It Will Be Analyzed Whether The Manteño-Huancavilca Society Had The Necessary and Sufficient Elements To Be Considered A Pristine State

I'm going to talk about the Manteño Huanavilca society
In Ecuador, there is a debate whether the Manteño-Huancavilca society was a state or a

confederation of cacicazgos. That is why for that for and to answer the question of the title
will proceed to an evaluation of the findings made through archaeological excavations such
as the accounts of the Spanish chronicles of this culture with the theory of birth of a state of
Morton Fried based on transit first forms of social organization equal to a hierarchical and
state society
The Manteño-Huancavilca culture was a society that encompassed the provinces of

Esmeraldas (south), Manabí, Santa Elena, Guayas, and El Oro during the period of
Integration, between the years six hundred fifty – one thousand dice hundred thirty two
A.D. The archaeologist Emilio Estrada proposed dividing in two the populations that
inhabited the territory of this society, called Manteños those who inhabited the northern
region between Bahia to Salango; and Huancavilcas to those who resided south of the
territory, from Colonche to the Gulf of Guayaquil
it will be analyzed whether the Manteño-Huancavilca society had the necessary and
sufficient elements to be considered a Pristine State
First, it is necessary to bear in mind that the Manteño-Huancavilca culture occupied and
coexisted with societies belonging to regional development these were the Bahia, Jama-
Coaque, and Guangala culture. These cultures were socially stratified and possessed a
religion and a military body which serves as a guide to understand that the Manteños-
Huancavilcas were also part of the trials that are available.
On the archaeological side, Carlos Zevallos (1934) on the hill of Los Santos, northeast of
the town of Juntas found a ceremonial center with a platform of 44 m. in diameter. On its
surface he found three stone sculptures: one with a tiger's head, and two with phallic
representations, a large grinding stone, and others smaller.
The Manteños-Huancavilca were seen as infamous in Spanish accounts by practices such

as the worship of sacred stones, wood effigies and other deities, as well as by the reduction
of heads, customs of burial "bizarre", and by their public acceptance and practice of
sodomy.
As had been mentioned above, cultures that coexisted with this society such as Tolita and
Jama Coaque, these represented fibrins of warriors with their weapons and defenses. In
addition, there is a record of several struggles between native and native peoples against
conquerors in the Spanish chronicles. A case of that is what happened between several
Spanish commissions and Chief Tumalá.
Zárate says that, at first Tumalá received well the Spaniards and there were no problems for
some time, however, later Tumalá decided, using a trick, to take the Spaniards by surprise
and kill them when a parade was to be held for the Marquis's motive.
Another necessary element for a society to be named a State is the modification of the
natural environment where they live to produce surpluses necessary for the maintenance of
their population as for which it was annexed.
Excavations during the twentieth century have made it known that this society modified the
hills of the coastal mountain ranges to turn them into surplus production centers (intensive
and extensive agriculture) taking advantage of the coastal mist and conserving the water in
cobbled wells dug into the terraces of cultivation.
The Manteños-Huancavilcas have dominated the slopes and summits in the coastal
mountain ranges, where the construction of farming terraces is carried out, and the
construction of water collection systems of coastal mists, just as the construction of water
resource management systems such as camels and albarradas.
As the last element to analyze is specialization within a society. This specialization arises
from the early training with phase 3 of the Valdivia culture and has its highest point of
development during the periods of regional development and integration where peoples are
dedicated to unique aspects of the production of ceramics, fabrics, traders and metallurgy.
These specialists are represented in sculptural ceramics so it can be inferred that they
played an important role in these societies becoming an important stratum within their
societies.
This is a topic of debate between archaeologists, historians, and anthropologists. From the
different disciplines it is generally agreed that the societies of the integration period in the
present territory of Ecuador, at the arrival of the Spaniards, presented a type of organization
in leadership, called "curacazgo" (in the Andean area), or "ethnic lordship", or "cacicazgo"
(in the Caribbean area).
We can see that these cacicazgos were rather "advanced" ethnic lordships, who are equal to
stratified societies that share the greatest number of characteristics of the State.
Because of these exposed evidence, the researchers are in the debate whether to define the
Manteño-Huancavilca society as a state or a confederation of lordships which governed a
certain territory and met with the other lordships to discuss issues that would have been
better to resolve it in a group than individual way. What can be said to some extent is that
these peoples shared the same culture which is reflected in burials, rites, ceramics, and
craftsmanship.
This section will analyze the possible origin of the Manteño-Huancavilca company
considering Fried's hypothesis about the possible influence of other companies with an
established State organization that have had some influence on the stratification of
this culture
The cultures that settled on the Ecuadorian coast were widely recognized for establishing
short, medium, and long-distance production and exchange relationships. These trade and
exchange routes connected the Northern Andes with the Mesoamerica and Central Andes
regions. In the afore mentioned regions are two of the Original States according to Morton,
but to what extent did they influence the form of social, political, and economic
organization of the companies along the coast of Ecuador?
Many archaeologists mention that the influence of Mesoamerica can be observed in the
ceramics of the culture La Tolita and Jama Coaque and introduction of new non-existent or
never-before-seen cultural elements in the region such as well tombs, iconography
regarding the cult of Central American fauna or the depiction of the old sun god in
decorations.
What was explained in the previous paragraph could be used as a point to be able to assert
Fried's alternative hypothesis. However, this argument is dropped due to a lack of research
and the findings obtained from excavations in several areas of the regions mentioned above.
The Spondylus shell or "Mullo" has an important ritual meaning in the past, this shell first
appeared throughout America alongside a Lobatus or "Pututo" in an archaeological context
of the Valdivia 1b culture (3,600 B.C.). This ritual diada appears 1,600 years later in the
Central Andes in the iconography of Chavín de Huantár and in the 4th century of our era in
Mesoamerica in the setting of the friezes of the temple of the god Tlaloc, deity of rain
(Marcos, 1988). This allows us to observe the great influence that companies on the
Ecuadorian coast had on the worldview of other societies with a more complex
organization than those of Ecuador.
Other evidence of exchange has appeared between the coast of Ecuador with the western
area of Mesoamerican:
 Dorothy Hossler, in her study on the metallurgy of the West of Mexico, raises
through scientific evidence that it originated in the metallurgy of the Northern
Andes.
 Jorge Beltrán found on the western coast of Mexico (Punta Mita, Nayarit) diving
weights and stone anchors identical to those found in contexts of the Manteño-
Huancavilca culture on the island of La Plata.
 In addition, due to the maritime and land trade of "prestige goods" the companies of
the Northern Andes began to accumulate a "commercial capital" that also served as
a kind of currency for sale or exchange. Despite all this accumulation of
"commercial capital", the companies of the coast of Ecuador and in this case those
that formed the Manteño-Huancavilca culture did not find the need to change their
stadium or way of life to a state one, something that happened with the societies that
became a state in the Central Andes and Mesoamerica.
These tests allow Fried's hypothesis to be unused to understand the birth of the state off the
coast of Ecuador.
In conclusion, we have that the company Manteño-Huancavilca has several elements to be

called a State from the modification of its environment to have an agriculture capable of
generating surpluses to an accumulation of goods through the establishment of trade routes.
However, due to historical and archaeological evidence showing that within the territory of
this culture there were lordships that did not respond to a centralized power cannot fall
within a traditional definition of state.
That is why it is desirable to continue research on this culture and propose a category for
these types of societies that were not in need of changing their way of life and production
despite having come to form large centers of wealth and manage trade routes at short and
long distances.

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I'm going to talk about the Manteño Huanavilca society

In Ecuador, there is a debate whether the Manteño-Huancavilca society was a state or a

The Manteño-Huancavilca culture was a society that encompassed the provinces of

The Manteños-Huancavilca were seen as infamous in Spanish accounts by practices such

In conclusion, we have that the company Manteño-Huancavilca has several elements to be

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