Unit 32 Case Study: Lucknow : Structure
Unit 32 Case Study: Lucknow : Structure
Unit 32 Case Study: Lucknow : Structure
Structure
32.1 Introduction
32.2 The Origins and Growth of Lucknow
32.3 Political Prowess of the Nawabs and Begums of Awadh
32.3.1 Genealogy of the Nawabs
32.3.2 Lucknow as an Administrative and Economic Center
32.3.3 The Mughal, Nawabi and European Architectural Legacy
32.3.4 Art and Cultural Efflorescence
32.4 Political Events and the City
32.4.1 Impact of the Annexation of Awadh (1856) and the Revolt of 1857
32.4.2 Changes in the Layout and Administration of Lucknow
32.4.3 The Colonial Built Heritage
32.5 The Decline in the Nawabi Patronage
32.6 Re-emergence of Lucknow in the Twentieth Century
32.7 Summary
32.8 Timeline
32.9 Exercises
32.10 References
32.1 INTRODUCTION
Places embody a meaningful past, either ensconced in myths or steeped in a historical,
social-political context. The primal culture associated with a place often augments the
aura of a region and imparts uniqueness to its existence. Lucknow is no exception to
the aforementioned axiom and the city draws its customary legacy from the affluent
Shia Nawabs, who ruled it from 1775-1856 CE. As a provincial capital of Awadh
(anglicized as Oudh by the British after its annexation), Lucknow epitomized the values
of its prodigal rulers, who on the one hand were admired for ushering in the refined and
unfailing courtesy of adabs (a way of greeting/salutation) and on the other were vilified
for their whimsical propensities. The place may be associated with the legendary duality
of a resplendent yet decadent culture of the aristocracy, but its inhabitants relate more
often to its fabled pristine past. It is a region to reckon with since it did not lose its
charm despite the profligacy of the Shia dynasty and the ignominious ouster and exile of
its last Nawab Wajid Ali Shah to Matiaburj (in the suburbs of Calcutta).
This Unit will take you through the tale of this city, which underwent remarkable changes
in three centuries. It transformed from a pargana headquarter to the provincial capital
of Awadh in 1775. After the British annexation in 1856, it became a major colonial
centre. The revolt of 1857 and its aftermath shook the city in many ways and it underwent
significant morphological changes to pacify the wrath of the colonial authentics. A major
blow to its prestige came with its demotion to a provincial town when Oudh was absorbed
in the North West Provinces in 1877. Finally, Lucknow was restored as the capital of
the United Provinces in 1920.The region is significant from the perspective of varied
changes it underwent in a short span of time. It witnessed the confluence of Mughal
He laid the foundations of the Nawabi dynasty of Oudh in 1722 after choosing his
nephew Safdar Jung as his deputy to the throne. Safdar Jung consolidated his position
by becoming virtually independent from the Mughal Emperor’s influence and he
established his own dynasty in the province.
The relationship between ‘Nawabs’ or governors of Awadh and the Delhi court was
redefined under the changed context. While the title of ‘Nawab’ meant deputy in Persian,
(recognizing the supremacy of the Mughal emperors), the Awadh Nawabs followed the
royal orders only when it suited them (Jones, 1985: 3). Safdar Jung’s son Shuja-ud-
Daula succeeded him and the Mughal ruler recognised his hereditary right to the throne.
The equation with the Mughals gradually changed in favour of the Nawabs as they
asserted their rights over the remittance of revenue from Awadh.
By 1761, Awadh became so prosperous and prominent that it could not escape the
attention of the expanding East India Company. The battle of Buxar (1764) which
1
Shī‘ah literally means a partisan or follower. They believed that after the Holy Prophet, the
90 religious authority was vested with his follower Ali (Trivedi, 2010: 42).
resulted in the defeat of Shuja-ud-Daula fulfilled Company’s desires to milk the region. Case Study: Lucknow
The Company benefited immensely from the treaty of Allahabad as it allowed them to
carry out duty free trade throughout the empire. The Nawab was also fined Rupees
fifty thousand as an indemnity to cover the war expense of the East India Company.Since
the Nawab was unable to pay the indemnity, the begums of Awadh came to his rescue
and emerged as his political counterpart.
Two powerful women who reigned in Awadh were Nawab Begum and Bahu Begum.
Aliya Sadr un Nisa, better known as Nawab Begum was the daughter of Saadat Khan
and the wife of Safdar Jung (1739-54). Her son Shuja ud Daula (1754-75) was married
to Amat uz Zehra (known as Bahu Begum), the daughter of a powerful Persian courtier
at the Mughal court. These two women wielded considerable power in the court of
Awadh. They were economically independent, hard working and expert in the court
intrigues. They were wealthy as they had received dowries including jewels, personal
valuables, horses, elephants, retainers, troops and enjoyed ownership of revenues from
vast tracts of fertile lands. Both maintained their independent establishments and a
bureaucracy of women, men and eunuchs and influenced the policy decisions regarding
state matters (Kidwai, 2008:118-119).
In 1764, when Shuja-ud-Daulah lost the battle of Buxar, Bahu and Nawab Begum
helped him out of their own treasury to pay back the punitive charges imposed by the
Company. When Shuja-ud-Daula died, Bahu Begum ensured the succession of her
son Asaf-ud-Daula to the throne despite facing opposition from the Company. While
the British considered the Nawab incompetent to rule, Asaf-ud-Daulah on the other
hand did not want to become a plaything in the hands of either Company or his mother
and grandmother. He shifted the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775 to escape
the domination and interference of the two begums.
It is indisputable that the Nawabs and the Begums played a key role in the politics of
Awadh. However, once Asf-ud-Daula shifted the capital to Lucknow, the priorities
shifted to developing Lucknow at par with other provincial capitals of eighteenth century.
The Residency, Palaces, &c. of Lucknow,” as they looked just before the Rebellion; a Weekly
Dispatch Supplement map, Jan. 24, 1858, by Edward Weller, with original hand coloring. Published
in 1880, London W. H. Allen & Co. Waterloo Place.
Source:http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00maplinks/colonial/wellermaps/
lucknow1857/lucknow1857.html
Machchi Bhawan
Wash drawing by Henry Salt in 1803 of the the Fort of Machhi Bhawan, built on the Lakshman
Tila mound, and the Mosque of Aurangzeb, with grass cutters by the roadside. Salt painted this
view in the time of Nawab Saadat Ali (1798-1814). British Library (sketch 1803)
Courtesy: http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/onlineex/apac/other/019wdz000001299u00000000. html
5
Persian Mahi is fish and Arabic Maratib is Honour. The Mughals conferred the title ‘Honour
of the fish’ as a mark of distinction on individuals of the highest order. Machhi Bhawan was
94 destroyed during mutiny (Sharar, 1975:240).
Case Study: Lucknow
Felice Beato (1858) photograph of the Machchi Bhawan in the post mutiny period.
Source: Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection
http://web.archive.org/web/20060114100252/http://www.brown.edu/Facilities/University_Library/
collections/askb/beato/Beato4.jpg
Shuja-ud-Daula built a five storeyed pavilion Panch Mahalla within the Machchi
Bhavan. Safdar Jung enlarged this Panch Mahalla or the main palace building situated
inside the walls of Machhi Bhawan (Gordon, 2006:31). The Nawabs also built other
grandiose palaces like Daualat Khana (by Asaf-ud-Daula in 1789), Moti Mahal (Nasir-
ud-din-Haider), Chattar Manzil (early nineteenth century), Qaiserbagh (Wajid Ali Shah
1848-52). The last two palaces reflect a general shift in both style and function. Unlike
the heavy fortresses which were designed for defense purpose, these were ‘lighter,
more accessible and a place for entertainment and pleasurable pursuits’ (Gordon,
2006:31). The palace fortress, Machhi Bhawan soon afterwards lost its charm as the
later Nawabs moved into more enticing palladian villas.
By the mid nineteenth century, Lucknow had many villa type houses, called Kothi for
the European and Indian elite. For the Nawabs, architecture was an outward expression
of their newly attained independence marked by severing of the ties from the Mughal
court. The Nawabs also entertained foreigners who became their close friends and
influenced them in building houses, which replicated the taste of the rich and powerful in
Europe (Das, 2006:168).Asaf-ud-Daula employed a French architect Antoine Louis
Polier to build the Asafi Kothi in 1789, which was the centre-piece of the New Daulat
Khana Complex. Saadat Khan commissioned the building of hunting cum resting lodge
called Dilkusha (pleasing to heart) in 1805. Later this place also served the purpose of
celebrating ceremonies, religious festivals and hosting distinguished guests. Gore Ousley
entrusted with the task of building it, made it like a prototype of a country house in
Northumberland (Das, 2006:180). The kothis patterned after European villas served
as country houses, which created a ‘hybrid’ of ‘neo classical nawabi’ mansion in Lucknow
city (Das, 2006:180).
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Early Modern Cities
Dilkusha Palace
Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008)
Apart from palaces, the Nawabs also built thoroughfare. Saadat Khan commissioned
various ganjes (market streets) on both sides of the chowk, a feature common to most
north Indian towns. A typical ganj was an enclosure of masonry or earth or simple
wooden planks in which housing and stalls were built. The stalls served as a caravanserai
to sell necessities to travelers, their steeds and beasts of burden. The landowners (mostly
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nawabs and ministers) let-out ganjes to families and to shopkeepers and the latter often Case Study: Lucknow
built small houses at their own expense.
WhileVeena Oldenburg is of the opinion that gunj like Hazratgunj signified market
place (mentioned in 32.3.2), other scholars like Jones and Neeta Das believe that
Hazratganj was a famous main road of the new city (Das, 2006:171). Saadat Ali Khan
conceived the making of Hazrat Ganj in 1810 A.D. but it was Nasir ud- din Haider,who
laid its foundation in 1842 A.D. This market street remains indispensable for Lucknavites
even today as they frequent the place for strolling, eating and shopping there. During
the colonial period, it catered primarily to the British and elite customers and exotic
food items like wines, cakes, pastries, canned food were available at Hazratganj
(Hasnain, 2015: 99). In common parlance today ‘ganjing’ has come to signify romantic
walks, leisurely strolls and carefree window shopping in Lucknow culminating in a visit
to some coffee house or a restaurant. If Hazratganj was known as the market for the
elite, Aminabad developed as its counterpart and was known as the market for middle
class and commoners (built by Amirudduala, prime minister of Amjad Ali Shah 1842-
47) (Hasnain, 2015:110).
Mostly ganjes symbolised either a market place or an important street around which
markets developed and thrived. Some ganjes were also named after their owners or
signified occupation of the workers. Saadat Khan founded the Saadat Ganj, Loha
Ganj denoted the iron worker’s area and Gola Ganj was meant for stocking arsenal.
Over a period, many of the ganjes either suffered encroachment or were demolished
(Jones, 1985, 9-11).
The lanes and the by lanes of Lucknow are known as Gali or Koocha. The Nawabs
built the routes and pathways in a manner that one could traverse one mohalla to another
and cover the entire city without touching the main road. The lanes where a specific
occupational group resided were named after the practitioners of that vocation like the
Kanghiwali Gali (abode of comb makers). The lane where the elite or respectable
people lived was called Koocha and it was considered distinct from a gali. For example
Koocha Meer Anees (named after an Urdu Poet who resided there), Koocha Shah
Chara (named after a Sufi Saint who lived there) etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 99)
The Nawabs of Awadh modified the urban morphology of Lucknow by building many
Mohallas in the city. Asaf ud Daula who shifted the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow
in 1775 AD was nostalgic of the former capital of Awadh. He named many mohallas in
Lucknow after the names of mohallas in Faizabad like Fateh Ganj, Rakab Ganj etc.
Saadat Ali Khan established mohallas like Maqbool Ganj, Rastogi Tola (guild), Daliganj
and Saadat Ganj. Nawab Naseeruddin Haider established Ganesh Ganj etc. Several
Mohallas were named after the profession followed by its inhabitants such as Batashey
Wali Gali, Dorwali Gali, Phool Wali Gali, Baan Wali Gali. By the 20th century many of
the mohallas and lanes remained only in namesake as either some of these professions
declined or people from outside migrated and settled in these areas. There were some
mohallas named after Hindu women such as Bagh Padain, Rani Katra etc. Since the
Nawabs wanted to promote harmony between the Muslim and Hindu communities,
their quarters were established close to each other. For instance Ram Nagar was
established with Husainabad, Katra Abutarab Khan with Raja Bazaar, Husain Ganj
with Phool Ganj etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 94). Later on, since Shias were dominant among
the Muslims, a number of mohallas in ‘Old Lucknow’ were almost entirely populated
by them like Kazmain, Angoori Bagh, Muftiganj etc. (Hasnain, 2015: 72-73).
While opulence, oriental splendour and Awadhi culture exemplified Lucknow’s built
heritage, the Nawabs also commissioned the building of Imambaras that had an exclusive 97
Early Modern Cities Shia stamp on it. Although the design for the palaces and country houses were mostly
inspired from European architecture, the religious buildings had its roots in Persian style
of art and architecture confirming the Nawab’s credentials as upholders of the Shia
faith. The rulers representing a minority sect of Islam decided to make Lucknow the
centre of the Shia faith in northern India. The Imambaras acquired the finest form here
and it became the focal point of celebrating the important ritual of mourning during
Muharram (Jones, 2006:16). There was a proliferation of public and private Imambaras
where Taziyas6 were displayed and Zarihs were housed (Peter Chelkowski, 2006:105).
Therefore, the majestic religious structures often seem to tower the other public buildings
in Lucknow.
Asaf-ud-Daula built the famous Bara or Asafi Imambara (1784-91). The Nawab who
had the reputation of being a philanthropic ruler, built this imposing edifice during a
terrible famine, as a relief measure to provide income and livelihood to his starving
subjects (Jones, 2006:7). Therefore, it became widely known
‘Jisse na de maula, usse de Asaf-ud-Daula”
(Who from heaven nought receiveth, to him Asaf-ud-Daula giveth)
(Oldenburg, 1984:16)
To which the Nawab quipped,
“Jisse na de maula, usse kya de Asaf-ud-Daula”
(Asaf-ud-daula’s altruism is dependent on God who is the ultimate provider).
Bara Imambara
Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008)
6
Taziya developed in the mid eighteenth century from the fusion of ambulatory and stationary
rites followed in Iran. An artist recreates Husain’s tombs in various shapes and sizes. They are
carried during months of mourning, displayed in Imambaras and buried in local karbala (Shia
cemetry). It symbolises ritual bier carrying Husain’s body. The participation in the procession
with the Taziya is a pilgrimage to Husain’s tomb and a re-enactment of his funeral. Zarih is a
98 ritual cenotaph that is re-used with new decorations every year.
Case Study: Lucknow
Kifayat-ullah, the chief architect of the Imambara belonged to Delhi. The Imambara
became a place of pilgrimage for Shias where the mourning rituals of the martyred
Hasan and Husain at Karbala (Kar=pain and bala=trial) were commemorated every
year (Jones, 2008:98). The western gateway of the great forecourt of the monument
has the ornamental Rumi Darwaza (Constantinople Gate, supposedly named after a
similar gateway in Istanbul). The Bara Imambara is entirely made of brick covered with
stucco. The masons used recovered lime or shells from dried up lakes to produce
stucco that shone as beautifully as the marble tombs of the Mughals (Peter Chelkowski,
2006:110).
Rumi Darwaza
Photo by Felice Beato (1858)
Source:http://www.getty.edu/art/collection/objects/104613/felice-beato-henry-hering-rumi-
darwaza-and-the-imambara-british-1858-1862/?dz=0.5000,0.4125,0.68
99
Early Modern Cities It is interesting to note that the Nawabs had multifarious interests in making different
kinds of buildings and other structures. They built lavish gardens like Alam Bagh (Garden
of the World by Wajid Ali in 1850), Sikandar bagh (Wajid Ali), Qadam Rasul (horticulture
garden), iron bridge (Saadat Khan 1810), a press Matba-e Sultani (by Nasir ud din
Haider, which published books and dictionary). Nawab Haider built the taronvali kothi
or observatory (1832-40), which housed very large telescopes and other astronomical
instruments (Sharar, 1975:56). Colonel Wilcox supervised and maintained it. Many
Europeans worked for the Nawabs and Lucknow became a cosmopolitan home for
them as well.
European traders, planters, manufacturers, technicians and mercenary soldiers felt at
ease in Lucknow. Shuja ud Daula engaged the services of Antoine-Louise Henri Polier,
the East India Company’s chief Engineer at Fort William, Calcutta to look after civil
works and to improve the defenses of the city. The Nawab also organized his army on
the European model and established workshops for the preparation of war material.
He had about two hundred French and other Europeans enlisted in his service. The
French influence in the Awadh court diminished significantly after his death with the only
exception of Claude Martin, the Frenchman who combined the functions of trader,
military adventurer, architect and rose to eminence in the court circle.
Jones has categorised the Europeans who lived in Lucknow into four groups. The first
category was of the military men, who were part of the East India Company’s battalions
stationed in and around Lucknow as a peacekeeping force. Secondly, there were civilian
officials of the Company, which included the Resident, his assistant, the Residency
surgeon, chaplain, writers and other staff. Thirdly, there were Europeans who worked
for the Nawabs in various capacities and lastly there were people who were not in
Company service or freelancers like artists, traders, soldiers, indigo planters and
shopkeepers. While the military officials and the company servants were posted officially
and did not come to Lucknow of their own volition, it is the last two categories of
people who settled in the city owing to personal efforts and initiative (Jones, 1997:17).
La Martiniere College
Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008)
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Among all Europeans, the most influential foreigner in Lucknow was Major General Case Study: Lucknow
Claude Martin (1735-1800), a French man who initially was a soldier in the East India
Company in 1760. After 1775, he worked as a superintendent in the arsenal of Asaf-
ud-Daula. He became a rich and influential man in Lucknow as he enjoyed patronage
from both ends. He bought, sold and rented houses in Lucknow.He turned the Hayat
Baksh Kothi as an arsenal that was later sold to Saadat Ali Khan (Hay, 1939:27). He
built a town house for himself at a wooded site called ‘Lakh-e-pera’(a lakh of trees,
later renamed as Farhat Baksh) in 1781. He planned a country house named as
‘Constantia’in 1796 and it is the largest European funerary monument in India.Martin is
commemorated in the building Constantia, the central portion of La Martiniere college
where he was buried well below the ground level (the substantial additions were made
to the building from1840-44) (David, 2006:221).
The bonhomie between the Europeans and the Nawabs can be seen in other contexts
too where Lucknow became a potpourri of different cultures.
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Case Study: Lucknow
32.4 POLITICAL EVENTS AND THE CITY
Some political events have repercussions, which linger and prevail beyond the immediate
aftermath. The consequences of such events can be gauged from their place in the
collective memory of the people living in the city. The annexation of Awadh and more
importantly the revolt of 1857 qualify to become the formidable events in the memory
of the citizens of Lucknow. The social and urban life of the city changed dramatically
post the occurrence of these events.
Secunderbagh, Lucknow
Source: Anne S. K. Brown Military Collection: Photographic views of Lucknow taken after the
Indian Mutiny;http://web.archive.org/web/20071222051622/http://www.brown.edu/Facilities/
University_Library/collections/askb/beato/beato.html;https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/
commons/2/26/Image-Secundra_Bagh_after_Indian_Mutiny_higher_res.jpg
103
Early Modern Cities However more than the annexation of Awadh, it was the mutiny of 1857, which became
a deciding factor for the British to revamp the city in a daunting manner. The encounter
with disease, dirt and death were etched in the minds of the colonial officials and survivors.
Hence, they took due cognizance of it while attempting to plan the city after the violent
insurrection was over (Oldenburg,1984:26).
The sepoy discontent, which was simmering in Barrackpore in March 1857, broke out
as a full-fledged mutiny at Meerut on 11 May 1857. Later it spread like a wild fire to
northern India and Lucknow was engulfed by the revolt on 30 May 1857. Initially, the
7th Regiment of the Oudh Irregular infantry refused to accept the cartridges for their
rifles. By the end of May, the soldiers led the uprising in the city and participated in the
burning of property and attacking the European Bungalows. The rebels besieged
Lucknow for almost 140 days. The epicenter of the revolt in Awadh was Lucknow, but
the sepoys received solidarity from peasants and taluqdars of the nearby regions as
well. These classes fought on behalf of the deposed Nawab, reacting sharply to the
British annexation of Oudh, new settlement policies, alienation of land rights, over
assessment of revenues, loss of older ties of protection and patronage.
The Residency - the walls riddled with the cannon holes during the time of Mutiny is preserved
till date.
Photo by Radhika Govindrajan (2008)
The Residency developed in a piecemeal fashion in the last quarter of the eighteenth
century. A natural hill was chosen as a dwelling site since it was considered healthier
106 than marshy low-lying grounds. The Residency, which initially consisted of only three
bungalows, later became a self-sufficient unit with a treasury, banquet hall, guard’s Case Study: Lucknow
room, school, post office, printing press, stable, slaughterhouse etc. The British might
have commissioned the building but the Nawabs paid the expenditure to build, maintain
and furnish the houses. It was a utilitarian building, which was battered during the six-
month long siege in 1857. The British preserved the ruins to commemorate it as a
monument displaying the courage of its officers (Jones, 2006:194-8).
The pattern of colonial urbanisation in Lucknow before the revolt is evident in the
building of a quiet and distant Residency, but in its aftermath, the focus shifted entirely
to prioritising military and strategic needs. The British, who had been isolated in the
Residency during revolt, now ensured that the cantonment, railways and police station
flanked the civil lines and the three formed a well-linked unit.
The development of Cantonment or the permanent Military Station in Lucknow began
after it became the capital of Awadh (1775). In 1801, the Nawab had to disband his
forces and pay a million pound sterling for the upkeep of British troops. He reluctantly
granted them land in Murian village, north to the river Gomti in 1806 to build a
Cantonment. After the revolt, the Cantonment spread its outposts to the city by converting
buildings, harems, palaces, mosques into armed camps. About three-fourth of the PWD
budget was spent on Military works. The escalating costs were passed on to public in
the form of new taxes designed for urban areas. The European officers in the Cantonment
lived in a typical bungalow (with garden, servant quarters, compounds) and the native
troops lived at some distance, in self-constructed thatched houses. The Cantonment
included Church, cemeteries, racecourse, clubhouse etc. It created a ‘European cosmos’
serving the officers social and recreational needs (Oldenburg, 1984:48-52).
In 1875, the Cantonment population was 23,154 people including 4000 Europeans. It
was one thirteenth of the population of the Lucknow City but the European population
never exceeded 2 percent of its population. This was an anomalous situation because
despite receiving the municipal subsidy, the Cantonment was outside its limits and had
no reciprocal obligation (Oldenburg, 1984:54-55).
The Civil Station was the residential area for the European non-military community
comprising of civil servants, traders, shopkeepers etc. The nuzul lands (belonging to
the royal family) were at the disposal of the British and they could easily acquire real
estate forcibly or at a very low price for building purposes. The civil lines had a clock
tower, shopping arcade, theatre and service club. The United Service Club in the Chhattar
Manzil Palace was a place designated for social gatherings. Thus, it is apt to believe
that Lucknow’s ‘social life matched its political importance as a regional capital and a
regimental headquarter’ (Oldenburg, 1984:244).
In the early nineteenth century, Lucknow stood apart in terms of size and affluence after
the three colonial port cities of Madras, Calcutta and Bombay (Oldenburg, 1984:3-4).
However, after the deposition of the last Nawab, the city underwent social upheaval
and demographic changes.
Sharar was a noted essayist, novelist and historian who grew up in Matiaburj before
returning to Lucknow to study in Farangi Mahal. He chronicled the cultural heyday of
Lucknow by recounting the contribution of Nawabs to the capital of Awadh. His
account is interesting as it gives detail of every-day life in Lucknow and the topophilia
associated with the place, which compelled the last Nawab to quintessentially replicate
it in Matiaburj(Oldenburg,1984:203-204).
The Waning Culture of the Courtesans
The Nawab of Awadh not only patronised the courtesans but also promoted musical
gharanas and encouraged the refinement of dance forms. The kothas (literally top
floor) prospered owing to the extravagant patronage from the royal households.
However, the British with their ‘Victorian notions of propriety and masculinity’ labelled
them as effete, licentious and hedonist and considered their relationship with courtesans
as an indicator of their decadence (S Kidwai, 2008:118).
While the Nawabs believed that the courtesans were a ‘cultural asset’, the colonizers
treated them condescendingly. They were despised as prostitutes who were required
to gratify the physical needs of the soldiers (Oldenburg, 1984:136). The kothas or
salons were reduced to merely chaklakhana (brothel) and nishatkhana (night house
and clubs) where men had neither taste for their Urdu speeches or their dance
performance. This had an unfavorable impact on their artistic creativity, which declined
subsequently. Earlier the tawaifs were in a position to make a choice on whom to
bestow sexual favours but now they were associated with only flesh trade. The kothas
became synonymous with their promiscuous activities where they entertained clients.
(Kidwai, 2008: 122). The colonial government was very skeptical of them and introduced
laws to regulate their interaction with the soldiers.
The European garrisons, around whose health the urban planning of Lucknow revolved
were considered susceptible to communicable diseases (Oldenburg, 1984:25). The
venereal disease linked with the local prostitutes was a matter of concern. The provisions
given in Britain’s Contagious Diseases Act, found its resonance in the Act XXII of
1864 in India. In all the cantonments, both soldiers and prostitutes were treated and
quarantined in specially isolated hospitals called Lock Hospitals (Oldenburg, 1984:132).
The registration and medical inspection of the prostitutes became mandatory in Lucknow.
Among the 956 registered women, around 100 were handpicked and relocated to the
regimental bazaars to serve the soldiers exclusively. These women routinely underwent
the humiliating experience of examination of their bodies and inspection of their rooms
(Oldenburg, 1984:140).
Even though the courtesans were associated with the feminisation and emasculation of
males in general and the Nawabs in particular, yet they played a key role in upholding
the vitality of Awadh’s culture and in contributing to the court politics. Many courtesans
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aided the rebels during the time of the revolt. Some even refused to give sexual favors Case Study: Lucknow
to the British soldiers. When Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, was exiled to Calcutta, he left
behind many wives. Among them Begum Hazrat Mahal, a tawaif, took a bold stance
against the British in the revolt of 1857. Hazrat Mahal, had been sold to talent scouts
for Wajid Ali Shah’s harem, the Pari Khana (Fairy House). The Pari Khana had an
elaborate hierarchy. Entrants came as attendants and were proclaimed as paris once
they learnt to sing and dance. If they became concubines, they attained the statues of
begums and if they bore the Nawab a child, they were given the highest title of ‘Mahal’.
Mahak Pari (fragrant fairy) thus became Hazrat Mahal when she reached the top rung
of the hierarchy (Kidwai, 2008: 123).
After the Nawab’s ouster, she remained in Lucknow and proclaimed herself the
representative of the Awadh dynasty. Hazrat Mahal defied purdah and took direct
control of public affairs by proclaiming her twelve-year-old son Bajris Qadar, the
successor to the throne in August 1857 (Roy, 2007:1722). She rallied the support
against the enemy, participated in planning strategies and fortified Lucknow. Her aide
Uma Devi (a dalit virangana or heroic woman) supported and fought with her to
regain control over Awadh (Gupta, 2007:1741). When Lucknow was seiged by the
British, Mahal took refuge in Nepal and refused to accept the pension offered by Queen
Victoria. In her state of exile, she countered, Queen Victoria’s proclamation as Empress
of India with one of her own decree, which was affixed with a royal seal. She did not
compromise on her status and dignity and died in Nepal in 1874 (Kidwai, 2008:123).
By 1860s, the British had succeeded in suppressing the rebellion and in eliminating their
foes. The form of the city had changed drastically. The old city was considered populous
and decaying while the new city comprising of cantonment and civil lines was thriving
and bustling with activity. The schism between the old and the new city made the
integration implausible (Oldenburg, 1984:264). By this time, The British began to promote
Allahabad, the Hindi speaking heartland of India over the proverbial Urdu speaking
city of Lucknow. Allahabad gained primacy as the capital of Oudh for strategic reasons
as it seemed easily defensible and had direct links with Calcutta. The British reasoned
that in order to govern Awadh more frugally, it should be merged with the neighbouring
North West provinces. Thus, two provinces of Oudh and North West were amalgamated
into a single state of the United Provinces in 1877, with Allahabad as its capital. Lucknow
was demoted to a provincial town and it languished for a while until Harcourt Butler
restored it as the capital of United Provinces in 1920 (Oldenburg, 2007:27).
While the urban planning of Lucknow under the British rule seemed inevitable, it did
receive backlash on more than one occasion.A notable urban planner, Patrick Geddes
was its strongest critic and questioned the government for developing the city in a
flawed manner.
32.7 SUMMARY
The Shia Nawabs ofAwadh shared an extraordinary relationship with the city of Lucknow,
which witnessed the flowering of a specific aesthetic style, literary elegance and an
inimitable lucknavi tehzeeb or protocol that became synonymous with their reign. The
rule exemplified an assimilation of Persian, European and indigenous influences that
resulted in a cosmopolitan and hybrid ‘Awadhian’ culture. The British coveted the opulent
and resourceful province of Awadh for many strategic reasons. Lucknow as its provincial
capital by default inherited the splendour of the famed court and became the focus of
colonial interest.
The rebellion of 1857 marked an important turning point in the political history of British
in India and in the life of this city. In the aftermath of the revolt, the colonial rulers
strengthened their hold over the capital ofAwadh by shifting focus from social reform to
reconfiguring the urban spaces. The new governance pattern camouflaged the social
and economic control ingrained in it. The military and civilian officers who reconstructed
Lucknow penetrated the city more efficiently than before. The inhabitants became
accustomed to paying taxes to experience the benefits planned for the city. Many of the
administrative features built therein became a permanent feature of organising civic
affairs, which continue to hold its sway over Lucknow and other cities even today.
Although the British annexed Awadh on the pretext of maladministration, yet they failed
to take into cognizance the political stability, architectural magnificence and cultural
refinement achieved under the Nawabs in the eight decades prior to their takeover. It
will be presumptuous to believe that the Awadhian rulers were merely cultural conduits
devoid of any political sensibilities. The fact remains that the city did not lose its charm
despite the exile of the last Nawab and its demotion to a provincial town in 1877.
Moreover, the ‘Awadhian’ cultural legacy has outlived different political regimes and is
implicitly present in the urban life of Lucknow even today.
32.8 TIMELINE
1722-1856 Reign of Shia Nawabs in Awadh
1722-39 Saadat Khan begins to treat Awadh as its family fief
1764 Shuja-ud-Daula loses to East India Company in the Battle of
Buxar
1775 Asaf-ud-Daula moves the capital of Oudh from Faizabad
(Ayodhaya) to Lucknow
1801 The building of British Residency begins in the outskirts of
Lucknow
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Early Modern Cities 1819 Nawab Ghaziuddin Hyder declared Oudh an independent
state
13 Feb 1856 Annexation of Awadh and Nawab Wajid Ali Shah exiled to
Matiaburj
30 May 1857 Sepoy Mutiny breaks out in Lucknow
1 July 1857 Rebels sieged the Residency
22 March1858 Lucknow recovered by British
1877 Oudh amalgamated with the North West Provinces and
Allahabad is made its capital. Lucknow demoted to the status
of a provincial town
1920 Lucknow becomes the Capital of United Provinces
32.9 EXERCISES
1) Explain the political and cultural contribution of the Nawabs and Begums of Awadh
to the city of Lucknow.
2) The revolt of 1857 significantly transformed the urban life of the city. Comment.
3) Elaborate on the role of the courtesans in stimulating a specific urban culture of
Lucknow.
4) What do monuments signify? Is there any power dimension associated with them?
5) Discuss the unique aspects of art and architecture belonging to different political
regimes in Lucknow.
6) How did colonial planning of the city differ from the interventions made by the
Nawabs in the preceding period?
32.10 REFERENCES
Alam, Muzaffar, (1986)The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India, Awadh and
the Punjab 1707-1748 (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Casci, Simonetta, (7-13 Sep 2012) ‘Lucknow Nawabs: Architecture and Identity’,
Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), Vol.37, No.36, pp.3711-3714.
Chelkowski, Peter, (2006) ‘Monumental Grief, The Bara Imambara’ in R L Jones
(ed.),Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel),
pp.101-134.
Das, Neeta, (2006) ‘The Country Houses of Lucknow’ in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow
City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel) pp.167-192.
David, Nina, (2006) ‘La Martiniere An Enlightened Vision’, in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow
City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel) pp.221-247.
Dutta, Partho, (2012) ‘Patrick Geddes and the Metropolis’, NMML Occasional Paper,
History and Society, New Series, 5.
Gordon, Sophie, (2006) ‘The Royal Palaces’, in R L Jones (ed.),Lucknow City of
Illusion, Alkazi Collection of Photography (New York: Prestel), pp.31-88.
112
Hay, Sidney, (1939, reprinted in 2001) Historic Lucknow (Delhi: Asian Educational Case Study: Lucknow
Services).
Geddes, Patrick,(1916) Town Planning in Lucknow: A Report to the Municipal
Council (Lucknow: Murray London Printing Press).
Graff, Violet, (ed.) (1997) Lucknow Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University
Press).
Hasnain Nadeem, (2016) The Other Lucknow: An Ethnographic Portrait of a City
of Undying Memories and Nostalgia, (Delhi:Vani Prakashan).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (1985) A Fatal Frienship, The Nawabs, the British and the
City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (1992) A Very Ingenious Man, Claude Martin in Early
Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (2000) Engaging Scoundrels, True Tales of Old Lucknow
(USA:Oxford University Press).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2003) Lucknow Then and Now (Mumbai: Marg
Publications).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2006) Lucknow City of Illusion, Alkazi Collection of
Photography (New York: Prestel).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (ed.) (2008) The Great Uprising in India, 1857-58 (Delhi:
Viva Books).
Jones, Rosie Llewellyn, (2014) The Last King in India, Wajid ‘Ali Shah, 1822-
1887(London: Hurst & Company).
Joshi Kusum Pant, (1990), ‘The Choice of a Capital: Lucknow under the British’ in
Indu Banga (ed.) The City in Indian History, (Delhi: Manohar), pp.237-246.
Jopling, Millais Lindsay, (Jan 1923) ‘Town Planning in Lucknow’, The Town Planning
Review, Vol.10, No.1, pp.25-36.
Khan, K.U., (1998) Monuments of Nawabs of Oudh(Delhi: Reliance Publishing
House).
Kidwai, Saleem, (2008) ‘Of Begums and Tawaifs: The Women of Awadh’ in Mary
John (ed.), Women’s Studies in India; A Reader (Delhi: Penguin), pp.118-123.
Markel, Stephen, Tushara Bindu Gude, (ed.) (2010)India’s Fabled City: the Art of
Courtly Lucknow (New York: Los Angeles County Museum of Art).
Misra, Amaresh, (1998) Lucknow: Fire of Grace (Delhi: Harper Collins).
Mukherjee, Rudrangshu, (1984) Awadh in Revolt 1857-58, A Study of Popular
Resistance (Delhi: Permanent Black).
Oldenburg, Veena Talwar, (1984) The Making of Colonial Lucknow 1856-1877
(New Jersey: Princeton University Press).
Oldenburg, Veena Talwar, (ed.) (2007) Shaam-e-Awadh (Delhi: Penguin).
Santha, K.S., (1980) Begums of Awadh (Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan).
113
Early Modern Cities Sharar, Abdul Halim, (1975) (translated and edited by E.S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain)
Lucknow, the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture(London: Paul Elek Books).
Sharma, Yogesh and Pius Malekandathil, (ed.) (2014) Cities in Medieval India(Delhi:
Primus Books).
Singh, Malvika, (2011) Lucknow A City Between Cultures (Delhi: Academic
Foundation).
Taqui, Roshan, (2001) Lucknow 1857, The Two Wars of Lucknow: The Dusk of an
Era, (Lucknow: The New Royal Book Company).
Trivedi, Madhu, (2010)The Making of Awadh Culture (Delhi: Primus Books).
Suggested Readings
Dutta, Nonica, (Feb 2, 2001) ‘Fleeting Impressions: A Girl’s College in Lucknow’,
Economic and Political Weekly, vol 36, No.4, pp.279-81.
Fonia R.S., (2013) Monuments of Lucknow, (Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India).
Frietag Sandra, (2014) ‘A Visual History of three Lucknows’, South Asia: Journal of
South Asia Studies, 37:3, pp.431-453.
Gordon, Sophie, (2006) ‘A City of Mourning: The Representation of Lucknow, India
in Nineteenth-Century Photography’, History of Photography, 30:1, pp.80-91.
Gupta, Charu, (May 12-18, 2007)‘Dalit Viranganas and Reinvention of 1857’,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19, pp.1739-45.
Gupta, Narayani, (July 3, 2011) ‘They Made a Difference – “Of Papiya Ghosh and
Patrick Geddes”, Mainstream Vol XLIX, No.31.
Hasan, Mushirul, (2 March 1996) ‘Traditional Rites and Contested Meanings: Sectarian
strife in Colonial Lucknow’, Economic and Political Weekly, pp. 543-550.
Manuel, Peter, (Autumn1986) ‘The Evolutionof Modern Thumri’, Ethnomusicology,
Vol.30, No.3, pp.470-90.
McNeil, Adrian, (April, 2009) ‘Tawaif, Military Musicians and Shia Ideology in Pre-
Rebellion’ Lucknow, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 32:1, pp.46-62.
Mehta, Vinod, (2011) Lucknow Boy A Memoir (Delhi: Penguin).
Nagar, Amritlal, (2011) Hum e fida Lucknow (Delhi: Rajpal and Sons).
Naim, C M and Carla Petievich,(1997) ‘Urdu in Lucknow and Lucknow in Urdu’, in
Violet Graff(ed.) Lucknow Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University Press),
pp.165-180.
Oldenburg, Veena,(Summer 1990) ‘Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans
of Lucknow, India’, Feminist Studies, Volume6, No.2, pp.259-287.
Robinson, Francis, (2001)The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in
South Asia, (Delhi: Permanent Black).
Roy, Kaushik, (May 12-18, 2007) ‘The Beginning of People’s War in India’, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19 pp.1720-28.
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Singh, A.K. and S.S.A. Jafri, (2011)‘Lucknow: From Tradition to Modernity’, History Case Study: Lucknow
and Sociology of South Asia, Sage, 5(2), 143-164.
Singh, Lata, (May 12-18, 2007) ‘Visibilising the ‘Other’ in History: Courtesans and
the Revolt of 1857’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 42, No.19 pp.1677-80.
Stark, Ulrike, (2011) ‘Associational Culture and Civic Engagement in Colonial Lucknow:
The Jalsh-e Tahzib’, Indian Economic and Social Historical Review, 48, 1, pp.1-
33.
Tankha, Akshaya and Rahab Allana, (Summer 2007) ‘Photographs of the aftermath,
1857’, India International Centre Quarterly, Vol.34, No.1, pp.8-24.
Welter, Volker, (1999) ‘Arcades for Lucknow: Patrick Geddes, Charles Rennie
Mackintosh and the Reconstruction of the City’, Architectural History, Volume 42,
pp.316-332.
Things to do
Watch
Shatranj Ke Khiladi (1977) movie by Satyajit Ray (based on the story written by
Munshi Premchand in 1924).
Umrao Jan (1981) movie by Muzaffar Ali (based on novel Umrao Jan Ada by Mirza
Hadi Ruswa published in 1899).
Embroidery of Lucknow: A documentary by NDTV on Youtube.
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7G_OTbjULq0).
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