Ancient Mesopotamian Underworld: Kigal and in Akkadian As Er
Ancient Mesopotamian Underworld: Kigal and in Akkadian As Er
Ancient Mesopotamian Underworld: Kigal and in Akkadian As Er
The ruler of the underworld was the goddess Ereshkigal, who lived in the palace Ganzir, sometimes used as
a name for the underworld itself. Her husband was either Gugalanna, the "canal-inspector of Anu", or,
especially in later stories, Nergal, the god of death. After the Akkadian Period (c. 2334 – 2154 BC), Nergal
sometimes took over the role as ruler of the underworld. The seven gates of the underworld are guarded by a
gatekeeper, who is named Neti in Sumerian. The god Namtar acts as Ereshkigal's sukkal, or divine attendant.
The dying god Dumuzid spends half the year in the underworld, while, during the other half, his place is
taken by his sister, the scribal goddess Geshtinanna, who records the names of the deceased. The underworld
was also the abode of various demons, including the hideous child-devourer Lamashtu, the fearsome wind
demon and protector god Pazuzu, and galla, who dragged mortals to the underworld.
Contents
Names
Conditions
Geography
Inhabitants
Ereshkigal and family
Other underworld deities
Demons
See also
Notes
References
Bibliography
Names
The Sumerians had a large number of different names which they applied to the underworld, including Arali,
Irkalla, Kukku, Ekur, Kigal, and Ganzir.[3] All of these terms were later borrowed into Akkadian.[3] The rest
of the time, the underworld was simply known by words meaning "earth" or "ground", including the terms
Kur and Ki in Sumerian and the word erṣetu in Akkadian.[3] When used in reference to the underworld, the
word Kur usually means "ground",[3][4][a] but sometimes this meaning is conflated with another possible
meaning of the word Kur as "mountain".[3] The cuneiform sign for Kur was written ideographically with the
cuneiform sign 𒆳, a pictograph of a mountain.[7] Sometimes the underworld is called the "land of no
return", the "desert", or the "lower world".[3] The most common name for the earth and the underworld in
Akkadian is erṣetu,[8] but other names for the underworld include: ammatu, arali / arallû, bīt ddumuzi
("House of Dumuzi"), danninu, erṣetu la târi ("Earth of No Return"), ganzer / kanisurra, ḫaštu, irkalla,
kiūru, kukkû ("Darkness"), kurnugû ("Earth of No Return"), lammu, mātu šaplītu, and qaqqaru.[8]
Conditions
All souls went to the same afterlife,[1][3] and a person's actions
during life had no effect on how the person would be treated in the
world to come.[1] Unlike in the ancient Egyptian afterlife, there was
no process of judgement or evaluation for the deceased;[3] they
merely appeared before Ereshkigal, who would pronounce them
dead,[3] and their names would be recorded by the scribal goddess
Geshtinanna.[3] The souls in Kur were believed to eat nothing but
dry dust[10] and family members of the deceased would ritually pour
libations into the dead person's grave through a clay pipe, thereby
allowing the dead to drink.[11] For this reason, it was considered
essential to have as many offspring as possible so that one's
descendants could continue to provide libations for the dead person
to drink for many years.[12] Those who had died without
descendants would suffer the most in the underworld, because they
would have nothing to drink at all,[13] and were believed to haunt the
living.[14] Sometimes the dead are described as naked or clothed in Detail of the "Peace" panel of the
feathers like birds.[3] Standard of Ur from the Royal
Cemetery at Ur, showing a man
Nonetheless, there are assumptions according to which treasures in playing a lyre. The Sumerians
wealthy graves had been intended as offerings for Utu and the believed that, for the highly
Anunnaki, so that the deceased would receive special favors in the privileged, music could alleviate the
bleak conditions of the
underworld.[2] During the Third Dynasty of Ur (c. 2112 – c. 2004
underworld.[9]
BC), it was believed that a person's treatment in the afterlife
depended on how he or she was buried;[11] those that had been given
sumptuous burials would be treated well,[11] but those who had been
given poor burials would fare poorly.[11] Those who did not receive a proper burial, such as those who had
died in fires and whose bodies had been burned or those who died alone in the desert, would have no
existence in the underworld at all, but would simply cease to exist.[13] The Sumerians believed that, for the
highly privileged, music could alleviate the bleak conditions of the underworld.[9]
Geography
The entrance to Kur was believed to be located in the Zagros mountains in the far east.[15] A staircase led
down to the gates of the underworld.[3] The underworld itself is usually located even deeper below ground
than the Abzu, the body of freshwater which the ancient Mesopotamians believed lay deep beneath the
earth.[3] In other, conflicting traditions, however, it seems to be located at a remote and inaccessible location
on earth, possibly somewhere in the far west.[3] This alternate tradition is hinted at by the fact that the
underworld is sometimes called "desert"[3] and by the fact that actual rivers located far away from Sumer are
sometimes referred to as the "river of the underworld".[3] The underworld was believed to have seven gates,
through which a soul needed to pass.[1] All seven gates were protected by bolts.[16] The god Neti was the
gatekeeper.[17][18] Ereshkigal's sukkal, or messenger, was the god Namtar.[19][17] The palace of Ereshkigal
was known as Ganzir.[16]
At night, the sun-god Utu was believed to travel through the underworld as he journeyed to the east in
preparation for the sunrise.[20] One Sumerian literary work refers to Utu illuminating the underworld and
dispensing judgement there[21] and Shamash Hymn 31 (BWL 126) states that Utu serves as a judge of the
dead in the underworld alongside the malku, kusu, and the Anunnaki.[21] On his way through the
underworld, Utu was believed to pass through the garden of the sun-god,[20] which contained trees that bore
precious gems as fruit.[20] The Sumerian hymn Inanna and Utu contains an etiological myth in which Utu's
sister Inanna begs her brother Utu to take her to Kur,[22] so that she may taste the fruit of a tree that grows
there,[22] which will reveal to her all the secrets of sex.[22] Utu complies and, in Kur, Inanna tastes the fruit
and becomes knowledgeable of sex.[22] The hymn employs the same motif found in the myth of Enki and
Ninhursag and in the later Biblical story of Adam and Eve.[22]
Inhabitants
Ninazu is the son of Ereshkigal and the father of Ningishzida.[27] He is closely associated with the
underworld.[27] He was mostly worshipped in Eshnunna during the third millennium BC, but he was later
supplanted by the Hurrian storm god Tishpak.[27] A god named "Ninazu" was also worshipped at Enegi in
southern Sumer,[27] but this may be a different local god by the same name.[27] His divine beast was the
mušḫuššu, a kind of dragon, which was later given to Tishpak and then Marduk.[27]
Ningishzida is a god who normally lives in the underworld.[28] He is the son of Ninazu and his name may be
etymologically derived from a phrase meaning "Lord of the Good Tree".[28] In the Sumerian poem, The
Death of Gilgamesh, the hero Gilgamesh dies and meets Ningishzida, along with Dumuzid, in the
underworld.[29] Gudea, the Sumerian king of the city-state of Lagash, revered Ningishzida as his personal
protector.[29] In the myth of Adapa, Dumuzid and Ningishzida are described as guarding the gates of the
highest Heaven.[30] Ningishzida was associated with the constellation Hydra.[31]
Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea are a set of twin gods who were worshipped in the village of Kisiga, located in
northern Babylonia.[41] They were regarded as guardians of doorways[42] and they may have originally been
envisioned as a set of twins guarding the gates of the underworld, who chopped the dead into pieces as they
passed through the gates.[43] During the Neo-Assyrian Period (911 BC–609 BC), small depictions of them
would be buried at entrances,[42] with Lugal-irra always on the left and Meslamta-ea always on the right.[42]
They are identical and are shown wearing horned caps and each holding an axe and a mace.[42] They are
identified with the constellation Gemini, which is named after them.[42]
Neti is the gatekeeper of the underworld.[44] In the story of Inanna's Descent into the Underworld, he leads
Inanna through the seven gates of the underworld,[44][45] removing one of her garments at each gate so that
when she comes before Ereshkigal she is naked and symbolically powerless.[44][45] Belet-Seri is a chthonic
underworld goddess who was thought to record the names of the deceased as they entered the
underworld.[46] Enmesarra is a minor deity of the underworld.[47] Seven or eight other minor deities were
said to be his offspring.[47] His symbol was the suššuru (a kind of pigeon).[47] In one incantation, Enmesarra
and Ninmesharra, his female counterpart, are invoked as ancestors of Enki and as primeval deities.[47]
Ennugi is "the canal inspector of the gods".[16] He is the son of Enlil or Enmesarra[16] and his wife is the
goddess Nanibgal.[16] He is associated with the underworld[47] and he may be Gugalanna, the first husband
of Ereshkigal, under a different name.[16]
Demons
The ancient Mesopotamians also believed that the underworld was home to many demons,[3] which are
sometimes referred to as "offspring of arali".[3] These demons could sometimes leave the underworld and
terrorize mortals on earth.[3] One class of demons that were believed to reside in the underworld were
known as galla;[48] their primary purpose appears to have been to drag unfortunate mortals back to Kur.[48]
They are frequently referenced in magical texts,[49] and some texts describe them as being seven in
number.[49] Several extant poems describe the galla dragging the god Dumuzid into the underworld.[18] Like
other demons, however, galla could also be benevolent[18] and, in a hymn from King Gudea of Lagash (c.
2144 – 2124 BC), a minor god named Ig-alima is described as "the great galla of Girsu".[18] Demons had no
cult in Mesopotamian religious practice since demons "know no food, know no drink, eat no flour offering
and drink no libation."[50]
Lamashtu was a demonic goddess with the "head of a lion, the teeth of a donkey, naked breasts, a hairy
body, hands stained (with blood?), long fingers and fingernails, and the feet of Anzû."[51] She was believed
to feed on the blood of human infants[51] and was widely blamed as the cause of miscarriages and cot
deaths.[51] Although Lamashtu has traditionally been identified as a demoness,[52] the fact that she could
cause evil on her own without the permission of other deities strongly indicates that she was seen as a
goddess in her own right.[51] Mesopotamian peoples protected against her using amulets and talismans.[51]
She was believed to ride in her boat on the river of the underworld[51] and she was associated with
donkeys.[51] She was believed to be the daughter of An.[51]
Pazuzu is a demonic god who was well-known to the Babylonians and Assyrians throughout the first
millennium BC.[53] He is shown with "a rather canine face with abnormally bulging eyes, a scaly body, a
snake-headed penis, the talons of a bird and usually wings."[53] He was believed to be the son of the god
Hanbi.[54] He was usually regarded as evil,[53] but he could also sometimes be a beneficent entity who
protected against winds bearing pestilence[53] and he was thought to be able to force Lamashtu back to the
underworld.[55] Amulets bearing his image were positioned in dwellings to protect infants from
Lamashtu[54] and pregnant women frequently wore amulets with his head on them as protection from
her.[54]
Šul-pa-e's name means "youthful brilliance", but he was not envisioned as youthful god.[56] According to
one tradition, he was the consort of Ninhursag, a tradition which contradicts the usual portrayal of Enki as
Ninhursag's consort.[56][57] In one Sumerian poem, offerings are made to Šhul-pa-e in the underworld and,
in later mythology, he was one of the demons of the underworld.[56]
See also
Ancient Mesopotamian religion
Ghosts in Mesopotamian religions
Sumerian religion
Notes
a. In his book Sumerian Mythology, first published in 1944 and revised in 1961, the scholar
Samuel Noah Kramer argued that Kur could also refer to a personal entity, a monstrous
dragon-like creature analogous to the Babylonian Tiamat,[5] but this interpretation was refuted
as unsubstantiated by Thorkild Jacobsen in his essay "Sumerian Mythology: A Review
Article"[6] and is not mentioned in more recent sources.
References
1. Choksi 2014. 23. Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, p. 55.
2. Barret 2007, pp. 7–65. 24. Kramer 1961, p. 90.
3. Black & Green 1992, p. 180. 25. Black & Green 1992, p. 136.
4. Kramer 1961, p. 76. 26. Kasak & Veede 2001, p. 28.
5. Kramer 1961, pp. 76–83. 27. Black & Green 1992, p. 137.
6. Jacobsen 2008a, pp. 121–126. 28. Black & Green 1992, p. 138.
7. Kramer 1961, p. 110. 29. Black & Green 1992, p. 139.
8. Horowitz 1998, pp. 268–269. 30. Black & Green 1992, pp. 139–140.
9. Black & Green 1992, p. 25. 31. Black & Green 1992, p. 140.
10. Black & Green 1992, pp. 58, 180. 32. Black & Green 1992, p. 72.
11. Black & Green 1992, p. 58. 33. Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, pp. 74–84.
12. Black & Green 1992, pp. 180–181. 34. Ackerman 2006, p. 116.
13. Black & Green 1992, p. 181. 35. Jacobsen 2008b, pp. 87–88.
14. Black & Green 1992, p. 88-89. 36. Jacobsen 2008b, pp. 83–84.
15. Black & Green 1992, p. 114. 37. Jacobsen 2008b, pp. 83–87.
16. Black & Green 1992, p. 77. 38. Black & Green 1992, p. 73.
17. Nemet-Nejat 1998, p. 184. 39. Jacobsen 2008b, pp. 74–84.
18. Black & Green 1992, p. 86. 40. Black & Green 1992, p. 88.
19. Black & Green 1992, p. 134. 41. Black & Green 1992, p. 123.
20. Holland 2009, p. 115. 42. Black & Green 1992, p. 124.
21. Horowitz 1998, p. 352. 43. Black & Green 1992, pp. 123–124.
22. Leick 1998, p. 91. 44. Kramer 1961, p. 87.
45. Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, pp. 157–159. 51. Black & Green 1992, p. 116.
46. Jordan 2002, p. 48. 52. Black & Green 1992, pp. 115–116.
47. Black & Green 1992, p. 76. 53. Black & Green 1992, p. 147.
48. Black & Green 1992, p. 85. 54. Black & Green 1992, p. 148.
49. Black & Green 1992, pp. 85–86. 55. Black & Green 1992, pp. 147–148.
50. cf. line 295 in "Inanna's descent into the 56. Black & Green 1992, p. 173.
nether world" (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi- 57. George 1999, p. 225.
bin/etcsl.cgi?text=t.1.4.1#)
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