Notes: 1 Yorùbá Riddles in Performance: Content and Context
Notes: 1 Yorùbá Riddles in Performance: Content and Context
Notes: 1 Yorùbá Riddles in Performance: Content and Context
1. On the problem of riddle definition, see especially Galit Hasan-Rokem and David
Shulman (eds.) Untying the Knots: On Riddles and Other Enigmatic Modes. New York/
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 3–9; Charles T. Scott “On Defining the
Riddle: The Problem of a Structural Unit.” Folklore Genres, ed. Dan Ben-Amos.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976, pp. 77–92; and Robert A. Georges and Alan
Dundes, “Toward a Structural Definition of Riddle,” Journal of American Folklore, 76
(1963): 111–118.
2. In some other African communities, when participants are completely baffled by
the riddle, resolution is reached in unique ways. For example, among various Fulani
groups in West Africa, D.W. Arnott, in “Proverbial Lore and Word-Play of the Fulani”
Africa, 27 (1957): 379–396, tells us that when a respondent is unable to solve a posed
riddle, he or she must “surrender” a town. A similar but more interesting use of the
town element has been reported for the Swahili by J. L. Kallen and C. M. Eastman in
“I went to Mombasa/There I met an Old Man: Structure and Meaning in Swahili
Riddles,” Journal of American Folklore, 92 (1979): 418–444. According to their findings,
if a riddle proponent baffles the respondent, the respondent says, “Shall I give you
a town?” “Okay,” says the proponent, “give me a town.” The respondent may offer,
for example, Lagos. The proponent then proceeds to tell an impromptu and often
completely fictional story about an experience he or she once had on visiting Lagos.
This town-story component of the riddle simply “allows riddler, who has success-
fully baffled an audience with a riddle they could not answer, to further show off
creative virtuosity by weaving a story ‘on the spot,’ based on a town supplied by the
audience, and developed by the riddler so that it will embed the riddle’s answer”
(422).
3. This process differs in some other African cultures, as recorded by C. M. Doke in
“Bantu Wisdom-Lore,” African Studies, 6 (1947), “If the accepter is able to solve the
riddle, the first must put forth another until he baffles the second. If the second is
then unable to answer, he puts forth a counter-riddle, until he in turn baffles the
238 Notes
first, when the first has to answer his obscure riddle and the second likewise. They
are then quits, and start over again” (117).
4. The original Yorùbá version of this lenghty text is not included in the book because
of space limitation. The performance itself was recorded in the evening of October
21, 2012, at Gẹ́gẹ́ Compound in Ilọra (near the city of Ọỳ ọ́) after dinner. The group
consists of children in the neighborhood of my host during the fieldwork, Mr. Abíọ́lá
Kẹ́hìndé.
5. The palm-kernel normally possesses a hard, wood-like shell that is very often diffi-
cult to crack.
6. In the riddle, the mouth is the small room, while the teeth are the sharp pegs.
7. This is because the garment is supported by the shoulders of its wearer and usually
reaches only her or his neck.
8. Dead old leaves of banana plants are often found at the base of the mother plant, or
seen hanging along the plant’s trunk.
9. The mushroom fungus normally has a single umbrella-like leaf and a lone stem.
10. The oval shaped fruits of the pawpaw (papaya) are normally found crowded around
the upper part of the plant––between the leaves and the trunk of the plant.
11. The snail is housed in a metal-like, oval-shaped shell that resembles a little clay pot.
Usually, the creature stays in its shell and hides under the leaves of a bush.
12. This type of brown ant moves together in thousands, crossing footpaths throughout
the day, and biting unsuspecting passersby.
13. The hare is a fleet-footed game animal, ever ready to run; the bush-fowl (partridge)
is a very vigilant bird, ever ready to fly; and the antelope is a game animal with a big,
bulky head.
14. Ìròmi is an insect that lives on river water, always flitting here and there as if desper-
ately looking for something.
15. Here, the storyteller is using wordplay—“a juxtaposition of lexical items which are
somehow similar in shape to produce an effect of verbal dexterity” in the words of
Ọlátúndé Ọlátúnjí, Features of Yorùbá Oral Poetry. Ìbàdàn (Nigeria): University Press
Limited, 1984, p. 37.The name adopted by Tortoise “Ẹyìn ̀ ọ̀la” and supposedly the last
statement made by the deceased “Ta ló mẹ̀yìn ọ̀la? Kò sẹ́ni tó mẹ̀yìn ọ̀la,” may sound
similar phonetically but are actually unrelated.
16. Orò means habit or tradition. It is used in this riddle performance as a metaphor to
reiterate the fact that tradition must not die, and that every participant at the moon-
light storytelling session must ensure the survival of riddle-folktale performance.
17. Apart from books on riddles, some of the other books published with the help of
these sociocultural organizations, according to Afọlábí Ọlábímtán “A Critical Survey
of Yorùbá Written Poetry 1848–1948,” unpublished doctoral dissertation, University
of Lagos, Lagos (Nigeria), 1974a, pp. 22–53 are A. K. Ajíṣafẹ́’s History of Abẹ́òkúta
(1921), Gbádébọ̀ Aláké (1921), The Laws and Customs of the Yorùbá People (1924), and
Ìwé Ìtàn Abẹ́òkúta (1924); I. B. Akínyẹlé’s Ìwé Ìtàn Ìbàdàn àti Ìwó, Ìkìrun àti Òṣogbo
(1911), D. O. Ẹpẹ́gà’s Ifá (1908) and The Mystery of the Yorùbá Gods (1932); E. M.
Líjàdù’s Ifá (1897), Ọ̀rúnmìlà (1907), Àwọn Àròfọ̀-Orin ti Ṣóbọ̀ Aróbíodu àti ti Oyèsilẹ̀
Kẹ́ríbo (1902), and Ìwé Kejì Àwọn Àròfọ̀ Orin ti Ṣóbọ̀ Aróbíodu (1906); J. B. O. Lósì’s The
History of Abẹ́òkúta (1924); D. A. Ọbasá’s Ìwé Kínní ti Àwọn Akéwì—Yorùbá Philosophy
Notes 239
(1927), Ìwé Kejì ti Àwọn Akéwì—Yorùbá Philosophy (1934), and Ìwé Kẹta ti Àwọn
Akéwì—Yorùbá Philosophy (1945); T. A. J. Ògúnbíyì’s Ìwé Ìtàn Ifá, Agbigba,Yanrìn-Títẹ̀
àti Owó Ẹẹ́rìndínlógún (n. d.); M. I. Ògúmẹ́fu’s Yorùbá Legends (1929); J. E. S. Ògújì’s
Àròfọ̀ D’òwe (1944) and Àròfọ̀ Aláwídọ̀la (1946); J. Òjó-Cole’s A Collection of Yorùbá
Thoughts (1931); Ṣóbọ̀ Aróbíodu (Josiah Ṣóbọ̀wálé Ṣówándé)’s Àwọn Àròfọ̀-Orin Ti
Ṣóbọ̀ Aróbíodu series (1910, 1913, 1917, 1920, 1929, 1930, and 1934); and Olúṣẹ́gun
Ṣówándé’s Àwọn Àròfọ̀-Orin ti Olúṣẹ́gun Ṣówándé, ọmọ Ṣóbọ̀ Aróbíodu (1938).
18. In its oldest usage, the term semeiotica was applied to the study of the physiologi-
cal symptoms induced by particular body states and changes. According to Marcel
Danesi, Of Sigarettes, High Heels, and Other Interesting Things: An Introduction to Semiotics.
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999, p. 17, Hippocrates, the founder of Western medi-
cal science, defined symptoms as the sema (sings in Greek) of these states and changes.
Hippocrates’ term was introduced into philosophical inquiry by the British philoso-
pher John Locke (1632–1704) in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding, published
in 1690, in which he defined semeiotics as the “doctrine of signs.” At the beginning of
the twentieth century, the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913) used the
term semiology to refer to the science he thought would become the systematic study of
all sign systems. Today, Hippocrates’ original term, now spelled semiotics, is preferred.
1. All the 133 regular riddles (àlọ́ àpamọ̀) cited in this chapter were collected in a
fairly leisurely manner among the various Yorùbá dialectal groups at different times
(mostly in summer) between 2007 and 2012 during the fieldwork for this book
project. Most of the riddles form part of the moonlight storytelling sessions that I
observed and recorded during the fieldwork.
2. “Witches” is used as a metaphor for the heat generated by these spicy plants. For
a detailed discussion of the concept of witchcraft in Yorùbá society, see Teresa N.
Washington, Our Mothers, Our Powers, Our Texts, Indiana and Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 2005, p. 10.
3. Ìjálá, a type of Yorùbá oral poetry, is normally performed by the hunters in a high-
pitched chanting mode. For detailed discussion on the subject, see Adébóyè Babalọlá,
The Content and Form of Yorùbá Ìjálá, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966, pp. 3–84.
4. One constant feature of Muslim clerics (known as Imams) is their beard. The meta-
phor in the riddle is the comparison of the long hair in the chin of a he-goat to the
beard of a Muslim cleric.
5. Muslims are in the habit of observing Islamic prayers five times every day as one
of the five pillars of Islam, with the first scheduled for 5 a.m. and the last at 8 p.m.
The other four pillars are to recite the Shahadah, a confession of allegiance to Allah
and to Muhammad, his messenger; fast regularly, especially during the month of
Ramadan—abstaining from eating, drinking, smoking, and sexual relation during
daylight hours; give alms of 2.5 percent of a person’s net worth, primarily to the
poor; and make a pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in one’s lifetime, provided one
can afford it financially and is healthy enough to do so.
240 Notes
6. Ìrókò:African teak (Chlorophoral Excelsa [Moraceae]).The fresh sapwood is often quite yel-
low.The heartwood is greenish to nut-brown, becoming dark-chocolate or red-brown
in time. It is hard and durable and thus, is antproof: it is much used for furniture.
7. Àràbà: The white silk cotton tree (Ceiba Pentandra [Bombaceae]). It is the largest
African tree and reaches 100–120 feet in height with a diameter of 4–6 feet.
8. To “water the ground” is used as a metaphor for “to urinate”; because humans gen-
erally urinate before excreting feces.
9. There are three prominent systems of divination among the Yorùbá people:These are
̀
the Ifá, Ẹẹ́r ìndínlógún, and Agbigba. Sometimes they are referred to as Ifá Ọrúnmìlá,
Ifá Ẹẹ́r ìndínlógún and Ifá Agbigba.
10. The importance of the human factor in the success of a sacrifice is encapsulated in the
use of the “mouth” as a metaphor for humans’ consumption of sacrifice in this riddle.
According to an Ifá verse cited by Wándé Abímbọ́lá Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary
Corpus, Ìbàdàn (Nigeria): Oxford University Press, 1976, “The ẹsẹ Ifá ...emphasizes
the importance of of the human factor in the success of a sacrifice. The story is
that of a farmer who wanted to go and take possession of a piece of farmland. He
was warned to make sacrifice to Orí (Head), Earth (Ilẹ̀), Eégún (Ancestor god) and
Òòṣàńlá (Creation god). He offered the sacrifice but he did not call his neighbours to
take part in the sacrifice. He discovered later that things were not all right for him on
his farm. He then went back to his Ifá priests and told them his plight. His Ifá priests
asked him whether he offered all the required sacrifice and he answered in the affir-
mative. But when they asked him whether he made sacrifice to Olúbọ̀bọ̀tiribọ̀, baba
ẹbọ, he said that he did not know what was so called.Then, his Ifá priests told him that
people’s mouths are meant by the term Olúbọ̀bọ̀tiribọ̀, baba ẹbọ” (37).
11. However, acceptable use of ribald language is permitted during some festivals. This
provides the people with a liminal space for otherwise forbidden performances as
respite from their highly regulated lives. For instance, participants at the Òkèebàdàn
festival in Ìbàdàn, Òrògbo festival in Ẹrínmọ̀pé Èkìtì, and Òpèlú festival in Ọ̀wọ̀, are
in the habit of discussing sex, sexuality, and sexual organs openly in public. During
these festivals, people exhibit ribald sexual vocalizations and graphic sexual demon-
strations with props that resemble genitalia. Ribald language is also common among
ẹ̀sà, ìjálá, and ẹ̀fẹ̀ chanters/singers.
12. Bẹ̀ǹbẹ́ is s type of large round drum, often used as an accompaniment in the dùndún
talking drum ensemble.
1. According to Roger Abrahams in his essay entitled “Between the Living and the
Dead.” Folklore Fellows Communication, 225 (1980), “The neck-riddle is ...so named
because it is embedded within the tale of a prisoner who saves his neck by pro-
pounding a riddle which his executioner cannot answer. Characteristically, these
riddles are proposed by an actor within the story and relate to events which have
happened to him or which he has seen and are therefore insoluble to anyone who
has not witnessed the events described” (8–9).
Notes 241
2. Ifá is at the center of Yorùbá tradition, and narrative is the vehicle through which
Ifá’s message is communicated to clients. As part of the Ifá experience, stories are
shared concerning a protagonist, the problems s/he faces, and how s/he resolves (or
fails to resolve) these problems. As confirmed by Wándé Abímbọ́lá, Ìjìnlẹ̀ Ohùn Ẹnu
Ifá (Apá Kìíní), Collins: Glasgow, 1969, pp. 75–83 and William Bascom Ifá Divination:
Communication Between Gods and Men in West Africa, Bloomington and London:
Indiana University Press, 1969, p. 131, some narratives that one has heard as fic-
tional folktales often occur in the Ifá corpus. However, it is important to distinguish
Ifá narratives from the same stories relayed through folktales. In Ifá, the stories are
useful due to their symbolism; their underling truisms assist clients facing real, life-
altering situations. These same stories fall under the category of folktale when they
are narrated and responded to as purely fictional. The distinctive element, therefore,
is the situation; that is, the context of narration. William Bascom “Relationship of
Yorùbá Folklore to Divining.” Journal of American Folklore, 56(220) (1943): 127–131
has discussed this ambivalence. One might easily (and perhaps correctly) speculate
that folktales were born out of the Ifá ritual.
3. The original Yorùbá version of this lenghty text is not included in the book because
of space limitation. This tale was first collected from Chief Ṣùpọ̀ Kòṣémáni (now
deceased) in Ìbàdàn, Ọỳ ọ́ State, Nigeria, on July 2, 2011. Some variants were later
collected from other storytellers in Òṣogbo, Ògbómọ̀ṣọ́, Ìwó, and Ọ̀yọ́, however,
none is as detailed as the version cited here.
4. The original Yorùbá version of this lenghty text is not included in the book because
of space limitation. This tale was first collected from Chief Ṣùpọ̀ Kòṣémáni (now
deceased) in Ìbàdàn, Ọ̀yọ́ State, Nigeria, on July 2, 2011. Although we have here the
poetic performance of the tale, it is important to mention that this same tale-riddle
was performed in prose by another narrator at a different occasion.
5. Àrọ̀ is also known by other names such as ìmọ́ among the Ìjèṣà-Yorùbá, pẹ́rọ̀ọ́ among
̀
the Ẹgbá-Yorùbá, and wárọ́wàrọ̀ among the Èkìtì-Yorùbá. Adébóyè Babalọlá, “Àrọ̀:
A Minor Genre of Yorùbá Spoken Art,” paper presented at the Ninth West African
Languages Congress, held in Freetown, Sierra Leone, March 1970, identifies three
types of the genre:“the versified wordplay type; the chain-reaction folktale type in seg-
mented prose; and ...the tall story type in ordinary prose,” however, our discussion in
this chapter is devoted to the last two only.The analysis of the “versified wordplay type”
(which we prefer to identify as song-riddle) is done separately in the next chapter.
6. Ẹ̀kọ is a type of food prepared from corn starch. It could be in either solid or liquid
form. In its solid form, it is usually made in lumps wrapped with leaves.
7. Iyán is a type of food made from pounding of cooked yam.
8. Ọkà is yam-flour pudding.
9. This Ifá poetic tale-riddle was collected from Babalọlá Ifátóògun (now deceased), an
Ifá priest based in Ìlobù, Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria on August 2, 2007. Also see for com-
parison a similar tale published in Wándé Abímbọ́lá’s, Sixteen Great Poems of Ifá. Paris:
UNESCO, 1975, pp. 388–410.
10. These four stories are not presented in the original Yorùbá version in this book because
of space limitation.All the tales were collected inYorùbá on June 22, 2009, from Awótọ́lá
Awolọlá, an Ifá priest based in Òkè Gádà area, Ẹdẹ town, Oṣun State, Nigeria.
242 Notes
1. This song-riddle was performed by students of Baptist Primary School, Ìwó, Ọ̀ṣun
State, Nigeria, and collected on June 29, 2007.
2. This song-riddle was performed by students of Ọbáfẹ́mi Awólọ́wọ̀ University
Primary School, Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria, and collected on June 2, 2007.
3. This song-riddle was performed by students of Baptist Primary School, Ìwó, Ọ̀ṣun
State, Nigeria, and collected on June 29, 2007.
4. This song-riddle was performed by students of Baptist Primary School, Ìwó, Ọ̀ṣun
State, Nigeria, and collected on June 29, 2007.
5. Ọládélé Awóbùlúyì, “On the Structure of Àrọ̀.” African Notes, 7(1) (1978): 68.
6. This song-riddle was performed by students of Community Primary School, Ayétẹ̀,
Ọỳ ọ́ State, Nigeria, and collected on June 12, 2010.
7. For a detailed discussion of this and other majorYorùbá lineages, see Adébóyè Babalọlá,
The Content and Form of Yorùbá Ìjálá. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966, pp. 22–38 and
118–163.
8. Adébóyè Babalọlá, Àwọn Oríkì Orílẹ̀. Collins: Glasgow, 1967, p. 40.
9. This song-riddle was performed by students of Ọbáfẹ́mi Awólọ́wọ̀ University
Primary School, Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria, and collected on June 2, 2007.
10. This song-riddle was performed by students of Community Primary School, Ayétẹ̀,
Ọy ̀ ọ́ State, Nigeria, and collected on June 12, 2010. Compare this to a slightly dif-
ferent version of another mnemonic song-riddles that serves as aide-mémoires to
help children with counting (the song-riddle was performed by students of Baptist
Primary School, Ìwó, Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria, and collected on June 29, 2007):
B’a a pódeni, When we count in ones,
Ení lọmọbìnrin ń kawó. Ladies count (their) money in ones.
Bá a pó dèjì, When we count in twos,
Èjì wọ̀rọ̀kọ̀ ni tàwọn ìbejì. Twins are in twos.
Bá a pó dẹ̀ta, When we count in threes,
Ẹran tọ́dẹ bá ta là á gbé. We can only pack the game killed by the hunter.
Notes 243
1. For more information on the history of the Nigerian army, see Nigerian Army
and Education Corps School (NAECS), History of the Nigerian Army 1863–1992.
Abuja: NAECS, 1992 and Norman J. Minners, The Nigerian Army 1956–66. London:
Methuen, 1971. This and all other regular riddles (àlọ́ àpamọ̀) labelled as “new rid-
dles” in this subsection of chapter five were collected among the various Yorùbá
244 Notes
dialectal groups at different times (mostly in summer) between 2007 and 2012 dur-
ing the fieldwork for this book project. Most of the riddles form part of the moon-
light storytelling sessions that I observed and recorded during the fieldwork.
2. Paulo Farias, “Yorùbá Origins Revisited by Muslims: An Interview with the Arọ́kin
of Ọỳ ọ́ and a Reading of the Asl Qaba’il yuruba of Al-Hajj Adam al-Iluri.” In Paulo
Farias and Karin Barber (eds.), Self-Assertion and Brokerage: Early Cultural Nationalism
in West Africa. Birmingham: Centre of West African Studies, Birmingham University
African Studies Series 2, 1990, pp. 109–147.
3. On the history of the establishment of the Nigerian Police, see Tekena N. Tamuno,
The Police in Modern Nigeria, 1861–1965: Origin, Development, and Role. Ìbàdàn:
Ìbàdàn University Press, 1970 and Kẹ́mi Rótìmí, The Police in a Federal State: The
Nigerian Experience. Ìbàdàn: College Press, 2001.
4. This riddle is probably refering to the standing fan or table fan that has three blades
and not the ceiling fan that has five blades.
5. In the 1980s, several basic items like sugar, rice, milk, vegetable oil, and so on, were
not readily available to the generality of the people as a result of artificial scarcity
created by hoarding.Therefore, the then federal government resorted to mass impor-
tation of these items for local cosumption, and approved importation licenses to
political associates to that effect.
6. The original Yorùbá version of this lenghty text is not included in the book because
of space limitation.The tale was collected from Mr. Láídé Adéwálé (now deceased), a
very enthusiastic storyteller who was also willing to engage in critical or metacriti-
cal discussion of these modern tales. The story was collected on the campus of the
Ọbáfẹ́mi Awólọ́wọ̀ University, Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria, on August 2, 2008.
7. Although the Yorùbá version of the story was collected from Dr. Moses Òkè
(now deceased) on the campus of the Ọbáfẹ́mi Awólọ́wọ̀ University, Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Ọ̀ṣun
State, Nigeria, in the summer of 2010, the tale was probably created soon after the
December 31, 1983, military coup that ousted the 1979–1983 civilian government
of Alhaji Shehu Shagari. The original Yorùbá version of this urban tale-riddle is not
included in the book because of space limitation. For the history of military revolt in
Nigeria, see Robin Luckman, The Nigerian Military: A Sociological Analysis of Authority
and Revolt 1960–1967. Cambridge: University Press, 1971.
8. The original Yorùbá version of this lenghty citation is not included in the book
because of space limitation. See Akínwùmí Ìṣọ̀lá, Fàbú: Àkójọpọ̀ Àwàdà. Ibadan: DB
Martoy Books, 2008, pp. 20–26 for the Yorùbá original version.
9. Acceptable use of ribald language is permitted during some festivals in Yorùbáland
as a form of social control against certain groups of people. This provides the soci-
ety with a liminal space for otherwise forbidden performances as respite from their
highly regulated lives. For instance, participants at the Òkèebàdàn festival in Ìbàdàn,
Òrògbo festival in Ẹrínmọ̀pé Èkìtì, and Òpèlú festival in Ọ̀wọ̀, discuss sex, sexuality,
and sexual organs openly in public. During these festivals, people exhibit ribald sex-
ual vocalizations and graphic sexual demonstrations with props that resemble geni-
talia. Ribald language is also common among ẹ̀sà, ìjálá, and ẹ̀fẹ̀ chanters/singers.
10. Ìṣọ̀lá stated this in an interview that I conducted for him on July 24, 2006, in
Ìbàdàn.
Notes 245
11. This quotation is from the unpublished manuscript under the title A Treasury of
Childhood Memories, by Pamela J. Olúbùnmi Smith, pp 30–41, being the translation
of Akínwùmí Ìṣọ̀lá’s Yorùbá novel entitled Ogún Ọmọdé. Ìbàdàn (Nigeria): University
Press Plc., 1990. The Yorùbá version of the quoted section is on pages 19–28 of the
original text.
12. Ẹk̀ ọ is a type of food prepared from corn starch. It could be in either solid or liquid
form. In its solid form, it is usually made in lumps wrapped with leaves.
13. Orín (often translated as chewing-stick) is a piece of plant stalk or root that is cut
into stripes, and chewed at one end of the tip, to be used as the “brush” to clean the
teeth.
14. Ìyèré (Piper Guineense) is West African black pepper. Dried, black berries and even
fresh, red fruits are sold in the markets as spices. It is climber on trees and is 30–40
feet long. The fruit is red or red-brown when ripe, but black when dry (see R. C.
Abraham, Dictionary of Modern Yorùbá. London: University Press Ltd, 1958, p. 334).
15. According to Abraham, Dictionary of Modern Yorùbá, 1958, eéyọ́ or ọọ́yọ́ “(Corchorus
Olitorius/Jew’s Mallow—Tiliaceae) is used as potherb. It has a useful fibre” (533).
16. My personal translation of Adébáyọ̀ Fálétí’s Yorùbá poem entitled “Ẹ̀là Lọ̀rọ̀”
published in Ọlátúndé Ọlátúnjí Ewì Adébáyọ̀ Fálétí (Ìwé Kìíní). Ìbàdàn (Nigeria):
Heinemann Educational Books (Nigeria) Ltd, 1982a, pp 23–28.
17. This riddle sounds more Anglo-Saxon than Yorùbá because the play on words
and punning in the riddle and its solution is not common in Yorùbá riddle
performances.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. The film tradition in Nigeria dates back to the colonial era—starting with the exhi-
bition of the first film in 1903—however, the practitioners of the popular Yorùbá
traveling theater are responsible for the transformation of the medium into an inde-
pendent, commercially viable mode of entertainment and cultural propagation in
the postindependence era. This crucial technological-cultural step in the contem-
porary history of Yorùbá popular culture was taken by Hubert Ògúndé. In the late
1970s, he started producing plays with brief film insertions usually involved fantasy
actions or elements (like transformations of human beings into animals) that were
meant to convey the supernatural dimensions of Yorùbá cosmology, but which could
not be convincingly done on the stage. With Ògúndé’s introduction of filmed epi-
sodes, a new medium was added; but easy sensationalism produced by little film
tricks began to substitute technological illusion for the evocation of mystery, awe,
and wonder that audiences had come to expect from their theater. Ògúndé followed
this initial and tentative step by making four full-length feature films: Aiyé (1979),
Jáíyésinmi (1980), Àròpin N Tènìyàn (1982), and Àyànmọ́ (1988) on celluloid, which
allowed him full scope for the expression of his talent for sensationalism and dazzling
spectacle. The experiment with video technology in 1988 by Ìṣọ̀lá Ògúnṣọlá, which
produced a film version of his Yorùbá stage play—Àjẹ́ Ni Ìyá Mi—marked the begin-
ning of a tradition that is still unfolding in different layers almost three decades after.
In its almost 30 years of existence, over 7,500 titles in Yorùbá are already produced
246 Notes
and many are still being recorded daily. The themes are close to people’s daily reality,
even in its depiction of the fantastic, the mysterious, and the outlandish.The magical
elements in traditional performances resurface with special effects in video technol-
ogy. For more on this, see Akíntúndé Akínyẹmí, “Oral Literature, Aesthetic Transfer,
and Social Vision in Two Yorùbá Video Films.” Research in African Literatures 38 (3)
(2007): 122–135 and Wọlé Ògúndélé, “Folk Opera to Soap Opera: Improvisations
and Transformations in Yorùbá Popular Theater.” Nigerian Video Films. Ed. Jonathan
Haynes. Athens: Ohio State University Center for International Studies, Research in
International Studies, Africa Series, Number 73, 2000, pp. 89–147.
22. Lines 8–48 of the translation quoted from the unpublished manuscript under the
title A Treasury of Childhood Memories, by Pamela J. Olúbùnmi Smith, pp. 97–99,
being the translation of Akínwùmí Ìṣọ̀lá’s Yorùbá novel entitled Ogún Ọmọdé. Ìbàdàn
(Nigeria): University Press Plc., 1990.The Yorùbá version of the quoted section is on
pages 83–84 of the original text.
23. This is Pamela J. Olúbùnmi Smith’s translation in her unpublished manuscript, A
Treasury of Childhood Memories (p. 100), being the translation of Akínwùmí Ìṣọ̀lá’s
Yorùbá novel entitled Ogún Ọmọdé. Ìbàdàn (Nigeria): University Press Plc., 1990,
p. 84.
24. For a detailed discussion of the concept of witchcraft in Yorùbáland, see Teresa N.
Washington, Our Mothers, Our Powers, Our Texts. Indiana and Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 2005, p. 10.
25. This is a type of handwoven fabric produced from the traditional weaving loom.
1. The importance of digitizing oral materials is twofold. First, because of what Vivian
Yenika-Agaw, Representing Africa in Children’s Literature: Old and New Ways of Seeing.
New York/London: Routledge, 2008, alludes to as “African Print Literacy Tragedy,”
a situation referring to children’s books as either not available, or poorly produced
(111). The few books of higher quality are usually expensive, making access difficult
for the average African child. With the public library systems dysfunctional for the
most part in almost all African nations, children lack reading opportunities. Second,
while one may be genuinely troubled by the “literary barrenness” that is pervasive
across continental Africa, a term coined by the Ugandan author Taban lo Liyong
(Yenika-Agaw, 125), officials responsible for educational planning should seize the
opportunity offered by an evolving e-book culture and by the availability of modern
communications media.
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IN DE X
A Treasury of Childhood Memories (Ìṣọ̀lá), ambiguity, 12, 84, 89, 121–2, 250
xiii, 250 American Association of Teachers of
use of enigmatic modes in, 193–201 Yorùbá (AATY), xii
Abímbọ́lá, Wándé, 60, 78, 125–6, 247 animal characters, 120, 185
Abrahams, Roger, 89–90, 117, 240, 247 animate objects, 155
Abrams, M. H. A., 192, 247 anthropology, 2, 9
acquisition of vocabulary, 153 antiphonal group performance, 13, 133,
Adéẹ̀kọ́, Adélékè, xii 138, 148, 152
Adéoyè, Láògún, 232, 247 antiphony, 13, 138
Adésuà, Adélẹ́yẹ, 29, 247 Appell, G. N. and Appell, Laura, 4
aesthetics, 12, 32, 80, 126, 128, 193, 221 Appiah, Kwame, xviii, 248
African diaspora, 4, 227 arithmetical tales, 118
African diaspora associations, 227 Arnott, D. W., 237, 248
African Language Teachers Association àrọ̀, 133–62, 167–9, 175–6
(ALTA), xii “Bí a bá pé ó dení,” 160–1
African Literature Association (ALA), xii examples of, “Jẹ́npẹ Jẹ́ǹpẹ o!,” 133–8
African Oral Literature, 5, 250–1 “Fèrèkun Fèkun,” 148–52
African-language literature, xviii “Ká Múgbá Lámù,” 161–2
Agogo Èèwọ̀ (Ìṣọ̀lá), 221–6, 250 “Kí ní ń Lẹ́jẹ̀?,” 154–5
aide-mémoires, 159–62 “Kí ni n ó folè ṣe,” 175–6
Àjàyí, J. F. Adé and R. S. Smith, 248 “Olenle,” 167–9
Àjàyí, Bádé, 29–30, 247 Àrọ̀ Jíjá (Rájí), 30, 247
Àjùwọ̀n, Bádé, 32, 76, 118, 248 artifacts, 3
Akéde Èkó, 218 ascending order, 157
Akíntàn, E. A., 218 Àtàndá, Joseph Adébọ̀wálé, 163,
Akíntóyè, Adébánjí, 183, 248 225, 248
Akínyẹmí, Akíntúndé, 225, 248 attributive epithets, 221
Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́, 144, 162–4, 225 audience, 1–2, 7, 12–13, 18, 23, 28, 39, 74,
Àlàbá, Gbóyèga, 188, 248 77, 79, 84–5, 91, 116–24, 127, 132,
àlọ́, àpamọ̀, xiii, 37–87, 180–5 152, 163, 169, 172, 180, 196, 201–2,
ìjàpá (see Tortoise Stories) 221, 227, 234, 237, 245
Àlọ́ o! Apá Kíní Àlọ́ Àpamọ̀ (Oyèlẹ́sẹ), 247 audio-visual, 229
254 Index
Awóbulúyì, Ọládélé, 30, 152, 248 communication, 2, 7, 32, 37, 80, 89, 217,
Àwọn Àlọ́ Àpamọ̀ Yorùbá (Túgbiyìlé), 247 226, 228–9, 235, 240–1, 246–7, 249
community, rhetoric, 216
Babalọlá, Adébóyè, 3, 30, 56, 152, 173, wisdom, 216
239, 241–3, 248 constitutional monarch, 163
Bakhtin, M. M., 89–90, 128, 248–9 Consular Guard, 182
Baldick, Chris, 32, 248 contemporary writers/authors, 8, 180,
ballad, 7, 89, 221 192, 217
Barber, Karin, xii, 79, 122, 170, 172–3, conundrums, 29, 247
217–18, 229, 244, 248–9 cosmology,Yorùbá, 125–6, 245
Bascom, William Russell, 14, 30–1, council of chiefs, 163
37, 90, 125–6, 165, 180, counting songs, 24
241, 249 creative, performance, 1
Bauman, Richard, 89–90, 249 strategies, 8, 180
Beier, Ulli, 132, 249 crenellated scheme, 152
belief systems, 1–2, 76 critical thinking, 216, 234
Biersteker, Ann, 227, 249 cultural, constraint, 192
Blacking, John, 26, 180, 249 continuity, 175, 220
blending of riddles and folktales, 7, identity, 1, 125, 228
89–129 innovators, 218
Bolter, Jay David and Richard Grusin, integration, 224
227, 249 interpretation, 216
British colonial government, 28 matrix, 180
British Consul, 182 nationalism, 8, 244, 249
broadcasting stations, 220–1 paradigms, 216
studies, 5
Caribbean, 1 values, 6
catch rhymes, 153 culture,Yorùbá, 6, 28, 74, 78, 125–6, 131,
chain structure, 152 192, 220–1, 231–2, 234
chain-reaction tale-riddle, 241 revivalists, 28–9
chanting, 17–18, 126, 172, 239, 243 curriculum, development, 9
chants, 2, 125, 172, 220, 228–9 planners, 235
children’s literature, 35, 246, 252 customs, 71–2, 123, 173, 175, 220, 234
choral response, 132
Christianity, 166, 169, 181 Danesi, Marcel, 33, 239, 249
cinema, 29, 221 deified ancestors, 79. See also divinities
class domination, 123 Dẹ́nígà, Adéoyè, 218
code of etiquette, 23 Derrida, Jacques, 34
coded language, 7, 13 descending order, 157
codes, 32–3, 192 descriptive poetry, 172
colonial Nigeria, 182 deterrence song, 23–4, 233–4
colonialism, 2 dialogic routines, 7, 116, 132
colony of Lagos, 182 diaspora, black, 1
comic effect, 188 didactic pressure, 124
communal consciousness, 192 dilemma tales, 7, 14, 23, 89–90, 118, 249
Index 255