-time it did not.

Though I was introduced to the villagers by my frined, my intentions

were questioned initially. But as I explained to them that my visit to their
village was owing to an academic requirements, their suspicion subsided.

The most difficult question to be answered was why this village·~ I

comforted them by telling that my friend-a native of same village, wanted
me to visit his village.

Another problem which had to be over come was that oflanguage.

The educated and youth members of the community are able to speak and
understand Hindi. A few members speak even english, but the old
generation always spoke a mixed dialect of Ho (their language) and Hindi.
Many-a-times I had to consult others to understand their views or opinions.
To overcome this, I bought a book on Ho grarruner and vocabulary. Despite
this sometimes I found myself in a miserable situation, as I had to often

55
consult the book. In initial phase, 'nativisaton', a hall mark of field enquiry
was incomplete, I consulted and took help of some other informants who
could talk in Hindi. Two of them gradually became my interpreter friends.

Twice I had to cut short my stay in the village due to ongoing

Jharkhand agitation and their declaration of economic blockade-this
resulted in failure of transportation service. Sometimes, the agitation
took such a violent tum that I had to come back to Delhi. With all this, I
become the ultimate sufferer.

However, on the whole, mine was a stationed or resident type of

field work. Although it was not in one long stretch. I kept visiting the
village at regular intervals-the last lag of my stay being from November'97
to January'98. Residing in the village involved a lot of adjustment and
compromises with the rural living style. I abided by ernie perspective,
viewing their life and cultural features from a natives' point of view. But
in many of the situations, I found myself neither fully participant nor non-
participant. I realised that despite my regular presence there, I has
sidelined on many occassions-and I adhered to the in between these two,
which may in technical jargons be termed as "Quasi participant."

Few members became so close confidants that they shared some

personal problems. Though it shows a propinquity (nearness) sometimes
emotional boundary overflew and subjective bias came to the surface. And
only thing I could do was to minimize it. Sometimes I also found that
with these people formal interview sessions turned into informal ones,
leading to a situation, which in academic jargon may be put in between
two strings of formal and informal.

At the early stage of rapport establishment I always asked about

almost every object. Though some of the things were familiar to me, I
inquired as if I am seeing it for the first time-sometimes it made them

56
laugh and I also laughted with them-this helped a great deal in coming
closer to them.

Sharing of food, cigarattes and especially traditional drink diyeng

(Rice-beer) helped me greatly in unveiling the curtain of stranger type
image. In the later phase, even many members of the community came to
know my liking of 'Rassi' (filtered rice beer) and whenever I visited them
they offered it to me. These very members also taught me the etiquettes
ofHo life performed on many occasions.

I could not resist myself from writing down my maiden beer

drinking. I once accompanied my friend to his uncles home, where I was
offered rice beer (traditional drink). I was told by my friends uncle that
since I am an anthropologist , I should not say no to the traditional drink.
I had to take it and as I had consumed three big glasses of rice beer . I
could realise for the first time what inebriation meant.

Like other anthropologists, I was also not an 'interventionist' I kept

my eyes and ears open to observe the natural behaviour of people, through
out the field work. Sharing ofjokes and slangs enabled me to come closer
the youths. The otherhand, showing of curiosity, in enquiring triffles also
helped me in establishing rapport with a good number of villagers-some
of them became my best informants, considered as "key to success" in
anthropological probe.

Though there occurred some difficulties initially, regarding the

maintainance of personal hygiene, especially use of open field for toilet,
with passage of time it became very normal. On the contrary, I think
experiencing all these are an integral part of fieldwork. Best use of time
and opportunity was made to observe and interact with the villagers, in
every spehere of life. I made every endeavour to maximize the degree of
my nativization.

57
 The adoption of tools and techniques depends upon the nature of
the field and the problem. The techniques which I applied during my field
work are Observation, Interview, Schedule, case study method, Genealogy,
Photography etc. Interview guide was also made use of in many cases.

Observation helped me in watching day to day activities, festivals,

rituals and other aspects ofthe social life and also in observing the rituals
of witch doctors.

Schedule helped me collecting datas on perception of health,

disease, death, witchcraft, counter witchcraft and so on. As the majority
of the population was illiterate, interview method was the most vital. It
helped making face to face interactions.

Case study and genealogical methods were applied for knowing

the life histories of witches and witchdoctors.

I also made use of photography and I consider this as a means to

keep memories and intimacy intact.

Staying away from home, definitely sometimes leads to a sense of

deprivation-deprivation of the company of those whom we consider our
very own, dissociation from the life one is used to. Such a sense of
deprivation causes certain basic human weaknesses to surface. This also
leads to some kind of conflict within the fieldworker. The sense of being
a complete selfbegins to get destructed. Deviation tends to creep in. At
this stage, field work becomes secondary and saving of the self takes
primacy over one's work. One starts seeking some kind of a support to
keep his self intact. The temptation to indulge into personal relationships
begins-and in this state of mind, I think, keeping in touch with people
back home though letters, comes as a vital aid.

58
 If a prolonged stay on the field makes one homesick at times,
leaving the village on completion of one's study is no less a painful
experience. If detatchment despite participation is an anthropological
pre-requisite, attachment in close association is an equally natural outcome
of human existence. Nevertheless, one's professional requirement has to
take primacy over one's personal satisfaction. As such, I had to bid
farewell to the villagers after the completion of my study. However, the
greatest satisfaction in this departure was that of having gained an
intellectual insight into their socio-cultural realities -an endeavour which
would probably keep me pre-occupied in the years to come.

59
 Chapter- III
VILLAGE AND ITS PEOPLE
 CAHPTERIII

VILLAGE AND ITS PEOPLE

This chapter provides a description of the socio-economic,
historical and demographic structure of the district and the village Ruia,
and its inhabitants, main focus being on Hos. Village Ruia comes under
Hatgemaria thana of Jhinkpani Block of west Singhbhum, which is the
southern most district of Bihar. It came into existence a couple of
years ago as a result of the old district of Singhbhum being devided into
two parts in 1990 , viz. East Singhbhum comprising old Dalbhum sub-
division and west Singhbhum consisting of old Chaibasa and Saraikela
sub-divisions. The district is bounded on the north by the districts of
Ranchi and Purulia (West Bengal), on the east by East Singhbhum and
parts of Mayurbhanj district of Orissa, on the south by districts of
Orissa and on the west by the districts of Gumla and Sundergarh (in
Orissa). The total area of the district is 9907 sq. kms and the district
headquarters is located at Chaibasa.

Brief History of the District

As far as the nomenclature of the district is concerned, there

are three distinct theories. According to one theory, due to abundance
of lions in the region, it was named Singhbhum. Another theory
describes Singhbhum as the land of the Singh family of Porahat,
deriving its name from its patronymic chief long before the HOs
migrated to this tract of land. But the HOs, on the other hand assert
that the district has been named after 'Sing Bonga', their supreme deity
and the creator of the universe (Singh, 1978).

A careful examination, however, suggests that there is a greater

force in the last one especially when we take into consideration the fact
that throughout Chotanagpur the aborigines, have a fondness for naming
60
rocks and hills after their numerous gods and godessess, e.g. Marang
Bonga (Mountain God). Hence the land where they live in, might have
been given the appellation of 'Sing Bonga', the 'Sun God.' (Bradley,
1910)

The feudatory states of Saraikela and Kharsawan, which formed

part of the state of Orissa were integrated with Singhbhum in 1949. Its
boundaries have remained intact thereafter. The reorganisation of the
districts in the state of Bihar which took place after 1971 did not affect
the districts of Singhbhum. The early history of undivided Singhbhum
was influenced by the Hos who migrated from the Chotanagpur plateau
and overcame the Bhuiyas who then held part of Singhbhum. The Hos
successfully maintained their independence in the South of the district.
The north of the district came under the rule of the Singh family of
Porahat who claimed to be Rathore Rajputs, whose head was formerly
known as the Raja of Singhbhum. It is said that their ancestors were
three brothers in the bodyguard of Akbar's general, Man Singh who
supported the Bhuiyas against the HOS.

During the Mohammedan period, the Hos were left alone more
or less by the rulers although nominally they had whole of the Jharkhand
country stretching from Rohtasgarh to the frontiers of Orissa. British
relations with Singhbhum date back to late eighteenth century when a
small British force marched against the Raja of Dalbhum. The district
of Midnapore which included Dalbhum had been ceded to the East India
Company in 1760. In 1765, a force was sent against the neighbouring
Zamindars, but it could not subdue the Raja of Dalbhum. Another force
was sent under John Ferguson in 1767. The Raja was captured and sent
to Midnapore in confincement. The nephew of Raja, Jagannath Dhal
was installed on the throne. However, the new ruler fell into arrears of
yearly revenue and there was an expedition against him, which eventually
resulted in his attack against his successor Baikunth Dhal with a large
61
force. Consequently in 1777, Jagannath Dhal was reinstated in the
estate on payment of revenues due to him. In 1818, Raja Ghanshyam
Singh Deo of Porahat tendered allegiance to the British. His main aim
was to be recognised as the Lord Paramount over the chiefs of Kharsanwan
and Seraikela and also to obtain assistance in reducing the Hos. The
Hos resisted stiffly but their bows and arrows were of no match to the
British equipment of war. In 1831, the HOs joined the rebellion of the
Mundas of Chotanagpur. The immediate result of these troubles and
kol insurrections in parts of Singhbhum was the establishment of the
South West Frontier Agency (SWFA) by Regulation XIII of 1833.
Dalbhum, which had hitherto been included in Midnapur, was transferred
to Manbhum district. After the conquest of the Kolhan in 183 7, it was
considered advisable to bring all the Ho Pirs (divisions) under the
direct management of British Government. A new district was
consequently constituted to be known as Singhbhum, with Chaibasa as
its headquarters. When Act X of 1854 was passed, Singhbhum became
a non-regulation district under the jurisdiction of the Lt. Governor of
Bengal.

The Indian forces stationed at Hazaribagh had rebelled, soon to

be followed by a detachment of the Ramgarh Battalion sent from Ran chi
to quell the rising at Hazaribagh. The Principal Assistant Commissioner
fled and sought the protection of the Raja of Saraikela. The insurgent
forces were backed by Arjun Singh, Raja of Porahat who was declared
as a rebel by the British Government. Arjun Singh and his followers
surrendered in February 1859. An era of peace and progress followed-
which was broken almost forty years later by the Birsaite rising, the
effects of which, however, were not very widespread or great. (The
encyclopaedic District Gazetteers of India, 1991)

62
Geography and Physical features

The Singhbhum district is situated in the South -Eastern Portion

of the Chotanagpur Division and lies between 22°-0' and 22°-26' of
north latitude and 86°-53' and 85°-26' of east longitude. The district
is a hilly upland tract. The South-West portion of the district consists
of a group of hills known as the 'Suranda' or 'Seven hundred hills'. The
plain land in the district is largely confined to the valleys of the South
Koel river and Subarnrekha river in Dhalbhum.

Singhbhum is topographically diverse. The district receives north-

western spin which constitutes the northern boundary of the district. Its
ranges include the Dalma range near Chandil, the trap range and the
quartzite range. Forests in the district cover approximately one fifth ( 11
5th) of the total area of the undivided Singhbhum. Three types of
forests are ( 1) dry thorny type (ii) semi evergreen type and (iii) moist
'
tropical deciduous type. Sal is the main tree species. The other
species are Asan, Dhaura, Jamun, Bija, Karam, Simal, Kendu, Arjun,
Gamhar and Bamboos. Mahua and Kusum are also found. The greater
part of the district is covered by the iron-ore series and granite rocks.
The principal rivers of this district are Subemrekha and South Koel,
along with small rivers like Roro, Sanjay, Marang, Gora etc.

The fauna that are more abundant are the deer, spotted deer, four-
homed deer, wild buffaloes, tigers, leopards, hyenas, jackals, wild dog,
wild cat, elephant, monkey etc. There are varieties of 'snakes, viz.
Karait, Ganhuan, Ajgar, Viper, Dhamin etc. in the district. Besides
snakes there are variety of insects, poisonous and otherwise. There are
ants, bees, wasps, scorpions and centipedes. Fish are abundant in the
larger rivers and ponds.

The district is very rich in mineral deposits of iron, manganese,

63
ore and copper, while quartzite, chromite, limestone, yellow and red
ochre, China clay also occur. District is also known for minor deposits
of asbestos, mica lead ore soapstone and slate.

The district of present, comprises of 3 sub-divisions (Singhbhum

Sadar, Saraikela and Chakradharpur), 23 Community development Blocks,
15 towns and 2859 villages (2780 inhabitated villages and 79 uninhabitated
villages).

The community wise breakup in Singhbhum is Hindus 24%

approx, Muslims 3%, Christians 4%, Scheduled castes 4% and Scheduled
tribes 65%. Of the Scheduled tribes, Hos 35% , Mundas 9% , Santhals
10% and Bhumij 7% are the largest groups. (Census 1991).

West Singhbhum:-At a Glance

1. Population 17.88 lakhs
A Male 9.10 lakhs
B. Female 8.78 lakhs
2. Rural Population 15.05 lakhs
3. Urban Population 2.83 lakhs
4. Scheduled tribes 9.78 lakhs
5. Scheduled Castes 0.91 lakhs
6. Area 8012.10 sq. k.ms.
7. Density j 223 sq. k.ms.
8. Percentage or' rural population 84.1%
/
A. Literate males 22.51%
B. Literate females 8.86%
9. No. of villages 2915
10. No. of Gram Panchayats 323
11. Blocks 23
12. Sub-divisions 3

64
 13. Total Population of Tribals 9,74,100
(According to 1991 census) (54.4%)
14. Major tribes
% of Total population
HOs 35%
Munda 9%
Santhal 10%
Bhumij 7%

A brief History of the tribe

The focal village in the present study was Ruia (Hatgamharia

thana) of Jhinkpani Block. The study centred around the Ho tribe of
the village.

Regarding the origin of the tribe, Majumdar writes that~ Singbonga

is self created, and he created the earth from a lump of clay (hasa). To
people the earth, he made it habitable by creating all kinds of trees,
herbs and grass, rivers, and tanks and birds and beasts of all sizes and
descriptions. And the 'horohonko' or the sons of man were born of the
egg of a bird, Hur or Swan. Out of Swan's egg came forth a boy and
a girl. They were the first human beings by whom the earth was
peopled. But this creation did not last long. Singbonga was some how
offended by his own creation and he became enraged. In his fury he
created an atmosphere of blazing flames. When all life was thus
destroyed, Singbonga saw the folly of his fury and repentance seized
upon him. He then began to seek out traces of life and approached all
the lesser gods to find out if they had hidden any soul. At last, N age-
bonga or the water-deity, came with a pair of living souls, which she
kept under the sheet of water, a brother and sister, and with this pairs,
Singbonga decided to recreate the world of man. As the pair were
consanguineously related, as brother and sister, sexual intercourse

65
between them could not be natural, so what else the could the high God
do, but to offer them Handia, an intoxicating beverage and the intoxica-
tion and abandon, effected through this liquor made sexual intimacy
between brother and sister possible, and the Hos were created. (Majumdar
1950, pp. 251-252).

The Hos do not have any tradition of being the earliest settlers
of the area. Their affiliation to the Mundas in language and culture, may
mean that they branched off only a few centuries ago. Many of the
villages in Kolhan were originally reclaimed by other castes, and in
their southward expansion, the Hos appear to have eliminated the
original Khuntkatidars. (Majumdar 1950). The settlement report of
Kolhan (The fmal report on the Resettlement of the Kolhan Government
Estate) says, "the Hos certainly came into Kolhan from the north or
northwest." According to the Encyclopaedic District Gazetteers of
India (Chapter on Paschimi Singhbhum)-the early history of undivided
Singhbhum was influenced by the Hos who migrated from the Chotanagpur
plateau and overcame the Bhuiyas who then held part of Singhbhum. On
the other hand, historian opine that Hos entered Singhbhum from
Ranchi around 1Oth century. It was the time when traditional Munda-
Manki system was being threatened by Monarchy rules, the freedom
lovers 'Hos' migrated to Singhbhum and defeated Bhuiyas and Saraks
(Shrawak J ains ), the earliest inhabitants and captured lands.

The name 'Ho' is derived from the word 'Horo ', meaning 'Man'.
The Hos have their own dialect. Ho is regarded as belonging to the
Kherwarian group of Austro-Asiatic family of language (Singh, 1990).
The tribe is divided into many Killis (clan) viz., Pingua, Hansda, Purty,
Banra, Hembrom, Sundi etc. and each killi is a totemic group.

66
The village and its people

The Village Ruia, is named after the first settler 'Raudia'. The
history of the village is merely four or five generations old. The
previous name of the village was Raudia, but with passage of time, 'Rau'
turned into 'Ru' and di into 'Ie', hence the present name Ruia.

The population of the village is approximately 3000 (three thousand)

and is spread over 4 to 5 kilometers. The village is divided into 14
tolas, which are Sergasai. Duinyasai, Hoimadkamsai, Sangisai, Schoolsai,
Mahaburusai, Doyegutusai, Raghunathsai, Matasai, Putkarsai, Deurisai,
Jarikasai, Hurdubsai and Nizamsai.

The main inhabitants are Hos (major killis (Clans)-Pingua, Khandait,

Purty, Banra, Jarika etc.) The other inhabitants are Gope, Lohar, Tanti,
Thakur but their population is very negligible.

The village is one of the largest revenue villages of the district.

It is a single panchayat village. The two systems of panchayat i.e.,
traditional system (Munda-Manki system) and Modem Panchayat run
simultaneously.

Education has found its presence in the village and children go to

school though not regularly. There are primary schools in the village,
but the lack of higher school facilities restricts the interest, especially
of girls. The Hos are more regular to school than other castes or
tribes, in the village. There are many Hos who are doing jobs in
different cities or towns but their contribution in making other fellows
conscious of education is very negligible. Keeping the resources in
mind, boys are more preferred than girls, while providing education.

Birth Rituals:- Any birth in a family is a matter of joy and celebration.

At the time of birth, mother is kept in a separate room. After birth,
67
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 A view of the focal village

Women working in a khalihan in the focal village

mother along with child is considered polluted for seven days (Besci).
At the time of delivery, a Dai mid-wife is called, who helps the other
elderly females of the family. Naval card is cut by the father, and an
arrow is kept by him at the bedside if it is a male child , the belief being
that the child would become able to safeguard not only himself but also
the family and society at large, against enemies. An arrow is kept by the
father.

On eighth day, Narta is performed. Clothes are washed, food is

cooked in new utensils. Mother and child are given a bath, puja is
performed in Adin (kitchen), so that child would be accepted as new
member of the family. Worship of Adin is very important because after
death ancestors of the family are placed here. The main purpose of this
is that the child is introduced to ancestors (Hadam hodi budi ara).

On the 21st day, relatives and villagers are invited. Meat,

chicken and traditional drink (diyeng), after being offered to ancestors,
are shared by all present there. This ceremony is known as
'Anda Achatu'.

The nomenclature of the child is still based on traditional rituals.

The child takes the name of one of its ancestors. The ritual involves a
brass pot is filled with water, rice is also put and turmeric is added into
it. Dead ancestors and dieties are worshipped. By calling the name of
ancestors, clan members, urad is dropped into the pot. If the urad
touches the rice, that name is kept. It continues till the urad touches
the rice.

Apart from this, there is yet another system of nomenclature.

The child is given the name of the day, on which it is born. For
example, sombari, Gurubari, Budhni, Mongol, Budhu, Shukra etc. Now-
a-days new names are also given, which is a result of cultural contact.

68
After the nomenclature ceremony, new cloth is given to the child and
the mother is presented a new saree.

Family & Kinship: For every Ho, family is considered very important.
Family is patrilineal, patriarchal and patrilocal. Family is a male dominated
unit, but it never shows that females are inferior in status, as they too
have an equal share in decision making. Most of the Hos consider
family as a first school of learning, where the child learns not only
norms of the society but oral traditions too are handed over to him/her
by old family members. The child belongs to father's Kill (clan).

Three types of family could be witnessed among Hos vis, joint

family, nuclear family and stem family. Every male child has right over
his father's property. Daughters have no right over land. If the daughter
is unmarried she does have the right over land but after her marriage,
her share of land is divided amongst brothers. Usually no division of
property is witnessed as long as father is alive. A widow too has a share
is her late husband's property. There are incident of neolocality after
marriage but father plays a major role even after that.

Socialization of the child entirely depends upon family's

atmosphere. Family is the smallest unit of production and consumption.
After marriage, wife comes to her husband's family. Though husband
enjoys authority over family matters, relationship between wife and
husband is very harmonious. Though polygynous family is also a
feature of Hos, no such case is present in the village under study.
Husband enjoys full right over his wife's domestic and sexual reproductive
affairs.

Kinship:- It is an important aspect of Ho society. The authority pattern

shows the existence of patrilineality and the mode of residence is
patrilocal. A child belongs to his father's killi (clan) Ho society is

69
divided into many totemic killis, after the name of plants or animals.
Such as Pingua, Banra, Purty, Hembrom, Deogam, Sumbrui, Sinku,
Khandait etc. A totem is held in very high reverence. The Hos are by
and large practice tribal endogamy and killi exogamy. Different names
are used for different kins. Incest with primary kins are seen as an
offence not only to the family but also to the Killi. It is dealt with
severity. At the time of need help of consanguinal as well affinal kins
are sought and the help is very reciprocal.

Members of the totemic sept cannot marry within the Sept.

Elders of the killi enjoy remarkable hold of authority. Killi plays an
important role in decision making. The members of one generation
behave towards one another as brothers and sisters while all men who
are of the same generation as one's father are addressed as Gungu
(fathers brothers). Classificatory as well as descriptive terms are
prevalent in Ho society.

Some important kinship terms:-

English Ho
Father Apu
Mother Eyang or Anga
Father's father, Mother's father Tatang
Father's mother, Mother's mother Jiang
Father's elder brother, father's
elder brother's wife, mother's elder sister,
Mother's sisters's husband, wife's elder
sister's husband Gungu
Father's sister's husband, mother's
brother Kumang

70
Elder brother Bau
Younger brother Undi, Boko
Elder sister Aji
Younger sister Undi Kui
Husband Here/

Wife Hera

Marriage:- Pairing among Hos are considered essential to fecundity.

For every Ho, legitimate mating is not only important but desirous too.
Hos are killi exogamous and violation of this is considered incestuous
and is taken very seriously. Usually a Ho does not marry outside his/
her tribe, but there is no societal prohibition against it, today. Previously
marriage was preferred at short distant villages, but there has come a
change in it. A Ho may marry his mother's brother's daughter and his
father's sister's daughter.

There are many traditional ways of acquiring mates viz-marriage

by negotiation, (andi) marriage by capture (oportepi) and marriage by
mutual consent (Rajikhusi), etc.

In marriage by negotiation, groom side sends a messenger to

bride side. The mesenger (Dutam) is acquainted with both sides. If the
proposal materialises, Go nang (bride price) is fixed , which is demanded
by the bride side. If both the parties are ready (Raji), after fixation of
Gonang or pan, turmeric with oil is put on the representatives of the
bride's side indicating the fixation of marriage. Gonang includes,
money, ox , calf etc. The receiving of gonang indicates that female is
also important to the society and are not considered inferior. The
preliminary feast before the marriage ceremony is known as Bapla
(preliminary arrangement for a marriage).

71
 Diuri (village priest), who is well versed in the marriage ceremony
performs the rituals. Marriage amongst the Hos is a communal affair
and all the villagers participate in it. One thing here becomes very
important that young people of both the sexes have a free hand choice
. .
m marriage.

The most striking feature of this marriage from is that Hos are
very conscious of making any marriage a successful. Right from the
stage of mitiation of negotiation to the fixation of marriage, every
single omen-good or bad-is taken note of. A knowledgeable person
is consulted theron and he performs puja, if the omens are of ill nature.
It is believed that, if puja is not performed against ill-omens, marriage
will not last or the marriage union would bring ill luck to both the sides.

Marriage rituals are performed at groom's house, where bride is

brought along with her relatives. After marriage, bride is introduced to
the groom's ancestors in Ading.

A modification of the Andi, along the lines of Hindu marriage

(like the inclusion of the burning of the sacred fire, ritual performed by
Pandit) by well-to-do and educated Hos, is known as Diku-Andi.

The another form of marriage is oportipi (capture), arising out of

the inability to pay the bride price. Young men capture wives for
themselves owing to economic hardships and high rates of gonang.
Many a times it is mutually arranged, where bodily capture is put up.

Marriage based on mutual love often results in elopment and is

socially recognised. This form of marriage is called 'Rajikhusi'.

Marriage rituals in both the cases are performed after wards. A

lesser amount of gonang is fixed, which connotes the social kind or
heritage.
72
The system of gonang reflects a bond of social heritage and obligation
towards other relatives.

Economic Organisation:-The economy of Ho society is of mixed

type. They are settled agriculturists and along with it carry on on
occassional hunting and fishing. Every Ho is attached very much to the
surrounding forest, which provides them leaves woods and wild fruits.

The most important crop raised by the Hos is Paddy, which is

their staple diet. Along with it they also produce pulses (Urad, Mung,
Arahar), Bajra Mustard etc. Vegetables are also grown in the fields like
tomato, potato, brinjal, ladiesfinger, chilli etc.

The whole family plays an active role in economic sphere. In

economic pursuit, women play even more active part than men, considering
that they have all the feminine and domestic duties also to attend to.
Apart from the daily domestic chores, they put their labour in transplanting
paddy, harvesting the crop and preparing the Kha/ihan. They do not
plough.

The adults work in fields and forests while the childem graze
their livestock. Apart from ploughing and harvesting the crops, men are
also engaged in embankments, fishing, hunting, threshing etc. Making
of bows, arrows, nets and other such equipments is also done by men.
The reciprocal cooperation in economic undertaking even today is the
salient feature of their daily life.

The Hos recognise the merit of sepcialisation in arts and crafts

and it is taught to younger generations with great interest and pride. Hos
are also engaged in animal husbandry. Cows, buffaloes, bulls, bullocks,
sheep, goats, hen ducks are the main livestock of the people. Barter
system is still practised but, the concept of money too is present . The
system of paying in kind than cash is still practiced in the village.
73
 Weekly hats are one of the major essence of economic life of
Hos. Selling, buying for a weak is done here. It is also a place of
recreation and every Hos eagerly waits for the hat day. Consumption of
traditonal drink (diyeng) is done by almost everyone, male or female.
Weekly hat not only reflects the economic transaction but also is a
place for gossiping, recreation and choosing spouses.

Opening of mines, railways, factories, well knitted transportation,

governmental job opportunities have introduced, a shift from primary
to secondary occupation.

Traditional drink (diyeng or Haria) is yet another item which is

interwoven with the Ho identity. At every occasion, whether festival,
puja, marriage, merrymaking, ceremonies, welcoming of a guest etc.,
diyeng is served and shared. The diyeng is prepared out of cooked rice.
Water is left in the pot. Ranu, a herb (collected from the country side)
is mixed into it and left the cooked rice is left for two or three days
for fermentation. The diyeng is consumed after fermentation.

Political Organization:- The political life of the Hos centres around

traditional system ofpanchayat which speaks a long history of 'Munda-
Manki system'. These posts are hereditary. Munda is the headman. He
is a primus interpares '-a chief among equals and not the superior or
overlord. Manki is the head of a few village mundas. At present, Manki-
Munda system is based on Wilkinson's rule (after the name of Capt.
Wilkinson, the final conqueror of Kolhan).

Munda is empowered to perform police duties and collection of

land revenue. He is a linking chain between villagers and the administration.
Every administrative enquiry or matter is sought through the Munda to
villagers. The political affair of the village is managed by Munda with
aid of village panchayat which includes the elders of the village.

74
Maintenance of law and o{der, punishment or imposition of fine oh
offenders is done by the village panchayat. Any offence which hurts the
communal sentiment and the disputes related to land are looked after by
the village panchayat.

-Under
. the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908, Depu~ Commissioner
had been"given power to have a guiding control over them. Mundas and
Mankis get share in the collected revenues. These two hereditary posts
enjoys a respectable status not only in the village but also outside the
vilalge. Without informing the Munda, no adm.inistrative matters,
developmental works, criminal investigations could be done.

Modem panchayat also runs simultaneously in the village, but it

is the traditional panchayat which enjoys greater support of the villagers,

Festivals:- Festivals are very important to Ho society. Festivals are not

only a means of recreation but are a medium of communal solidarity
too. When asked, the people say that non-observance to festivals may
bring ill luck to the society. Thus, festivals are celebrated with same
traditional rites and same utilitarian motives. Diuri (village priest)
performs the rituals of festivals. Festivals are performed at Desauli
(village sacred place) In every festivals, the tata-gunguko (ancestors
in general) and ham-hoko (family ancestors) are worshipped.

The important festivals of Hos are (i) Ba festival (ii) Hero

festival (iii) Jomnama festival (iv) Maghe festival

Ba festival is the first festival of the Hos. It is celebrated at the

time when flowers of Sakhua start sprouting. Ba means flower in Ho
language. The festivaal date is fixed by Diuri. The place where the
festival is celebrated is known as 'Jayra; and Jayra Buri, is the deity
of the jayra. It continues for three days viz, Guri, Marang and Basi
festival.
75
A view of the Desauli
 H aro Festival is performed at the day when the seeds of paddy
are spread in the field. One He-goat is sacrificed. Malevolent Bongas
are also worshipped and offered. It also continues for three days.

Jomnama festival is celebrated only for one day. When the

paddy is ready for harvest diuri gives the date of festival. Puja is
offered by sacrificing a red hen. Flattened rice (Chura) is offered,
which is threshed from the paddy of the field.

Maghe festival is the most important festival among the Hos. It

is celebrated for seven days. Each day's ritual is called by a different
name such as Anader, Otoilli, Gaumara, Guruparav, Marang parav,
Basi Parav and Har mageya. It is generally celebrated at the last day
of the year. This festival is considered as festival of last day of the year
and first festival of the coming year (Din turu bochor mundi parav).
No change occurs, once the day is fixed for festival. Ancestors as well
as village gods (Bongas) are worshipped in Dessauli. The whole village
takes part in the celebration. The festival is observed in each village
after the harvesting is over.

The word maghe means obscene language, which starts after the
end of fourth day ritual, Guri parav. Marang (big) parav is the most
important amongst all days celebration. The last day ritual is typical
ceremony, known as 'Har mageya' or expulsion of the spirits (Bongas).
The villagers armed with sticks come out and begin hunting the spirits,
with vociferous songs and incantations. The Bongas are chased and
expelled outside the boundary of the village. Then the people come
back to the village. The festival is celebrated with this belief that in
coming year, villagers would get enough rain and healthy harvest.

Religion and Magic:- Religion and magic are two another distinguishing
aspects of Ho life. The Hos are ancestors worshippers. All the

76
supernatural or superhuman identities/objects are called Bonga. Sing
Bonga is the supreme deity of the Hos. The other bongas are Nage
Bonga, Dessau/i Bonga (God presiding over the Hatu i.e. village)
Narsimhpat Bonga, Handeburu Bonga, Marang Bonga, Disum Marang
Bonga, Dindikuar Bonga, Bengrapat Bonga etc. They are the benevolent
Bongas. The malevolent Bongas are, Takra Bai Borombhut Karachurdu
Bonga, Bostomchurdu pitesandi Bonga, Halmadlore Dainkara Churdu
Bonga (the female who dies during pregnancy), Har Bonga (expelled
Bonga), Mangle/ Bonga,Dandi Bonga (witches), etc .. Names of the
Bongas have been enlisted by different Deonwas (witch doctor) of the
area whom I met.

Meaning of Bonga:The word 'Bonga' has a very widespread

connotation in Ho society. Even the presence of 'Bonga' is also
reported in neighbouring tribes like Santhals and Mundas. The Rev. P.O.
Bodding writes" All the spirits worshipped by the Sonthals are called
Bonga". S.C. Roy translates Bonga as deity as well as spirit. He writes
"the idea that the Mundas are worshippers of malevolent spirits appear
to have arisen from confounding these two classes of deities who are
manita-bongas or gods to be worshipped with a class of spirits who
require to be appeared or propitiated. This latter class are indeed no
gods at all non are they believed by the Mundas to be such." (Roy, 19 ) .
Hoffman explains Bonga as a being beyond the reach of sense perception.

Majumdar ( 1950) considers Bonga to be a power, a force, and

the religion of the Hos as Bongaism. The Bonga is possessed by every
individual, every animal, every plant, every stream, rivulet, tank, rock,
tree, forest, field, mountain. It is possessed in greater or lesser degree
by man which gives him his power over , or makes him submit to
others.

The Hos consider Bonga to be a god, deity, spirit, power etc. All

77
these terms are combined in 'Bonga. Not only the gods or spirits are
referred as 'Bonga', but also the villagers sometimes refer witches as
'Dandi Bonga'. Thus, the term Bonga has been used for god, deity,
spirit and sometimes for witches, whenever need and mention of the
term 'Bonga' occured. The villagers also refer 'Bonga' to both benevolent,
as well as malevolent spirits.

Dessauli, always has a fixed abode which is situated somewhere

outside the boundary of the village. It is usually under a tree, where the
Hos place a flat stone slab on which Dessauli is believed to rest.

All the Hos offer periodical prayers and offerings as a part of

thanks giving service. Bongas and ancestors are worshipped on every
important occasion. Religion is intricately woven with every aspect of
Ho life.

The village priest is known as Diuri who is always a Ho. The post
of Diuri is hereditary. On the other hand, Deonwa may be a non-Ho. It
could best be summarized in one sentence that "Diuri is born but
Deonwa is made."

Impact of Hinduism and Christanity could also be found, still the

traditional tribal religion is intact.

Magic is yet another salient feature of Ho life. Almost every

villager would speak of black magic, when probed deeply. The presence
of witches and sorcerers are embedded in their thoughts. Magic, is one
of the greatest weapon to harm enemies by the witches.

In coming chapters realm of magic would be dealt extensively.

Death:- Death among Hos is called 'Ganoe'. After the death of any
Ho, there are two ways of performing, the last rites viz. (i) Burial and

78
(ii) Burning.

After the death of an individual, his body is embalmed with

turmeric. Some water is thrown over the roof of the house and the dead
body is given a bath with water falling from the roof. Then the
'Atanura' ceremony is performed. In this ceremony, the numbers of
the family put their hands under the palm of the dead man and take away
his possessed belongings by speaking out the names of different items.
This is a symbolic way of relieving the dead man of his wordly
responsibilities. Thenafter the dead body is taken to burial site where
the ground is dug to his size in a north-south direction. The head is
to be placed towards south while the legs to be placed towards the
north. Before the burial, the body is taken around the dug-spot from
south to north and the dead body is entered into the spot from the south
end. After being placed in the dig, the body is covered with earth, put
first by family members and then by others. In the end, a big stone is
put over the site.

In case of burning, the body is kept over a funeral pyre made in

the shape of a box. After the cremation, remains are collected in the
pipal leaves using a twig of pipal tree. The hones are kept in a pot which
is then painted with 'halon' (ground rice) and turmeric powder. This
pot is then buried inside the ground. After this, "Kiyader" i.e., calling
of the dead man's spirit, to Ading (the inner room of the house where
cooking is done and ancestoral spirits are venerated), is done. The
whole process is called "Rowa ra aader yaroe keya ader". The Rowa
is called from the site of burial to the A ding. Ash is laid over the floor
inside the house so that the arrival of the spirt may be noticed by the
imprints formed upon the laid ash. The process of calling the spirit is
repeated seven times. If the spirit does not arrive even now, then a puja
(dessauli and ancestors) is performed in order to include him in the
group of already established ancestral spirits in the Ading.
79
 In the end, a communal feast is held in which all the villagers and
relatives are invited and in which they all contribute by bringing in
various items required for the feast.

LIFE AFTER DEATH:- The Hos believe in rebirth and even in re-
incarnation. The ample belief in rebirth shows the presence of life after
death. At the sametime, Hos are ancestors worshipper. They have a
strong belief in the spirits, classified into malevolent and benevolent.

The villagers believe that the spirits of those who have died
unnatural, hovers around. They many-a-times, possess the individuals
all by themselves or are directed by the witches or sorcerers to do so.
It is believed that witches, by the virtue of their magic, make these
spirits, their pet ones and through these spirits harm their enemies.
Every witch is credited with the control of a number of malignant
spirits, whom the witch can use in any way desired.

80
 Chapter- IV
ATTITUDE AND BELIEF SYSTEM

TOWARDS WITCHCRAFT
 CHAPTER IV

Attitude and Belief System: Towards

Witchcraft
The two terms, belief and attitude play an important role in
anthropological enquiry. Attitude is defined as a way of feeling or
thinking about someone or something, especially as this influences
one's behaviour. Sociologically, attitude refers to certain regularities
of an individuals feelings, thoughts and predispositions to act towards
some aspect of his/her environment.

Belief, on the other hand, is the feeling that something is true or

that something really exists e.g. belief in supernatural power. Beliefs
are neither true nor false. The efficacy or validity of belief is not tested
by knowledge or experience of the physical or social universe. Thus
the primitive people in all parts of the world "believe" in the world of
spirits and took various means to propitiate or control evil spirits.
Belief is generally recognized to the extent that an idea fills the minds
to the exclusion of possible alternatives we tend to hold it true. Over
the years, it may be institutionalised.

These two terms on many occasions, show an intersection of

each other. For example, if one believes in the existence of supernatural
beings, his attitude substantiates it. The realm of belief, certainly
affects the sphere of attitude.

The inhabitants of the village, have a strong belief in the presence

of supernatural beings. As mentioned earlier, they believe in the
concept of life after death--and their thought not only centres around
the existence of supernatural being, but also around the presence of
super human agencies (witches and sorcerers), believed to be one of the
causes behind disease and death.
81
 It is believed among Hos that a witch (locally called Dandi (a
long)), is one who has supernatural power acquired through 'Saadhna'
and has a complete know-how of magical process. n is a prevalent
belief among the villagers that the witch learns the art of black magic,
under the supervision of her guru at graveyard in the dead of night. It
is also believed that she can make anyone especially children, sick by
casting an evil eye. She has the power to make the atmosphere
malignant by her magical presence. She can also cause an incurable
wound by her targeted (Saadhit) invisible magical arrow. She knows the
art of calling spirits or ghosts for her ill-doings. If she curses anyone,
it is bound to succeed.

Male and female both can be a witch but usually females are
accused of being a witch. It is believed that a female can become a
more powerful witch than a male. The witchdoctors believe that it is
only because the advantage of her physical condition. While practicing
black magic, one needs to offer blood to the worshipped God or
Goddess and also one has to offer blood to the spirits or ghosts, one
is engaged in invoking. In the natural cycle of female body, females
witness menses (monthly bleeding from the uterus )-and it is this
menstruating blood, which is naturally available to the females to offer
the Goddess or the invoking spirits. Further, it is believed that since
uterus is considered to be the place of inception, it is the blood of life.
And offering of this blood pleases the Goddesses or spirits, whom the
witch propitiates . The male witch on the contrary, lacks it. It is
believed that by offering this menstruating blood, females pleases the
spirits effectively, during learning process and afterwards. It enhances
the power in witchcraft practices.

One of the Deonwa residing in Chaibasa said that male witch is

known as Bakos. The Bakos are also believed to be very dangerous and

82
notorious and are always engaged in vexing their enemies. Males are
also accused as witches.

To neutralise the effect of witch victimisation, witch -doctors

(locally called Deonwa or soka) are approached and consulted. The
Soka is considered more powerful than the Deonwa. The Deonwas also
learn their art under the supervision of a guru. Training goes for several
months to several years. The guru teaches them the curing mantras and
makes them acquainted with the world of supernatural. It is believed
that the Deonwas know the art of curings not only the witch cases but
also fmd out the cause behind the suffering, which may occur due to the
displeasure of Bongas or spirit intrusion. They also have knowledge
about herbal medicines and prescribe these herbs to the patients, if the
disease is due to natural cause.

Deonwas can also harm the people but usually they do not engage
in this, since it is believed that it reduces their power of curings. The
only major difference between Dandi and Deonwa is that Deonwa
performs his art in keeping with the norms of society.

The villagers believe that when a person is not able to perform

his normal duties effectively, he/she is sick. If one is performing his
routined task effectively, he/she is considered healthy. These two
terms, health and disease, are linked with one's capability or incapability
to work like others. The villagers ascribe all their physical or mental
sickness to four main causes viz ( 1) natural causes (2) Displeasure of
Bongas, (3) Spirits of the dead, and (4) Witchcraft. In all cases of
disease villagers consult Deonwas (witch doctor) who is competent to
treat all of them.

Disease due to natural causes, i.e., fever, cold, cough, pain, etc.
are treated by their indigenous pharmacopoeia. The cure is sought with

83
herbal medicines. The area is surrounded by forest and the herbal
medicineman collects the herbs from the forests. Even Deonwas have
the knowledge about these herbs. Whatever the disease or sufferings,
villagers approach Deonwas, who fmd out the cause behind the diseases.
It is the required knowledge to deal with these diseases. However, if the
disease turns into a chronic case, the villagers assign it to something
else, i.e., either the displeasure of Bongas or spirit intrusion or the
mischief of the witch. It is believed that if the suffering is due to
supernatural agencies or human agencies, no alternative medicine could
work effectively.

The efficacy of materia magica is embedded in the villagers

thought process and whenever any individual suffers from any disease,
witch-doctor is approached. The villagers believe that since the cause
of the disease enamates from the society hence the cure should be
sought in the society itself and by the person who is well-versed in this.

Displeasure of Bongas is another reason behind the disease and

suffering. The Bongas may cause suffering, if not propitiated and
offered on the ceremonies and at the beginning of any new work. It is
believed that the routined offerings to Bongas is necessary. Almost
every villager can be found performing the puja of bongas (including
ancestors) at the time of harvesting, or constructing houses or closing
the Khalihan work (Kalam utandi). Every Ho is particularly conscious
of his Ading. No outsider, except family members, are allowed to enter
one's Ading. Even though, family members do take care of purity while
entering the inner most part of Ading, where ancestors are venerated. It
is believed by the villagers that if any family member, even children,
enter the Ading without taking care of purity, Bongas get angry and
cause suffering. Many of the villagers says that in such a case they,
just propitiate the Bongas, to forgive the person. It is the only reason

84
behind introducing the bride to the ancestors of groom's family, after
marnage.

It is also believed that there are few malignant Bongas like 'Har
Bonga' who is excommunicated from the neighbouring village and may
cause harm independently or by invoking of witches. Deonwas are
approached for this. These bongas possess the individual's body and
only by propitiation and offering, they can be pleased. If not pleased
properly, they may cause death of that individual.

Witches are yet another dimension of Ho life. Witchcraft is

supposed to be the deadliest means/device to harm the enemies.
Witches could cause the projection of some morbific object into the
body or the abstraction of some important element from the body
Witches mischief not only acts on some part of the body but also on
some objects which have been connected with it. Almost all the
unnatural deaths are attributed to witchcraft.

It is believed by the villagers that the witches are always in close

association with the spirits, especially at the time of causing harm. The
practice of witchcraft is prevalent to such an extent that villagers
believe that witches invoke the malignant bongas and use it not only
against human beings but against the cattle, too.

The villagers say that many a times, their cattle have become sick
and sometimes have died. When their cattle become sick they approach
Deonwa who reaveals that so and so has caused this sickness - and by
offering sacrifices asked by the Deonwas to do so, they save their
cattle. One of the villagers told me that recently his ox fell sick.
When the sickness continued for few days, he approached the Deonwa,
who cured the ox. It was the work of a witch whose name was not
revealed by the Deonwa.

85
 In a similar incident of Nakti Panchayat of Karaikela Block,
Kanderam Gagrai, his wife Balma Gagrai and his family members were
beaten mercilessly. Sri Ram Gagrai, brother of Kanderam Gagrai,
accused Balma Gagrai for causing sickness to his son and an ox. Sri
Ram Gagrai and his family accused Balma as a witch and her witchcraft
magic behind this suffering. With the help of some villagers Sri Ram
and his son Indra, forced Balma to come along with them to a Deonwa
of Sinni. It was revealed by the Deonwa that it is the ghost of Balma's
parental home, who has caused this. After this the villagers imposed the
fine of Rupees three thousand on Kanderam, as economic punishment,
Kanderam paid the amount under the pressure.

But when after a few days of this incident, there came no relief
to the child and the ox, Sri Ram along with a few villagers attacked the
Kanderam and his family. They were beaten up. A bullet was also shot
at Kanderam's son. Kanderam along with his family members managed
to escape from there. A complaint was registered in Karaikela Thana,
subsequently leading to the arrest of three accused.

Regarding the nomenclature of witch, locally called Dandi (a

long), one deonwa opines that the word 'Dandi' has originated from the
word 'Dahin' meaning jealous. Both a female as well as a male, could
be a witch, but it is believed that usually females become witch. The
De onwas (witch doctor) say that witches acquire some art of classical
'Chandi Bidhya'. Witches worship Godess Kali and the Goddesses
associated with Kali, such as Dakini, Chandi etc.

Witchcraft is a secret art and the witches are believed to learn

this art under a guru in graveyards. The night of Amavasya is believed
to be the most important night for witches to harm anyone. The
villagers say that when any female goes to graveyard at night, she
performs some magic at home, so that all the family members would be

86
in a dead sleep until she comes back.

The villagers believe that witches dance naked in graveyard,

which is considered to be the part of learning process. If any passerby
is found, witches kill him through their magic.

The villagers believe that witches sacrifice their most lovable

object i.e., son, husband or a close relative, as a part of their last
initiation. The month of Kartik is an important month for old as well
as new witches. Though the training of a new witch could begin on any
day, Kartik is supposed to be the most suitable month for training as the
worshipped Goddess could be propitiated effectively.

Witches know the 'Sanjivni art'. They have the power to awaken
the dead by invoking mantras. Witches also know the spots where spirits
hover around and by invoking and propitiating they capture them to use
as pet spirits. The witches are supposed to have a great control over the
manipulation of supernatural world. The success of magical process is
attributed to the effective and accurate chants and incantations of
mantras.

It is said that a witch could become so powerful that she could

kill even the witch-doctor. The villagers say that by each killing witches
became more powerful in the art of black magic. In the witches
fraternity a witch credited with maximum killing enjoys a very respectable
position. These witches sometimes, attack the witch doctor who tries
to nullify their attack on victims.

The witches are believed to know the art of transformation. They

can transform themselves into animal forms such as cat (Bilay), Dog
(Seta), pig (Sukuri) rat (Chuta) moles (chundi) etc. In this transformed
state they enter the victims house and suck blood or saliva trickling

87
down the corners of the mouth of the sleeping person, causing the
victim to fall sick or ultimately to die.

The villagers narrate many instances when witches in these

transformed form were chased and beaten and early in the morning the
beating imprints on the body of some female were seen.

Sanatan Pingua, Aged 38 years is an educated Ho, living in Ruia

village. He narrated an event, when a mole was killed by the villagers.
The mole was entering the house of one villager at night. The villagers
chased and killed that mole. Early in the morning, it was found that an
old female died nearby. It was noticed that there are imprints of sticks
on the body of that dead female. Sanatan says that she was a witch--and
was entering into house to harm someone by transforming herself into
a mole.

Satish Koda, a retired school teacher is a renowned Deonwa of

the area. Due to the Paralysis in his leg, he is not practicing regularly.
He says that he knows the art of transforming oneself into tiger . He
says that many a times, on the sandy road, one can find few small
pebbles, making a line on the road. Where the line ends, these small
pebbles could be witnessed being inserted deep into it. According to
him, sometimes these are not mere pebbles but are magical (spirits)
w;6have stopped there due to the start of the mornings. Those who
know this secret collect these pebbles and makes a 'Mala'( chain) of it.
The person who wants to transform himself, sits on the ants-hill and
rubs his buttock on it. During this, he/she keeps that pebble chain on his
/her mouth and chants mantra taught by his/her guru. When one rubs
his/her buttock on it, he/she receives a severe pain. When he/she rolls
down to the ground due to intolerable pain, he/she becomes a tiger.
The posterior turns into mouth of the tiger and upper side into posterior
of the tiger. In this form, he/she kills his enemies or any passer by.

88
And when he/she wishes to return into the original form, he/she takes
the pebble chain out of his/her mouth.

He says that he is aware of a person who knows this art and

whenever Satishji meets that person, he (Satishji) would write to me to
come and see this happening. Since, his legs are not functioning
properly due to paralysis , he is not able to show it himself to me.
Some of the villagers infact claimed that they have seen Satishji in the
tiger form. They say that one day they were returning from a neighbouring
village they heard the tiger roar from behind and when they looked back,
they were amazed to see that Satishji's upper body has turned into tiger,
but lower body has no change. They asked Satishji not to scare them
and Satishji came to his original form. Later Satishji narrated the
villagers that he just wanted to have fun, hence, he turned into tiger.

The witches also harm their victims through contagious magic.

They collect certain things which once formed a part of the person, as
for example, hair, nail, spittle or some articles used constantly by the
person and through their magical formulae, harm their victims. Witches
can even harm their victims by merely obtaining the dust of their feet.

'Mooth marna' and bean-shooting are other mechanisms of

inflicting harm, employed by witches. She is also engaged in effigy
burning and pricking method. It is believed that she makes an effigy of
her victim from soil or powdered rice (illi) and burns it. This results
in severe itching or burning inside the victim's body, which ultimately
leads to death of her wantonly, victim. She makes a statue of wantonly
victim. Then she pricks pins or thorns into this statue and it works on
the principle of sympathetic magic- "like produces like". Her inserting
of pins or thorns into the statue results into the pricking or burning in
her victims body. It is assumed that through incantation of magical
mantra she produces the desired result.

89
 It is a very strong belief amongst Hos that her incanted magical
spells cover very long distance. Her invisible arrow works like a
missile, which is targeted at a particular victim. It is owing to this
belief that most of the villagers show their reluctance to come closer
to infront of witches, if they know about it. Most of the villagers even
do not dare to speak about the witch, since it is believed that she will
come to know about it and may cause harm in retaliation. For this
reason it is very hard to make any villager speak on witchcraft, unless
the interaction level and mutual trust is very high.

Same is the case with any Ho of the region. It is a widespread

belief that a witch can cause an incurable wound and chronic disease by
her magical spells. In this case, no other alternative medicine is
effective. Only the local magico -religious healing of Deonwa can
cure this wound or disease. It is also believed that these wounds or
diseases consequently lead to the death of the patient.

Shanti Kui, resident of Sarjamhatu village under Sonua Thana,

worked as a maid servant of Ponde Hembrom. In November, 1995,
Ponde's wife gave birth to a child. Two days after the child birth,
Ponde's wife witnessed a wound on her breast, which she brought to the
notice of Ponde. Ponde consulted the village Deonwa for this. It was
revealed by the Deonwa that his maid-servant Shanti has caused this
________
wound, with her .,...witchcraft magic. Ponde forced Shanti to cure this
,

wound. Shanti kept on arguing her innocence but no body believed her.
One day she was killed and her deadbody was drawn into river by tiding
with a heavy stone. Shanti's husband reported it to the police, when she
did not arrive at home. Later police recovered the dead body and
arrested Ponde Hemberom.

Similar incident occurred in Kabragutu village, near Chaibasa,

where Menjo Sundi was accused as a witch by her brother in-law,

90
Krishna Sundi. Krishna developed a wound. Krishna spread the rumour
that his bhabhi (sister-in-law) Menjo has caused this wound by her
magic. She was asked by the village Panchayat to leave the village and
if she comes back she would be killed. (Further discussed in next
chapter).

In Katkara village of Goilkera Block, 45 years old Jobna Purty

was killed by Manjhi Samad. Manjhi Samad accused Jobna of causing
a swelling in his legs. Manjhi believed that it is Jobna, who is causing
this through her magical power. Under distress he killed jobna. After
arrest, he told the police that Jobna was a very powerful witch. It was
the affect of her magic that when he was killing her, his leg became
disformed. (Prabhat Khabar, 28.7. 96).

The villagers believe that witch not only directs and controls
ghosts or spirits to harm but also causes the snake or scorpion bite to
her victims. There are many incidents narrated by villagers, when
witches have caused the death of their victims through snakes. In
Simalbeda village of Saraikela thana in Sept 97, Khoka Manjhi died due
to snake-bite. The family members of khoka manjhi consulted the
---'""''through his divination
Deonwa Rayabu, for this. The Deonwa revealed
that Bijo Manjhain is the witch and she has caused this snake bite. It is
Bijo who has caused the death of Khoka Manjhi. The agitated family
members along with villagers, beat Bijo and her family members mercilessly
and were thrown out of the village. The villagers also threatened that if
Bijo and her family members come to village, they would be beaten to
death or killed. The local police intervened into it and a case was
registered. (U ditbani, 19th Dec, 1997).

In another case, two females Kuni Kui and Jingi Gwalan of

Manjhau thana were killed by fellow villagemen Jumban Sawain and
Ankura Sawain. After killing these females, Jumban and Ankura buried

91
the dead bodies, near Torlo river. The Police exhumed these dead
bodies and arrested Jumban and Ankura after investigation Jumban told
the police that his daughter had died due to snake-bite, two years ago.
But he believed it to be the case of witchcraft and accused these two
females, after consulting a Deonwa. He had attacked these females two
years ago. But then the village Panchayat intervened into it and imposed
a fme of rupees two hundred on Jumban for this attack. Since then, he
was waiting for the appropriate time to kill these two witches. On 25
th October 1995, he got the opportunity and killed them with the help
of Ankura.

The witches are considered as anti social elements in Ho

society. They are always engaged in negative functions. It is believed
that since they deviate from the normal discourse of society, they never
play a positive function. On the contrary, Deonwas have a positive role
in the society. When the Deonwa finds out by divination the proper
Bonga to which to appeal, offerings are made to the spirits concerned,
without ascertaining who the Dandi is. The witch only acts as a
medium-and the villagers believe that if they kill or excommunicate all
the witches from the village, people would be immune from most of
the diseases.

Usually the identity of witch is not revealed by the

Deonwa. It is believed that if the name is revealed, the concerned
victims family members and relatives would kill the witch and it would
enhance rivalry. The Deonwas say that since they are capable of
neutralizing the witch-attack by their acquired knowledge or divination,
there is no need to reveal the name. Many witch doctors admit that the
tussle between them and witches go on and by the grace of the
benevolent Bongas, they cure the witch-victims.

It is believed by the villager that any one can become

92
witch but not witch doctor, because it is the benevolent Bongas who
choose the person who can become witch doctor. It is this strong belief
that makes every individual of the village approach Deonwa at the time
of distress, as they say that it is the Bonga who cures the disease and
Deonwa is simply a medium. When the Deonwa comes into trance,
whatever he speaks is the word of Bonga.

The art of witchcraft runs into family generation too. Usually the
mother teaches it to her daughter and later to her daughter-in-law. The
daughter, after marriage goes to her husband's house, where it is
carried by her next progeny--making it a triangular operation.

The Deonwas are of the opinion that if it is not practiced by

second generation or if the next generation of family gives it up the
whole family faces a dire consequence. It is because the pet ghosts or
spirits start tormenting the family members.

It is held by the villagers that if any witch is forced to eat

excrement she would forget the art of black magic. In Parodih village,
Manoharpur, a middle aged female Chintamani Bhumij, was subjected to
this treatment. Chintamani's brother-in-law, kristo Bhumij accused her
, .. ,. ·~·---

as a witch after Kristo 's son Shankar fell sick. Kristo consulted the
village Deonwa. The Deonwa after divination, revealed that Chintamani
has caused the sickness of his child. Kristo along with a few villagers,
forced chintamani to eat excrement, her face was painted black and she
was forced to move around the village. After this, she was beaten by the
villagers. When she fainted down, the villagers thought that she is dead
and fled away.

In an another incident 37 years old Chutni Mahtain of Samram

village (Gamharia thana) was also forced to eat faeces as her brother in
law accused her of being a witch and causing sickness to his daughter.
(Discussed in chapter -5).
93
 The people fear witches. The villagers say that the witches can
bring any kind of misfortune. Usually the witches are avoided, no body
wants any confrontation with them. It is this fear that no villager or Ho,
whom I met, revealed the name of any witch. They believe that if their
name is revealed, they would certainly come to know about it and would
retaliate and kill. The attitude of fear is most important aspect in
witchcraft--and death is the ultimate culmination of this fear. Right
from the childhood, the child inculcates the fear related to witchcraft.
The social environment around him makes him see the witches and the
phenomenon of witchcraft as a tabooed, and secret art. No body wishes
to divulge any information on the identification of the witch. The fear
of being attacked or harmed by witchces, on disclosing their names is
embedded in his thought. The causes behind most of the diseases or
mishaps in life are attributed to witches.

It is not so that only illiterate or country side villagers speak of

witches and their modus-operandi, but a good section of literate villagers
also speak of witchcraft and the sacred art of witches. I stayed with a
retired bureaucrat. who is now engaged in agricultural activities. His
sons are well-settled in different towns. He has a strong belief in the
efficacy of witchcraft and the curing methods of witch doctors. On the
other hand, he makes use of bio-medical facilities as well. His wife is
also an educated Ho. Last year, their third son died due to heart
problem . But he and especially his wife believe that a night before
the death of their son, they heard a strange kind of laughing. They
became so scared that they did not come out to find who was laughing.
They say that it was certainly the work of a witch, who might have
caused the death of their son. They say that since their family is doing
very well in all the aspects someone might have felt jealous of it and
has caused this misfortune. He and his wife, strongly believe in the art
of witchcraft They have been consulting Deonwas to know the cause

94
behind the death of his son and the meaning of that strange laughing.

Many other educated villagers also narrated their encounters of

witch cases and witch-huntings. On the other hand, they also consult
biomedical doctors, for their natural sufferings. During first few
meetings, they had vehmently rejected the existence of witchcraft in
Ho society~ But prolonged stays and interactions revealed that it was
only out of a notion of distrust towards the field worker. But slowly and
gradually when interaction bond cemented, a free flow of information
on the topic began. On many of the occasions they allowed me to
witness the healing processes performed at their homes. Some of them
also helped me by convincing the fellow villagers of the purpose of my
stay. They are of the opinion that witches do play their mischievous
acts to harm people which many a time ends in death. When any disease
turns into chronic one or other alternatives are not able to provide
instant relief, they turn towards indigenous medicine. Many cases have
been followed where traditional medicine took on edge over modem
medicine. However, a few educated villagers always denied their belief
in witchcraft. While talking to me they always said that whatever the
nature of disease, they go to nearest biomedical consultant. The Munda
of the village Ruia, Mr. Subhash Pingua never said anything on witchcraft.
He always put forward the impression of his non-believing attitude. But
twice or thrice. I collected information of his performing, puja through
witch doctor . Whenever encountered he used to say that it was his
nearest kin or relative who has consulted it. Mr. Munda works as a
medical practitioner for which he has no license. Few people come to
him to consult him and he gives tablets or injections to them.

However, on some ocassions villagers ultimately turned to seek

the help of Deonwas, though initially treated by Mr. Subhash. Even he
had called a village meeting, where Deonwas were to perform their
knowledge to find out the cause behind two deaths i.e., one of an infant
95
and another of an old lady. The villagers doubted that it was the case of
witchcraft. The fmding rituals did not occur before me. Munda too did
not respond well. Mter a vezy long and tedious wait I was told that the
particular ritual has been postponed for another day. On the vezy next
morning when I enquired about it, to my utter disbelief, it was revealed
that Deonwas performed the ritual vezy late at night and they (Deonwas)
through divinition found that it was the Har Bonga (expelled spirit) or
jinda bhoot (live ghosts) who might have been directed to cause these
deaths especially of the infant.

The exclusion of my participation of the performed ritual to my

mind, was at the instruction of the Munda. Similar to it, there were also
a few villagers who vehemently refused the existence of witchcraft
even.

If probed deeply and extensively, the element of change in the

system of attitude and belief could also be witnessed. For this, apart
from the focal village, I had moved to other surrounding villages as well
as other posts of the district. The total paraphernalia of witch identification
to witch hunting is entirely a village matter or community based
judgement. The whole village panchayat looks into the matter and
society based norms are taken into account while dealing with witchcraft
and counter witchcraft. The witchcraft cases are generally dealt by
villagers themselves and no help from other agencies like Police or
Judiciary are sought either in witch hunting or imposing of fines or
social boycott.

However, of late, a good number of cases, have been and are

being reported to police. Many people have been put behind the bars or
have been sentenced to imprisonment by Honourable district court.
Since 1991 atleast 100 cases have been recorded in different police

96
stations. Some of these cases have been disposed off and some are
under trial.

On the other hand few educated

-------.,........
Hos especially the younger

------
generi!ti_on does not bel~e in the efficacy of witchcraft and are
--·-
advocating the non-existence of this phenomenon. They say that they do
not believe in it and will never consult the witchdoctor. One of such
villagers is a retired chief engineer of Steel Authority of India. Ltd.

---
(SAIL). He lives in Chaibasa but goes to his village regularly. All his
children are either well settled in different jobs or are in good
academic institutions. He is of the opinion that all these witches, their
art and witchdoctors and their tantrums are totally false. In the name of
witchcraft innocent people are either being killed or expelled from the
village, so that conspirer would grab the land of the accused . He says
that he had many heated encounters with the Deonwas on whom he does
not believe. On one occasion he says that if witches know the art of
'mooth-marna' or are skilled in 'bean-shooting', they should be sent at
border areas, so as to kill the national enemies.

However, the number of such non, believers is not very large. At

the same time, a few of them gave false impression before me when the
questions were put in triangulation method, some of them spoke
extensively on the topic and their encounters. (Discussed in next
chapter).

The main aim here, is to bring forward the prevalent belief

pattern of villagers towards the phenomenon of witchcraft. The existing
attitude and belief system would give a brief insight into· the topic
concerned. The nature of witchcraft and counter witchcraft has been
dealt with in the following chapters.

97
 Chapter- V
NATURE OF WITCHCRAFT
 CHAPTERV

Nature of Witchcraft
The phenomenon of witchcraft among the Hos is an age-old
practice. Regarding the origin of the witchcraft, the inhabitants simply
say that it has been continuing since ages. As mentioned at the outset,
the universe and the first ancestors of Hos were created by the Sing
Bonga (supreme God) and the root of religion was traced. With passage
of time, as the older generation believes, the element of magic came
into it. The recourse to various sort of magical manipulations came
into existence to win over the nature around them, which (nature) many-
a-time brought unwanted or undesired happenings. The whole cosmos
of the religio-magical or magico-religious domain finds mention even
in the classical texts also. The narrative mythological histories of
tribals also focus on this aspect.

Those who took the practice of control over nature were called
the magicians-and as the time passed the notion of witches and
sorcerers-believed to have a great control over the magical manipulations-
came into the magical fold.

Here we would like to mention that the anthropological distinction

between 'witch' and 'sorcerer' according to which whether the power is
innate or externally required, have not been used by us. We have used
the simple term 'witch' for the person (male or female) believed to
cause harm by magic.

Witchcraft was so universally believed by the Hos during British

rule that Captain Wilkinson counselled his Assistant not to take
precipitate action against it for fear of disturbances. Further, he
expressed his apprehension that so long as this conviction in the

98
efficacy of witchcraft persisted, punishment would not deter Hos from
committing murder. Captain Wilkinson also took elaborate precautions
to prevent ghastly murder of witches by warning the village heads
(Munda) that any one guilty of such murder would be dealt with severely
and might receive capital punishment. Not satisfied with this measure
alone, he instructed his Assistant in Kolhan to remove alleged witches
to other villages. He ordered that the relations of the afflicted were to
be persuaded to bring patients to a dispensary, especially established for
the Hos at Chaibasa. He was of the opinion that numerous cures thus
effected would in time overcome their morbid practice. But the
measures proved effective only in theory and did not result in eradicating
the prejudices against witchcraft. (Capt. Wilkinson to Lt. Tickell, May
1837 to Dec. 1840).

Lt. Tickell, while decrying the practice, defended the Hos in the
following words," a fearful number of people (among themselves) have
fallen sacrifice (witch-hunt) to the horrid superstitions respecting
witchcraft; but such crimes, common to the barbarous ages of all
nations, but too prevalent formerly in our own, must be, by the impartial
observer, attributed more to the depravity of the judgement than the
heart." (Lt. Tickell, 1840).

Majumdar ( 1950) in his study mentions witches and sorcerers

(human agencies) as one of the agencies of causing diseases, as believed
by the Hos. Further he writes that witches are usually members of the
tribe but are anti-social and they take delight in their nefarious practices.
The witches of the village may invoke a particular malignant Bonga and
use it against their victims. The witches by shooting an arrow at an
effigy of the man or at his shadow may cause consumption which is
believed to cause holes in the lungs and a slow but terrible death. The
witches also take help of contagious magic by obtaining bodily parts of

99
their victims such as hair, nails, clothe, etc. The witches are known to
take hair cuttings and pairing of nails of intended victims, and bury
them in courtyard for a week or so, and dig them out on the night of the
new moon. She cleans the surface of the hut and spreads ashes in the
circle of the floor-then the witch kindles a fire with dried faggots
inside the circle and throws the obtained hair or nail clippings into the
flames. Thrice the smoke is swallowed by the witch, and incantations
and formula are recited. She collects the ashes in a new earthen pot.
By mixing it with oil or with fruits, she offers it to the victim. If he
or she partakes to it will suffer but not others who may unsuspectingly
drink or eat them. This whole episode results in high fever, dysentery
or nausea, which comes unaware to him.

Majumdar, further adds, the method of transformation of witches

into cats and causing harm to their victims by entering into their houses.
Witches are credited with control over a number of malignant Bongas
and with their (Bongas) aid harm their intented victims. Witches are a
dreaded entity to the Hos. Lastly Majumdar writes that the belief in
witchcraft is so strong that whenever they suspect any person as being
a witch, the feeling runs so high that the unfortunate suspect is put to
all sorts of ordeals to prove her innocence. Attempts to coerce women
to confess their identity have led to violence on them. Some are
naturally innocent and many cases are annually brought to the Kolhan
Court for decision (Majumdar, 1950, pages 191-195).

Singh ( 1978) considers witchcraft as one of the reasons-as

ascribed by Hos-behind the physical sickness. In case of witchcraft, the
remedy was to put the person denounced by a 'Sokha' or witchfinder,
along with all members of his family to death in the belief that witches
breed witches and sorcerers. In exceptional cases, the denounced were
ordered to undergo an ordeal which was seldom refused: "The person
denounced has either to dip his/her hand into boiling ghee or water or
100
 stand upon red-hot Koolharee (Shovel) when if scaled or burnt, he/she
was declared guilty or he/she was tied up in a sack and thrown into the
water, with option of floating on the top, if he/she could.

Dalton (1872), Risley (1891), and O'Mallay (1910) also put

focus on the practice of witchcraft and the belief associated with it.

Since then Ho society has witnessed a great deal of change in

' .
almost every aspect of hfe. However, more or less their belief
structure remained intact, though changes in it could also be witnessed.

Witchcraft today amongst Hos is one of the major ingredients

of their social organisation. The Hos conceive witchcraft as an art of
magic which is meant to harm others and witches are those who harm
others by their magical power. The whole process of witchcraft in the
society partakes the nature of 'holism' and it is embedded in the thought
process. Witchcraft amongst Hos is not a separate entity which, could
be viewed in isolation. The very nature of witchcraft makes a profound
impact on almost every aspects of social life. The inhabitants live with
it-and it is this fact which makes the phenomenon of witchcraft holistic
in nature.

In the preceding chapter, it has already been stated that witch

amongst Hos is known as Dandi, (Dayen, popular name for witch) has
its origin from the word 'Dahin' (jealous) as explained by one of the
Deonwas. According to which, the Dandi has an element of Dah
(jealousy - Ho term for jealous is ere/ or hisinga) against others (her
enemies). With passage of time, it (Dahin) turned into Dandi. The
exact historical nomenclature is not known. However, on the other
hand, I think Dandi has its origin from the word 'dae ' meaning 'a victim
of sacrifice. Since it is a widespread conviction in the Ho society that
witches sacrifice or offer sacrifices to their worshipped deities by

101
killing their enemies. This 'victimization' for sacrifices is an essential
prerequisite to the art of witchcraft. The word Dae, might have been
over the years, changed into Dandi who is believed to offer the victim
for sacrifice to her worshipped deity or spirit.

Having discussed the origin of the word Dandi (the witch) in Ho

community, it is important to see as to 'who' in this society come to
be branded as the witches. Males and females both can become a witch
but usually females are accused as a witches. Generally widows, old
ladies, barren (issueless) females or females who have a weird look are
branded as the witches. However quarrelsome females or the vocal
ladies of the family who could put threat before the other kins are also
branded as witches in the society. These are, however, neither the
prerequisites nor the defining characteristics of those who are labelled
as witches. These only express certain general attributes of potential
witches.

Persons living in seclusion and doing mysterious behaviour which

is not normal, are also branded as witches. Males are also labelled as
witches and it too, does not speak of any particular prerequisite.

As regards the process of becoming a witch, several views are

held by the village inhabitants including the Deonwas.

The villagers are of the opinion that witches learn the art of
witchcraft secretly at night under a guru, who is also a witch. They
invoke and worship the deity. Most of the simple folks are not aware
of this fact as whom the witches worship. At the sametime, the most
of the villagers have no clear cut idea of witch training. There, at the
graveyard the guru teaches them the mantras of different nature and
makes them perfect into it. The disciples also get a know-how of
supernatural world. The training continues until one is considered to

102
have mastered the art of black magic. This may take from a few days
to a few months. The completion of the training is marked by the
sacrifice of the disciple's most lovable object viz. the husband or child
(son, daughter). And in their absence that of the nearest kin. After this
sacrifice, the disciple is declared as a complete witch.

The whole process of training is under a strict and secret supervision

of the guru. Before being declared as a witch capable of working
independently, the trainee goes through many trials such as surviving the
threats of ghosts, who come in different forms, and putting to scrutiny
one's art of 'Sanjivini Vidhya'. The Sanjivini Vidhya means the art of
awakening the dead. It is experimented on trees which are first dried up
by use of mantras and then enlivened again. Having survived these tests,
the trainee is asked for the human sacrifice after which she/he is
considered complete in the art of witchcraft.

The view of the Caste Hindus on the last initiation rites is very
close to it. The caste Hindus speak that the witch offers for sacrifice
either her 'Kokh' (Womb; i.e., to whom she has given birth to-son) or
her 'Maang' (hair parting; i.e., the person who has put vermilion on her
head-husband). As regards the 'Kokh' she sacrifices her eldest son or
daughter. If she does not have any issue, it may be her dearest relative.
Sacrifice of a son is supposed to be the more powerful aspect of
gaining control over magical manipulation than the sacrifice of a
daughter.

Similar incident is also witnessed in case of 'Oddiyan Phenomenon

of Kerala' (mentioned in Chapter-!), in which male foetus of pregnant
females are snatched by the Oddiyans.

The reason behind this practice however, was not rationalised by

caste groups to whom I also talked while conducting field work. On the

103
other hand in case of Oddiyan, the practicing magicians believe that the
potion made out of the foetus after then mixing with special herbs of
leaves, enables them transform themselves into animal forms when
rubbed into limb joints.

The healers or Deonwa (witch doctor) among Hos put an elaborate

description of witch formation. They are of the opinion that the
phenomenon of witchcraft has been continuing since long (the exact
period of origin is not known). Further they say that witches worship
Goddess Kali and her different forms e.g. Dakini, Rankni, Jugni etc.
The time for training is night but the training period is not fixed i.e., it
goes round the year. The month of 'Amavashya' is very important as
the witches indulge in their malignant wishes mostly in this month.
Anyone who wishes to learn the art approaches the guru. The guru
however does not immediately take her as a disciple but first checks
his/her sincerity. When the guru becomes certain of the determined
wish of the approaching disciple, the training starts. The training goes
for several days to months at graveyard, where all the intricacies of
supernatural world and mantras and rituals related to invoking of spirits
and deities as well as worshipping rites are performed.

The witches also dance naked at the graveyard, making a circle of

human chain. The guru keeps a close eye on the learning witches during
the whole process of training. When the disciple performs all the
learned art upto the full satisfaction of the guru, the disciple is asked
for the last prerequisite i.e., final initiation rite where the disciple is
required to sacrifice her most lovable object, that is, sacrifice of either
husband or son/daughter or nearest relative.

It is important here to note the point 'the wanted disciple

approaches the guru'. It clearly shows that villagers know about who the
witches are-and accordingly they are approached by the wanted person,

104
who wants to become a witch. Despite this, the society members never
revealed the name of the witch, whenever inquired by me. It is in their
fear psychosis that if they reveal the name to anyone the witch would
certainly come to know of it and in retaliation would cause harm to
them.

As regards the complete know-how on witches training, not only

the villagers but most of the witch-doctors also show their ignorance.
They confess that the art of witchcraft is so secretly performed that
even family members have no knowledge of the fact that one of the
females of their family is indulged into it.

The guru does not always come from outside the family. Many
of the females learn the art as to continue the family tradition. The
mother being the witch passes down the art to her daughter or daughter-
in-law and the family tradition of witchcraft continues. One of the
family member has to continue with it and if it is not continued, it
(discontinuity) brings a bad omen to the family.

The reason behind this as explained to me is that the deity

worshipped by the witch and the captured spirits harass the family, if not
worshipped and propitiated. Some of the Deonwas, too say that they
know many families who were subjected to misfortunes only because
of this discontinuity. However, at the same time, there are families who
have relinguished the tradition and after prologned propitiation have
appeased the deity for their discontinuity.

Mr. Satish Koda (a Deonwa of village Balandiah) gives a vivid

account of the witch formation and his own encounters with the witches.
Mr. Koda became so closely associated to me that he revealed about
the identification of a few witches of the village and the neighbouring
areas.

105
 According t<?_Satish Koda, wjtches worship Goddess Kali, who
has two main forms of worshipping Satvik (benevolent) and 'Tamsik'
(malevolent). The witches worship the 'Tamsik' form of goddess. The
witches acquire the knowledge of classical 'Chandi Vidhya' (Chandi is
yet another form of goddess, considered to be 'Raudra' (fieriness)).
Further he says that witches are generally females. Since the art is very
secret, witches practice it at night in graveyard.

As regards the formation of witches he focusses on more or less

the same methods as mentioned earlier. He remembers one Santhal
woman, who was a witch and was very friendly to him. Satishji wanted
to have a glimpse of the witches training and asked the female to take
him to graveyard, which she declined. But after much persuasion, she
promised to let him have a glimpse of the witches' worship. The
Santhal witch offered him 'pan' to chew. After chewing the pan, he went
to sleep and had a dream.

In dream he saw that many females and one male are worshipping
naked at graveyard. A 'Diya' (lamp) was burnt and they were moving in
a circle. One lion was sitting in middle of the circle. According to
him, the lion must be either deity or ghost whom the witches worship.
They were reciting. 'Hirla matu hirla'. At the same time they had dug
a big pit and were jumping across it. One who crossed the pit was
considered successful.

The another theory of witch formation highlights that the woman

who learns the art of witchcraft, recites the 'Adhaiya Mantra' (Adhaiya-
two and a half) in the series of one, eleven and twenty two. For this the
female puts water in a fixed Ber tree at 'Brahma Muhurta' and recites
and practices the 'Adh'iiya Mantra'. During this -;ocess, ghosts or
spirits, come in differentrorms and threaten her. If she is not scared,
she is considered successful. To become a powerful witch, the female

106
at the night of 'Amavashya' goes to the graveyard and recites the mantra.
While performing this she puts on 'lahanga' made of broomstick. She
also lights a lamp (diya) in a skull and performs dance under the
supervision of her guru. The initiation of witchcraft is completed after
the human sacrifice.

The Lahanga used by the witches is invariably made of old and

used broomsticks though the reason behind this is not known.

According to Ranjit Sing) Nag (witch-doctor) th~ witch-training

goes in three stages. The fir-s('stage starts at guru's house. After a few
..::..------' ~ /
days of initiation the training is done under the 'Peepal' tree. The guru
witch with her accumulated power calls a lion under the tree. When the
lion comes, a diya (lamp ) is kept at the lion's head and recitation of
mantras (which he does not know) starts. The mantras enables the new
witch to acquire the power of the mantras.

The second stage starts when one becomes efficient in first

stage. The ~nd stage, starts at graveyard, where mantras or rituals of
invoking of corpses (dead body) is done. In this the witches learn the
power to bring the dead body back to life . The first test is done on
trees, in which tree is dried. and then it is brought to normal condition.
After the successful experiment on trees, it is practiced on human
beings or cattle.

The ~ stage is the fmal initiation ceremony. After successful

completion of previous two stages, the witches sacrifice their most
lovable object i.e., either the husband or the eldest child. This sacrifice
is 'must' for all witches and only after this their initiation into the art
of witchcraft is considered complete. After this sacrifice she is
declared an independent witch, who has had the control over supernatural
manipulations.

107
 The other dimension on witchcraft studies are regarding Its
function, wherever it is practiced . The Hos believe this to be the
mechanism of expressing personal misfortunes. Any misfortune is
accredited to witchcraft. In other words, the mechanism of witchcraft
provides a readymade or most suitable explanation, if anything goes
wrong in the society. Individuals do suffer from different diseases or
abnormalities, misfortunes do occur in one's life-and all such inexplicable
phenomenon are interpreted differently in different societies or
communities, according to their own world view. The Hos explain
witchcraft to be the most potential cause behind most of their misfortunes
or diseases. The ill-luck or change in the discourse of daily life
activities are easily explainable, resulting out of witchcraft. The chronic
diseases, mental illness etc. are also attributed to witch's spell and
explained accordingly. It may, many-a-time, reveal the unscientific
notion to the outsider, especially to those who have an insatiable
appetite for scientific explanations. For the Hos, however, it is very
much a part and parcel of their life, where the phenomenon and
prevalence of witchcraft is embedded in their social milieu. They show
their unquestionable belief, when asked about the presence of witches
and their malignant acts. To them witches do exist and cause misfortune,
disease or ultimately death to their victims. The whole cosmos of Ho
life centres around supernatural world and the practitioners who have
a knowledge of manipulating this very supernatural world, according to
their wish.

Witchcraft to them has always a negative connotation-meant to

harm others. The benevolent or white-witchcraft as emerged in recent
times, is not a reality. The positive aspect of witchcraft as claimed by
modem witches, does not exist. Witchcraft is considered to be harmful
and those who practice it, are engaged in insidiousness. And the very
notion of this conviction is manifested when the inhabitants say that

108
those who are jealous of someone, tum to witchcraft. Those practicing
witchcraft believed it to be a means of acquiring magical power, by
which they can harm their enemies or those who put resistance to their
wishes. And this acquiring of magical power results into gaining of a
powerful social position, though it may not be an approved way of
societal norms. This could well be explained in this manifestation that
'people fear witches' and this notion of fear towards witchcraft
enables the practitioners to have a different position/status in the
existing social-set-up.

It does not mean that witches enjoys a respectable status in the

community. They are accused for diseases, misfortunes or deaths and
even punished. Punishment varies from economic (fines imposed) to
social boycott to excommunicating from the village to killing of the
witches. My chief aim here is to delineate the function of witchcraft
as manifested in the Ho community. The dwelling in witchcraft domain
could be considered a defence mechanism for the witches. Oppression
of the weaker section (especially females) in the society at times is so
severe that certain individuals belonging to this section prefer to be
branded as witches rather then remain the victims of oppression. This
acts as a natural mechanism of defence.

The accusation of one being a witch and causing harm to others

is done by nearest kins and relatives and neighbours. It is the relatives
who accuse any witch for bringing misfortune, causing disease and
death in their respective families. The sudden death or chronic disease
consequently leading to death of family members or diseases and death
of household cattle or the failure of any routine activities undertaken-
all these are attributed to the influence of some malevolent neighbour.

Another very important aspect of this accusation moves around

the tension in social relationships. Tension existing between two

109
families could also lead to the mechanism of accusation, if any misfortune
or death occurs in any of the families. One of the females would be
accused for bringing misfortune with her witchcraft and this accusation
is spread in the village.

The spreading of the message within no times spreads as a

wildfire-and by the time accused argues his/her innocence, the accuser
gathers the support of his own pressure group. The impact of pressure
group is sometimes so severe that recently occurred diseases and
deaths are also labelled to be caused by the 'accused', witch.

The major role in any accusation mechanism, apart from the

person suffered or his/her relatives, is played by Deonwa (witch-
doctor). Deonwa is approached to cure the illness or suffering and
through his set of identifying rituals' (the methods of identifying or
detecting the cause behind the suffering) he finds out the cause. The
reason behind the suffering may be many e.g. Incest violation, displeasure
of Bongas, displeasure of ancestral spirits, intrusion of soul or mischievous
acts of witches, etc.

The intrusion of spirits into victims body could occur independently

or by the invoking of witches. Our main focus here is the phenomenon
of witchcraft and we have focused only on those aspects where witches,
directly or indirectly are involved in causing disease, death or other
misfortunes. The Deonwas through their divination or trance (Rum)
find out the cause and act accordingly. Usually they do not reveal the
name of the witch, though it is not a set pattern as many deaths of
witches and their family members have occurred, only after deonwas
have revealed the name.

The most important aspect of the whole accusation process,

involving witch-doctors, is the manifestation of the existing tension of

110
social relationships between the accuser and the accused family. Any
misfortune brought upon the family of 'accuser' results into attributing
it to the act of the potential witch who is close to the locality. It is very
important to note that it is the nearest relatives or neighbours or fellow
village inhabitants, who to some extent, speak or give the nod to one's
character. In other words, one's behaviour pattern, social or unsocial,
many-a-time, is labelled and recognized by the person living in close
vicinity, which is a feature of a close knit community. To my mind, this
entire episode is embedded in social set up. The sufferer when accuses,
his/her misfortune to be the act of 'suspected' witch, he/she gathers a
pressure group accordingly.

Some of the leading local journalists, administrators and educated

to settle scores with their rivals - and the easiest way is to accuse
~e's misfortuneroTJe-ihe-·deea of the 'suspected' witch. This entire
process-from misfortune to accusation to identifying trials of witch-
doctors-according to them, brings a desired outcome, i.e., eliminating
or excommunicating from village or imposing economic fines on the
family of suspected witch. In this whole episode, the family members
of the accused witch also suffer. There are many cases, where not only
the 'suspected' or 'accused' witch but her family members too were
killed.

One of the members of the family being a 'witch is itself a

matter of disgrace to the family. The trauma of being a member of
witch's family haunts the entire family. Not only this, but relatives
either distant or near, do not more forward to help, once anyone is
branded as a witch. The only reason being 'avoidance' of people's
wrath.

The entire episode of witchcraft is, so deeply rooted in the

111
social organization of Ho society that it needs to be viewed in relation
to other aspects of social organization. The whole belief pattern has to
be judged not only from the point of believers but also from the point
of belief 'operation' while dealing with case of witchcraft. If a witch
is responsible for the illness or death the community may be able to
find her off or break her power. If the witch is arrested, tried and
executed, her power over victims will not work or future illnesses
could be avoided.

The meaning and interpretation of beliefs related to witchcraft

e.g. "the witch eats the soul of the victim" or "the witch sucks the blood
of the victim" or "witch eats the liver or kidney of her victim( s)" and
so on-are to be seen from the expression of villagers or community
members, because the very fact that they resort to witch detecting
rituals or rituals related to counter-witchcraft, substantiates the
expression of the above held belief. In other words, the whole process
of witchcraft, from belief to counter rituals revolves around the expression
of magico-religious experiences of the community.

The Hos believe in the efficacies of witchcraft and witches'

mischievous acts. The popular beliefs among the Hos are many. The
community believes that there are many ways of inflicting harm by
witches. Either they work independently or invoke and capture hovering
ghosts, whom they use for their services.

In the preceding chapter some of the beliefs concerning witches'

made of attack have already been cited. Nevertheless, there are many
other ways too. One of the most popular beliefs prevalent among the
community is that witches suck the blood of their victim. The few
villagers opine that witches use the straw made of 'Puwal to suck the
blood. The puwal straw is put on the body of victim, who is asleep, and
witches drink blood of their targets. This results into extreme sickness

112
and loss of weight consequently leadings to death of their victim.
According to Koda, he has cured many people from this sickness.
Once he had seen a female witch sucking blood from the body of a
child, who lived in his neighbourhood when he was at Jagannathpur. He
had beaten the witch with a stick, who was in the transformed state of
a cat. Early in the morning he heard and found that an elderly female
residing nearby had in prints of beating on her body. When he went to
see the female, she pleaded not to reveal this to anyone, since he had
given her the punishment. The female urged that she would never again
indulge in this act.

Narrating other encounters, he says that his both sisters-in-law

(brother's wives) are witches. One day while he was sleeping, he felt
that something was going out of his body and someone was present in
his room. When he opened his eyes he saw that one of his sister-in-
law was bent upon him, having a straw. He asked her what she was doing
there, and noticed that, she had disappeared. He says that to his utter
surprise his room was bolted from inside.

Another method of inflicting harm to the enemies is to collect

dust from beneath the foot of victim. The witches practice it regularly.
They collect the 'dust' from the footprints of their enemies and at
graveyard perform magic on it. It results into burning of the feet of the
victim, whose dust has been collected. The burning sometimes becomes
so severe that if not treated on time, the life of sufferer might be in
danger.

Witches also take out parts of their victims body. The liver, heart
and kidney are the most sought after bodily parts by the witches. The
villagers say that witches eat these parts. It is believed that witches, by
obtaining these parts from victims body, eat either by cooking or frying.
The villagers believe that Soka or Deonwa can save the life of victim,

113
only when witches have not eaten them, otherwise the victim can not
survtve.

The witches dance naked in the graveyard or at their meeting

place. They only put broomstick wrapped on their waist, otherwise
upper part is totally bare. There are many villagers who would say that
they have encountered witches dancing naked. However, they would
also add that witches should not see them, as they would kill those who
have disturbed them.

Choterai Pingua of village Saliburu is a practitioner of Ayurvedic

medicine. On the first few hours of our meeting, he completely denied
the existence of witchcraft. But slowly and gradually , he said that once
he was coming back from neighbouring village, while treating one
patient, he saw six to seven females dancing naked near Pumadih pond.
The witches were dancing in circular motion and a 'diya' was kept inside
the circle. In the meantime he coughed and all the witches disappeared,
but nothing happened to him. He says that it was first time in his life
that he had witnessed witches dancing naked.

Jerang Sinku of Khairpal village says that he too has seen the
witches dancing naked, while he was coming with a few friends from the
neighbouring village.

J erang also says that on dark nights, witches light lamp on the
index finger of their hands. He remembers that once he along with his
friends was going to attend 'Ba' festival dance, they saw few females
going ahead of them, and there were lights on their index fmgers. There
was no movement in the light, it was very straight. After few moments,
the lights disappeared and once again they saw the lights near.the dance
venue (of Ba festival). Jerang says that they were witches.

The witches also transform themselves into animal forms, which

114-··
··----------
has been discussed in preceding chapter. Jerang says that in Khairpal,
there used to live a 'Tanti' female, who was a witch. Almost all the
villagers were aware of it. He says that she has been seen in transformed
form of a 'pig' several times. Many encounters are there where
villagers have seen a pig vanishing near the door of her house.

Once Jerang's servant while putting mannure at his field early in

the morning saw an ox coming towards the field. The ox went behind
a tree and to his utter surprise he saw that an old lady was seen coming
from behind the tree. There was no sign of any ox nearby. Later, when
the servant narrated it to them, Sona Ram Sinku (deonwa and Jerang 's
relative) said that she was a witch, who at night had changed herself into
an ox and at the dawn of morning came to her original human form.

The means employed by witches vary from arrow shooting to

contagious magic to transforming themselves into animal forms and
harming their enemies to pricking method to sucking blood and eating
bodily parts and so on. The entire community lives with witchcraft
beliefs and also fears it.

-
The points raised in the preceding discussion and.... the implications
..... ___ ... ··--··
~ _.~.,

o_f these beliefs are highlighted in the f~a.se studies.

·- ~- . ' -=

115
The Accused Witches:
Case-I. Name of the accused witch-Menjo Kui
W/o Charan Sundi

Place Kabragutu Basti

Village Lagia

Age 40 Yrs.

Education Illiterate

Menjo is the mother of the two children and is currently staying

at Chaibasa with her two sons. Menjo and her husband had sufficient
agricultural land.

Since 1993 (month and date she does not remember ) she was
being harassed by her relative Krishna Sundi. Krishna is Charan's
fathers elder brothers son). Krishna Sundi and his family members first
accused her for causing sickness to his family members.

Towards the end of 1995, Krishna developed a wound on his arm-

pit. Krishna accused that Menjo was a witch and by her witchcraft she
had caused this suffering. Krishna and his family members were of the
opinion that Menjo with her power was eating Krishna by bringing
wounds on the different parts of his body. When this incident occurred,
Menjo was pregnant.

Charan and Menjo denied this allegation. Krishna gathered the

support of fellow villagers with help of Munda and Deonwas. Krishna
consulted two Deonwas, Dora Sundi and Bhagwan Sundi for his suffering
and it was revealed by the Deonwas that Menjo was causing those
wounds.

116
 One night when Charan (Menjo's husband) was about to take
dinner, their house was attacked by Krishna and his group. One arrow
was also shot which went into wall crossing Charan's leg narrowly.
Charan and Menjo bolted the doors from inside. When Charan yelled
why it was being done to him, few villagers shouted back that his wife,
Menjo was a witch and was causing suffering and illness to them. Once
again he denied the accusation.

Twice or thrice within a week she was attacked at home at night.

When the situation became very serious, she and her husband contacted
all their relatives, but no one came forward to help, as it would have
brought trouble to them. She managed to convey the incident at
lupumguta missionary (near by her village). Message was conveyed to
Father Dine and Father Mathews. She was brought to the missionary
by the Holy Fathers.

With help of some journalists, the matter was brought to the

notice of then lAS Mr. Amit Khare.

The villagers had demanded rupees two thousand plus two he

goats and one quintal rice as fine, if Menjo was to stay in the village.

Amit Khare provided her a job at his office and also a room to
stay at the Yatri Nivas (Amla tola, Chaibasa).

Menjo says that here at office too, the other people (especially
villagers) were very suspicious of her presence, since she was accused
as a witch. Once she was threatened by her fellow villagers at the office
and she became so scared that she fled from there and came back after
many days.

She does go to her husband's house at Lagia but avoids staying

there.
117
Menjo Kui, The accused witch with the Field Worker
 Genealogy of MENJO KUI

~-0
Charan 1Menjo
42 yrs I 40yrs
(EGO)

A
Tupur
A
Deepak
6yrs 2 1/2 yrs
....
....
QC
Case-II Name of the accused witch-Chutni Mahto
Age 36 yrs.

Education Illiterate

Village Mahtandih, Gamharia

Chutni Mahto is an oriya by origin and presently attached to Free

legal Aid society (Jamshedpur) which is engaged in rehabilitation of
accused witches. I met Chutni at Chakradharpur where she had to come
to attend a seminar on 'Menace of witch hunting and Free Legal Aid',
organized by SERSA Chakradharpur in association with Free Legal Aid
Society. Chutni could not study because her mother was not interest
into it and at the sametime there was no one at home to share household
jobs with her mother.

She was accused of being a witch, after her husband's (Dhanjay

Mahto) elder brother's (Bojohari Mahto) daughter Nepi Kumari aged
22 yrs., started vomiting and became very sick. Nepi was taken to
village Deonwa. It was revealed by the Deonwa that it was a case of
witchcraft, Chutni was accused for this sickness.

On the 3rd of Sept. she was accused for Nepi's Sickness. The
Panchayat meeting was called. The panchayat also hold Chutni responsible
for Nepi's sickness. Chutni and her husband denied the allegation. A
few more witch-doctors from different villages were consulted by
Bhonjari Mahto. Chutni says that she had no idea as to what the
Deonwas did which brought Nepi into trance and she fell down at the
door of Chutni's house. Just after this, her Jeth's (husband's elder
brother) started beating her. She was forced to eat 'excreta'. The
reason behind forcing her to eat 'excreta' is that the villagers believe
that if any witch is made to eat excreta', she would forget her art.

119
 After this horrible incident she first approached her relatives and
well-wishers, but no one came forward to help her. She also approached
Mr. Champai Soren (MLA), who advised her to return to village and
promised to look into this matter. But she came to Adityapur at her
father's home.

She registered a case on the 6th of Sept. When the villagers

came to know about her having a complaint at Police station, they
decided to kill her. The police suggested her to stay at her father's
house, till the case was disposed off.

She says that she is the first member in her family to be accused
of witchcraft. She believes that since her husband is alone and they
have sufficient land to cultivate, his cousins want to grab the land.

Deonwas who performed the ritual are (1) Burju Manjhi, (2)
Sufal Manjhi (3) Dukhu Mahto (4) Hore Mahto (5) Leghak Mandai

Since this incident she has been staying with her brother at
BeerBansh village. Free legal Aid society has given her job at their
centre. I met her on 25th Jan, 1998, till then the case was in operation.

120
 Genealogy of Chutni Mahtain

L.O
39 yrs
I
Dhananjay Chutni
36 yrs
~- - I
i
Ashok
l
Atul
0
Keshwati
1
Atjun
17yrs 15 yrs 12 yrs 9 yrs
""""
N
"""" ------
(Saved his mother)
Case III

Name Chandu Bandia

Age 22 yrs.

Village Padia

The Paria massacre occurred on the 3 rd of April '95, where

seven- people were killed. Chandu's mother was accused as a witch by
Kundia Bari. Kundia Bari's two children died at short intervals. Kundia
and his relatives believed that it was due to Chandu's mother, who was
a witch and had caused death of these two young children.

Kundia's brother Junia is a Deonwa who had also detected the

cause of death of these two children as being the work of Chandu's
mother. On the 3rd of September Kundia along with a few villagers
attacked Chandu's house. There were twelve persons involved in it, who
were Kundia Bari, Govind Hembram, Bishnu Kuli, Kulay Melgandi, Sao
Bari, Lakho Bari, Jandoy Bari, Butru Jamuda, Sujam Jojo Chandra
Mohan Bandia, Junia Bari (Deonwa), and Mangru Bandia.

Chandu was raped by them and was left as they thought she was
dead. After this they killed Chandu's parents, and her five brothers and
sisters. It is also believed that before being killed Chandu's mother was
also raped. All the people, who attacked and killed Chandu's family
members were intoxicated.

Bagun, her brother and Lalita, her sister survived because they
were staying at a relative home. The village Munda is her relative and
was not present on that day. Chandu first informed her maternal uncles.
After much persuasion she lodged on F.I.R. at the nearest Police
Station. Six people were arrested by Police and six were still absconding.

122
 Since this incident she has not gone to her village. Her agricultural
land is looked after by Munda. One out of the twelve accused, Mangru
is her distant relative, who was forced to indulge in the crime, failing
which he was threatened to be killed.

Chandu has been provided a room at Yatri Niwas by district

administration. She has also been provided with a body-guard, Jaysri
Banra, since she is the only witness to the incident. Chandu says that
she still receives threats and is being asked to withdrew the case.
Wherever she has to go, she is accompanied by her body-guard.

However, she complains that she is never informed of any trail

dates and says that nothing has happened since then.

She does not believe in witchcraft and never before in her family
was anyone accused of witchcraft. Now she wants to sell all her village
property and never wants to return to Paria. Chandu believes that the
motive behind this killing was to grab her land by the relatives.

123
Chandu Bandia, a survivor of Paria witch-hunt massacre incident
 Genealogy of Chandu Sandia

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Pondu ~
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Chandu Junna Bagun Jonga Lalita Sirka Hori Jitan
22 yrs 12 yrs 9 yrs

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(EGO)

#All the dead persons were killed in Paria Witch-hunt Massacre

-hill Q.Q_UJ>-0-VY<;; ~ ~"-'">< ~ oe_(g,J?

Case-IV
Name Sona Muni Kudada

Age 22 yrs.

Village Chimnihatu

Sona Muni Kudada is the daughter of an accused witch. One day

the villagers attacked her home and killed her father. However, her
mother managed to escape the assault. Currently she is staying in
J amshedpur with her mother and two brothers and is attached to Free
Legal Aid Society.

When I contacted her, she did not respond to me and said what
has happened with her, has been narrated by her in Seminar. Enough has
been written about her and now she does not want to speak.

Nevertheless, what I could gather was that three out of six

accused (witch-hunters) have managed to get bail and are now threatening
Sona Muni, to withdraw the case. She has been advised by the police
to put on application in the court for the same that the bail granted to
these three witch-hunters should be revoked.

Case-V

In Baugutu village six members of a family were killed, on

charges of witchcraft. The villagers believed that women members of
this family were witches and had been causing deaths and misfortunes
to many families in the village.

The six members killed are Sohrai Munda (60 yrs) his wife
Jatiani (55 yrs.). Widowed daughter Gurubari (35 yrs), Young unmarried
daughter Chitu (22 yrs.) and two children of Gurubari.

125
Gurubari was suspected as a witch. The village Deonwa revealed that
Gurubari had caused death of Rode Munda's (village headman) son ,
three years ago. His second son Dindu had been suffering from sicknes
for a few days. Gurubari was accused for this too. The Deonwa
revealed to Rode Munda that if he did not kill the witch, she would kill
his entire family. Rode Munda then decided to eliminate Gurubari. A
village Panchayat was called and in this panchayat they decided to kill
Gurubari and her family members.

However, police suspects that it was because of tension existing

between Gagan Munda and Sahrai Munda, over some 'Kusum' tree.
Police says that certain vested interests of grabbing the property of
Sahrai Munda can not be ruled out as well.

And it was not possible unless the entire family was killed.

Police has lodged case against sixteen villagers. However, most

of the villagers did not speak on this matter. (Source, Pinaki Ranjan,
Journalist, Ispat Mail).

Case-VI

A 50 years old Lalita Mudi of Lakritola hamlet of Tilaitand

village (Thana Nimidih) was killed by villagers.

The villagers believed that Lalita was a witch. The people

suspected that if she kept her hand on any child, either the child became
severely ill or died. A child was suffering from prolonged illness, at
Lalita's neighbour hood. When the family members of the child
consulted Deonwa, he said it to be the act of a witch. Since Lalita was
a religious lady and was suspected of being a witch, she was mercilessly
beaten and killed by the fellow-villagers.

126
Case-VII

In 1991, Mangu Hembram, village Ruchau (Kuchai Thana) was

killed by a few villagers. Mangu Hembram was suspected of being a
witch (Male). The Case is registered in Kuchai Police Station under
P.S. case number 13-97, dated 16-5-91.

According to this case, Mangu Hembram, worked as a bonded

labour/male servant of Gura Soy. On May 15th he slept near the cattle-
shed of his owner's house. Early in the morning he was found dead.
The police investigated the matter, especially the Deonwa because he
was the neighbour. Police got no clue in this murder case.

However, after five years of this incident one of the villagers

claimed that he was a witness to Mangu's murder. A few villagers wrote
a letter to re-open the case. It was later revealed that one of the
Deonwas of village, with help of a few villagers had killed Mangu, as the
Deonwa accused Mangu for witchcraft and alleged that Mangu is
causing sicknes to his Natini (daughter's daughter). Mangu was suspected
as a 'Male Witch'.

The villagers told the police that after a few years of Mangu's
murder. Deonwa himself revealed that he had killed Mangu for being a
male witch. (Source Kuchai P.S. and local newspapers).

Case -VIII

In village Kuchibeda, Krishna Purty was killed by a few villagers.

The wife of Krishna has lodged a complain in Noamundi Police Station,
where she has suspected that her husband has been killed after abduction.

Police got no cooperation from the village even though after

fifteen days, his dead body in a very bad state was found.

127
Krishna purty was accused of being a male witch by Mathura Purty.
Muthura's daughter was sick for several days. When consulted,
Deonwa revealed that Krishna's black magic was the reason behind his
daughter's sickness. A few villagers also alleged the same. After this
allegation the news of Krishna being a male witch, spread like wildfire.

Several times Mathura and Krishna had a hot exchange over this.
A meeting was called by Mathura Purty-and it was here that they
(villagers) decided to eliminate Kirshna, as he would bring more misfortune
to village inhabitants.

Several villagers is an inebriated condition called Krishna out

and after beating him mercilessly decapitated him.

Police has registered a case and arrested <...___

a few villagers. (Source-
Aawaj dt. 16.11.96).

Case -IX

In Narangbeda village. Parvati Gope along with four other family

members was killed.

Parvati Gope was accused as a witch. Many children fell sick at

a time and due to lack of medicinal facilities, a few died of this
sickness. The village Deonwa, attributed the cause behind this sickness
and deaths to witchcraft. The Deonwa revealed that Parvati had caused
these deaths.

A village Panchayat was called and it was decided in the meeting

that Parvati along with her family members had to be eliminated, since
it was believed that if it was not done, more deaths would occur due to
Parvati 's black magic.

128
 However, police have a different story in this incident. The
police says that the Deonwa wanted to have a sexual relationship with
..__"""~-::-------:--~

----
Parvati. He had already attempted it once, but could not succeed in his
lustful wish. since then he was hunting for the right moment to settle
his scores with Parvati. And the death of the few children provided him
the opportunity to accuse Parvati of being a witch and causing the death.

On the other hand, villagers strongly believe in Parvati 's being a

witch. (Source-Hindustan 12.10.95).

"-JG
\

129
 II

Chapter- VI
COUNTER WITCHCRAFT
 CHAPTER VI

Counter Witchcraft
It is difficult to trace the antiquity of disease in human society.
But, our experiences with life tell us that disease (s) must have been
there since the emergence of mankind. And the need and the nature of
man compelled him to look for the means to overcome the disease
afflicting him. These means are what we call as 'cures'. So, for every
disease faced by man, there was an endeavour to fmd a cure. Thus,
disease and cure have been the twin companions of man right since
antiquity.

Further, the intertwined c.oncepts of disease and cure are directly

r.__elated to the amount of knowledge or the world-view possessed by the
human beings as members of a community. In other words, no abnormality
in human condition can be called a disease unless the community
identifies it as such (e.g. Thonga's belief that stomach worms are for
digestion). Interestingly enough, there is no such known community
where no abnormality is identified as a disease. This again goes to
prove that disease is an inevitable truth of human life. And this is an
everlasting truth, for the greater the knowledge possessed by man, the
greater is the number of diseases identified by him. Consequently, the
greater is the search for cures.

These twin concepts of disease and cure as essentials of culture,

ha~e
~---· -------
been the subject matter of anthropological studies, especially of
--
medical anthropologists. When diseases and cures are dealt with within
the biomedical parlance, it is known as '~~medica'. But, when it
falls outside the purview of biomedical science and is dealt with by
indigenous societies in their own ways, it is known as 'materia magica'.

130
 The aims in both the cases are one, i.e., to fmd a way to eliminate
or overcome the disease. In the former, this goal is achieved by the
trained doctors, based on scientific knowledge and principles. In the
latter, it is achieved by the specialists of magi co-religious world, based
on beliefs and rituals.

Coming to the present study, witchcraft may not be called a

'--.
disease in itself. Nevertheless, wherever present, witchcraft is believed
to be a potential means to create abnormalities or diseases, consequently
leading to death . And therefore, once again, search for the means to
counter the effects or attacks of witchcraft. This is what is called as
counter witchcraft.

Like the twin existence of disease and cure, counter witchcraft

is practiced wherever witchcraft has it presence. Here counter witchcraft
has been dealt as medicine in itself.

For the specialists who use magico-religious means to break the

supposed witch's spell,different terminologies have been used. He or
she may be called the wise man/woman, white witch, anti-witch, cunning
man/woman, medicine man/woman, magician, witch-finder or witch-
doctor. James Murrell, a famous Essex 'cunning man' (d. 1860), used
to refer to himself as 'Master of witches.' (Jacqueline Simpson, 1995).
Simpson (1995) coined the term 'witch-buster', inspired by the American
terms 'crimebuster' and ghostbuster.

However, in this present study we have used the word 'witch-

doctor' for the specialist who neutralises the effect of witches' attack
and provides a cure to the patients. His job is not only to fmd the cause
behind the suffering, but also, by seeing the symptoms of the suffering,
to provide a cure to the sufferer. He works as a doctor to the witch
attack and counters the effects of witchcraft. To my mind, any study on

131
witchcraft is not complete, unless we talk of counter-witchcraft, since
it provides a clearer and more elaborate understanding of the topic.

The witch-doctor among the Hos is locally called 'Deonwa'.

Deonwa is derived from the word 'Devyagya', meaning the one who is
considered suitable by Dev (God).

Another term used for witch-doctor is 'Soka' the etymological

explanation of which could not be provided by any villager. However,
Soka is considered more powerful than Deonwa. There are very few
Sokas in the area.

The phenomenon of counter witchcraft in the community 1s

considered as a mechanism of doing welfare to the society. Unlike
witchcraft, it is held positively by the community. The villagers not
only know who the Deonwas are but also talk freely about them.
However, the villagers are comparatively reluctant in talking about
witchcraft as against counter witchcraft. The training procedures and
the curing methods of the witch-doctors are well known to most of the
inhabitants. But my presence as well as inquisitiveness in Deonwas,
were not appreciated at initial stage. My intentions were always suspected
though it was not a hindrance especially my taking notes and genealogical
tables, which a few of the De onwas referred to as 'Kursinama.' The then
I.A.S. Mr. Amit Khare had warned that if any death or harassing of
females in the name of witchcraft occurs in any village, witch-doctors
concerned would also be punished. It was this fear psychosis that made
them reluctant in revealing anything regarding the apprenticeship or
methods of curing I was even deprived of photographs. As they believed
that I would cause them harassment by the district administration. But
when the purpose of my visit and inquiry was narrated up to the point
of their satisfaction, a slow and gradual flow of information began .

132
 However, even after having gained a respectable amount of
acceptance by the villagers, the secret mantras or incantations were not
revealed freely. Of the twelve De onwas of the area whom I met, only
three helped me in recording and writing of the secret mantras.
Nevertheless, two mantras which I recorded were not narrated in detail.
Since these two mantras are in the traditional Ho language, few of the
villagers as well as some of my Ho friends living outside expressed
their limitation in translating them. Some others altogether refused to
listen to the mantras, since these dealt with the supernatural world and
the witches. The Mantras are lyrical in form and have a traditional tune,
the playing of which they believed would bring bad omen. the first
mantra is for detecting the cause behind the suffering of the patient and
the second one is for invoking of the Bongas.

Apart from these constraints, I did not experience any major

hindrance in collecting data on counter-witchcraft.

Almost in every village, the presence of Deonwa can be found, or

in other words, every village has its own Deonwa(s). Everyone cannot
became a Deonwa, since it is a wide spread belief that those who have
been chosen and blessed by the Bongas can become Deonwas. Hence,
unlike witches, Deonwas are treated with reverence and respected by
the villagers. He is considered magico-religious specialist of the
community. However, for the religious rituals every village has its own
'Deuri' (priest) who performs all the religious ceremonies-and the post
is hereditary. The Deonwas are made. It is not a hereditary post.
~ ---....
Nevertheless, the Deonwas also have a good knowledge of religious

--
world. They are not only the healers but are also the
religious and supernatural world.
re~ository
._________.
of

There are no essential prerequisite for becoming a Deonwa, in

the sense, that anyone can choose to pursue the apprenticeship.

133
 Anyone who wishes to go under the apprenticeship approaches
the Guru (Deonwa). The guru teaches him (disciple) the mantras and
makes him acquainted with the magico-religious cosmos. The training
goes for long, but there is no fixed period of training. It entirely
depends upon the disciples ability to memorise and recite the magical
chants taught by the guru. But it is only part of the whole process of
'becoming' Deonwa. The training usually takes place at night at guru's
house, where a Chabutra (platform) is erected, considered as the
worshipping place. The trainees may bring offerings to be made. The
guru chants the mantras and trainees repeat it. The chanting and repetition
of mantras of different nature goes till guru thinks about one's successful
performance of the mantras. On every sunday or on tuesday in some
cases, guru beats the trainees with hunter made of 'Sawai' grass. The
disciples propitiate and invoke the Bongas. In this process, one comes
into trance. While in trance, when guru beats them with hunter the
trainees do not feel the pain and no imprint appears on their bodies.
The villagers as well as the De onwas say that it is because of the Bongas
wish.

The most important part of the apprenticeship is 'trance'. It is

believed that only he who is preferred by the Bonga comes into trance.
In other words, the community considers it (coming into trance) as
a 'wish' and 'blessings' of God. Everyone who is going under training,
is not blessed by the Bonga. Very few of the trainees become Deonwas.

In the state of trance, the trainee Deonwa is out of his normal

mental state. He behaves strangely, runs here and there, goes to jungle
and so on. In the jungle, he is guided by the Bongas in gaining the
knowledge of herbal medicines and the nature and symptoms of different
diseases. During trance, he is possessed by Bongas. In this, "Altered
state of consciousness" the Deonwa appears to be a medium of Bongas
who guide him to get familiar with supernatural world and ethnomedical
134
plants as well. The experiences and expressions of the possession are
culturally conceived in the community. It has a social context and the
interpretation of 'possession' is culture specific.

Sometimes, it is the guru's worshipped deity who possesses the

disciple and makes him move towards the jungle. In the jungle he is
given insight into ethnomedical plants and their uses. When the trainee
Deonwa performs the successful incantation of mantras, tried by the
guru, his last rites of apprenticeship is considered complete. The guru
declares him as Deonwa and he is accepted by the society.

On the contrary, Soka's training procedure is not like that of the

Deonwa. The villagers as well as witch-doctors hold the belief that
Soka is not only chosen by Bongas, he is also trained by them. The
Bonga(s) possess him and direct him to perform pujas and teach him the
etiology of diseases and its cure. During this period, he refrains from
taking food prepared by others, cooks for himself, and does not take the
traditional drink. When he is possessed by the Bonga(s) he appears like
a mentally upset individual. But when the training ends, he comes back
to his normal state of mind. The community has a strong conviction
that since he is chosen and trained by Bonga(s), his specialization into
the art of counter-witchcraft is of a greater degree than that of the
Deonwa.

After the completion of training, the Deonwas or Sokas have a

different status in the society. Though they live ordinary lives, doings
agricultural and household chores like everyone else, they perform the
role of specialist when they are approached to cure the patient. They
are considered as a link between the human world and the supernatural
world.

There are different methods of curing which are employed by

Deonwas to detect witches and their attacks.
135
 One II_!etho~~mployed by Deonwa, to detect the witches' attack,
is by putting mustard oil into urine. The urine of the patient is taken
into a bottle or some other object and is brought to Deonwa. Deonwa
then takes it into 'dona' made of leaves and pours few drops of mustard
oil into it. The Deonwa during the whole process recites mantras. The
Deonwa sees the picture of the responsible witch or the Bonga who has
been directed by witches to cause harm.

Another meth~ 'seeing Sindoor'. Either the patient

.... ---·
himself brings the sindoor or one of the family members or relatives
brings the sindoor wrapped in leaves. Before taking it to the Deonwa,
the Sindoor is touched against the patient's body. The Deonwa holds the
sindoor leaf with both his hands. The position of the hands is such that
both the palms are joined together facing the sky and the sindoor leaf
is placed over the fingers. Then he starts calling out the names of all
Bongas one by one including that of the Dandi Bonga. In this process,
the umbool*(shadow) of the witch or the Bonga sent by her to cause
harm, appears in the sindoor. If the Bonga is instructed by any
witch, 'he' reveals it to the Deonwa. In some cases the face of the witch
itself may appear in the sindoor, when the name of Dandi-Bonga is
called out.

Another method of detecting the witches' attack involves keeping

-· -- ----.........
of some Aarwa rice (rice from unboiled paddy) over two small bamboo
sticks, which is then rubbed over by the Deonwa. The Deonwa starts
calling out the names of Bongas (including Dandi). As soon as the
responsible name is called out, one of the sticks reduces in size. Thus
the responsible Bonga or witch is identified.

Still another method of identifying the witch causing harm

.:-- "·-

involves moving of the palms over Aarwa rice kept in a 'soop' (winnowing
....------
basket). It is known as 'Hata goso' (to rub rice in a winnowing basket
----------------------
136
for purposes of divination, e.g. to determine what spirit is inflicting
harm or someone. Hata means 'soap'). While the Deonwa does this, a
man is made to sit on a 'peedha' (square stool) kept over a Iota . As
soon as the name of the Bongas (including witches) causing harm is
called out, the peedha starts rotating. To prevent himself from falling,
the man sitting upon it places both his hands on the ground.

ther method, the responsible witch or her directed

Bonga is i entified by a person comings into Rom (trance) when the
Deonwa perform the 'Hatagosa'. The person who comes into trance is
known to the society and works as a helper to the Deonwa. The Deonwa
keeps on chanting the mantras while performing 'Hatagosa'. Then he
starts calling out the names of Bongas one by one. The man in trance
sees the 'Umbool' (shadow) of the troubling witch/Bonga. The man
who comes into trance is, at the beginning of the Hatagoso, given some
rice which he holds tightly in one of his hands. And as soon as his
possession by the Bonga begins, the hand holding the rice starts
shaking, which is then followed by the shaking of his body. In this way,
the person who comes into Rum , identifies the Bonga behind the
suffering of the patient.

The person who comes into 'Rum' is also supposed to have

received the blessing of the Bongas, to assist in the ritual of identifying
witches or Bongas sent by the witches. While performing the Hatagoso.
Sometimes more than one person are made to hold 'Aarwa rice' or one
of their hands. Sometimes only one person comes into trance and in
some cases more than one are possessed by Bonga to be in trance. The
one who comes into trance is considered to be liked by the Bonga. The
'coming into trance', is one major feature of 'Hatagoso ritual' and
whenever there is need of assisting the Deonwa in Hatagosa ritual, these
identified people are called. One such case of people coming into
trance is cited in case histories (Case~8).

137
 Yet another method as racticed by Satishji (a Deonwa) is that
one boy is asked to bring a Iota of water a ter ta ing bath. He is made
to sit before him. the paraphernalia of the ritual includes sindoor,
Akshat (Aarwa rice), flower, sweets and incense sticks or 'Dhoop'. The
aarwa rice is kept on the floor and the Iota is placed over it. After this,
the different possible causes behind the disease are written such as

Dhokhe (witch), Bikhe (poison), Saanp (snakes) Bicchu (scorpio),

Bhut (ghost/spirit), Bimari (disease) Ban (arrow), Apna Abhichar,
Paraya Abhichar (Black magic).

Then he starts reciting the mantras:-

Cha/ Chal Swarg Patal Chal, Charo Aatal Chal
Damdi ke Sana, Charo Kana
!pare Chakva, Upare Chakvi,
Hath chafe mite chafe, Bafmukund chafe
Mahadev ke pujan Lathi
Mai Swari, Baap tore godha
Jo na chafe, Bhansoor tara Marda
Dhokhe Bikhe samp bicchu chaf
Bhut Bimari Ban chaf
Apna paraya kiya karayh abhichar chaf
Amuk ke tan me jaun bikh ho tone per chaf
Yahan ki Bidhyn na kamru kumakhya ki Bidhya
Naina yogini sidh guru ke bande paon.

(move, move, move, move towards heaven, move towards four corners, damri's
gold towards all corners, this side is a male ruddy goose and that side a female
ruddy goose, hands move, Balmukund (deity) move for worship ofMaha dev,
your mother is a pig. your fathers an ass, one who does not move. Move witches

138
poison, snakes, bicchu, ghost, disease, move towards the cause of disease, it is
the knowledge of Kamru Kamakhya (a place in Assam known for tantra
Vidhya), Naina Yogini/Jogini disciple of guru.

Slowly and gradually the boy whose hand is kept beneath the
written mantra, starts shaking, and stops above the cause responsible for
suffering. This is repeated for three times to get confirmed. If the
witch is responsible the hand stops over Dhokhe-and thus, the cause
is identified.

Once the detecting ritual has been performed to identify the

witch responsible for the suffering , the Deonwa turns to the curing
procedure. If the Bongas have caused suffering independently, they
demand certain things like, puja or some sacrifice to be done to please
them. They also reveal why they have caused suffering and accordingly
their demands are met.

But to neutralize the witches spell, a separate method is employed

by the Deonwa. The paraphernalia of this method includes, vermilion,
Chengna (a small chicken) hayar (Ground powder of wooden ember) and
brick, statue made of soil etc. The Deonwa performs puja at patient's
home (if the patient is very sick, puja is done at his bedside) by chanting
Bandana (prayer) mantras. While chanting the mantras the Deonwa
holds the Chengna in both his hands clubbed together. With chanting
of mantras, he comes into trance.

After the invoking mantras, he along with his assistant goes to a

seperate place, where the puja continues by sacrificing the chengna and
the offering is made. The statue is kept on the puja spot and blood of
the sacrificed chicken is offered. Having done this he does not come
back to the patient's home, since it is believed that malignant spell of
witches has been taken out with the Deonwa himself. And if he comes

139
back to the patient's house, it will bring another misfortune caused by
the witch. Before going out to a separate place after performing
Bandana, the door of the patient's room is shut (without bolting). The
patient then is considered to be cured from the witch's spell.

The villagers as well as the Deonwas are of the opinion that the
sacrifice and the puja works as a 'Ram-Baan' to the patient. At the
sametime, it gives them an ultimate satisfaction of being cured by the
method and the specialist which form an integral part of their society.

Sikandar Pingua, aged 30 had been sick for a few days. The
village Deonwa Dibi (village Ruia) was consulted. It was believed by the
family members and neighbours that he was being harassed by Mindi's
ghost. Mindi was a local unmarried girl, who was impregnated by
someone. The villagers were very reluctant in naming the person. She
died during labour pain. The inhabitants hold that to whosoever was
possessed by her, fell severely sick. After Dibi identified the cause he
had to perform puja. Meanwhile, the Munda who also practices as
medical practitioner (for which he does not have required degree)
started medicating him. This infuriated Dibi and he did not perform the
puja. But after two days when no improvement was witnessed in
Sikandar's condition, Dibi was once again asked to continue his ritual.
He performed the puja in the evening which I witnessed with the
permission of the family members. Dibi had held a *chengna in his
both the hands and was chanting mantras and Bandana in a rhythmic tune,
near Sikandar's bedside.
Mantras:- No. 1
Invoking Mantra
Munde Sang Mochri, Sarag re bishoy, Sarag re,
re aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Mokopri Sang Gide sang Mochri, Sarag re bishoy,
140
 Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Bete Sang Gula Sang Mochri, Sarag re bishoy,
Sa rag re, biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Pota Sang Komle sang Mochri, sarag re bishoy
Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Komle Sang unta Sang Mochri, Sarag re,
Re aai re biso nam, re aai re biso nam,
Pota Sang unta Sang Machri, Sarag re bishoy,
Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Dori sang Tokna sang mochri, sarag re bishoy,
Sarag re, aai re biso name re, aai re biso nam,
Dori sang Pada sang mochri, sarag re bishoy
Sorag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Talka Sang ongli sang mochri, sarag re bishoy,
Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Rita sang Ongli sang Machri, sarag re bishoy,
Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam.
Borne sang Garia sang Mochri, Sarag re bishoy
Sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam,
Borne Sang lang Sang Mochri, sarag re bishoy
sarag re, aai re biso nam re, aai re biso nam.

Mantra No. 2
Bandana Mantra
Ise ch Jodhre ... najar bana kare, najar chadan kare
alang bandana devta, alang bandana matui,
Dayen kare bandana, alang bandana nesedi,

141
 Rankni kare bandana, a/ang bandana nesedi,
Dandi Kare bandana, a/ang bandana devta, alang bandana
nesedi,
Bajigar bonga kare bandana devta, a/ang bandana matui,
Mangilal bong kare bandana, alang bandana tumari,
alang bandana devta,alang bandana kite,
Jugni kare bandana, bandana devta, a/ang bandana mai
bandana tumari aare devta, alang bandana maiya,
Bameyapat kare bandana, alang bandana matui,
Dindi kuwar Narsimhpat re bandana devta,
alang bandana matui
Ande buru Lotipat re, bandana devta, alang bandana matui
bandana tumari, alang bandana kite.
Jugni aati kare bontana, alang bandana kite,
alang bandana mai,
Charpukri Narsimhpat, alang bandana devta,
alang bandana mai,
Har .... bhaguti, bandana devta, alang bandana mai,
are bandana, alang bandana mai,
Ase chinta kare bandana, alang bandana kite,
Ase .... kare bandana devta, alang bandana mai,
Chenta kare bandana, a/ang bandana devta,
alang bandana kite.
Nanamgutu Bengapat bandana devta, alang bandana kite,
Tamdiagoda Dariadas bandana devta,
alang bandana kite,
Burungi paremay Hare kada bhaguti, alang bandana devta,
alang bandana kite ....... .
142
 benebandlang bandana kite,
Kekur darmay renkatam churdu, bandana tumari,
alang bandana kite,
Har devta Bajigar bhaguti, bandana tumari,
alang basdana kite, alang bandana devta,
alang bandana nasadi,
Nage churdu kore bandana , a/ang bandana kite,
Nadekada churdu kore bandana tumari
bandana kite,
Garakaturi kore bandana, alang bandana devta,
alang bandana kite,
Aadebhaguti kade re, bandana tumari,
alang bandana kite,
Rochonkada re bandana devta,
alang bandana kite .... .

After performing this ritual, he along with a villager, went a

seperate place, where he sacrificed the Chengna' and dropped a few
drops of blood. Puja was also performed with Sin door . Dibi directed
the spirit that since her demand is met, she should leave Sikandar now.
I could not witness and photograph it properly as I was told to stay at
a distance and owing to darkness I was not able to see it properly. It was
later narrated to me by the Dibi 's assistant.

On the very next day I found Sikandar at his field. When I enquired
about his condition, he said that after the puja he was fme and there was
improvement in his condition. The family members kept mum on enquiry
whether Mindi was directed by some witch to cause harm , but the
neighbours opined that it was a mischief of a Dandi. The paraphernalia used
by Dibi was the same as used by others for neutralizing witches' spell.
143
 Turam Banra, aged 3 1 years, narrates that once he was returning
to Ruia from a neighbouring village and saw a female with an infant near
Bagun pond. Turam says that he was drunk and could not identify the
female. He wondered who the female was. After reaching home, he
slept. But next day his condition became very serious. He narrated the
incident to his family members. A Deonwa was consulted who revealed
that it was the witch who had made him sick, but after puja and sacrifice,
he was cured.

In another incident, few females were mourning the death of a

small child (aged 2 months approximately). The only words that were
audible were 'Dandi-Dandi. On enquiry, it was revealed that some
witch had caused the death of that child. My interpreter Sanatan
narrated that the child died suddenly last night. At noon, the child was
cremated. The next day early in the morning , when I reached that
house, it was revealed that some witch had caused the death of that
child. My interpreter Sanatan narrated that the child died suddenly last
night. At noon, the child was cremated. The next day early in the
morning, when I reached that house it was revealed by a few villagers
that they saw two hairy dogs at the gravesite, who were trying to sniff
at graveyard. Those villagers chased the dogs. At a long distance, two
lantern like things were seen by the villagers. It is a belief among the
inhabitants that witches were on hunt for their prey. Those two dogs
were certainly witches. The family members were also of the same
VIeW.

The very next day of this incident an old lady who had gone to the
jungle early in the morning to collect woods and was coming back from
there after a both, collapsed as soon as she reached near the door of her
house. Munda was approached for treatment. One Soren Lahar had
witnessed that around 3 A.M. in the morning, when he had woken up, he
saw two young boys aged 10 to 12, clad in white clothes were carrying
144
a stretcher like thing. But after sometime they disappeared.

There surfaced a conflicting view on this incident. Few villagers

were of the opinion that it was the mischief of 'Jhanta Bhoots (live
ghosts) who were forced to vacate neighbouring village after puja.
Since the woman had gone to the nearby jungle early in the morning, she
was attacked/ possessed by jhanta bhoots. On the contrary, some
villagers were of the view that someone might have directed them to
cause harm.

A summon was sent among villagers to gather at the old lady's

house, where Bagun and Dibi would detect the cause behind the infant's
death and the old lady's sickness. When I reached there with Sanatan
and Billu, it was informed that Dibi was overdrunk and Raudia ( man
who comes into trance and assists village Deonwa) had been called to
assist Bagun at the Hatagoso method. But Raudia refused to do it. The
villagers say that Raudia refused it because there was a tension between
these two families. Another man from Nizam toli was called. In the
meantime, a few villagers wanted me to go to my camp as it was not
sure whether the ritual would be performed or not, as the man from
Nizamtoli had not come. The villagers who had gathered there were
having Diyeng. Around 10.30 P.M. or 11. P.M. Santanan asked me to
return, as the ritual would not be performed that night. But early in the
next morning, I was told that the female had died though the puja was
performed and it was found that the jhanta bhoots had caused this and
were asking for sacrifice. The Deonwa had promised to do so the next
morning. Since the female died, no sacrifice was made. She was
cremated at noon-

The villagers say that someone might have sent these spirits to
cause deaths. When that old lady had gone to the jungle, which was her
routine work, those spirits might have attacked her.

145
 There are a large number of cases, which the villagers would
narrate, where either a witch has acted independently or has sent her
captured spirits to fulfill her malignant wish. Many a time, witchdoctors
have detected it and cured the victims. Many-a-time, before anything
could be done by witchdoctors, the victims died.

The twin concepts of witchcraft and counter witchcraft are an

integral part of the larger belief system of society, which has deep roots
in the thought process of community members. These belief systems
not only have an impact on other aspects of social organization but at
the sametime, are manifested in the daily life activities.

The Deonwa's activity receives meaning not only in relation to

the sufferer's/patient's world view but is significant also to the fellow
members of the community. While in trance or possession, the Deonwa
dwells in the supernatural world to identify the cause behind sufferings
of the patient. The 'calling out the names of different Bongas (spirits
/deity) involves his dwelling in the other world. But it does not
dissociate him from this world, where he is living. Rather the outer
world represents the cause of events in this present world. This
appreciation (understanding) is shared in the community and people
may be specialists (Deonwa) to a greater or lesser degree. At the same
time this shared understanding without a surrounding environment can
not be manifested. In other words, there can be no witchdoctor without
a surrounding society and culture.

The Bong as' existing in the society, as manifested in their belief

system, either act independently or are directed by witches to cause
harm. The fact that Bongas exist and are made to cause harm to others'
needs to be judged in the community's held belief. If the spirits exist
in the surrounding environment and are captured and made to bring
suffering and disrupt the health of inhabitants, the role of Deonwas

146
becomes very important, who in trance contact with the other world to
detect and neutralize their attack. The Deonwas not only have the
understanding of this phenomenon but they also act upon it. The
society bestow the responsibility of performing rituals to counter
the effects of witchcraft.

Since the Bonga is capable of causing things to happen in the

human world, it assumes the notion of a 'power'. The Deonwa's work
chiefly consists of harnessing this power, for which they have been
blessed by the God. Though, it is also harnessed by witches who
capture Bongas (spirits) to fulfill their malevolent wishes the community
holds that harnessing of this power by Deonwa(s) is blessed by the God
for doing welfare to the society. And this enables them to counter
witches spell. However, some witches become so powerful in this
'harnessing mechanism of power' that they pose threats to the
witchdoctors even.

The trance of the witchdoctors or specialists are different from

the trance of the patient who is possessed by some spirit /ghost. The
trance of the witchdoctor is the need of the hour and is directed
towards providing relief to the patient from the abnormality. When the
cure is sought, the Deonwa comes to his normal position, assuming the
different roles to play like other community men. On the contrary,
when any villager is possessed by same medium and comes to trance,
it reflects the uncontrolled behaviour, for which a cure is must. The
witch-doctor's experience and the ritualistic exercises are a service to
the community in as much as they heal the patients.

Diagnosis and treatment of Deonwas are meant to provide a cure

to the patient. At the sametime, this cure brings back the community's
assurance of being cured by such specialists who have acquired power
with the blessing of Bongas to perform positive functions. In other

147
words, Deonwas curing procedure not only deals with patients suffering
and witches effect, but by providing relief they reinstate the belief of
the present audience, who are the part of the society.

The ritualistic performance of the witchdoctors may seem irrational

or of limited world view to the members of modern society, as the
cause an effect relationship does not have a scientific foundation. The
process has to be seen from the culturally perceived believes which
have deep roots embedded in the social milieu. However, these rituals
of curing have to be seen through the eyes and ears of the inhabitants
of the society, wherever those are being performed or practiced. The
entire paraphernalia of this phenomenon reflects a notion of totality,
not only to be seen vis. a. vis. belief systems and environmental
surrounding but also with other aspects of social organization. These
rituals of Deonwas express the need and feelings of the community
members by restoring the patients health. The villagers say that the
Deonwas' diagnosis and treatment provide them a satisfaction of being
treated by community's specialists. It could well be understood in this
manifestation, when they say that since the cause of suffering is in the
society, cure must be sought in the society itself and by the person who
is well versed with the social norms and beliefs and has a specialization
of doing so. The Deonwa, as villagers hold, understands better than
others, the symptoms and nature of diseases in the community.

Being a Deonwa, is probably the oldest profession in the community,

covering the multiple roles combined in one, where as in modern
society the role is played seperately by doctors, psychotherepists,
fortune tellers and so on The role of magico-religious specialist is
acquired by means of oral education process, which are accepted in the
society.

The Deonwas with their supernatural power, not only cure the

148
patient of witch-victimization but are also able to make witches vulnerable.
The belief goes that witches dance naked at graveyard and perform their
magical prowess nakedly. There are many incidents when Deonwas have
caught them in this state.

Satish Koda narrates his encounters with witches, whom he

caught naked when they were indulged in group dance. He remembers
that once, he saw two-or three females (exact numbers he does not
remember) going naked near the Bhilawa tree at Balandia village. He
took the cloths secretly and hid it on the Bhilawa tree, and came back
to his house. He fell asleep and after sometime when he wake up, he
remembered than he had hidden the cloths. When he went to the spot
he found that one witch was standing naked near the Bhilawa tree. He
said that it was not his intention to harm them and gave her their cloths.
The witch did not say anything. The female, Satishji says, was Bagun
Thathera's wife, a fellow villageman.

When asked why didnot they take their cloths from the tree, he
says that witches do not go near the Bhilawa tree, for which he has no
further explanation.

Another encounter he remembers is when he was a teacher at

J agannathpur. With the learned mantras, he called witches of the
locality. All the witches including two males came naked. The witches
argued that he had called them, but not called the old muslim lady, who
was also a powerful witch. The witches further alleged that since the
muslim lady was from a reputed and well-off family, he did not call her.
Satishji called that old lady, who became very angry as she was well
acquainted with Satishji.

Villagers recall many more such incidents , when Deonwas or

Sokas have forced witches to come to the spot where rituals were being

149
performed by Deonwa ( s) to detect the cause behind suffering of any
patient-and it was found that such and such witch had caused the
suffering.

Not only this the villagers also say that sometimes sokas from
different regions (especially from Orissa) are invited to punish the
witches. The villagers say that there are many Soka's who have licenses
obtained from the state government or the district administration to
perform this ritual and to find out who are the witches who have caused
harm to the victim concerned.

Implications of Power Structure in Witchcraft

Power is the capacity to participate effectively in a decision -

making process (Robertson, 1977). It is all about who gets it, how it is
obtained,how it is used and to what purposes it is put. In any community,
those who enjoy power, have a distinct status in that community-and
they perform their role accordingly.

The concept of power has been elaborated and analyzed by

different thinkers. Here, the focus is to analyse the implications of
power structure in witchcraft. The focus is put on the gain and control
of power vis-a-vis witchcraft and counter witchcraft, and how society
thinks them to be.

Having discussed the nature of witchcraft, and counter witchcraft,

it becomes very important to know how these people acquire power in
the society and how they guide the behaviour of fellow community men.

The gaining of supernatural power by both witches and witchdoctors

has been discussed. The Ho society considers witchcraft in negative
term i.e., it is meant to harm others. On the other hand, witchdoctors

150
rituals have a social sanction; in positive direction i.e. it is meant to
cure victims of witches' attack.

Since witchdoctors are for the welfare of society and are supposed
,,-..... '
to have a link with supernatural world-they, for this, ~
status in the society. Their specialization as a healer gives them ample
opportunity to play an active role in community.

------~--
influence the decision making process of society. They are feared and
they do not have any social back-up. The villagers say that there are
witches who become so powerful in their magical manipulation that
sometimes witchdoctors also fear them. However, whenever they are
caught or detected for causing harm, the society takes very strong
action against them.

Another aspect is of Gender consideration. As the Ho society is

patritineal and patripotestate, males enjoy a greater degree of authority
than the females. Though females do take part in household decision
making, they do not have any role to play in community's decision-
making. And it is this aspect, which is very important. Deonwas play a
greater role than the Dandis. Dandis are usually females-and it brings
them to the receiving end. Any threat to the male ego from female leads
to accusation of being a witch. The defence mechanism of weaker
section collapses down. The accuser with the help of Deonwa, convinces
the panchayat to take punitive action against the 'accused' D~mdi.

While taking to so called accused witches, I also found that the

accused witches always narrated this fact that the accuser with help of

151
pressure group, implicated them falsely. At the same time, the females
of powerful individuals do not suffer this agony; they are not accused
as witches. Nobody raises their fingers on them. The power of a
Deonwa is assessed by his ability to manipulate supernatural forces.
Their healing practices are a manifestation of this power. In this regard,
some Deonwas are more powerful than the others. This differential
control over the supernatural forces at times leads to inter-Deonwas
rivalry. The death of late Raudia Budha is a case in point. Raudia Budha
was a very powerful Deonwa of Ruia. His disciples, Bagun and Dibi are
of the opinion that someone had hired a more powerful Deonwa to kill
him. Thus, it was a case of inter-Deonwa rivalry. Some others believe
it to be a case of Deonwa-Dandi rivalry.

The Deonwas usually do not indulge in malevolent act. The

villagers are of the view that if any Deonwa starts practicing black
magic, his power vanishes. And with the end of healing power, his
social prestige also vanishes. He loses his influence over community.
It has already been said that harnessing of supernatural power is done
both by Deonwa and Dandi. But since, Deonwa is considered as a
specialist, who neutralizes the effects of witches, his status, in society
is more prominent than that of Dandi. Being the healer in community
his opportunity to gian power is greater than that of the witches.

152
Case histories of Deonwas

Case I
Name Dibi Titilingye

Age 50 years

Village Ruia

Dibi is the most famous Deonwa of Ruia village. His grandfather

Dibi came to Ruia from the village Gagri (near Chaibasa) Dibi's father
was also a Deonwa. Dibi learnt the art of becoming Deonwa from
Raudia Lahar. Due to some problem with his Guru Raudia he did not
continue with him. Dadabuda was his another guru.

He learnt the mantras from guru. He says, one has to repeat and
memories the mantras rigorously on every Sunday guru beats the
disciple with hunter made of 'sawaigrass: This beating ritual is
considered to be a test. During the training when guru recites the
mantras, the trainee comes into trance . Here onething is very important
to note that only those trainees come to trance (Rum) , who are chosen
-by the Bongas (Gods). When one comes to trance, as Dibi says, Bongas
come upon him and it is their blessing which leads one into trance.

Dibi says that he did not offer anything to his gurus, as Guudakshina
(offering made to guru, after the completion of training). He did not
learn anything from his father.

Almost every villager goes to Dibi whenever a problem arises.

He does not take anything from the patients.

He detects the cause behind suffering (of patient) through divination.

He recites the mantras and Bandana (invoking recitals) in a very rhythmic

153
tune. His worshipped God is Hanuman vir, lifting the mountain. During
Dussehra he collects rice from villagers, prepares, 'Handia' (
Diyeng) and offers it to his worshipped Bonga and other benevolent
Bongas.

He says that he has no definite knowledge of witches' training

process, but strongly believes in the presence and efficacy of witchcraft.
He does not stop the witch activities, he only checks and counters her
effects. He never had any direct clash with the witches. He also does
not reveal the identity of witches, even though he detects their hands
behind the suffering of their victims.

Previously he used to teach a few people but now he has stopped

it since no one approaches him. During my stay at village almost
everyday he was seen performing puja. His help is also sought by
neighbouring villagers. He also helped me in recording two mantras,
one being the Bandana and other being the detecting mantras.

154
 Genealogy ofDibi

DibiA=~
- I.JC:J
I
~=0 0=16
I I I
/6=0 /6=0 ~r0 /6
Nitimoy Bolay Buddal Sumuri Kuku Budda Dibru Raidam Buddi
(Deonwa) (Deonwa) (Deonwa)

-
Ul
Ul ~

=.6. .6.=0 A=O ~ A=O

Sudima
59 yrs
Sagar Dibi
57 yrs
I 1onga Kui Mudhu Saluka MachuJ Sumati

(EGO)
I I

Chandramohan
l
Lukuna
6 1
Motari Susari

I
0 0 0 0
Juniya Leboga Baleya Sumuri Rani Rimbui

Note At Present No Deonwa in the Family, except Dibi.

Dihi <! ~ ileonwa
Case -II

Name Bagun Khandait

Age 55 yrs. (approx.)

Village Ruia

Bagun Khandait is another popular Deonwa of village Ruia. He

learnt the art of becoming Deonwa from three gurus, Jitu Birua of
Sandia village, Dubo Gope ofKalimati and Raudia Lohar ofRuia village.
He spent six months under each of his gurus, which was in three
different years. He says that all his gurus taught him the same mantras
and rituals. On every sunday guru beats them with hunter; he claims
that he has still some imprints on his back (which he did not show).

He used to go to the guru with Aarwa rice, Sindoor (vermilion)

and flower of Golchin. Guru makes a platform at his home and it is
considered as temple (worshipping place). Bagun emphasises that
everyone cannot become Deonwa, even though he is being taught by
guru, but only those become Deonwa who are chosen by Bongas. From
time to time the guru tests his disciples where disciples are required
to perform successful display of mantras related to snakes, scorpions,
Bongas etc.

During Durgapuja his last initiation of apprenticeship occurred

(under each guru), where guru offered him blood of pigeon or duck,
which was mixed with rice to eat. he offered one dhoti and one Ganjee
(vests) to his gurus.

He says that through divination, when he comes into trance, he

sees the power concerned behind suffering, even witches are seen if
they are the cause of suffering. His method of curing is different. He

156
also gives local herbal medicines, but if it doesnot work, sacrifice and
offering of small chicken is made.

When asked how he knows the power causing suffering he says

that he invokes all the Bongas, by keeping Sindoor in his hand and the
Bonga even Dandi Bonga, if named comes. How does he know the
coming of Bonga who has caused harm? To this he asserts that the
hands start trembling and he comes into trance. And during trance he
finds out what they (Bongas) want and how they would be pleased. The
Bongas, if sent by witches also reveal the name of witches.

He says that witches do harass their victims and also know the
art of transformation . Further he says that his worshipped Bonga,
many-a-times captures the malevolent bongas who does not wish to
come and then he comes to know about the cause of suffering of the
patient.

He says that sometimes he and Dibi perform the puja together.

157
(Standing)( L-R) : Sanatan, Bagun,a Deonwa with the field worker
 Genealogy ofBagun

~~0
Sanu

f?) ~=0
Bhata Chakradhar Bahri Jayram Subhni Gangaram Tubari Sangram Sukumari
(Deonwa)

.....
Ul
·oc
6=~
Doruma Hori
1=~--ro
Dosu Bagun Bajramati
___ l=o
Somnath Rombari
65 yrs

l -l
(EGO)

I
0=~ =0
I0=~ I
~
I
0=~
-
Saraswati IAnand Uddiya IGukhari Gurubari Banmati Dosuda Murli
0
Janaki

~ . I .I
~
Raju
0
Muni
0
Bojmoti
l
Jituram Sunil
1
Hori
Case -III

Name Satish Koda

Age 86 years

Village Balandia

Satish Koda is a retired school teacher.

He stays at Balandia (his native place) with his son and his
family. He has sufficient land to cultivate, which is looked after by
his only son. Since his teens, he wanted to become a witch-doctor. He
learnt the apprenticeship under Natwar Das, an oriya guru. When he was
posted at Hazaribagh, he came in contact with Natwar Das. His guru
taught him all the arts of Mantra and tantra. He lived very long with
Natwar Das and under his supervision did 'Saadhna' to acquire magical
power to cure the patients, suffering from supernatural and human
agencies attacks.

He has completed the 'Saadhna' of Gayatri Mantra- and considers

this mantra to be the most effective among all curing mantras. He has
also compiled a small book of mantras, which was taught to him by his
guru. He says that he did it to enrich the art of Deonwa apprenticeship,
so as to enable the Ho Deonwas master the different mantras. He
says that his guru was very powerful ojha, hence he wanted to propagate
his knowledge to others.

Now-a-days he doesnot practice the puja since he has become

very old and has a minor attack of paralysis in his legs. However,
whenever anyone comes to him, he only recites 'Gayatri Mantra' to
cure the patient. He claims that he knows the art of transformation,
especially into tiger but he is not able to perform it due to his illness.

159
 He took my address as whenever he would come into contact
with the person who could perform this, he would ask me to come and
witness it. He knows a person who knows this art, but he did not reveal
his identity.

He believes that almost in every village there are a few witches.

Even in his village Balandia there are 6 to 10 witches or more, whom
he knows. He presented me his book of mantras which he has compiled.

Satish Koda is very popular in the region. Not only the villagers
of neighbouring villages know him, but he is known even in other distant
areas. He has not taught this art to anyone. He wanted his son to learn
this but the son is not interested.

160
 Genealogy of Satish Koda

~=t0
Behra

h10
Rasiya

--
C'\

0= ~.0 ~=0
Muktiya Lahri Kanu

=0 ~~0 0-,8
Satish
86 yrs
(EGO

~oc_~ 0
Dhyan Sukumari
Satish Koda , a Deonwa with the field worker.
Case-IV

Name Jadhav Khandait

Age 36 years

Village Ruia

J adhav was trained as a Deonwa under Chandramohan Gagria and

also by his grandfather.

The training of J adhav continued for two years, in which guru

taught him all the rituals and mantras of curing different diseases. The
guru also made him acquainted with the supernatural world involving the
benevolent and malevolent Bongas. All the mantras recited by the guru
and then repeated by the disciples, according to him, involves oral
tradition.

For two years, he rigorously memorised the mantras. The

training occurred at night. On every Sunday he used to offer Banana,
Jaggery, sweets, incense sticks etc. to the guru. He says that those who
come into trance are considered to be preferred and liked by the
Bongas. The Guru used to beat them with hunter made of 'Sawai'
grass. During trance, one does not feel any pain of beating, because of
the blessing of Bongas.

He further says that his guru's Bonga possessed him and only
then he came into trance.

His principal method of curing is by vermilion wrapped into

leaves, which he does not open. After invoking all the benevolent
Bongas such as Gram Bonga, Desauli Bonga, Singbonga, he worships
his own Bonga. It is the worshipped Bonga who then possess him and

162
enable him see the shadow of the Bonga who has caused suffering to
the patient.

When the Bonga appears in the shadow and demands the offerings
to be made to him, he promises to meet the demand and asks him to
cure the patient/sufferer. And then he offers the demanded object to
the Bonga. It is also revealed during this ritual, whether any Bonga or
spirit has been directed by any witch to cause harm.

However, when I asked him about the nature of witchcraft and the
counter witchcraft spells in detail, he said to me that he has not learnt
these spells and no such cases come to him. On the other hand, villagers
say that he does cure such cases and people go to him. The only reason
behind not revealing anything on this aspect, is the fear of being caught
by police. As district administration has circulated that if any unwanted
incidence occurs in the name of witchcraft, the village Deonwas will
also be prosecuted along with concerned persons.

Even he refused to speak anything on his genealogical tree,

which he calls 'Kursinama.

Case-V

Name Ramesh Sinku

Village Karanjia

Age 35 years.

Ramesh Sinku is a Soka. He is not very old in this profession.

Since 1984, he has been performing the role of Soka.

In 1984, as he recounts, he suffered a sudden loss of his mental

163
balance and started wandering aimlessly. He had no idea what he was
doing. One day he went a nearby jungle and felt that he had been
directed to perform puja for seven days. He had to cook his food
himself. He came back and narrated it to his father, who felt it to be
the blessing of Bongas. He was given a separate room in the house,
where he cooked for himself and restrained from the traditional drink
also. Everyday he used to go to the jungle and chanting Mantras, which
he considered to be the blessing of Bongas. Within seven days he had
an idea about curing methods, and herbal medicines, which was
bestowed by the deities on him.

And after few days of puja he became normal and at the instruction
of Bongas, started curing the patients. The news soon spread to
different villages that he had become a chosen worshipper of God and
had acquired supernatural power to cure. He cures the patients only on
Tuesday and Sunday. The paraphernalia of his puja includes coconut,
incense sticks, lamp (Diya), Aarwa rice, Vermilion and Banana. His
worshipped deities are Ram, Krishna, Hanuman and Chunna Bonga. He
believes that it is the Bongas who cure the sufferers, through him. He
is only a medium.

164
 .
When any patient comes to him, he brings sindoor and keeps it
at a distance from his sitting place. The Soka then asks the patient as
to whose sindoor is this and from which village he/she has come? After
this he worships his deities, who reveal to him the problem and the
reason behind this and also as to how to overcome the problem/
suffering. He also visits to sufferer's home, if needed.

If the sufferer is not able to come, any member of the family or

relative brings the 'Sindoor', by touching the sufferer's body. Ramesh
wanted to obtain a license from the government for this, but his father
disapproved of it, as it would have brought enmity with others, especially
from witches families.

When I asked, on what pretext they apply for the license, he says
that he can answer all the queries such as how many seeds are there
inside the papaya and so on. He would never fail as it is the Bongas
who would answer the queries. However, there is no such provision in
that region.

Many people from neighbouring states like Orissa also come to

-him, as the villagers say.

The cases related to witchcraft come in large number and everytime

he has cured the patient, as his neighbours say. He says that sometimes
due to hostility, even family members or relatives get the work done
through witches to harm even own family members or relatives. He
strongly believes that if the suffering is due to supernatural power
directed by the witches, no medicine other than magico religious rituals
can cure.

It is not so that everytime Deonwas or Sokas take an edge over

witches or counter the effects of witchcraft. Sometimes, if the witch is

165
(R-L): Sanatan, the interpreter; Ramesh Sinku, a Soka and the field worker
more powerful, the healer may land into trouble.

Till date no body has approached him for the apprenticeship.

He thinks this is owing to the fear among people regarding the training
method. The knowledge of his own condition immediately before he
became a soka scares them.

Case-VI

Name Topoy Pingua

Age 32 years

Village Ruia (Tola-NizamRuia)

When I met Topoy Pingua, he was at his Guru's (Gole Pingua's)

house. There I also met Madan Gope, who too was interested in
becoming a Deonwa but gave up in the middle of the apprenticeship.

Topoy has been practicing it for ten to eleven years. He learnt

this art for six years at Gola Pingua's house. Where a small platform
was erected for worship. There were ten to twelve persons undergoing
the training. Everyday the disciples used to bring either Jaggery or
banana along with them to offer to the Bongas. The recitation and
repetition of mantras started with the invoking of Singbonga, Tulusguru,
and the worshipped deity of the Guru (which they did not mention,
specifically).

Topoy and Gola say that it is the blessing of Bonga by which one
comes into trance. When topoy, after six years, was chosen by Bonga
to be a Deonwa, he became mentally disturbed and ran towards jungle.
Both consider that it is only the Bonga who makes them run towards the
jungle, and enables them to identify herbs to be used for different

166
diseases as well as the intricacies of religious-magico cosmos. The
Bonga chose him as his representative to provide cure to sufferers.
When Topoy started feeling that Bongas have taught him the knowledge
of curing practices, which he displayed before his guru, Gola who
declared him as a complete Deonwa.

Gola, the guru of Topoy, thinks that his disciple has acquired
more power than him. Topoy offered a 'hen' as a 'gurudakshina' to
Gola.

Topoy cures the patients through two main processes -the vermilion
type and Hatagosa type (discussed earlier). Topoy says that witches
many-a-time do not attack directly but sends their pet ghosts or captured
spirits to harm their enemies. However, Topoy also opines that due to
personal enmity or the greed to grab one's land/property, sometimes
innocent peoples are also killed in the name of witchcraft. Nevertheless,
it does not mean that there is no existence of witchcraft.

Topoy thinks that the period of apprenticeship is a tough process

and sometimes people get scared of the process. Madan Gope left the
training only out of this fear. After seeing the condition of Topoy when
he was clessed by the Bonga. Madan got scared. During the training
sometimes, in trance Topoy used to beat the fellow trainees with
hunter. This all scared Madan and he simply left the apprenticeship in
the middle. Madan's father Krishna is also a Deonwa but since then he
never dared to continue the training.

167
(L-R) (First row, standing) : Topoy Pingua, Gole ; (L-R) (Second row)
Madan Gpoe, the field worker, Sanatan
 Genealogy of Tepoy

L-0
TChandu
Doliya
70yrs I
I
L=O
Pradhan
l
Motra
=0
I
0=/\
Suguni
L=O
I
Tepoy Guri
L=O
I
Bholanath
l
Chamra
=0
l
6=/\
Sumi
35 yrs 33 yrs
(EGO)

-
"'
QC

Suguru
0
Sita Motra
~
Pardam
0
Raybari
12 yrs 10 yrs 7 yrs 5 yrs 3 yrs
Case-VII

Name Ranjit Singh Nag

Age 50 years

Occupation Witch-doctor

Place Bara Nimdih, Chaibasa

Ranjit Singh Nag is a full-time healer. Almost every day he

performs the puja and the patients come to him with their sufferings.
The puja is performed early in the morning as well as in the evening and
goes for hours. On the right side just after entrance (of his house)
there is a puja mandap. In the middle of mandap there are trees of
neem, pipal, while flower and Sidh tree. The sidh tree is enacted there
by Sidheshwar Baba, who was a famous hermit. On one side of the
tress, there is a heap of coconuts, which are token of 'Manauti' offered
by worshippers. The puja mandap was erected during his grand father's
time. Almost on every side of the mandap, there are imprints of
'Sindoor'.

Ranjit's worshipped deity is 'Goddess Mansa'. Since the age of

ten he has been initiated into it and has learnt the apprenticeship under
four gurus, Boyor Nag, Tuka Baba, Gora Guru and Doman Baba.

The paraphernalia of his puja includes-Aanva rice, sindoor, hen

(white black and red), ground powder of red colour (bricks), black,
white, and yellow (turmeric). When he is dealing with witchcraft
cases, apart from above mentioned puja items, lemon (5) , red cloth,
needle (5) and a blade,is required, which are brought by the patient.

If any patient visits his mandap for cure, he performs puja at his

169
mandap for three days. He says that most of the people are cured within
three days. If not cured, then on the fourth day a hen is sacrificed at
another place.

At the sacrificial spot, a mandap is made of items and a 'Kalash'

is kept in the middle of it. Then he invokes Goddess Mansa by lighting
a 'diya' (lamp), in which mustard oil is put.

The reason for keeping 'Ka/ash', as he explains, is to call and

catch is it the ghost/spirit, who has possessed the victim.

He also uses two statues made of soil, one being a boy and
another being a girl. As he believes that, since there is no definite
shape of any ghost, the witches use these two statues of boy and a girl,
for symbolizing supernatural powers of the two genders.

So, whenever the case of witchcraft comes to him, he also makes

these two statues, and performs puja at a place other than the victim's
house. He claims that just by touching the nerves (of hand) he can
ascertain whether it is a case of witchcraft or not. If the victim is male
he touches right hand and if it is female he touches the left hand.

He does not protect his 'Aasan ' (sitting place) by mantras, as he

has complete faith in his worshipped deity, who has never failed him.

While I was talking to him, two tribals came from a nearby

village, asking him to perform puja. They became very suspicious of
my presence and my writing pad and took him to a comer to talk. When
I inquired about their purpose of visit and the village they had come
from, Nag did not reveal anything.

However, he narrated a few encounters with witches m the

process of curing.

170
 At Pancho village, a witch has caused 'dumbness' to one villager.
He claims that he had cured the patient through his puja. During trance,
as he remembers, the witch had threatened him, as she revealed that she
was not alone but it was a combined effort of four witches. They even
attacked him through their mantras but did not succeed, since he had the
blessing of the Goddess Mansa. He says that while he was performing
the healing rituals, he had witnessed a female onlooker, whom he
considered to be a witch. She was present there to counter his spells.
But by invoking his duty, he had punished the witch by making her
severely sick. He did not reveal the name of the witch, as he has no
license for this and also because the villagers would have killed her.

People from different sections come to him to get cured. The

neighbours of Nag, consider that he seldom fails in healing. People
also take him to different cities, towns and villages to provide help to
people. Before going to other places, he performs puja at his own
mandap.

Case no.-VIII.

Name Raudia Lobar

Age 32 yrs.

Village Ruia

Raudia assists the Deonwas in Hatagoso ritual. As said earlier

that while Deonwa performs hatagoso, an another man comes into
trance (Rum). The person who comes into trance, sees the shadow of
Bonga, who has caused harm.

Raudia says that when the Deonwa recites mantras in hatagoso

ritual, he comes into trance. His hand in which he keeps rice, starts

171
shaking which is then followed by the shaking of his body. In this
altered state, he sees the shadow of Bongas. The shadow of the Bonga
who has caused suffering is relatively more clear than other Bongas.
Everything of the Bonga, he sees, are big, i.e, teeth, head, body etc.

It is the Bonga who tells Raudia, what he wants and why he has
caused harm etc. If guided by witch to harm the concerned person
(victim), Bonga also tells it to him.

In trance, he asks the concerned Bonga, what he wants, (China

nam tana). Then the Bonga reveals what he wants (Aai Ninai nam
tana).

After the end of hatagoso ritual Raudia tells to the Deonwa about
the Bonga's demand and how to perform puja as directed by the
concerned Bonga.

172
 G~nealogy of Raudiya Lahar

~=0
Juria I Gobari
55 vrs

I
0=/\ ~ =0 - ~To 0=/\
Motka Sovri Raudiya Randaay
35 yrs 34 yrs 32 yrs 3 rs
(EGO)

-
-...1
~
~---1
-- -------------

.l
j_~
Na a Ramsingh
5y I yr

~ 0 0 ~
1
Juria Chi ran Randaay Mangal Nan dial Sat ish
15 yrs 13 yrs 12 yrs I 0 yrs 6 yrs 5 yrs
(Back row) (Third from L): Rauida (wearing a shawl), an assistant
of Deomva.
 Chapter- VII
WITCHCRAFT AND ADMINISTRATION

(FORMAL AND NON-FORMAL AGENCIES)

 CHAPTER VII

Witchcraft and Administration: Formal and

Non-formal Agencies
The main focus in this chapter is to highlight the role of different
formal or non-formal agencies operating in the region on witchcraft.
Their efforts have brought a notion of attitudinal change in the inhabitants.
It is only because that "change comes in so many forms and rates and
is so pervasive a phenomenon is social life, that one may well question
the need for a special study of social change within the social sciences"
(Smith, 1975).

Change is inevitable and in the last two centuries change has been
so rapid and pervasive that it seems very natural and normal condition
of life. Almost every society, modern or traditional has witnessed
some amount of change. With the new climate emerge different
concerns, pushing aside the older traits and values.

The rate and direction of change in almost every aspect of social

organisation could well be witnessed. However, change at the attitudinal
level occurs not as fast as at the material level. The Ho society has
witnessed a great deal of change in almost every sphere of social life.
Different factors have contributed to bring about change in the society.
The role of administration (district), voluntarily organizations, journalists,
educated Hos have all had an impact on bringing change in witchcraft
beliefs and practices, though not as much as in other aspects.

As mentioned at the outset in this chapter that change has

become such an inevitable part of social life, that it needs a separate
study. However, the fous here is only on change pertaining to witchcraft.
174
 A number of witchcraft cases are also mentioned in this chapter
collected from the police records and court trials, as these (cases) are
the result of changing attitude.

The village panchayat, headed by the Munda-Manki system, has a

tremendous impact on Ho society. All matters of disputes in the village
are looked into by the panchayat. The witchcraft cases are by and large
settled by the members of village panchayat, though many cases, have
been reported to different police stations.

The then lAS Mr. Amit Khare i!!.l222-93 took initiative in this
......
regard and established a 'witchcraft cell' within the District Administration.
A 'special cell' in the police head quarter was formed to look into the
cases of witchcraft. An order was passed to enlist all the De onwas or
Sokas of the area. The District administration also circulated that if any
death or harassment occurs in the name of witchcraft, the De onwas as
well as Munda of the village will be prosecuted along with the accused
witch-hunters. Before going into detailed analysis, it is important to
look into the number of cases and deaths reported to police stations of
..--
the west Singbhum district.

Year No. of Cases Deceased Deceased (F, M. C)

1991 14 23 14F, 6M, 3C
1992 15 25 18F, 5M, 2C
1993 18 25 19F, 5M, IC
1994 12 15 13F, 2M,
1995 12 21 10F, 2M, 9C
1996 7 9 4F, 5M,
1997 7 7 6F, IF hurt
Total 85 125 84F, 1F(hurt),25M, 15C
(Source SP Office, W. Singhbhum)
F-Female, M-Male, C-Child
175
 The accused witch-hunters were implicated under various sections
of India Penal Code. The sections under which the witch-hunters were
booked are IPC's -34, 109, 120, 120 'B', 201, 211, 302, 307, 316,
323, 324, 325, 326, 341, 364, 379, 432, 448, 452, 487 and 489 (see
appendiY - V )

District Administration organised different rallies and meetings

to deal with the grievances of the inhabitants, as well as to bring forward
a new attitude amongst Hos. The Non-governmental organizations,
school children, Mundas, Mankis, journalists and local leaders also
took part in the rallies.

Not only this, different health centres or camps were set up to

provide better clinical facilities to the people. The reasons behind this,
as many opine, was to keep people away from the healers and consequently
from witchcraft.

The 'special cell' for witchcraft was formed to provide quicker

and proper investigations. The police officials are of the view that still
they have miles to go. It has certainly brought a change in the outlook
of the inhabitants and many cases have been reported to police stations.
Police have arrested many individuals and have earthed out many
conspiracies, hatched in the name of witchcraft. Many cases have been
on trials. However, many incidents of witchcraft and related killings
are not being reported to the police. And if reported, the reluctant
attitude of the inhabitants in revealing the name of the 'accused', results
into failure of investigation. Police fmds its very difficult to probe into
the cases.

The district police superintendent Mr. Alok Raj (IPS) says that
he has instructed his subordinate to take immediate action against all
those who are 'responsible for the witchcraft killings, wherever it

176
occurs. Further he says that prompt actions have been taken and
culprits have been booked under different sections of Indian Penal
Code.

The Honourable court has also taken cognizance of these reported

cases on the basis of police F.I.R's (First Information Report). Many
cases of witch hunting are under trials and some cases have been
disposed off. While many such cases are being investigated, the district
administration has also taken steps to rehabilitate some accused
witches,mention may be made of Chandu Bandia and Menjo Kui. Chandu
is currently working in hostel mess of Mahila college, Chaibasa, whereas
Menjo Kui is employed as a peon in District commissioner's office.
The two have been allotted a room each at Yatri Niwas, Chaibasa. It
became possible only with the help of district Administration.

The efforts of police have certainly brought a notion of change

in the villagers attitude. The people fear in being indulged in witch-hunt.
It was this fear that at early stage of my field work, villagers as well as
witch-doctors, showed their reluctance in revealing any data on witchcraft.
However, despite these efforts, witch -hunting has been occurring in
good numbers.

With the help of some leading local journalists, police has

received an impetus in its investigations. Many journalists have been
reporting and writing regularly on this aspect. And whenever any such
witch-hunting occurs, local journalists probe deep into it and come out
with detailed reports of the incident. A few journalists are of the view
that witchcraft has become a chronic phenomenon in this region and a
large number of deaths occur every year only because of belief in
witchcraft. They also suspect that there might be some deaths which go
unreported. Further many such deaths are believe to have occured
because of some powerful individuals of the villages, who fmd witchcraft
177
A procession against superstitions in Kharswan Block led by the then
District Collector Mr. Amit Khare.

People taking out a procession to create awareness about witchcraft

beliefs to be a medium of eliminating their rivals or a means to grab the
property of their relatives. It is based on the equation of simple
statistics by which they accuse one of the females of that family as a
witch and hold her responsible for bringing misfortunes in their
families. The pressure group is created, matter is put before the
panchayat, where decision is taken to eliminate the female (accused of
being a witch) alone or with the other family members. Many-a-time
Munda and Deonwa also play an active part in it. A few journalists say
that grabbing land or sexual gratification may also be the reasons
behind the witch hunting.

On the other hand some other Institutions like JOHUR (Jharkhandis

organization for Human Rights)., Mahila Samitis, Missionaries, Free
legal Aid committee etc. are working sincerely to create awareness
among people. Organising rallies, protest marches, and awareness
programmes such as 'Andhviswas Birodhi Yatra', are some of the
activities in which these institutions are engaged. These institutions
also intervene in any case where either the family is being harassed or
threatened for witchcraft. To keep itself well informed, JOHUR keeps
a record of paper cuttings on witchcraft cases. It is from here that I got
a good amount of secondary data.

The Free Legal Aid Committee (FLAC), apart from the awareness
camps, is also engaged in organising Anti-witchcraft rallies, Seminars
and in rehabilitating the accused witches. They had organized an Anti-
witchcraft rally at Patna, where the so called accused witches narrated
their stories. This committee also provides free legal advices to the
families who are either being harassed or threatened for witchcraft. In
January 1998, they had organised a Seminar on "Witch Hunting Menace
and Legal Advice". I was also invited to attend the seminar. Individuals
from different fields and Munda-Mankis of different villages were also
invited. During this seminar I met Sona Muni Kudada and Chutni
178
Mahtain. (Case studies cited). FLAC also provided the free legal
advice, through legal exports, to all those who raised some queries on
the matter. A short street 'drama' was staged to show the nature and
practices of witchcraft. FLAC has also made a documentary on witchcraft
under its awareness programme. The FLAC officials say that the committee
is going to establish a 'Rehabilitation Centre' at Barbos (W. Singbhum).
The committee has also proposed an act (Witch Affliction Resistance)
against witch Exploitation (See Appendix,.- \ll)

These efforts of formal and non formal organisations have made

in roads in the Ho society. The social workers have been putting their
sincere endeavour against this menace.

Even a good number of educated Hos opine that the practices of

witch-hunting should be fought tooth and nail, for it is a deterrant to the
societal progress. However, they believe that a large number of
population still have a very strong faith in witchcraft. A few educated
Hos consider that the prolonged belief in witchcraft is due to illiteracy
and poor health facilities. They are of the opinion that efforts should
be made to educate the masses, health facilities should be provided
·properly. And only then the witchcraft could be eliminated.

However, my personal findings reveal that many of the educated

Hos to have a string belief in withcraft and consult Deonwas whenever
need arises. Though they also consult biomedicine practitioner, their
belief in the efficacy of traditional medicine is intact.

Despite changes in other aspects of the social organisation ,

there has been very little change in their mental attitude. And this
mental attitude makes them believe in witchcraft and its power.

At the few first meetings certain educated Hos vehemently

179
denied their belief in witchcraft and even in the existence of witches in
the society. They kept on harping upon their resistance to Deonwas and
their procedures of identifying witches behind the misfortunes or
deaths. However, through internal triangulation method and cross
verification, it was revealed that their claims were false. Some of them
had been consulting Deonwas.

In one such case Mr. Samanta, employed in forest office (at

Chaibasa) narrated that his own maternal uncle was a Deonwa and before
going for any curing, he and his assistants used to create such an
atmosphere, as if there is witch's hand behind the misfortune. When
asked whether any of his family member was accused as a witch before,
he denied at first. But later accepted that two of his females had been
accused of beings a witch-which he claims to be totally false. On
being asked that since his family has suffered such an accusation, he
does not believe in witchcraft, he did not respond. And after a few
meetings, he started avoiding me and stopped talking.

Many more such cases were reported which were similar in

nature.

The point of mentioning such cases is to highlight the fact that

how far educated Hos reject and accept presence of witchcraft in their
society? It seems that changes have certainly occured, though their
belief in witchcraft has not shattered. The mental attitude, being the
'core' of one's personality, resist more to change than the peripheral
one.

It would not be correct to point that change has not occured on

this front. There are many Hos who do not believe in it and have been
advocating the falsity of witchcraft. They consult biomedical practitioners,
whenever, any problem related to health and illness arises. They go to

180
the nearby towns to consult doctors. Many such Hos are of the opinion
that they also persuade their relatives to avail the advantages of biomedicine.
S~me converted Christians, I met, do not believe in the efficacy of
witchcraft. They are of the opinion that practice and accusation of
witchcraft and counter-witchcraft have become means to settle scores
with enemies. They attribute illiteracy, poor health facilities, limited
exposure, as some of the reasons behind the witchcraft practices.

On the contrary, a large number of population do not agree with

it. They consider witchcraft to be real and have a strong belief in the
efficacy of indigenous medical practices. The saying that "modern
medicine does not provide relief, when the suffering is due to witchcraft"
aptly describes the social recognition to witchcraft. And to combat
witchcraft , they take recourse to counter-witchcraft. They have a
strong conviction in the efficacy of indigenous medical system, which
is considered a part of the cultural system.

Case-Studies: From Police F I Rs

Case-I

Case number 24/97

Dated 11-5-97

Thana Jhinkpani

Plantiff Sona Ram Das;

Defendent Turam Balmuchu & others.

The case was registered by Sona Ram Das of Village Kudahatu at

Jhiakpani police station. He earns his livelihood by selling kerosene
oil. He has one daughter, who is married in Orissa, but his 7 year old

181
grandson, Dilorodas was brought up by Sona Ram and his wife, Panno.
On lOth of May '97, when he was coming back from his brother's
home, he was told by a young boy that his wife and grandson have been
killed and hurried by some of the villagers. He found that his belongings
were thrown out of his house.

On 6th of May '97, the daughter of Turom Balmuchu had died.

Panno, wife of Sona Ram was accused for this death. She was suspected
of being a witch. Turam, Lakham, Murli and Dumbi decided to kill,
Panno. Even a year ago Sona Ram had alteraction with Turam alias
Pagla. Turam always accused Panno of practicing witchcraft. Sona Ram
suspects that his grandson may have been an eye-witness to the incident
(Panno 's killing).

The defendents have been charged with section 34, 201, 302,
364 of Indian Panel Code.

Case-II.

Case number 40/97

Dated 21.7.97

Police Station Gamharia.

Plantiff Dhano Mardi

Defendant Nuna Hansda

The case was registered by Dhano Mardi of village Babidhi. His

70 years old wife Buda Mardi was chopped off with Kulhari by Nuna
Hansda, while working at agricultural field. He was an eye-witness to it.

Buda Mardi was accused of being a witch. While attacking with

the Kulhari, Nuna Hansa had accused her of bewitching his child to
death.
182
 Dhano in the F.I.R., lodged that his wife had gone to Nuna
Hansda's house, before coming to the field. After half an hour, Nuna's
infant had died of some disease. Nuna accused Buda for this. Buda was
also accused earlier by Nuna of causing death to his 6 years old son
Lugu.

Police has changed Nuna under section 302 of IPC.

Case-III

Case number 64/96

Dated 2.12.96

Police Station Jhinkpani

Plentiff Lungi Kui

Defendant Shamu Gagnai

The case was registered by Lungi Kui, aged 50 years of

village-Tolaparamsai.

Ponay Gagrai, brother of Shamu Ganrai had died of some disease.

Lungi and her husband Shankara Gagrai started beating Shankara with a
stick and also threatened her by accusing her to be a witch. Scared. she
fled away from there but her husband did not return home. Early in the
next morning when she went towards Chopra longer with her brother-
in-law she found the head of her husband at Panduna Ho 's land. the
beheaded body was not found. She informed the village Munda,
Hauschandra Gagrai, of the incident.

She accused Shamu Gagrai for her husband's murder. Shamu had
been accusing Lungi and her husband for being witches.

The defendant was booked under section 302/201/34 of Indian

Penal code. 183
Case- IV

Case nwnber 31/96;

Dated 28.11.96

Police Station Tonto

Plentiff Damu Tamsoy

Defendant Dugi Tamsoy.

Damu Tamsoy of village Sanlisiya has registered a case against

his cousin Dugi of Badalisuja.

Dugi had attacked Damu's wife with sword. When his wife yelled
for help, Dugi fled away from the spot. Dugi had accused Damu's wife
as a witch and causing death of his wife, who had died three months ago.

Dugi was booked under section 302 of Indian Penal code.

Case-V

Case nwnber 41/96

Dated 13/9/96

Police station Jagannathpur

Plentiff Goma Bobonga

Defendant Unknown

Goma Bobonga of village Barananda, worked as a servant to

Jogna Agaria. Jogna was staying at Bolani (Orissa) with his family.
Goma used to take care of his cultivable land and house. On 8th of
September 1996, Jogna had come to his village. Jogna and Goma had
gone towards his Insaiburu land. While returning, around 8 A.M. they
met an unknown person. Jogra had asked him about his purpose of
184
wandering. After this Goma mored forward, followed by Jogna. Goma
-·-.--
-
heard a bullet shot; as he turned back, he found that jogna was lying on
the ground. that unknown man had fled away. J ogna told Go rna that
jyotin Agaria had hired that man to kill him. Jogna was brought back to
~ere he died at 10.30 A.M.

Goma suspects that Jyotin Agaria had got J ogna killed. Jyotin
always accused J ogna and his wife for witchcrfat and also threatened to
kill them.

Police had booked the case under Section 302 of IPC and 27
Arms Act.

Many more such cases have been registered in different police

stations. On the basis of such F. I. Rs the court deals with the cases
related to witchcraft killings. Some of such certified copies of court
proceedings have been put in appendi~. - fi)

185
 . I

Chapter- VIII
FINALE
Ill
 CHAPTER VIII

FINALE
-
f\'ID
We have so far analyzed the various parameters related to witchcraft
and various beliefs and attitudes related to witchcraft practices amongst
the Hos. The entire paraphernalia of existing witchcraft has been
discussed and many case studies have been cited. There are many such
other cases and variations of rituals related to witchcraft practices that
have not been mentioned as the underlying principles and nature of such
cases and rituals are the same mentioned in the work.

Witchcraft is the belief that members of a community employ

supernatural means to harm others in ways which are socially disapproved.
Broadly witchcraft is considered to be magic. Though magic in
anthropological literature is supposed to be a natural term, witchcraft
is usually conceived as a form of destructive magic. In anthropological
inquiry, witchcraft and Sorcery, another term associated with destructive
magic, have a subtle distinction between them. The witch is classified
as a weird and aberrant person; who moves through an obscure compulsion
or spirit possession; while a sorcerer is an ordinary person using
deliberate techniques and external means familiar to other members of
the community and is moved generally by simple ill will (Encyclopedia
Britannica). Sir Pritchard (1937) has also differentiated between these
two terms. However, in Ho society there is no such distinction; witch
and sorcerer are classified together and are referred to by one word
'Dandi'. Dandi is one who causes harm to others through his/her black
magic. Witch's power is not inherent rather it is learned. Male and
female both could be a witch but usually females are more likely to be
accused as witches. The number of male witches is very less.

The women are considered as more powerful in the art of black

-
186
magtc than the male counterpart. The belief is held that as the
Deonwa(s) point out, that the black magic practioners require to offer
blood to worshipped gods or deities at early stage of initiation, since
females undergo menstrual cycle at regular intervals, they are at an
advantageous position than the male counterparts. The menstruating
blood enables the females to offer blood to appease and propitiate the
worshipped deities. Francis Bethencourt has linked the issue of sex and
age by commenting that in medical theory in seventeenth century
Portugal, the Evil Eye was attributed to the emisson of "foul, fetid and
malignant fluids" from the eyes of a woman who was mal menstruada,
i.e. menstruating irregulary at her menopause. (Bethencourt, 1993 ).
Lamer also held the view that menstrual blood could harm crops and
foods, kill bees and so on which made easy to slip into thinking that
there has some form of dangerous magic inherent in all women.
(Larner 1980, 84)

However, this is not the case in Ho society. There is no such

emission of fluids from the eyes of a witch. The blood discharged out
of uterus during menses is considered important because uterus ts
regarded as the place of birth.

The prevalence of witchcraft amongst Hos is deeply rooted in

society and accusation and counter accusation occurs frequently. Witchcraft
among them provides an answer to misfortune events and also to seek
reason behind unnatural and untimely deaths. Evans Pritchard ( 193 7)
,~
in
.......__
his classical work among the Azande, puts the same view. While
describing witchcraft among Azande, he says that "most important
however is the usefulness of witchcraft in explaining why an event
occured. Science can not tell us what happened, beyond mentioning the
laws of probability. The Azande find both comfort and an opportunity
to retaliate in their explanation of why an unfortunate and unusual event
took place". The villagers (Hos) also believe that witches cause
187
unfortunate events or untimely deaths due to their black magic. A witch
could cause prolonged disease/sickness, loss of mental balance, failure
of crops, misfortunes and so on, with their malignant practices.

The disease and death could occur due to some other reasons
i.e., physical imbalance, displeasure of Bongas, but witchcraft provides
them a readymade answer to explain the reasons. Here mention of two
cases, in which death of an infant and an old lady has been cited
(mentioned in chapter-6). The ernie perspective behind these cases has
been explained. However, these two deaths could occur due to extreme
cold and other reasons, which could have been explained with germ
theory. In the frrst case the child might have caught influenza, since the
mother used to go out to work. In the second case the old lady, after
having had bath in pond at early hours of the day, might have suffered
paralysis due to cold. But the villagers are of the opinion that it was the
routined tasks, which these females used to do every day; but nothing
happened earlier. The belief in witchcraft provided them a plausible
reason to explain these two deaths. Here it would be relevant to
mention the description of Sir Pritchard (1937), " Where we talk about
the crops, hunting and our neighbour's ailments the Zande introduces
into these topics of conversation the subjects of witchcraft. To say that
witchcraft has blighted the groundnut crop, that witchcraft has scared
away game, and that witchcraft has made so-and-so ill is equivalent to
saying in terms of our own culture that the groundnut crop has failed
owing to blight, that game is scarce this season and that so-and -so has
caught influenza. Witchcraft participates in all misfortunes and is
idiom in which Azande speak about them and in which they explain
them. Witch-craft is a classification of misfortunes which while
differing from each other in other respects have this single common
character, their harmfulness to man".

188
 The mechanism of accusation is another parameter of witchcraft.
The accusation~f practicing witchcraft and c~using___harm amongst Hos
are always done by neighbours, Kins and nearest relatives. Marwick
,---------...~

while highlighting the Cewa belief in sorcery says that sorcery has a
social reference. Sorcerers never attack strangers they always attack
their relatives. (Marwick, 1965).It is they who attribute any misfortune,
sickness, or even death to women living in close vicinity. The Hos also
opine that if the Dandi's demand is not fulfilled, she may curse. The
level of interaction between the accused witch, supposed victim and
local community is personal i.e., there is always a reciprocal interaction
between accused and accuser. Any unwanted event occurred after the
witch's behaviour or act leads to accusation. Some cases have been
cited earlier. In one such case, a 35 years old female was mercilessly
beaten to death near Rajkharswan. One child had died and it was
accused by the grieved family members that the accused female had
come to their home and had kept her hand on child's head- and had
gone. Soon after her departure, the child died.

This case has been cited here to highlight that there exists a
cordial interaction between accused and the accuser, but the event
behind the misfortune is described or explained in terms of witch's
behaviour or act. In many other cases accusation is done by the nearest
kins or neighbours. Lamer(1984) in her work on Scottish witch-hunt
describes that the Scottish suspect had made some request to a neighbour
and on being refused showed her anger. Same has been described by
Alan Macfarlane (1970) and Keith Thomas (1971).

However, their findings are not fully applicable to Ho society.

For example, Macfarlane's demonstration that the 'witch' and her 'victim'
were always neighbours but not equals. The victim would be relatively
well off, the witch poor; and Lamer's description that 'the typical
scottish suspect was an elderly woman with a sharp tongue and a filthy,
189
A dead woman: Murdered after being accused as a witch at Amda,
Kharswan
temper, fairly low in the social scale and unpopular... '.

The suspected witch always may not be poor and her victim
relatively well off, and woman with sharp tongue and a felthy temper
and low in social scale and unpopular. These are not the definite
prerequisites among the Hos. There are many cases where, female(s)
of relatively well off kins are accused as being a witch and misfortunes
attributes to her magical power. Nevertheless, their findings that the
neighbour or kin, feeling anxious at having failed in his/her obligation,
would later interpret any misfortune as due to the offended woman's
curse, aptly fits to the Ho community.

Keith Thomas describes that 'a witch' could harm the health of
humans and of animals (a process called maleficium), and accusations
and trials centred around them; and misfortunes attributed to witchcraft
then frequently consultation with a 'cwming man' or 'wise woman' who
confirms the victim's pre-existing suspicions is framed within a broad
context of the Tudor and Stuart mentality at every social level. He
further discusses the belief in the efficacy of a righteous curse; belief
about the devil; possession and exorcism, the pressures for conformity
in rural communities; the functions of witch-beliefs in accounting for
misfortune and reinforcing moral standards. (Thomas, 1971 ).

The Hos have a device of counter-witchcraft in witch-doctors

(Deonwa). The villagers frequently consult the witchdoctors for cure
against witch's attack. The Deonwas also perform the rituals to propitiated
the ancestoral Bongas, who also cause distress independently. But the
malevolent Bongas and spirits are propitiated and guided by witches to
harm the wantonly. The villagers believe the witches capture the spirits
and make them their pet ones so as to use them against their victims.
Whether there is a prolonged sickness, misfortune or even death,
villagers consult Deonwa(s) to get remedies or cure. The Deonwa has
190
 different methods to nullify the effects of witch's attack. Through his
curing rituals he identifies the cause behind the suffering and seeks to
cure it. Thomas's description also highlights that misfortune attributed
to witchcraft is consulted with a cunning-mom or wise woman. But his
point that they (cunning man or wise woman) confirm the pre-existing
suspicions does not suit in the Ho society in the context of pre-existing
suspicions only.

In Ho community, male and female both can become a witch.

Kluchhohn (1944) also describes that among Navahos both man and
women may become witch although references to male witches are
considerably more numerous. However, among Hos female witches are
more numerous than male witches. Among Hos usually females are
---:------_
accused as a w1tch, though there are a few cases where males have also
/
been accused. Generally widows, old ladies, barren or issueless females
or females with a weird look, quarrelsome females, females who pose
threat to male kins by being vocal etc. are branded as witches. Clyde
Kluckhohn (1994) observes that almost all the female witches mentioned
in the actual anecdotes are old women; some informants insisted that
only childless women could be witches. Nadel (1960) opines that Nupe
witches are always women and only women are accused of witchcraft.
Majumdar ( 1950) says that among Hos, witches are either barren
women both old and ugly, or whose ways of life are strange and
mysterious.

To me these are, however neither the prerequisites nor the

defining characteristics of those who a,re labelled as witches in Ho
9ommunity. These only expres certain general attributes of potential
/
witches. Christina Lamer (1981, 84) believes that "those accused of
witch-craft were usually those who do not fulfill the male view of how
women should conduct themselves".

191
 Hester argues that witch hunting rested on the assumption of
male social, sexual and moral supremacy and was used to reinforce
these; the relation between the sexes was one of conflict and violence,
in witchcraft accusations were a weapon for ensuring. The subordination
of women. (Hester, 1994).

But in the Ho society the relation between the male and female
or between the two sexes is not usually that of conflict and violence.
Women are not held as inferior to male, they play a definite role in
household decisions. In the Ho society too women are accused more
often than the men folks. Though there are cases where man have been
accused , but such incidents are few and far between.

The Hos have a very strong belief in the art of witches transforming
themselves to the animal forms i.e., cat, dog, bull, rat etc. The villagers
always speak of this metamorphosis in which a witch changes her form
(esp. animals) to harm her victims at the dead of night. The people
opine that witches in the form of a cat or rat enter the house of the
victim and either licks the saliva oozing out of victims mouth or eats
the kidney or liver or sucks the blood with straw made of paddy. This
leads to sickness, loss of blood and consequently death. The
metamorphism of witches into animal forms have been discussed by
many scholars and even in the classical works on witchcraft viz. Graceo-
Roman beliefs, historical writings on European witchcraft and also by
anthropologists. Castairs (1983) also describes it in his work in
Rajasthan that witches can temporarily discard their human form and
tum themselves into cats or ants.

To my mind, the depiction of witches turning into any animal

forms, should be seen with social surroundings i.e., the animals are
usually those who are present in the social environment. For example
in European tales, witches ride on wolves; in other parts in hyenas and
192
so on. Among the Hos animals are cats, rats, bulls etc.

The villagers (Hos) narrate many such stories where a witch had
been beaten in her changed animal form and later it was confrrmed that
such and such female was severely ill or there were beating imprints on
her body. Thus, the belief in witches transforming themselves into
animal forms to harm their enemies does not remain merely a belief,
but the validity of this belief is reflected in their real world. Baroja
( 1964) writes that 'the history of European witchcraft is closely linked
to the problem of distinguishing between objective and subjective
reality. For many country people, even now everything which has a
name, even everything expressed in words, has a physical reality and is
not merely a concept. Thus, if the name 'witches' exist, it is because
they are really such things, and if their flights are referred to, then
those flights really take place in the air around us. If tales are told of
the ability of witches to change themselves into animals, it is because
they have really been seen to do so and even been wounded in their
animal forms'.

Regarding the initiation of witches into the profession Hos

believe that anyone who wants to learn the art approaches a guru, who
teaches the disciple the various mantras and magical incantations.
Training takes place at night in the graveyard under the strict guidance
of the guru. The last initiation rites i.e., acceptance of disciple as an
independent witch to dwell in the witchcraft end with the disciple
sacrificing his/her most loveable object i.e., husband, son or nearest
kin. However, Kluckhohn ( 1944) describing the witchery in Navahos
says 'that killing a near relative, normally a sibling is a part of the
initiation into witchery way'. Similarly, the Hindus living in towns
(west Singhbhum) also believe in this principle. It is said that the witch
in her last initiation rites either sacrifices her 'Kokh' or 'Maang' and

193
only after this sacrifice, the disciple is declared as a witch who can now
practice witchcraft independently.

Witches also capture the dead spirits and propitiate some malevolent
Bongas and set them against her victim and even cattle. Majumdar
( 1950) also describes it. The witches either harm their enemies/
victims through these mediums (Spirits and Bongas) or act independently.
There are different methods (cited earlier) which witches imply to harm
their victim(s). The witches can also harm through long distances,
which works defmitely. Their procedure of causing harm also constitute
contagious magic and imitative magic. In contagious magic, the witches
obtain the victims bodily part i.e., hair, nail etc. and practice black
magic to harm the victim. On the other hand, in the imitiative magic
pricking or burning of effigy is practiced to harm the victim. It would
be worth to quote James Frazer's description of the principles of
magic. Frazer (1911-15) says that "if we analyze the principles of
thought on which magic is based, they will probably be found to resolve
themselves into two: first, that 'like produces like' or that an effect
resembles its cause; and second, that things which have once been in
contact with each other continue to act on each other at a distance after
the physical contact have been severed. The formal principle may be
called the 'Law of Similarity' the later the 'Law of contact or contagion'.
From the first of these principles, namely the law of similarity, the
magician infers that he can produce any effect he desires merely by
imitating it: from the second he infers that whatever he does to a
material object will affect equally the person with whom the object was
once in contact". Kluckhohn ( 1944) also describes the phenomenon of
these two principles among Navahos.

The villagers do not reveal the name of the witch. It is utmost

impossible to make any Ho speak the name of village witch. It is

194
believed that if her name is revealed, she would certainly come to know
and will cause harm or injuries. Carstairs (1983) narrates his own
encounters while conducting fieldwork in Sujarupa that "the identity of
the witch was not revealed. The reason for this was of course, that the
witch was still alive, and would be furious if her secrets were revealed.
What is more, she was attributed with the magical power of knowing at
once if her name was spoken". Further highlighting the beliefs he
writes that "such stubborn beliefs must serve a social and a psychological
role. One function such beliefs serve in a community in which the
deaths of infants, children and young women are all too common is to
provide a scapegoat: the woman of Sajarupa mourned these premature
deaths with bitter grief but instead of reproaching themselves they
directed their anger at the nearby witch. Fear of the witch, together
with suppressed anger, was every mother's experience when her child
fell sick. This is an important element in Rawat's outlook on the world
as a dangerous place in which evil spirits lie in wait for the unwary-
but at the sametime it is not easily disclosed or discussed, out of fear
of what the witch might do.

The villagers speak that witches dance naked in the graveyard by

making a circle and-if any passersby is seen to witness it, he is killed.
The villagers also opine that while going to graveyard or going to learn
the art or going to meeting place or for hunt, the witches perform some
sort of magic at house, so that no family members could notice her
going out at the dead of night. The magic works until she comes back
and it is this magic which makes even spouse or family members being
ignorant of the fact that one of the female of the family is indulged in
witchcraft. Kluckhohn(1944), while describing the witchery says that
'a spouse also remains ignorant that the partner is a witch'. The witches
meet regularly to perform rituals.

The concepts like Sabbath, Coven, etc., used in ancient historical

195
accounts on witchcraft and even by the neo-paganists, have been filtered
down to the local cultures and have acquired different shapes and
meanings owing to local cultural perceptions. For example, when the
Hos speak that witches meet secretly at night at graveyard or at some
other places to perform their magical rites, it seems that they refer to
a group of witches who frequently gather together to perform their
rituals. It may not have the classical perceptions of 'coven' but the
structure and functions which it performs is that of coven.

The Goddesses of witches' as mentioned in classical witchcraft

are Diana, Helda, Herocius etc., whom the witches worshipped. These
goddesses were considered the queen of nights. In the Ho community,
it is believed that witches worship goddess Kali and her associated
deities viz. Dakini, Jugini, chandi etc. The witches appease those
deities to gain magical power.

The accusation of being a witch is not only stigma to the accused

....
witch but also a dtsrepute to the famdy honour. The stigma is so severe
that the distant relatives even do not intend to link themselves with the
'witch's family. Sometimes even family members take a strong step
against the witch. _Gne such case as narrated by journalists and also
reported by the local newspapers, an accused witch was killed by her
brother-in-law, as it had become a matter of disgrace and shame for him
to tolerate the accusation of being a member of witch's family.

The main aim of citing the above case is not only to highlight the
stigma related to witchcraft but also to highlight the fact that witchcraft
is ~~::.b.:::.o.:..oe:.:d:..:a:!sp~e::c:.:t_:an::::d_:i.:..t~h=as::..::.a-"'n~e~g""an~·v"'"'e"-""'co~nn=::o::..:t:=at::i.:..on::...:in::..:H.::o:_:co:,:mm=::.:u=n=ity.
Witchcraft is considered as an anti-social practice and is not approved
by the society. There is no social backing to it. In other words, society
does not consider witchcraft to be white i.e., meant for the welfare of
society; it is always considered black i.e., a means to harm others. This
196
connotation of witchcraft among the Ho community goes against the
claim of modem witchcraft and modem witches that their art is useful
to humankind. Modem witches like Gerald Gardner, most important
creator of modem witchcraft; Alex sanders, Sybil Leek, a best known
witch of modem England; Bobbie, a California witch; George Patterson,
a California witch and founder of the Georgi on branch of witch-craft,
etc. claim that their craft is for the welfare of human beings. Even, we
have an example of Indian modem witch, lpsita Roy Chakraberti who
claims that "witchcraft is based on scientific truth. It is not necessarily
evil. Any science can prove to be evil if put in the wrong hands. We
witches can prove beneficial to society. Our presence is soothing to
those in distress. Our touch can calm. Our eyes can comfort or impart
energy as the need be". Further she explains that witches derive power
from the elements: earth, water, air and sun. The element emits rays
and energy which we absorb during rituals. These rays can correct
imbalances, restore mental disorders. They can even cure physical
ailments. We are reservoirs of these rays and cosmic energy".(The
Illustrated weekly of India, May 29, 1988)

But among the Hos witchcraft is considered as being negative in

function. Whenever they were asked, if witchcraft ever produced any
good to society, almost all strongly denied it. They strongly argue that
witches can never do good to any community; they always do harm to
the society.

There are also certain beliefs related to making any witch forget
the art of witch craft, e.g. forcing the witch to eat excreta, so that she
would forget her craft. This belief is well reflected in their action too.
Mention may be made of Chutni's case, in which she was accused of
being a witch and causing sickness, and was forced to eat excreta.

The witchcraft not only functions to explain misfortunes or

197
sickness or unnatural deaths, it also becomes a medium of scapegoat
and any unexplained or inexplicable happening is explained through it.
At the sametime, it also works as a 'defence mechanism for the
witches', too. Though being labelled as a witch is a stigma, it also
provides defence to the witch as once declared as a witch, most of the
people do not intend to harm her for fear of her vengeance. The
accused witches and her family members however, speak that the fellow
villagers never accuse the females of influential and powerful people-
and it is here that the implication of power structure in witchcraft
comes into play.

Related to the phenomenon of witchcraft is the counter witchcraft.

The analysis of witchcraft in any community is not complete unless
focus is put on counter-witchcraft, since these are interwined concept.
This is so even in Ho society. Whenever people talk of witchcraft or
witches, concept of counter-witchcraft or witchdoctors certainly comes
up. The Ho community has a well developed and pronounced device of
counter witchcraft, reflected in the Deonwa and Sokas. They are the
healers who neutralize the malignant effects of witches. Everyone can
not become Deonwa~ it is believed that only those who have been
chosen by Bongas, can be a Deonwa. Though the apprenticeship goes
under a 'guru' where one learns all the intricacies of mantras and gets
familiar with the supernatural Cosmos, one becomes a Deonwa only
after receiving the blessing of benevolent Bongas. The people as well as
the Deonwas say that it is only when an apprentice comes into trance
that he is judged to have receive the blessings of the Bonga or is
chosen by the Bonga to be a Deonwa. In this trance or altered state of
consciousness, the apprentice is directed by Bongas to move towards
nearby jungles where he is further trained by the Bongas and also
acquainted with the herbal medicines. The witchdoctor has a visionary
experience of supernatural world. Weston La Barre ( 1970) calls
Shamanism as 'direct visionary experience'. Witchdoctor is considered
198
as a linking chain between supernatural and human beings.

The people frequently approach him for cure. Almost in every

village, there is one or more than one Deonwa. Soka is considered
more powerful than the Deonwa, since the belief is held that he is
chosen and trained by the Bongas. Case studies have been cited of the
training procedure of Deonwas and Sokas. There are various methods
employed by these healers to detect the cause behind the suffering i.e.
Hatagoso ritual to 'Sin door seeing process. The Deonwas usually do
not reveal the name of concerned witch. These Deonwas are generally
males. They lead an ordinary lives, doing household chores, like
everyone else. But when they are approached for seeking cures of any
remedy or ailment, they work as a specialists.

The villagers have a strong faith in the efficacy of Deonwa's

curing rituals and whatever the ailment it may be, he is approached. In
his curing process, he comes into trance, culturally believed as being
possessed by the Bongas. The villagers believe that it is the Bonga who
cures the sick person or helps in detecting the concerned witch~ he is
simply a medium. It is the underlying principle that 'Bonga cures the
sick person victimised by 'witch' and 'he is simply a medium' or the
'Bonga speaks through his mouth when he is in trance' etc. that make
villagers approach them to seek help. He not only cures the patients but
also restores the faith of sick person as well as present audience in the
efficacy of his curing. And this aspect has to be seen from specific
cultural perspective since people give an ernie explanation for this.

It is believed that since the cause of the disease or suffering is

from the society, hence, cure must be sought within the society itself
and by the person who has a better understanding of 'ernie worldview'
or 'culturally perceived cause and effect' behind the disease and its
cure. Vetebsky ( 1995) writes that "the Shamans not only are responsible
199
for curing and the magical protection of society, but they are also
regarded as repository of valued cultural and mythical knowledge".
There can not be any witchdoctor without a surrounding society and
culture . In other words, witchdoctor and the efficacy of his healing
power gets meaning only in the surrounding culture. The beliefs and
rituals related to healing or the encounters with the witches and related
episodes are culture specific.

The phenomenon of witchcraft and counter witchcraft has a

social context to specific cultural practices. The total episode and
beliefs and attitudes related to these concepts may seem peculiar and
exotic to an outsider, but to the villagers, it is an integral part of the
whole culture. Hence, these must be seen in holistic and cultural
relativism. And only then the relevance and functional aspect of these
concepts could well be understood and analysed.

In the 'trance' or altered state of consciousness, the witchdoctor

carefully domesticates the society's belief in his ability to control and
channelise his supernatural power, meant to cure the sufferer. His
healing rituals are considered to restore the health of the fellow
villagers who are attacked by witch (s) malignant wish. At the sametime,
it also confirms the community's faith in his specialization by providing
a satisfaction of being cured by the socialized specialist.

The villagers speak of the 'stratified power' of the witchdoctors

in which witchdoctor's experience gained through supernatural propitiation
and control. This could be well explained by this fact that the community
believes that witches exists and cause harm even the death of their
victims through their craft and hence the help of witchdoctors are
sought. Even if the 'victim' or sufferer does not get relief, he is never
disillusioned by the failure of healing rituals. He further seeks help of
another Deonwa who is considered more powerful than the previous
200
one, since he believes that some powerful witch's magic is behind his/
her suffering.

The belief in the supernatural power of Deonwa, blessed by

Bongas and his efficacy in healing rituals gives an utmost psychological
satisfaction to the patients being cured by the specialists. And it is this
belief or satisfaction that makes people approach him rather than any
other system of medicine especially modem medicine. Most of the
villagers are of of the opinion that no medicine other than indigenous,
can cure or neutralize the ailment caused by witches. The pharmacopoeia
of traditional medicine has a social backing, since it has been continuing
down the ages and at the sametime it provides a close interaction
between the 'sufferer' and the 'healer'. It does not mean that biomedicine
does not follow a close interaction pattern, but to the Hos, biomedicine
is an alien medicine and its efficacy still has to be realised by most of
the people. Paul Fejos ( 1963) points that "to be ill is dangerous, to be
cured is important and desirable . This is perceived by all cultures and
they go doing about it in their own way decicated by their own cultural
idioms. This perceived condition is fulfilled by securing the service of
a personnel who is a doctor in modem society and healer, known as
Shaman in primitive society. Though in both these offices objective is
same, the approach of fulfilling this objective differs-the doctor
speaks of science whereas primitive man takes help of magic.

However, there has occurred change in the beliefs and attitudes.

The converted Christian Hos and educated people have started consulting
the doctors and have realised the efficacy of biomedicine and its
practitioners. They also do not believe in the old beliefs on witchcraft
and counter witchcraft and doubts the efficacies of these two concepts.
They held witchcraft to be a false and opine that it has become a means
to settle personal scores or to grab the property of the kins by accusing

201
any female of the kin's family of being a witch. The recently happened
misfortunes are attributed to be the cause of the accused witch and in
this pretext, these certain individuals not only take help of Deonwa(s)
but also influence the village panchayat. And then it becomes easy
either to impose fine or excommunicating or even mass killings.

The local journalists and police also believe in the same

predispositions. District Administration has formed a 'special cell' to
deal with witchcraft cases and since 1991 more than hundred witch
hunting cases have been reported and 'First Information Reports'(F.I.R.)
have been registered. Not only this many witch-hunters have been
booked under different sections of 'Indian Penal Code' (l.P.C.). However,
police officials say that the police finds it very tough to investigate
because of villagers reluctance to reveal anything. They doubt that
there may be many cases which go unreported.

Various social organisations have also taken the witch- hunting

cause and efforts like demonstrations, rallies, awakening programmes,
seminars, street plays etc. are being pursued seriously. The local
journalists have been also reporting these cases in local newspapers.
Even the Missionary Fathers are helping in these social efforts. The
educated Hos also work as a pressure group against witchcraft. These
social workers consider that illiteracy, poor health facilities, limited
interaction with outside world, are some of the reasons behind the
community's belief in witchcraft.

However, a large number of people do not think so. They have

a very strong belief in the witches and their craft and opine that
witchcraft is a real entity. The witches power to harm the victims and
therapeutic intervention of the witchdoctors are interwoven in the
social matrices.

202
 Are the witches real? Do they rely cause harm? Do witchdoctors
really heal? - are some of the querries which need to be seen in
cultural specific attitudes. Vetebsky ( 1995) opines that 'these querries
are one part of the total phenomenon. The most vital aspect is its
interdependence and interlinkage with other aspects of social organisations,
since these aspects are affected by the manifestation of beliefs'.

The Hos consider witchcraft to be an integral part of culture,

which is linked with other aspects of social organisations. It has a direct
bearance on almost every aspect of society viz, religion, economy,
political organisation etc. The belief in the efficacy of witchcraft is
embedded in the thought process and unless this mental attitude witnesses
a change, the belief of the community can not be uprooted. Community,
considers witchcraft to be real and claim that witches do exists and they
work supernaturally to the injury and even to the deaths of their victims.
This is reflected in the community's action while dealing with the
witchcraft cases. Levi Strauss (1963) highlights three areas of beliefs:-

(i) The sorcerer's belief in his or her techniques,

(ii) The victim's belief in the sorcerer's power, and,

(iii) The community' belief in the power of sorcery.

The belief is so deep rooted that witchcraft has become an

integral part of the culture and is imbibed by the younger generation.
Young ( 1957) writes, "the behaviour of an individual as well as members
of a group is shaped by the belief system and this belief system is
internalized in the process of socialization." The certain practices are
the products of these long standing customs arising out of the cultural
beliefs. These cultural beliefs and practices give birth to many rituals
being manifested in actions- and the phenomenon of witchcraft is one
of the by products of these cultural beliefs and practices.

203
 The belief and conviction in witchcraft is so widespread that the
diseases, deformities and deaths are all attributed to the witches. The
witches are a fearsome entity and whenever situation arises witches are
killed. There are many cases where some family members along with
the suspected witch were also killed. Singh ( 1978) highlights the belief
that "witches breed witches and sorcerers. In case of witchcraft, the
remedy was to put the person denounced by a Soka or witchfinder,
along with all members of his family to death." Capt. Wilkinson in his
letters to Lt. Tickell (1837 to 1840) writes, "so long as this conviction
in the efficacy of witchcraft persisted, punishment would not deter Hos
from committing murder". Majumdar (1950) writes that "the belief in
witchcraft is so strong that whenever they suspect any person as being
a witch, the feelings run so high that the unfortunate suspect is put to
all sorts of ordeals to prove her innocence. Attempts to coerce women
to confess their identity have led to violence on them. Some of them
are naturally innocent and many cases are annually brought to Kolhan
court for decision."

G.L. Kittridge (1958) opines that "every witch is prosecuted not

because she amuses herself with riding a broomstick or because she has
taken a fiend for a love; she is hunted down like a wolf because she is
an enemy to mankind."

There may be cases where innocent people are killed and on

pretext of witchcraft personal enmity are settled but the belief in
witchcraft still remains unshattered to a greater degree. Lack of health
facilities at the village levels, illiteracy, ineffective progressive pressure
groups and disinterest of the educated and well placed Hos to work as
a reference group to curb the menace of witchcraft are some of the
reasons behind the continuation of the witchcraft practices. Though
some local organisations have been continuously fighting against it, it

204
may only be hoped that in times to come, witch-huntings will stop and
people would take recourse to alternative medicine to fight diseases
and death. Lt. Tickell ( 1840) writes, " a fearful number of people
(among themselves) have fallen sacrifice (witch-hunt) to the horrid
superstitions respecting witchcraft; but such crimes, common to the
barbarous ages of all nations, but too prevalent formerly in our own,
must be, by the impartial observer, attributed more to the depravity of
the judgement than the heart."

205
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217
APPENDICES
ll
!
APPENDIX -1
 Genealogy of A. K. Pingua

~~z
~=Z
Juria IMuchkuni
--~=Z -
Ankurr
k-
Mangal
k=Z
Bagun I Itwari
I I
Maheshwar
-0
T 0-.6
TBimal 0=.6
Jayanti

LC561
Sikandar Susila Raj
!6!
Mangesh Nirusa Aatish

=.6 .6=0 0=.6 =.6 .6=0 =.6

Kamala Tangrai Anant I Savitri Binni Saraswati Salina Ullidi Prasan Jayanti
(EGO)

O=r.6 =0 ~
Suresh I Doli Vyaya I Arvind Gagan Manoj Raj Rajesh Billu

Pinki Apeksha Anant

218
 Genealogy of Sanatan Pingua

Ankura _..h TJ2f Sedgu :Lk J2f T

ATJ2f
Mana I Channi
hrf2f
Bate
~7f2f
D~b 1~o ~·~-_1 =J2f =J2f =J2f
Martan I
Ankura Susamani Sanatan Krishna Bamiya Bagun Turiya Taksingh
I I I
D D 0 .
D=O
Bate I
Sanatan Julrur ManJulata
42yrs 36 yrs 33 yrs 1 1 1 I I I I
(EGO)
~=J2f ~~0 ~ O=D=J2f O=D 0 O=D
Junay Dhansingh Gorishankar Panchay Saro Sanatan Gorbai Birnla

lT~- -I- -l:o-·-----6-~D - l

Subhash I Lalmani Chandan Raja ram I Tulsi Pranula Sanatan Ghanshyam

Manish
I Rupnarayan
-·~-1

J2f

219
APPENDIX -II
 GLOSSARY

Ho Term
A ding the inner room of a house where the cooking is done, and
where the ancestors are venerated.

Adin nida midnight.

Agom the promise made to one of the greater spirits (Sing

bonga, maran bonga, nage) to perform a certain sacrifice
upon receiving some specify favour (god crops, health);
an outgrowth sign (sindoor) pearled rice grains wrapped in
leaves ) of this promise.

Aji older sister.

Andi marriage; to marry

Apu father

Ara son-in-law.

A tan to receive something in the open palms of both hands

held together .

Ba flower

Baba paddy

Badehom sabai grass; used to make ropes and hunter.

Bajigar gypsy

Bala bundu relations through marriage

Banda a tank or pond

Banji barren

220
Bapala to make preliminary arrangement for manage,
the feast on that occasiOn.

Bare yonger brother or male cousin (used by a

woman)

Bar-ji pregnant (two-souled)

Bas a a residence; to reside

Bau:alder borther or male cousm

Bau-hanyar A man's wife's older brother; a woman's husband's

older brother.

Bayer a rope

Bilae-a cat

Bindiram a spider

Bin a snake

Binti prayer; to pray

Bir jungle

Bisiyan pmsonous

Biswas belief; to believe

Biti-haya greed (y) for possessions

Bachar mundi the completion of the yearly cycle, (e.g. for some
crops used in prayers.

Bada a male goat

Baka younger brother

Banga-buru traditional sacrifices to the spirits.

Banga-era to get rid of (e.g. for sickness or a spirit inflicting

221
 sickness) by performing a sacrifice.

Bas ancestral line or family.

Buru mountain; hill.

Busu straw

Buta Asora one's near relatives.

Buti lai the umbilical cord.

Chandu moon or month

Chandu reya menstruation

Chatu an earthen pot.

Chauli husked uncooked nee.

Chauli jan nel to divine;to inspect rice grians to discern what

spirit is harming someone, etc.

Chela a disciple

Chenta Harassment; to harass.

Chenta ho A man intent on inflicting harm on others.

Chera Beautiful

Chukudi A four-concerned leaf cup used es. to hold the rice

grains etc. for sacrificial purposes.

Churdu Bonga The spirit of a woman who died in child birth.

Chatu-a mouse.

Da water

Dada older brother

Dae A victim for sacrifice

222
Dae daka collective noun for the victim and all things
required for a sacrifice

Dai older sister

Dalob to cover

Dalob tapa to cover completely (so as to bury)

Danan to hide (behind); hidden

Danan kaji a secret, mystery.

Danda a stick

Danda:nam to search out by moving a stick around, e. g. m

a trance (rum)

Dande a fine; punishment

Dare To offer a victim.

Deran meran kaji hearsay

Dhorom religion

Diku a non-tribal

Din mundi the completion of sometime, e.g. of the yearly

cycle of a crop.

Dinda an unmarried man or woman; a virgin.

Diuri a priest

Dos(o) guilty; to accuse.

Duku-ichi to cause suffering to

Duku-sasati to persecute, inflct suffering upon

Dutam karji a matchmaker

223
Eng a mohter

Era wife , woman

Ere an omen

Ere/ jealous (also called hisinga)

Gandu a stool

Gaun a mother's younger sister; the wife of one's

father's younger brother; one's father's other
wife (younger than one's mother)

Giyu shame, disgrace, shyness; to be ashamed.

Gee: senger fit (convulsions)

Gam wheat

Ganoe death

Go non cost, value, bride pnce, to set a pnce.

Goso to rub

Gungu great grandparent; great grandchild: older

brother's of one's father; his wife; older sister
of one's mother; her husband.

Guru a teacher; a perosn such as soka or Deonwa

who teaches other mantras for purposes of
divining.

Ham buri a man and wife.

Ham hoko old men, ancesters (whose spirits are m the

ading)

Hanar mother-in-law.

224
Har-dorom to drive a way, ward off

Hasu sickness; to be sick

Hat a winnowing basket

Hata: goso to rub rice in a winnowing basket for purposes of

divination, e.g. to determine what spirit is inflicting
harm on someone.

Her-mut the sacrifice held before the sowing of the main

crop; the feast held on that occasion (also called
han ba)

Hero porob the sacrifice and feast held after all the sowing has
been completed about the month of July.

Here/ husband

Hesa: daru the pipal tree

Hisinga envy

Ho a man; a Ho; the Ho language.

Hamo-ura to regain a healthy body (after wasting away due to

sickness, etc.)

Han ocho desendents

Honor to roam, wander

Jano contagious

Jari very weak from sickness

Jayer the sacred grove (also called desauli)

Ji spirit

Jono Broom

225
Jawar to greet; a greeting; hello.

Jawar-sara to worship.

Kaji ayer to foretell, prophesy; to inform beforehand.

Kented quarrelsome

Keya-ader to call into (used of calling the shades of a dead

member of the fmaily into the ading)

Kili clan

Kui a woman

Kursinama genealogy: one's family tree.

Mage the feast observed in each village after the harvest

work is finished; obscene language used then; to
use obscene language.

Mani sunam mustard oil

Manki the headman of a confederation of villages each of

which has a headman called munda.

Maran big, great

Mayam blood

Med eye

Med-najar to cast a spell by the evil eye; a spell so cast.

Machan the edge of some elevated surface.

Muchad to finish , put an end to,

Mulu: Chandu the new moon; next month

Munda a village headman

Najam to poison deliberately either by witchcraft or by

226
 ordinary means; witchcraft; to practice witchcraft.

Nama era bride

Nama kowa bridegroom

Nida night

Nida Pan night time

Otongar a person who suposedly waylays children for human

sacrifice.

Papi sinful

Paraw to read; to study; to go to school

Randi a widow

Ranu ferment for rice beer; yeast for bread; medicine.

Rasi Juice; the liquid resulting from the fementation on

top of a rice beer brew.

Red a root e.g. of a tree; medicine

Red:bugin to cure by medicine.

Raga disease

Row a sowl

Rum a trance; to shake in a trance.

Sai a tola, a separate section of a village.

Sara to curse ; a curse

Sa rub of an evil spirit, to take possession of someone.

Sasan a burial palce

Sasan diri a large stone put flat on the ground over a grave

227
Seba to serve, be a devotee to (e.g. some spirit)

Seta a dog

Sinduri vermillion,

So rag heaven

Sukuri a p1g

Tap an the promise made usually to one of the malign

spirits (Churdu bonga, Dandi, etc.) to perform a
certain sacrifice upon receiving a specified favour.

Teta gunguko ancestors

Takub danda a staff used by an old or sick perosn or by one who

is in a trance (rum) is assisting a Deonwa.

Uku Kaji a secret

Uli-da saliva

Umbul/Umbool shadow, shade

Undi younger brother or cousin

228
APPENDIX -III
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 I

APPENDIX -IV
IIII
 District=S!nghbhum,West).
In the Court of the ':>nd Additional Sessions Judge of
Singhbhum(West) at Chaibasa.
***
Dated the 4th day of June, 1993.

Present·,.. Sl')ri B. :<. Sinha,

2nd Addl.Sessions Judge of
Singhbhum(W)at Chaibasa.

Sessions ~~ Trial No. 23 of 1992

From an order of commitment dated 9-3-1992
passed by Shri Radha Govind Singh Nagesh, Subdivisional
Judicial Magistrate, Chakradharpur at Chaibasa, in G.R.Case
No.ll8 if 1991.

3tate =Versus= '<erse Gagrai (2~ years)

Char~e Under Sections 302 and 201 of the

Indian Ponal Code.

For the Prosecutions- Mr. !<. K. Bajaj, Advocate,

~ddl •. Pu9lic Prosecutor.
-~-'J't..:..~,.,

1'~"" ·.- _ 1". ~ ~-~· ~ the Oecence :- Mr. H. L. Tiu, Advocate. (tJ...i/\_~1;--~~
/
\
Judgment
1
1. I Accused Kerse Gagrai stands char~ed under section
3cQ of the Indian Penal Code for committing murder of Raimuni
Kui alias Loso Burhi on lOth Aoril, 1991 in Indruwa jungle. He
further stands charged under section 201 of the Indian Penal
~ode for throwing the dead body of deceased Raimuni Kui alias
Loso Burhi on the slope of the hill near Bikramlor Nala with
\
screening from legal punishment.

Case of the prosecution is based U•)on fradbeyan

en l0-4-1991, the informant had gone to

Chakradharp. 'I' market and from there he returned to home at
about 4 P.M. , and "<:erse Gagrai ,who lives near his house at

240
 = 2 =
.--~­
village Indruwa, told him that he has a quarre~witn ijis
.-. ,;; .
aunt(Chachi), so let us go to call her. Bagun G.\igrai;,whose
.. . ; ~~- '?·~{~- . ~
,house is also situated near the house of info~mant, w~ sta~.
> ~ ' .. ·
eking Powal and Kerse also called h• him. Thereafter, the~

~ersons, informant, Bagun and Kerse proceeded tow~rds Ind•ruwa

check dam. 'Nhen they reache~ Indruwa dam then Kerse disclO"sed
that he had cut his Chachi and gestured towards the dead body
of informant's Chachi and asked informant that the dead body
has to be removed, and if they will not co-operate with him,
then he will cut them. The informant saw that the neck of his
Chachi was &Popped off and she was lying dead. The informant
and Bagun out of fear fled away. At athat time Kerse gave out
that if they disclosed about such happensings to Munda,then
they will be also killed. It has been further alleged that
the informant's father had married informant's aunt Raimuni
Kui alias Lose Burhi and the informant's step-mother is also
called in the village Lose Burhi. It has been further alleged
~~ in the F. I .R. that about three months back a child of Kerse
"· -··• · -t"." .1, .' a d died and so Kerse was calling informant's step-mother
' ,"': ~ '
a 'f!;h-craft. :<erse, afte~ the occurrence, fled aNay with ...'
wi~. Today in the morning, the informant narrated about the
o~urrence to village Munda and he along with Munda came to
_....ieraikella Police Station and gave fardbeyan. The fardbeyan of
~---- ~ the informant was forWarded to the Officer-in-charge
xhiXiR
Bandgawan Police Station for registering a case under section
302 of the I.P.C. and the Officer Incharge of Keraikella R~
Police Station taken up investigation. Thereafter, at
Bandgawon Police Station, a casi was registered on 14-4-1991
.~ ~ at 12 Hours under section 302 of the I .P .0. against Kerse
"!!_- ·.t~. . .grai and a formal F .I .R.was also drawn up.

·?( • ~ "- The Officer-in-charge, ~eraikella eolice Station

•_\ i",~ :~·. .-o t~~ up investigation, recorded stat~ments of informant,
~-\ · '~ -, .:c~do Ga0rai, taken the statement of Sakar1 Munda ,who had
\ ....... ~f'r.
--~1-:
.. ' -.·

241
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:orne along with informant at the Police Station ':~~~r~~fter

t. "' "
came to the :Jlace of occurrence along with infor.cp~t ~<L·
inspected the olace of occurrence which is sit~a~ed i(~~age
~~druwa which is a road running from Indruwa village tow~rds
south which runs towards Robo jungle and is lying in be~ween
hill and the forest and is popurlarly known as Bikram Lore.
The Investigating Officer further made inouest of the dead body
of Raimuni '(ui alias Loso Burhi • in presence of witnesses
Sakari Munda and Lakhan Oiggi and prepared Inquest reoort.Th~~-~
body was found in decomposed conditio~. Thereafter, made s~a~
of blood-stained stones lying 20 yards away towards south from
the dead bodv. The seizure list was prepared in presence of
witness Sakari Munda and Kusnu Bakira, prepared dead body Chalan
and sent the dead·body for post-mortem examination at Sadar
Hospital,Chaibasa,through Constable. Thereafter,reeorded
statements of witnesses Somai Gagrai, ~agun Gagrai. The accused
Kerse Gagrai was not found in village. On 16-4-1991 arrested
accused Kerse Gagrai at villaqe Nakti and recorded the confess-
ional sta-ement of the A accused. The Invevttigating Offic~r
also recorded statement of witnesses Ranki Gagrai and Dado
Gagrai atx~m aged about 7 years said to be •i~ eye-withess
to the alleged occurrence of murder. On 16-4-1991 sent the
blood-stained earth seized in connection with case for chemical
~~amination to Forensic Science Laboratory, obtained the
I t -.. ;
• ' ..

- -~ · '·po -mortem report and after completing all shorts of

. / : inve~igations ~ submitted charqe-sheet under sections 302/201
~~: of thf I .P .C. against accused Kerse Gagrai. Cognizance of the
3lleged offence was taken by the Subdivisional Judicial
( •. Mag y'trate ,Chakradharpur at Chaibasa on 12-7-1991 and vide order
" ,·. . d.,._.ed 9-3-1992, tge case was conmi tted to the Court of Session
~.o::''''"'by Shri Radha Govind Singh Nagesh ,Subdivisional Judicial
:\w : Magistrate ,Olakrad':arpur at Olaibasa.

~ 4. The accused sent-up for trial oleaded not guilty

to the charges read over and explained to him in Hindi and
claimed to bt ttied.

5. The simple defe·c e of the accused is that he is

-~-~~e innocent and has been falsely implicated in this case and
""· <~...~~,;?"'.._ " fl...
· · h'·a-s ~~tt•lllx not conmitted any such offence. No defence
<->-<''~itness·~bas been examined on behalf of accused.
~_,_,lj, '
"Jb-p
~·~: ,~... '.:!f!i,.
~~ .. ~~f ~-
·.i(~. ·~ . "'
·~P;-", .: . ~f
{1111__,_ .J"

24;1
 = 4 =
' . . ' ~.\ -.
6. The point for determination is Whether :~e 'prosecution
.· .•. . . .\
has been able to level the charges against the accused
.
b,yond
• t
~
all
reasonable shadow of doubts?

F-I-N-D-I-N-G-5
7. As many as 10 P ."Is. have been examined on .behalf of
orosecution. P .W.l is Dado G~grai ,who is a child aged about
8 years claiming himself to be eye-witness to the alleged
occurrence. His evidence has b~en noted down in form of question
and answer after full satisfaction of the court with certificate
that the witness tho:;gh a child is competent to depose who
understands simple questions. He deoosed in Ho lan1uaqe for
which help of interpreter was taken and the interpreter put
questions to the witness in Ho langua.,e and the answer of the
witness from Ho lanqua1e to Hindi languate,and in this way,
the evidence of the witness has been recorded. From going
thro•.~ah the evidence of P .W .1 recorded in (\Uestion and answer

form, it has clearly come in his evidence ~hat accused V.erse

Gaqrai killed his grand mot.her(Raimani alias Loso Burhi with a
Dawli , the wea~on of assault at Bikra~ Lor Nala. He deposed
that '<erse called his grand mother at ~ikram Lor Nala and his
1rand mother was going ahead and behind her he was going and
behind ~ him accused Kerse was going, nne when Kerse '<illed
his grand mother, he r eturned along with Kerse and when returned
home alonq with Ke~se, ~(erse was washing his dawli in the water. _
His mother was not at home. £he was at Hat,and when his mother
~~~:lilt .. ,
: •_ ~-·~~returned frc,m Hat, he_ narrated her about the occurrence. The
, ~itness ge~tured towards the accused standing in the dock.
~ ~ereafter, his cress-examination was also made in question and
. a}swer form. ;J'he first question out to him in corss-examination
~s this occurrence is of how many ears ago, to which, he
~~swered the occurrenct is of one year ago and in~ext question,
~~ he anawered today he~s comt~ alon~ with his father. The
third nuestion was out whether his father had tutored him. He
ansvlered in negative that his father has not tutored him. The
next nuestion was •:rhether he knows about any other occurrence,
to which, he denied. The next question was put that orior to a
week which of the veoetable had been served with rice by his
mother,to which, he answered that he does not know. The last
1 :~i0tt_~~~~. out that Kerse had not killed his grand mother,
to ~~~~~~nswered that it was Kerse who had killed his
grcind...:moth~r.TFrom scrut&nising the evidence of P .W .1 ,I find
,'~ .

~.:. that .• th-o"gh K~ is a child witness, h<1S in clear words ansv•e'red

243
 = 5 =
the questions out to him durinn his examination-in-chief
and cross-examination and nothing aope~rs from his lllevidence
that he is a tutored witness. ~~~tr~ ··::_5{.H· ~:-:.
B. P .W.2 is Ranki Gaqrai, the mother of F':W.l. From ' ..-
her evidence this much has come that when she returned from
Hat, she came to know from her son Dpdo(P.W.l) about the .
- . \\... ~,~r.,R:. .
killing of-·» Ra~,..ill: ,elias 4oscb ~ at the hands of Kerse.
She after knowing "the ll'Clrd!!r of Chachi went to Naktk, and fro~
Nakti she oroceeded to village Ramgarh. P .W .3, Somd Saqrai ~
is the husband of P.W.2 and father of P.W.l. He came to knew
about the occurrence on 14-4-1991 when he was returning to
village from his olace of service at Tenughat. According to
him on nn 14-4-1991 at village h~ame to '<now from his son
Dadu that grand mother had been xi killed by l(erse. He further
deoosed that his wife Ranki in order to inf~rm him about the
the occurrence went away from home on the date of occurrence.
Thouqh P.W.3 is a hearsay witness to the occurrence but this
much has come that when his wife along with minor children
il-
went away fr~m village in his • search and in this way he met
with them dk village Nakti and came to know about the occurr-
ence. l'.W.4, Gondo Ga()rai is the informant of this case. He
deposed that the occurrence is of Wednesday ahout a year and
fiv~ months back. He had gone to Chakradhar0urt Hat and
~ .
returned._ village home at 4 P.M.,and near his home, he met
with Kerse Ga~rai but Kerse did not tell him anything. In next
line, he deposed that his Chachi Raimuni alias Loso Burhi
was at his home. Again he deposed after return from Hat, he
~':"':,~d not find his Chachi • Thereafter, he deposed that he did
{ . ~n~ go anywhere and remained in the house. He denied about
-~- qo~g to Indruwa dam. He was declared hostile by the
• ~ 0or~ecution since he did not support the prosecution case dn
m9t·~rial point about going along with accused Kerse and
\ : .w1 tness Bagun at Indr,~a dam and also makinci(confession
' JJ.,; Of O..(.~ ~~Y-4, td-._ • f'
"-, , ' _,....-before him,_""His atter•tion was drawn towards his previous
~ "'""~---
statement recorded unde~ section 161 of the Cr.P.C. by the
Investigating Officer, to which, he denied of such statements.
P .W .B, is Bagun Gagrai. He deposed that the occurrence U of
','/ dnesday in the noon. He was stacking Powal • He and Gondo
th ~erse went in search of dead body of Lose Burhi to
Cl.
~~~~.and there they saw the dead body. But he denied

made ~xtra judicial confession before him that he

~
illed koso Burhi by means of dawli. Thereafter, he

suo·ort the ··rosecution case. He was also decla d

re
 = 6 =
h8stile and his attention was also drawn towards his s(at,~ent
recorded by the Investigating, Officer and he denied ..~~~ ~~-,·~;1t
.statement made befor~ Polic~2!~~stigating Off.;PB ~'~~irt-e.~~-­
~as
'
P .W.10 has been Ellt.x~~-~ with the predous sta:tements·
~ . ..
·
of P .ws.4 and 8 ·and he deposed that those two witnesse• n.,iS:
. . ~

given their statement in support of the prosecution case regarding.·

proceeding alo~~ with accused Ker•e towards Indruwa dam and
making of cmaiJkstsR extr~ j~dicial confession by the accused
before them and also about asking them to help ~1~~ disposing
of the de~~- and on their denial, als~ giv-nJ~hreating to
kill them ~ the efforts made_ 1by accus,d ~ Ke~se in allowing
,J-- ,.._ ,... .$ l"l'"
the dead body of Loso to rol• on the~~ of hillock.

9. P.W.5, Kusnu Bankira is a witness to the seizure

list regarding seizure of two blood-stained stones. He has put
his siqnature upon the seizure list which is marked Ext.1/1.
P.W.7, Sakari Munda is also witness to the Jw seizure list as
to seizur@ of two blood-stained stones who also put his signature.
on the seizure list which is Ext.l/2. P.W.6, Lakhan Diggi and
P .W. 7, Sakari Munda, witnesses of Inquest report have supported
as to the prepration of Inquest report in their presence. P.W.6
put his L .T .I• on the Inquest report and P .w. 7 r~ut his signature
which is Ext.1/3. ?.W.9 is doctor who conducted post-mortem
on the dead body of Raimuni Kui, wife of Late Pandu Gagrai on
15-4-1991 at Sadar Hospital,Chaibasa and P.W. 10, Rabindra Prasad
Ambas~is the Investigating Officer of this case.

10.l Ext.3 is the fardbe'lan, the basisioLof prosecution

~ case. Ext.4 is formal F. I.R.' Ext.5 is carbo)\ copy of Inquest
_ -~ '\reoort of this case and Ext.6 is·the seizure list as to seizure
'~ ~f two blood-st•ined stones. Ext.2 is post-mortem report
· ~nducted by~ .w .9. Ext.! is the signature of P .w. 4, Gondo
""'* :q~grai, the informant of this case, thotigh declared hostile
~y the prosecution b¥t admitted his signature upon the fard-
beyan which is basis of the .prosecution case.-
tl,
11. From sc~utinising the axia•Rz• prosecution evidence,
I find that P.W.l, Dado Gagrai is the only eye-witness to the
occurrence of nurde~ of Rainuni Kui at the hands of accused
Kerse ~agrai. Though the prosecution case was also based upon
the extra judicialrconfession·made by accused Ke-se Gagrai
~l'llnT• ..,.!J Gondo(P.W. 4) and Bagun (P.W.8) x but those
, not supoorted the prosecution case as to
n~~tra . cial confessionox the accused. But those
ho~{i witrt~ses P .W .4 and P .W .a have supported the
..
~·:f.r.~ i ..
;t~~~:.
,· , .. _ . 245 .
.J. •._r
{
 = 7 =
1orosecution case to this extent that the occurrence _is-76'!-~~ednes®y,
P.w.s
has further supnorted the prosecution case th~:);e ai~~g .~:;~;
with Kerse and ~ondo went to Bikram dam and SCIN ~h~:'de.ad ~-oq'f:~: · ·.
f'c.~ ' .••
o{ Loso Burhi.:~ Sp this mur;h has come that at tha.e of seeing ~~he '.,;·
~ ,.... (...oJQ 1>'4,_~ ~ ,.. ~
dead bodv of leeo IEai, by P.w.a, Bagun Gagrai, Kerse was very rn.tch
present. In the~evidence of P.W.l, it has come that the weaoon of
assault was a dowli made of iron and fixed in a ~a.The dJctor
(P.W.9) found the following-antemortem injuries:-
. ~ .
( i) Head se,Jarated from 4th s•xxil:lli cervical ve,..tebra
by sharp and heavy weaoon. Lower part of abdomen ruptured. Coil
of intestine coming out.
P.W.9 vide para 4 gave opinion about nature of weaoon
to be heavy and sharp cutting·like dawli. He proved the post-
mortem reoort prepared by him. He opined that cause of death was
due to a~ove antemortem injuries. It appears from perusal of Ext.2,
the •)est-mortem that there is no mention about the name of weapon
~ ~yc>.J.I-.
of ax assault, rather~is only mention about nature of wea~on heavy
and sharp cutting. P.W.9,doctor has deposed ahout the name of
weapon dawli, When a suggestion was put to him on behalf of
pro!Secution du.riAg his examinat.ion-in-chief. During. cross-
examination, P.W.9 deposed that the above antemortem injuries can
also be possible by other type of sha\P and heavy weapon. It is
true that the doctor has to .~ opin~ about the nature of weapon
and the doctor cannot be a competent person to say about the name
of weapon of assault. The weaoon of assault is to be proved by the
occular witnesses who happened to see the occurrence. In this
connection, the doctor's evidence that nature of wea·'on was
~...!!!,!!=!~lb..._ avy and sharp <tt.ting corroborates the version of P .W .1 that
-~' .
·""2 . i was the weapon of assault that caused such . injury to deceased
Rai · ni Kui. So I find that no any contradiction ha!come in the
evidence of doctor in order to belie the prosecution case that
sharp cutting xa weaoon such .~ as dtwli has been used as weapon
• of assault for COtmlitting rrurder of Raim.mi Kui.

~ ·-· l~. Th~

learned defence Counsel in his argument attacked
\~ the credibility of E~ child witness in this way that he is
·ii.;ompetent to depose in the eye of law because P.W.l does not say
a•,out month and time of occurrence. On thtse points, his
silent. On the other hand, the learned Addl.P.P. in
tted that the child witness (P.W.l) has
estions out to him during examination-in-chief and
s-examination and has given rational answer
, ~bat under section 118 of the evidence Act, a child
·->~-....Q., or 7 y~ars is a competent witness to give evidence in court •
•. ~~ .-; 0
-- ~

2,46
 = a =
In this suooort, the learned Addl.P .P. cited ruling re_f:~rl~'l(>~·.··.
in A.I.R. 1953 Patna 246 and 1971 Cr.L •.1 •. 1750Hima~l;:pr'adesn~
-' . .~.·
... . .......
,Ancther ruling has been cited reported in A. I .R. 1937 Patna 661- · ·
~in which their
I
Lordships have held that•in a case where the
guilt and innocence of the accused depends almost wholly upon the
evidence of . . . small boy, the court should take that eviden'ce
down in the form of question and Jl answer.-• In the instant case,
the eviderc e ~x of P .w .l has been z•J:II~II•ti noted ~down in form of
ouestions and answers ,and that simple Cluestions ha~ be~ put
to P .W .1 and the witness has ,.iven rational answers tkaz•
throughout. There is no any answer given by P.W.l to guess that
he is not understanding the questions o~ to show that he is not
compet.ent to depose in this case. From making scrutiny of the
evidence, it appears that there is no any suspicion that P.W.l,
the eye-w5.tness of the case, has not deposed what he saw, rather
the facts have been set-up in his mind and· so he is deposing oJ.ike
There is also natural human conduct of P .W.·l being a child since
he does not know what is a poliee station and who is Munda and
Manki and •Nhat are their !JOt'/ers.· So as per natural human conduct,
he firstly,told about the alleged occurrence to his mother(P.W. 2)
who had returned from Hat in the afternoon. Thtough there is some
delay in lodging F.I.R. but the explanation met by the prosecution
that 'r1 .'.'1.2 along with P.W.1 had gone away from village Indruwa
in search of Soma! Gagrai (P.W.3), the husband of P.W.2 and so
P.W.2 did not inform either to Munda or the police regarding
the alleged occurrence came to know through thec(ips of her minor
(P.W.l). It is also known fact that in the Sz Tribal area
usually do not disclose·ab~ut any happenin~ quickly,
used to make some delay, and such delay, can be
i~nored considering that the witnesses belong to Tribal
community.

~·/~3. It appears that the blood-sta~.ned

earth and stones
~~ j _. '.;.(~~ not have been produced as material Exhibits of the case wiU
V · ~ the ~sons that those were sent to Forensic Science Laborarory
.. , / . r .,.mical examin•tion and the Chemical examiner's re,ort
:: :. F.: u~~
nl')t be received by the Investigating Officer who submitted
·. '. -~ ar·
heet in this case. The Chemical Examiner• s report might
:: :~:"'·... •:; :W~ortant ~ piece of evidence in a case if the prosecu-
·-·e . c
.· . :·~\i,:;~-t t~1would have based upon circumstantial evidence to connect ·
· ·~ether those blood-stained belongs to a human-being or to else,
But in the present case the prosecution case~s based uoon the
ocular evidence of the eye-witness. So, ~eta is no any
N--
infirmity has been caus~d due to"pr;of of reoort of Forensic

247
 = 9 =
Science Laboratory.

14. From going through the evidence of P.W.10 who is the

Investigating Officer of the case, I find that he has conducted
~investi~ation throughly and there is nothing to dis-believe his
testimony that he had done a purfunctory investigatuon.

15. After making scrutiny of the prosecution evidence

and also havinq regard to ~he facts and circumstances of the
case, I am of the considered opinion that the prosecution has
been able to level the charges against the accused beyond all
reasonable shadow of doubts. The non-support of the prosecution
case by the informant has not proved fatal to the prosecution
case because the sole eye-witness of the case stands firmly in
suoport of the prosecution case and there is nothing to dis-
card the testimony of P. W.1, the sole eye ....-titness. The guilt of
the accused that he ha·s done to death RailllJni ~ui alias Loso
Burhi by calling her in Bikram jungle has been proved through
cogent evidence adduced on behalf of the prosecution. It has also
been '.Jroved that it was none else than the accused ,in order to
screen away from legal ounishment, rolled the dead body of
Loso Burhi on the slop of hillock after her murder. So both the
charges under sections 302 and 201 of the I.P.C. have been
amply proved against the accused.

~:~~ In the result, the accused is held guilty to the

-~ ~\ha~es under sections 302 and 201 of the Indian Pen~l Code.
~ . f He i;! , the ref ore , convicted thereunder •' ~

. ' 0fY~91
·'.1- . 2n• Additional Sessions Judge,
"'(.. " ..s6aibasas- o Singhbhum(Nest~ ,Chaibasa
~~ The 4th June, 1993.

Dictated & corrected by me.

Worv~· P~~-:z; 1
~nd Addl.Sessions Judge
0\aibasa

P.T.O.'

248
 - 10 -
• ~!' ••

17. Heard the learne~ counsel tor· th_e 'convict ae well

as the learne~ A-cll.P.P. tor the State on ·ques~~· ot.:/
. I.. . .
wa sentence. The learaed Counsel appearins tor ~h~ co~~ct
subm1 tted that
.
sincethe convict il ot Tribal
.
COmmuni
·" ..
ty-,'lfo
alteraati ve punishlllent ot Ute imprisonaent aay 'be awarAe~
.
instead of capital punishaent. The learned Addl •.P.P.
submitted that the murdernad been committe~ by the convict
~
on the evil supersti.tion of decease- play inc Ja'D witch-
cra.tt so severe punishment mar be awarded to the convict.

18. Having reaard to the subaissiona o.t the partiea

and considering the facts and·circwastancea of the case and
the status of the convict and considerinc that the convict
1-
as well as deceased belong to Tribual community , ee I am
of opinion that sentence of life imprisonment shall meet
the ends of justice in this case. Hence, the convict
Kerse Gagrai is, hereby, sentenced to underco life
imprisonment under section 302 of the I.P.c. He is also
sentenced to undergo rigorous imprisonment tor two years
under section 201 of the I.P.C. Both the sentenc~s shall
run concurrently. Issue Convic~~Warraat.

2nd
/av~-z~1
Ad-l.Sessions Judge,Chaibasa
7-tJ-1993
>
I •
I ChMbasa:-
~e 7th day of June, 1993.
I

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266
APPENDIX -V
 The Indian Penal Code: Act XLV of 1860
Sections

34: When a criminal act is done by several persons, in furtherance of

the common intention of all, each of such persons is liable for
that act in the same manner as if it were done by him alone.

109: Whoever abets any offence shall, if the act abetted is committed
in consequence of the abatement, and no express provision 1s
made by this code for punishment of such abatment, be punished
with the punishment provided for the offence.

120: Whoever, intending to facilitate or knowing it to be likely that he

will there by facilitate the Commission of an offence punishable
with imprisonment, voluntarily conceals, by any act or illegal
omission, the existence of a design to commit such offence, or
makes any representation which he knows to be false respecting
such design, shall, if the offence be committed , be punished
with imprisonment of the description provided for the offence,
for a term which may extend to one fourth ,and if the offence be
not committed, to one-eighth, of the longest term for such
imprisonment, or with such fine as is provided for the offence,
or with both.

120(B): Whoever is a party to a criminal conspiracy to commit an

offence punishable with death, imprisonment for life or rigorous
imprisonment for a term of two years or upwards, shalL where
no express provision is made in this code for the punishment of
such a conspiracy, be punished in the same manner as if he had
abetted such offence.

267
II. Whoever, is a party to a criminal conspiracy other than a criminal
conspiracy to commit an offence punishable as aforesaid shall be
punished with imprisonment of either description for a term not
exceeding six months, or with fine or with both.

20 1 whoever, knowing or having reason to believe that an offence has

been committed, causes any evidence of the commission of that
offence to disappear, with the intention of screening the offender
from legal punishment, or with that intention gives any information
respecting the offence which he knows or believes to be false,
shall, if the offence which he knows or believes to have been
committed is punishable with death, be punished with imprisonment
of either description for a term which may extend to seven years
and shall also be liable to fine; and if the offence is punishable
with imprisonment or with imprisonment of either description
for a term which may extend to three years, and shall also be
liable to fme, and if the offence is punishable with imprisonment
for any term not extending to ten years, shall be punished with
imprisonment of the description provided for the offence, for a
term which may extend to one-fourth part of the longest term of
the imprisonment provided for the offence, or with fine, or with
both.

211 Whoever, with intent to cause injury to any person, institutes. or

causes to be instituted any criminal proceedings against that
person, or falsely charges any person with having committed an
offence, knowing that there is no just or lawful ground for such
proceeding or charge against that person, shall be punished with
imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend
to two years, or with fine, or with both; and if such criminal
proceeding be instituted on a false change of an offence punishable
with death, imprisonment for life, or imprisonment for seven

268
 years or upwards, shall be punishable with imprisonment of
either description for a term which may extend to seven years.
and shall also be liable to fine.

302 Whoever commits murder shall be punished with death, or

imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine.

307 Whoever does any act with such intention or knowledge, and
under such circumstances that, if he by that act caused death, he
would be guilty of murder, shall be punished with imprisonment
of either description for a term which may extend to ten years.
and shall also be liable to fme, and if hurt is caused to any person
by such act, the offender shall be liable either to imprisonment
for life, or to such punishment as if herein before mentioned.

3 16 Whoever does any act under such circumstances, that if he

thereby caused death he would be guilty of culpable homicide.
and does by such act cause the death of a quick unborn child.
shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a
term which may extend to ten years, and shall also be liable to
fine.

323 Whoever, except in the case provided for by section 334, voluntarily
cause hurt, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description
for a term which may extend to one year, or with fme which may
extend to one thousand rupees, or with both.

324 Whoever, except in the case provided for by section 334, voluntarily
causes hurt by means of any instrument for shooting, stabbing, or
cutting, or any instrument which, used as a weapon of.offence. is
likely to cause death, or by means of fire or any heated substance.
or by means of any poison or any corrosive substance, or by
means of any explosive substance, or by means of any substance

269
 which it is deleterious to the human body to inhale, to swallow,
or to receive into the blood, or by means of any animal, shall be
punished with imprisonment of either description for a term
which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both.

325 Whoever except in the case provided for by section 335, voluntarily
causes grievous hurt, shall be punished with imprisonment of
either description for a term which may extend to seven years,
and shall also be liable to fine.

326 Whoever, except in the case provided for by section 335, voluntarily
causes grievous hurt by means of any instrument for shooting,
stabbing, or cutting, or any instrument which, used as a weapon
of offence, is likely to cause death, or by means of fire or any
heated substance, or by means of any poison or any corrosive
substance, or by means of any explosive substance, or by means
of any substance which it is deleterious to the human body to
inhale, to swallow, or to receive into the blood, or by means of
any animal, shall be punished with imprisonment for life, or with
imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend
to ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.

341 Whoever wrongfully restrains any person, shall be punished with

simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to one month,
or with fine which may extend to five hundred rupees, or with
both.

364 Whoever kidnaps or abducts any person in order that such person
may be murdered or may be so disposed of as to be put in danger
of being murdered, shall be punished with imprisonment for life,
or rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to ten
years, and shall also be liable to fine.

270
3 79 Whoever commits theft shall be punished with imprisonment of
either description for a term which may extend to three years, or
with fine, or with both.

432 Whoever commits mischief by doing any act which causes or

which he knows to be likely to cause on inundation or an
obstruction to any public drainage attended with injury or damage,
shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a
term which may extend to five years, or with fine, or with both.

448 Whoever commits house-trespass in order to the committing of

any offence punishable with death, shall be punished with
imprisonment for life, or with rigorous imprisonment for a term
not exceeding ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.

452. Whoever commits house-trespass, having made preparation for

causing hurt to any person or for assaulting any person, or for
wrongfully restraining any person, or for putting any person in
fear of hurt, or of assault, or of wrongful restraint, shall be
punished with imprisonment of either description for a term
which may extend to seven years, and shall also be liable to fine.

487 Whoever makes any false mark upon any case, package or other
receptable containing goods, in a manner reasonably calculated
to cause any public servant or any other person to believe that
such receptable contains goods which it does not contain or that
it does not contain goods which it does contain, or that the goods
contained in such receptable are of a nature or quality different
from the real nature or quality thereof, shall, unless he proves
that he acted without intent to defraud, be punished with
imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend
to three years, or with fine, or with both.

271
498 Whoever takes or entices away any woman who is and whom he
knows or has reason to believe to be the wife of any other man.
from that man, or from any person having the care of her on
behalf of that man, with intent that she may have illicit intercourse
with any person, or conceals or detains with that intent any such
woman, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description
for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with
both.

498(A) Whoever, being the husband or the relative of the husband of a

woman, subjects such woman to cruelty shall be punished with
imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years and
shall also be liable to fine.

272
APPENDIX -VI
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APPENDIX -VII
II . . . STEELCrrY . I

Six of a fam~Iy.lynched ntKuchai ·

- .... . ---

MAlL N~WS SEJ{VICE ~us1~ected that ~he worn~~ in the . tbe family. . been on a tOur of this region alSo $l$tion some 25 km away from the
piace of oCcurrence, 'about tbe
• KHARS,WAN 0. ~· • ianuly pracll~d -..y~tchcraft. , ~On b!!ing informed abi.lut the visited the Kuchai police station
-------''--.;.tl.:.....:...·~ _ Though the -pohce believe the n~ass murder, the W~st under whose jurisdiction gory incident.
IX members of a family were grisly incident is just another case Smgh.bhum
S hrutally kilfed , in Bauguttu ofwitchhunt which is so pre'valent supermtendent, . M,r
~am let under Kuchai police sta- . among lhe superstitious tribals, b~shrp:~~· <!long, wath the pohce
pollee
V .G
Bnug\!IIU hamlet is located.
· According to reports, at
~ arounq ~.00 am on Saturday, a
The· P.!Jiice thus
could come to know about it 14
hours la.ter: . ·:~ ~: · ·
'
t1on h·~re on Saturday. The head of the pQSSibili.ty of .an .attempt by pa{ty VISited the re~ote village large mob of villagers, nun$ering It was ~akthe \4illage
the household, Sohrai Murida, certain vested interests . to :oettle .
and re~overed
'
the bodaes today. about 100,
'
attacked the house of .~olks .~ted ~'4.1 ,lbe··.WOtnen
~ .

Sbin bodies of men, women and children depicted a spine-chillil'igscene at Bauguttu under
three women and two girl- mutual e~ity can~<>' be rule~_ out ·: fb'e police team ~ad to Soharai ~unda and lynched all six . members ~of . lhc family were
children were among the dead, a as.CIC : :- ·· ·, ' · , )': : negoti~t~ about20 km·~n foo~ in members· of the family including witcbes. Sebrai· Mun.da's: . . iJy.
rather belated report from the area . As a matter of fact the polite • tire bjllj,t~rrai~ ~teach Bauguttu the family· head,' Sohrai. They oomprised, bia:•wift,Jatianj•55,
snid. ~ are persuing this line of theory that village iu.Relahatu p.ancbaya~.
- ~I ...
. . :' .were ·axed to death by the angry . .
Aca.1fl.ling tu a prima facie the mass filling could well be .: Meanwhile;. the dep~'Y ·..viltagers. · . widc)wed daugbter; ,Gurubati,3,S~,~
assesrnent of the 'incident by the hatched by s(1me interesteq party inspector general of pohce ·. , •The village chowkidar · young unmarried daughter, Cbjtu,
Kuchai roliC?g some villagers with 11 motive.to grab the Jan~ of lChotanagpur range) whb had 'nformed the . Kucbai police 22, lind two children ofGurubari.
2..7'5
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