Erasmus' Translations of Plutarch's Moralia and The Ascensian Editio Princeps of Ca. 1513
Erasmus' Translations of Plutarch's Moralia and The Ascensian Editio Princeps of Ca. 1513
Erasmus' Translations of Plutarch's Moralia and The Ascensian Editio Princeps of Ca. 1513
JORGE LEDO
1. Status quaestionis**
As with most of his fellow humanists from outside Italy up to the end
of the first decade of the sixteenth century, Erasmus’ knowledge of
Plutarch must have been limited to Latin translations of some Parallel
Lives, although he was aware of the existence of the Moralia, which he
even quoted, albeit rarely, in the Adagiorum collectanea.1 It was in
* I would like to express my gratitude to Erika Rummel for her kind answer when I
first showed her the Ascensian print of Erasmus’ Opuscula Plutarchi, to the Erasmus of
Rotterdam Society for inviting me to make known the finding in their panel at the Renais-
sance Society of America’s Annual Conference (Toronto, March 2019), and to such kind,
generous, and patient readers of the first versions of this manuscript as Andrew Ascherl,
Eric MacPhail, and Jon Nelson. To all of them, my warmest thanks.
** Recent scholarship has repeatedly appraised the role played by Erasmus as dissemi-
nator of Plutarch’s Moralia. Therefore, to introduce the problem of the first edition of
Erasmus’ Latin translation of a selection of Plutarch’s Moralia, I will provide only the
most general data found in contemporary bibliography. Abbreviations used: Allen = P.S.
Allen, H.M. Allen, H.W. Garrod (ed.), Opus epistolarum D. Erasmi Roterodami (Oxford,
1906-1958); ASD = Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (Amsterdam, 1969- );
CWE = Collected Works of Erasmus (Toronto, 1974- ).
1 The Quattrocento translations into Latin of the Moralia have been studied by, among
others, R. Sabbadini, La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Veronese (Catania, 1896), 135-138;
R. Aulotte, Amyot et Plutarque. La tradition des Moralia au XVIe siècle (Genève, 1965),
22-26; F. Tateo, “Sulle traduzioni umanistiche di Plutarco. Il De virtute morali di Andrea
Matteo Acquaviva”, in M. Ciliberto, C. Vasoli (ed.), Filosofia e cultura. Per Eugenio
Garin (Roma, 1991), 198-211; C. Bevegni, “Teodoro Gaza traduttore del Maxime cum
principibus philosopho esse disserendum di Plutarco. Primi appunti per un’edizione
critica con particolare riguardo alla lettera dedicatoria ad Andrea Bussi”, in S. Feraboli
(ed.), Mosaico. Studi in onore di Umberto Albini (Genova, 1993), 33- 42; Id., “Appunti
sulle traduzioni latine dei Moralia di Plutarco nel Quattrocento”, Studi umanistici piceni
14 (1994), 71- 84; F. Stok, “Le traduzioni latine dei Moralia di Plutarco”, Fontes 1 (1998),
117-136; and F. Becchi, “Le traduzioni latine dei Moralia di Plutarco tra XIII e XVI
secolo”, in P. Volpe Cacciatore (ed.), Plutarco nelle traduzioni latine di età umanistica
(Napoli, 2009), 9-52. According to Bevegni’s census, in fifteenth-century Italy alone 32
titles of the Moralia were translated into Latin, in 60 renderings authored by 23 different
translators. In France, in 1505, Guillaume Budé published his translations of four
Moralia; see G. Sandy, “Guillaume Budé: Philologist and Polymath. A Preliminary
Study”, in Id. (ed.), The Classical Heritage in France (Leiden – Boston, MA – Köln,
2002), 83-87. Erasmus had a copy of this volume in his private library.
2 Erasmus’ stay at Aldus’s house in Venice has been studied from many different
points of view. There are documented introductions by D.J. Geanakoplos, “Erasmus and
the Aldine Academy of Venice. A Neglected Chapter in the Transmission of Graeco-
Byzantine Learning to the West”, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 3 (1960), 107-134;
reissued in Id., Greek Scholars in Venice (Cambridge, MA, 1962), 256-278, and J.-C.
Margolin, “Érasme et Venise”, in G. Benzoni (ed.), L’eredità greca e l’ellenismo
veneziano (Firenze, 2002), 189-213. A good summary of Erasmus’ tensions with Aldus’
press and its heirs over the years can be found in L. Perilli, “A Risky Enterprise. The
Aldine Edition of Galen, the Failures of the Editors, and the Shadow of Erasmus of
Rotterdam”, Early Science and Medicine 17.4 (2012), 446-466.
3 Adag. 1001, “Festina lente”: “Cum apud Italos aederem proverbiorum opus homo
Batavus, quotquot illic aderant eruditi, ultro suppeditabant autores nondum per
typographos evulgatos, quos mihi suspicabantur usui futuros. Aldus nihil habebat in
thesauro suo quod non communicaret, idem fecit Ioannis Lascaris, Baptista Egnatius,
Marcus Musurus, frater Urbanus. Quorundam officium sensi, quos nec de facie, nec de
nomine noveram […] Hic mihi cogita, quanta pars utilitatis abfutura fuerit, nisi docti
libros manu descriptos suppeditassent. In his erant Opera Platonis Graeca, Plutarchi Vitae,
eiusdem Moralia, quae sub finem operis mei coepta sunt excudi, Athenaei Dipnosophis-
tae, Aphthonius, Hermogenes cum commentariis, Aristotelis Rhetorica cum scholiis
Gregorii Nazianzeni, Aristides totus cum scholiis, commentarioli in Hesiodum ac
Theocritum, Eustathius in totum Homerum, Pausanias, Pindarus cum accuratis commen-
tariis, proverbiorum collectio titulo Plutarchi, rursus alia titulo Apostolii, cuius libri nobis
copiam fecit Hieronymus Aleander.” (ASD 2.3, 22-24)
4 Geanakoplos 1962 (as in n. 2), 223-224, 229, 264, 275, offers insights and relevant
bibliography on how Ducas worked on his text; M. Sicherl, “Die Aldina der Rhetores
Graeci (1508-1509) und ihre handschriftlichen Vorlagen”, Illinois Classical Studies
17.1 (1992), 109-134, at 126, traces parallels with Ducas’ edition of the Rhetores
Graeci. M. Dazzi, Aldo Manuzio e il dialogo veneziano di Erasmo (Venezia, 1969) and
N.G. Wilson, Da Bisanzio all’Italia. Gli studi greci nell’umanesimo italiano (Alessan-
dria, 2003), 192, do not provide further information in this regard. The prefatory materi-
als of the Aldine Moralia (1509) have been recently edited and translated by L. Ferreri
(ed.), L’Italia degli umanisti. I. Marco Musuro (Turnhout, 2014), 356-363. N.G. Wilson
(ed., tr.), Aldus Manutius, The Greek Classics (Cambridge, MA – London, 2016), 200-
207, offers the edition and translation of Aldus’ preface. Short introductions to the role
played by Greek émigrés in Renaissance culture and print and to relevant bibliography
can be found in M.I. Manoussakas, K.S. Staikos (ed.), L’activité editoriale des Grecs
pendant la Renaissance. De l’Italie à Genève, XVe-XVIe siècle (Athènes, 1988); M.I.
Manoussakas, Gli umanisti greci collaboratori di Aldo a Venezia (1494-1515) e
l’ellenista bolognese Paolo Bombace (Bologna, 1991); E. Layton, The Sixteenth
Century Greek Book in Italy. Printers and Publishers for the Greek World (Venice,
1994); and J. Monfasani, “Greek Renaissance Migrations”, Italian History and Culture
8 (2002), 1-14.
5 No. 208 in the Versandliste of 1536. F. Husner, “Die Bibliothek des Erasmus”, in
the hypothesis that Erasmus’ copy of Plutarch’s Moralia should have arrived in Franeker
after 1626 must be discarded – this could be inferred until now from M. Engels, “Erasmi-
ana in the Old University Library of Franeker”, Erasmus in English 12 (1983), 20a-b. In
his scholarly edition of the catalogue of 1601 and in further research, J. van Sluis has
shown that four Aldine editions of classical authors which pertained to Erasmus arrived in
Franeker when the library acquired the collection of Petrejus Tiara (†9 February 1586): J.
van Sluis, De academiebibliotheek te Franeker anno 1601. De oudste catalogus ingeleid en
opnieuw uitgegeven (Franeker, 2011), 193-198; Id., “Erasmus, Tiara en de eerste collectie
van de Franeker academiebibliotheek”, It Beaken 78 (2016), 141-142. These editions
were Dioscorides’ De materia medica, with Nicander’s Theriaca and Alexipharmaca
(1499); Plutarch’s Moralia (1509) and Parallel Lives (1519); and Galen’s Works (1525).
6 Erasmus arrived in England in 1509 and lived in London for a year and a half. His
appointment as a reader of Divinity and Greek at Cambridge was the main reason for
leaving the city. He had his residence in Cambridge from August 1511 to January 1514.
On his stay there, see D.F.S. Thomson, H.C. Porter (ed.), Erasmus and Cambridge. The
Cambridge Letters of Erasmus (Toronto, 1963); and R.J. Schoeck, Erasmus of Europe.
The Prince of Humanists. 1501-1536 (Edinburgh, 1993), 109-125.
7 For this and other works of Erasmus printed by Pynson, see A. Vanautgaerden,
“Érasme chez Richard Pynson (1513), imprimeur du roi à Londres”, Moreana 46.176
(2009), 199-201; and Id., Érasme typographe. Humanisme et imprimerie au début du
XVIe siècle (Genève, 2012), 219-228.
8 Respectively, Allen 272 (CWE 2, 250-252) and Allen 297 (CWE 2, 303-305).
Despite the outward appearance, in the catalogue of his works sent to Johann von
Botzheim (30 January 1523) Erasmus is not following the chronological order he adopted
for the translations of the Moralia (see J. Chomarat, Grammaire et rhétorique chez
Érasme, vol. 1 (Paris, 1981), 472; cf. GG 13 in the online catalogue Griechischer Geist
London, 1985), 74: “The three translations were published by Froben in 1525 and 1526
respectively.” The dedicatory letters are Allen 1572 (That anger must be controlled [De
cohibenda iracundia] and On meddlesomeness [De curiositate], to Alexius Thurzo), and
Allen 1663 (On false shame [De vitiosa verecundia], to Francis Dilft).
10 Rummel 1985 (as in n. 9), 74, stresses the fact that his dedications to his English
patrons had been poorly rewarded, according to Erasmus’ standards, during his stay in
England. However, it should be noted that he was active behind the scenes with his
English patrons during this period, as C.H. Clough explained in “Erasmus and the Pursuit
of English Royal Patronage in 1517 and 1518”, Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook
1.1 (1981), 126-140, and that, after the hiatus, Erasmus did not cease dedicating works to
his English patrons, as demonstrated by the list provided by C.R. Thompson, “Erasmus
and Tudor England”, in C. Reedijk (ed.), Actes du Congrès Érasme organisé par la munici-
palité de Rotterdam sous les auspices de l’Académie Royale Néerlandaise des Sciences et
des Sciences Humaines. Rotterdam 27-29 octobre 1969 (Amsterdam – London, 1971), 34-
35, n. 27. There are valuable approaches to Erasmus and patronage in England in Garrod’s
and McConica’s essays mentioned in Thompson’s footnote, to which should be added
Clough’s cited essay and J.B. Trapp’s “Twelfth-Annual Birthday Lecture. Erasmus and
His English Friends”, Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook 12.1 (1992), 18- 44.
11 Both printed by Badius before Froben began publishing them. C.R. Thompson (ed.),
The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, vol. 3 (New Haven, CT – London, 1974), lvii-
lviii, offers descriptions of Erasmus’ and More’s Lucian printed in 1514 by Badius.
12 “Dabis operam ut haec quam primum ad Iodoci Badii manus perferantur. Paravi
further research on the role of Birckmann as a literary agent for Erasmus and as a scout
for Badius’ and Froben’s presses can be found in D. Shaw, “A Study of the Collaboration
between Erasmus of Rotterdam and His Printer Johann Froben at Basel during the Years
included Erasmus’ translation of Lucian’s De luctu without any mention on the title page
of its incorporation in the volume; see Vanautgaerden 2012 (as in n. 7), 427, 503. Erasmus
kept a copy either from Pynson’s or Martens’ press, as the Catalogus librorum Erasmi
attests; see Van Gulik 2018 (as in n. 5), 455, 469.
16 Ammonio died on 16 August 1517. For Erasmus’ friendship with him and Ammo-
nio’s activities while Erasmus was in England, see C. Pizzi, Un amico di Erasmo.
L’umanista Andrea Ammonio (Firenze, 1956); J.K. Sowards, “The Two Lost Years of
Erasmus. Summary, Review, and Speculation”, Studies in the Renaissance 9 (1962), 161-
186; J.D. Tracy, Erasmus. The Growth of a Mind (Genève, 1972), 112, 127-129, 135-137,
164; C.H. Miller, “The Epigrams of Erasmus and More. A Literary Diptych”, Erasmus of
Rotterdam Society Yearbook 1.1 (1981), 11-13; Schoeck 1993 (as in n. 6), ad indicem; H.
Yoran, Between Utopia and Dystopia. Erasmus, Thomas More, and the Humanist Repub-
lic of Letters (Plymouth, 2010), 39-44; M. Rospocher, “Genesi di un discorso politico. Un
interlocutore sconosciuto di Erasmo”, in E.A. Baldini, M. Firpo (ed.), Religione e politica
in Erasmo da Rotterdam (Roma, 2012), 88- 89, 97-98; D.R. Carlson, “Erasmus and the
War-Poets in 1513”, Erasmus Studies 34.1 (2014), 5-49, at 14-19; T.L. Ter Meer, “The
Miraculous Versatility of Apophthegms”, Erasmus Studies 34.2 (2014), 81.
17 “Commiseram exemplar emendatum ac locupletatum Francisco, qui libros ferme
omnes solitus est huc importare, ut vel Badio vel ex illius sententia committeret alii. Is
bonus vir recta Basileam deportavit, ei in manus dedit qui iam excuderat, ut haec tum
demum aedat cum sua divendiderit, hoc est post decennium. Complures item libellos ex
Plutarcho ac Luciano versos commiseram Badio tradendos, ut superioribus quos habet
adiungeret; et hos illi, uti suspicor, tradidit, utque plures mittam rogat. En Sicambricam
fidem; sed est quo me ulciscar. Servatum est Adagiorum exemplar, et quidem aliquanto
copiosius eo quod ille abstulit. Cretissabimus cum Cretensi.” (Allen 283, 154-164)
berger kept silent about (or was unaware of ) the (unauthorised?) printing of the Opuscula
Plutarchi in Badius’ press. This fact alone would explain why Beatus Rhenanus, in a
letter addressed to Hummelberger on 2 September 1514, presented Erasmus’ translations
of the Moralia as an editorial premiere: “Erasmus of Rotterdam, a man of very high
erudition, recently came to Basel loaded with good books, among which: the complete
works of Saint Jerome, amended; the complete works of Seneca, amended; very abundant
annotations on the New Testament; the Parallels; many works of Plutarch in translation.
[...] Likewise the Adages, corrected and considerably increased. Some opuscules by
Plutarch, elegantly printed, will invade the shop these days” (my translation of “Erasmus
Roterodamus, summae eruditionis vir, nuperrime Basileam venit onustus bonis libris in
quibus sunt haec: omnia opera divi Hieronymi emendata; omnia opera Senecae emendata;
annotationes in Novum Testamentum copiosissimae; liber similium; Plutarchi multa
versa; […] item Adagia castigata et auctissima. Plutarchi opuscula aliquot hiis diebus
officinam aggredientur eleganter excusa”, in J. Hirstein (ed.), Beatus Rhenanus, Epistulae
Beati Rhenani. La correspondance latine et grecque de Beatus Rhenanus de Sélestat,
vol. 1 (Turnhout, 2013), 482- 486, spelling adapted). However, Beatus’ allusion to this
volume as “elegantly printed” (“eleganter excusa”), clearly an exaggeration, suggests that
he suspected that Badius had a copy of the Opuscula.
21 S.J. Ryle, “Language and Silence in Erasmus”, Res Publica Litterarum. Studies in
the Classical Tradition 14 (1991), 205-206; Vanautgaerden 2012 (as in n. 7), 282, 503.
22 Sebastiani 2018 (as in n. 13), 197-199. The colophon (sig. d5v) reads: “Basileae in
works, nor was it used in A.J. Koster’s critical edition of the Opuscula
in ASD 4.2.23 The Parisian imprints share identical title pages:24
Opuscula Plutarchi nup[er] tradu-||cta. Erasmo Roterodamo interprete.||
De tuenda bona valitudine praecepta.|| In principe requiri doctrinam.||
Cum principibus maxime philosophum debere disputare.|| Vtrum
grauiores sint animi morbi q[uam] corporis.|| Num recte dictum sit
Λάθε Βιώσασ: id est|| Sic viue vt nemo te sentiat vixisse.|| De cupidi-
tate diuitiarum.|| [image]|| Vaenundantur vbi complura alia, & Plutar-
chi & Erasmi|| syntagmata, in aedibus Ascensianis.
None of them, however, offer any further information concerning when or
under which circumstances Badius received the translations; nor do they
include a colophon with a printing date. Luckily, a comparison of the
editio Ascensiana and the editio Frobeniana allows us to draw the conclu-
sion that the editio Ascensiana [henceforth OPAsc] was most likely
printed earlier than the editio Frobeniana of 1514 [henceforth OPFrob].
For the sake of both brevity and clarity, I will mention only the main
differences and similarities between the two editions, and will close with
a hypothetical reconstruction of the editorial history of both editions.
The first difference between them is the census of Moralia contained
in each volume. Only OPFrob includes How to tell a flatterer from a
friend (Quo pacto possis adulatorem ab amico dignoscere), accompa-
nied by the dedicatory epistle to Henry VIII, and How to profit by one’s
enemies (Quo pacto quis efficiat ut ex inimicis capiat utilitatem) with the
letter to Thomas Wolsey, Bishop of Lincoln. Both the Ascensiana and
the Frobeniana include the Advice about keeping well (De tuenda bona
valetudine praecepta) without the dedicatory epistle to John Yonge.
Therefore, the Ascensiana gathers nums. 3- 8 from ASD 4.2. This consti-
tutes a difference of 47 printed pages in OPAsc – involving some
artifice, as we will see – compared to the 101 pages of OPFrob.
sius, imprimeur et humaniste, 1462-1535, vol. 2 (Paris, 1908), 173, item 6. Renouard has
as item 5 another undated printing containing only In principe requiri doctrinam and Cum
principibus maxime philosophum debere disputare.
24 The digital copy held at the National Library of Romania (shelf mark XVI/II 127;
Frobeniana, does not make sense: there is no reason why he would copy
only the marginalia of two opuscules when he could have included all
of them. The opposite possibility (namely, Froben having copied the
Ascensiana) is equally unlikely due to the detail of the marginalia
throughout the Frobeniana.
An exhaustive collation of OPAsc and the OPFrob, and their compari-
son with the critical edition of Koster for ASD as compiled in Appendix
2, only reinforces the idea that the texts included in both editions were
composed using, if not the exact same manuscript, quite a reliable copy
of the same translation. The differences are mainly due to orthographic
practices in Latin, poor readings of abbreviations – mundo vs. numero,
impium instead of ipsum, acceperunt instead of acceperit, parum instead
of rarum, quatinus instead of quatenus – and unavoidable typos that
originated in the printing process; thus it could easily be concluded that
the differences between opuscules present in OPAsc and OPFrob are
minimal. It will suffice to point out that both editions even present an
omissio ex homoioteleuto (line skip) in the same passage: “non sitientes
‹bibunt› neque esurientes edunt, etiam ea, quae sitientes atque esurientes
sumpserant” (ASD 4.2, 252, l. 30-32).
3. Conclusion
In sum, the presentation of this new, partial edition of the Opuscula
Plutarchi printed by Badius Ascensius’ press between 1513 and July
1514 allows us to shed light on some fundamental aspects related to the
editorial history of Erasmus’ translation of the Moralia. The hypothesis
presented in these pages can be summarized as follows: although it is
not directly stated in Erasmus’ letters, at some point between the end of
1512 and the summer of 1513, Franz Birckmann gave Badius Ascensius
a copy of six Moralia translated by Erasmus with their publication in
mind. As the letter from Erasmus to Andrea Ammonio suggests,
Erasmus was aware of this fact. That being so, Birckmann gave to
Iodocus Badius Ascensius and to Johannes Froben copies of Advice
about keeping well (De tuenda bona valetudine praecepta), To an uned-
ucated ruler (In principe requiri doctrinam), A philosopher ought to
converse especially with men in power (Cum principibus maxime
philosophum debere disputare), Whether affections of the soul are worse
than those of the body (Utrum graviores sint animi morbi q[uam]
corporis), Is the saying “live in obscurity” right? (Num recte dictum sit
Λάθε βιώσας, id est, Sic vive ut nemo te sentiat vixisse), and On love of
wealth (De cupiditate divitiarum) to be printed. Considering the number
of texts handed over, this was probably done with the promise of provid-
ing the printers with yet two more translations of Plutarch – How to tell
a flatterer from a friend (Quo pacto possis adulatorem ab amico
dignoscere or De discrimine adulatoris et amici) and How to profit by
one’s enemies (Quo pacto quis efficiat ut ex inimicis capiat utilitatem) –
together with an enlarged and revised version of the Adagia.
Birckmann on his own, though most likely with Erasmus’ approval,
gave these last two promised manuscripts to Froben but not to Badius.
As Beatus Rhenanus’ letters to Hummelberger do not have any informa-
tion about this fact, nor about the new edition of the Adagia which
Badius was supposed to print, until September 1514, it is possible that
Badius became aware of the situation either through another informant
or by inferring it after Birckmann failed to appear with the promised
manuscripts. In either case, the news arrived at Badius’ press while the
manuscript of the Moralia was being composed and the extra transla-
tions were still expected.
As seems to have been the case with Froben’s editio princeps, Badius
probably intended to include the two latest translations at the end of the
volume. When Froben discovered that the two new opuscula accounted
for almost half the entire volume and that they had a dedicatory epistle
to Henry VIII and Thomas Wolsey, he realized that it made no sense to
place them after the shorter works. He solved this problem with new
infolios and two different signatures: capitals for the new opuscula (sig.
A1v-D5v) and lower-cases for the next six (sig. a1r-d5v). Badius proba-
bly had also reserved space at the end of the infolio and, upon receiving
the news that Froben had two new opuscula and he did not, opted for the
very inelegant solution of introducing random line breaks to fill as much
space on the paper as possible. This, together with the elision of margin-
alia in four of the six Moralia, allowed him to finish the work much
faster than Froben, and not lose his investment of time, ink, and paper.
Universidade da Coruña
[email protected]
Appendices
OPAsc OPFrob
Invictissimo Anglorum regi Henrico Octavo.
Erasmus Rote[r]odammus, S.D., p. 1-2 (sig.
A1v-A2r).
Quo pacto possis adulatorem ab amico
dignoscere Plutarchi, Erasmo interprete,
p. 2-21 (sig. A2r-C7r).1
Blank page (sig. C7v).
Reverendissimo in Christo Patri D. Thomae
episcopo Lyncolniensi sereniss[imi]
Anglorum regis magno elemosynario.
Erasmus Roterodamus S.D., 22 (sig. C8r).
Quo pacto quis efficiat ut ex inimicis capiat
utilitatem, Plutarchi Chaeroniensis Erasmo
Roterodamo interprete, f. 22v-27v
(sig. C8v-D5v).
The running head (“Plutarchi De utilitate”)
is over the title. (PLATE 6)
Two blank pages (sig. D6r-D6v or a1r-a1v).
Putarchi [sic] De tuenda bona valetudine Plutarchi De tuenda bona valetudine
praecepta Erasmo interprete. Τὰ πρόσωπα. praecepta Erasmo interprete τὰ πρόσωπα
Moschion et Xeusippus, f. 2r-12r Moschion et Xeusippus, f. 2r-13v
(sig. a2r-b4r). (sig. a2r-b5v).
The running head (“de tuenda bo. vale”) is The running head (“de tuenda bo. vale”) is
over the title. (PLATE 7) over the title. (PLATE 8)
In principe requiri doctrinam Plutarchi In principe requiri doctrinam Plutarchi
commentarium, Erasmo Roterodamo commentarium, Erasmo Roterodamo
interprete, f. 12r-14r (sig. b4r-b6r). interprete, f. 13v-16r (sig. b5v-b8r).
Cum principibus maxime philosophum Cum principibus maxime philosophum
debere disputare Plutarchi, Erasmo debere disputare Plutarchi, Erasmo
interprete, f. 14r-16r (sig. b6r-b8r). interprete, f. 16r-18v (sig. b8r-c2v).
Vtrum grauiores sint animi morbi q[uam] Vtrum grauiores sint animi morbi q[uam]
corporis, Plutarchus Erasmo interprete, corporis. Plutarchus Erasmo interprete,
f. 16v-17v (sig. b8v-c1r). f. 18v-20r (sig. c2v-c4r).
The running head (“Plutarchi Cheronei”)
should not be on the title page. (PLATE 9)
Num recte dictu[m] sit Λάθε Βιώσασ, Num recte dictum sit Λάθε Βιώσασ:
i[d est]., Sic viue vt nemo te sentiat vixisse, id est, Sic uiue ut nemo te sentiat uixisse,
f. 17v-19r (sig. c1v-c3r). f. 20r-22r. (sig. c4r-d2r).
1
An edition of Christophe de Longueil’s translation of How to profit by one’s enemies
(Πῶς ἄν τις ὑπ᾿ ἐχθρῶν ὠφελοῖτο) which he entitled Quomodo quis possit ab inimicis
iuvari, with Erasmus’ handwritten translation reproduced on facing pages, titled Quo
pacto quis efficiat ut ex inimicis capiat utilitatem (ca. 1512), in R. Aulotte, “Une rivalité
d’humanistes. Érasme et Longueil, traducteurs de Plutarque”, Bibliothèque d’Humanisme
et Renaissance 30.3 (1968), 549-573. The manuscript is extant at Basel, Universitäts-
bibliothek, ms. AN. VI. I.
The volume has neither colophon nor Colophon: “Basileae in aedibus Ioannis
register of signatures. Frobenij Hammelburgensis, mense Augusto,
Anno domini millesimo quingentesimo
decimoquarto”, f. 25v (sig. d5v).
There is no register of signatures in the
volume.
2
The distinction between Xeusippus and Zeuxippus [sic] is omitted from now on,
although it is consistent throughout the text.
235; 19 illa contra flauor illi contra flauor illi contra flauor
235; 20 videbis me pardo uidebis me pardali videbis me pardali
magis uersicolorem magis uersicolorem magis versicolorem
235; 22 compluries quidem. O compluries quidem. O compluries quidem,
homo morbos homo morbos homo, morbos
236; 31 ratio sana praecipit ratio sana praecipit ratio sana percipit
236; 32 at in animi morbos at in animi morbos at in animi morb⟨i⟩s
236; 39 perniciosores sunt ii pernitiosores sunt hi pernitiosores sunt hi
236; 40 lathargus lethargus lethargus
238; 86 Ascreo Ioui Lydorum Ascreo Ioui Lydorum Ascraeo Ioui
Lydorum
Finis Τῷ θεῷ χαÏρισ Finis Τῷ θεῷ χαÏρισ ————————
[sic] [sic] —
[VII.] Num recte dictum sit Λάθε Βιώσας, id est, Sic vive ut nemo te sentiat vixisse
241; 1-2 Num recte dictum sit Num recte dictum sit
Num recte dictum sit
Λάθε Βιώσασ, id est, Λάθε Βιώσασ, id est,
Λάθε Βιώσας, id est,
Sic uiue ut nemo te Sic uiue ut nemo te
Sic uiue ut nemo te
sentiat uixisse sentiat uixisse sentiat uixisse
241; 7 dosonatores nobiles obsonatores nobiles
obsonatores nobiles
241; 13-14 gloriam velut auersi gloriam uelut auersi
gloriam veluti auersi
242; 23 Abi, coniice Abi, coniice Abi, conice
242; 26 ceu pulsum quendam ceu pulsum quendam ceu pulsum quendam
exhibire iis exhibire his exhibire his
242; 33 Hunc contra negant, Hunc contra negant,
Nunc contra negant,
occultant occultant occultant
242; 44 ocium arti otium arti otium arti
243; 63 Refulgescit enim cum Refulgescit enim Refulgescit enim
res quum res quum res
244; 69 putescunt putescunt putrescunt
244; 69-70 qui in ocio degunt qui in otio degunt
qui in otio degunt
244; 78 nouo in die versantes nouo in die uersantes
nouo in die versantes
⟨homines⟩
244; 98 quod tenebrae illi quod tenebrae illi quod tenebrae illi
suspectae terrorem suspectae terrorem suspectae terrorem
incutiant incutiant incutiunt
246; 112 barathrum quoddam barathrum quoddam barathrum quoddam
praecipitantes praecipitantes praecipitans
sunt et orbae luce sunt sunt, et orbae luce sunt et orbae luce sunt
diuitiae sunt diuitiae diuitiae
258; 221 Siquidem diues, cum Siquidem diues, quum Siquidem diues, quum
solus coenat solus coenat solus coenat
258; 222 negotium mensis negocium mensis negocium mensis
conuiualibus conuiualibus conuiualibus
258; 223 plebeis plaebeis plaebeis
258; 225 lebetesque tripodes lebetesque tripodes lebetesque tripodas
228; 81 ὁµοίωσις
229; 108 Senarii e tragoedia quapiam Senarii e tragoedia quapiam
230; 114 Epicurus
230; 116 Sententia
230; 117 Nomina Gratiarum Nomina Gratiarum
230; 118 Ab alacritate gaudio et Ab alacritate gaudio et
florulentia florulentia
230; 124 O diuinitus dictum[!]
230; 140 Similitudo Similitudo
230; 146 Maligne de Pompeio
231; 160 δεοµἐνοις
[VII.] Num recte dictum sit Λάθε Βιώσας, id est, Sic vive ut nemo te sentiat vixisse
241; 6 Sententia prouerbialis
241; 7 Philoxenus
242; 26 Veteres aegrotos palam
curabant
242; 57 Similitudo
243; 60 Epaminondas
243; 63 Sophoclis uersus
244; 66 Vita sedentaria marcorem
conciliat
244; 76 Ex poeta quopiam
244; 89 Sol Delius
244; 91 Ἄ[Ι]δῃς
244; 92 Ex poeta quopiam
244; 93 φῶς
246; 105 Ex poeta quopiam
246; 120 λήθη ἄβυσσος