Socratic Seminar Assignment - Why Did The Allies Win WW2
Socratic Seminar Assignment - Why Did The Allies Win WW2
Socratic Seminar Assignment - Why Did The Allies Win WW2
Application Essay outline is not Essay outline has Essay outline has Essay outline is
properly structured and some structural errors structure and includes effectively structured
is missing arguments and has requires arguments and citation and includes clear
and/ or citation clarification of arguments and proper
arguments and/or citation /1
citation
/4
SOURCES
Kershaw, Ian. To Hell and Back: Europe 1914-1949. New York City: Penguin Books,
2015. (Sample footnote: Ian Kershaw, To Hell and Back: Europe 1914-1949 (New York City: Penguin
Books, 2015), 352-356.
Palmer, R.R. A History of the World 10th Edition. New York: McGraw Hill, 2007.
Excerpt from pages 845-852
On a unified strategy
By January 1942 twenty-six nations, including the three Great Powers - Britain, the United States,
and the U.S.S.R. - and representing every continent, were aligned against the Axis, a combinations to
which President Roosevelt gave the name the United Nations. Each pledged to use all its resources to
defeat the Axis and never to make a separate peace. The Grand Alliance against the Axis aggressors,
which could not be created in the 1930s, had at last been consummated.
The two Atlantic democracies, the United States and Great Britain, pooled their resources under a
Combined Chiefs of Staff. Never had any two sovereign states formed so close a coalition. In contrast with
the First World War an overall strategy was in effect from an early date. It was decided that Germany was
the main enemy, against which it was necessary to concentrate first. For the time being the Pacific war
was relegated to the background…
...the United States in 1942 was still involved in the cumbersome processes of mobilization,
converting industry to the production of war materials for itself and its Allies, imposing controls on its
economy to prevent runaway inflation, and giving military training to its profoundly civilian-minded people,
of whom over 12 million men and women eventually served in the armed forces - over three times as many
as in the First World War.
The American home front was transformed like the societies of other warring nations into a war
economy. The government carefully rationed the sale of food and essential materials such as oil and
rubber, sold millions of ‘war bonds,’ distributed thousands of war posters to sustain civilian morale,
collected countless tons of scrap metal, and worked closely with the nation’s industrial companies to
produce vast quantities of ships, warplanes, tanks, and every kind of military armament and equipment.
Persons of all racial and ethnic groups found new jobs in the expanding industrial workforce. The total
mobilization, however, led also to new forms of racial exclusion. Black Americans remained segregated in
the armed forces. More than 100,000 Japanese-Americans on the west coast were forcibly evacuated to
internment camps, where they remained until the end of the war. The national mobilization also affected
the social and economic positions of women. Large numbers of women, as in Britain, and more so than in
the First World War, took wartime jobs in defense and other industries. In contrast, almost to the end, Nazi
ideology placed obstacles in the way of utilizing women in German factories…
...even with the outbreak of hostilities, by no means all of Germany’s economic resources allocated to the
war effort. That decision was motivated primarily by political considerations. Hitler was convinced
shortages at home had led to declining morale and eventually revolution during World War I. For this
reason he was determined to prevent another ‘turnip winter’ in Germany. In consequence, while there was
certainly shortages on the homefront during WWII, they were never as severe as they had been in the
earlier conflict. Especially during the first two years of the war the regime was careful to cultivate the
goodwill of industrial laborers with extra rations.
In strategic terms the decision to improvise a series of short conflicts completely misjudged the
nature of WWII… Hitler’s scenario of a global blitzkrieg failed completely; by the beginning of 1942 it was
clear to competent observers that the Reich faced another war of attrition.
While the Nazis for a time dealt effectively with the problems that had plagued Germany’s
homefront in WWI, they failed to give adequate attention to a new element in warfare, aerial bombardment
of civilian populations. The Nazis had used massive bombings with devastating effect on Rotterdam and
later on English cities in the Battle of Britain, but by 1942, partly because Hitler underestimated the Allies’
capitbilites and refused to accelerate Germany’s fighter plane program, the Allies achieved air superiority
and turned the new strategy against the Germans. At first daytime and by mid-1943 nighttime bombings of
German cities became daily occurrences. WWII, until the Allied invasion, was brought home to the
Germans primarily in the form of increasingly destructive aerial bombardments. By that time the war
ended, major urban centers like Cologne and Hamburg consisted of little more than rubble and hundreds
of thousands of lives had been lost in the air raids.
After the German defeat in the Battle of Stalingrad (Jan-Feb 1943), it was clear even to insiders in
the Nazi regime that the German economy and home front were not prepared for a drawn-out conflict. The
Nazis introduced major organizational and lifestyle changes. In February 1942 the Four Year Plan and
Hermann Goring lost their dominant position the management of the economy. A new Ministry for War
Production, headed by Hitler’s architect Albert Speer, was established and given vast powers to coordinate
all war-related economic production…The Reich’s economic collapse began only in the late fall of 1944,
when the Allies directed their attacks primarily against industrial production facilities. In the spring of 1945
the lack of fuel and Allied bombings of the German railroad network brought the Reich’s war machinery to
a final halt…
The concept of ‘total war’ on the home front was formally launched in February 1943...The
campaign of ‘total war’ meant that guns now took precedence over butter. The civilian population had to
get used to growing shortages of virtually all commodities. In addition, the ‘total war’ brought a massive
buildup of the regime’s terror presence. Anonymous denunciations were encouraged even more than
before, and the Nazis introduced the death penalty for a whole series of minor infractions including the
crime of being a ‘defeatist.’ By the end of the war, it is clear that whatever sympathies the regime had
enjoyed among the Germans had largely dissipated. Life had become a daily struggle in the face of
constant bombings, shortages, and fear of the regime’s terror.
Kennedy, Paul. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. New York: Vintage House,
1989.
Excerpt from pages 347-357:
The first of these came in the Pacific, where Nimitz’s [fleet admiral US Navy] carrier-based aircraft
had already blunted the Japanese drive into the Coral Sea (May 1942) and toward Midway (June 1942)
and showed how vital air power was in the vast expanses of that ocean. By the end of the year, Japanese
troops had been pulled out of Guadalcanal and Australian-American forces were pushing forward in New
Guinea. When the counteroffensive through the central Pacific began late in 1943, the two powerful
American battle fleets covering the Gilberts invasion were themselves protected by four fast-carrier task
forces (twelve carriers) with overwhelming control of the air. An even greater imbalance of force had
permitted the British Empire divisions to crash through the German positions at El Alamein in October
1942 and to drive Rommel’s [German General and Field Marshal] units back toward Tunisia; when
Montgomery [Commander of the British 8th Army) ordered the attack, he had six times as many tanks as
his opponent, three times as many troops, and almost complete command of the air. In the month
following, Eisenhower’s [US 5-Star General of the Army] Anglo-American army of 100,000 men landed in
French North Africa to begin a ‘pincer movement’ from the west against the German-Italian forces, which
would culminate in the latter’s mass surrender in May 1943. By that time too, Doenitz [Admiral of the
German Navy] had been compelled to withdraw his U-boat wolf packs from the North Atlantic, where they
had suffered very heavy losses against Allied convoys now protected by very-long-range Liberators, escort
carriers, and hunter-killer escort groups equipped with the latest radar and depth charges - and alerted by
‘Ultra’ decrypts as to the U-boats’ movements. If it was to take longer for the Allies to achieve ‘command of
the air’ over Europe to complement their command of the sea, the solution was being swiftly developed in
the form of the long-range Mustang fighter, which first accompanied the USAAF’s bomber fleets in
December 1943; within another few months, the Luftwaffe’s capacity to defend the airspace above the
Third Reich’s soldiers, factories, and civilian population had been weakened beyond recovery.
Even more ominous to the Wehrmacht high command was the changing balance of advantage
along the eastern front. As early as August 1941, when many observers felt that Russia was in the process
of being finished off as a Great Power, [German] General Halder was gloomily confiding in the War Staff
diary:
We reckoned with about 200 enemy divisions. Now we have already 360...not armed and equipped
to our standards, and their tactical leadership is often poor. But...if we smash a dozen of them, the
Russians simply put up another dozen...Time...favore them, as they are near their own resources,
while we are moving farther and farther away from ours.
In this sort of mass, reckless, brutalized fighting, the casualty figures were making even First World War
totals seem modest. In the first five months of campaigning, the Germans claimed to have killed ,
wounded, or captured well over 3 million Russians. Yet at that particular moment, when Stalin and the
Stavka [high command of Soviet armed forces] were planning the first counteroffensive around Moscow,
the Red Army still had 4.3 million men in its field armies, and was numerically superior in tanks and
aircraft. To be sure, it could not match the professional expertise of the Germans either on land or in the air
- even as late as 1944 the Russians were losing five or six men for every one German soldier - when the
fearful winter of 1941-42 passed, Hitler’s war machine could again commence its offensive, this time
toward Stalingrad and then disaster. After Stalingrad, in the summer of 1943, the Wehrmacht tried again,
pulling together its armored forces to produce the fantastic total of seventeen panzer divisions for the
encirclement of Kursk. Yet in what was to be by far the greatest tank battle of the Second World War, the
Red Army countered with thirty-four armored divisions, some 4,000 vehicles to the German’s 2,700. While
the numbers of Soviet tanks had been reduced by over one-half within a week, they had smashed the
greater part of Hitler’s Panzerarmee in the process and were now ready for the unrelenting counter
offensive toward Derlin. At that point, news of the Allied landing in ITaly provided Hitler with excuse for
withdrawing from what had been an unmitigated disaster, as well as confirming the extent to which the
Reich’s enemies were closing the ring.
Was all this, then, merely the ‘proper application of overwhelming force’? Clearly, economic power
was never the only influence upon military effectiveness, even in the mechanized, total war of 1939-45;
economics, to paraphrase Clausewitz [Prussian general and military theorist] stood in about the same
relationship to combat as the craft of the swordsmith to the art of fencing. And there were far too many
examples of where the German and Japanese leadership made grievous political and strategical errors
after 1941 which were to cost them dear. In the German case, this ranged from relatively small-scale
decisions, like pouring reinforcements into North Africa in early 1943, just in time for them to be captured,
to the appalling stupid as well as criminal treatment of the Ukrainian and other non-Russian minorities in
the USSR, who were happy to escape from the Stalinist embrace until chekec by Nazi atrocities. It rand
from the arrogance of assuming that the Enigma codes could never be broken to the ideological prejudice
against employing German women in munitions factories, whereas all Germany’s foes willingly exploited
that largely untapped labor pool. It was compounded by rivalries within the higher echelons of the army
itself, which made it ineffective in resisting Hitler’s manic urge for overambitious offensives like Stalingrad
and Kursk. Above all, there was what scholars refer to as the ‘polycratic chaos’ of rivaling ministries and
subempires (the army, the SS, the Gauleiter, the economics ministry), which prevented any coherent
assessment and allocation of resources, let alone the hammering-out of what elsewhere would be termed
a ‘grand strategy’. This was not a serious way to run a war…
There is, obviously, no known way of ‘factoring out’ those errors and thus discovering how the Axis
Powers might have fared had such follies been avoided. But unless the Allies for their part had committed
equally serious strategical and political mistakes, it is difficult to see how their productive superiority would
not have prevailed in the long term. Obviously, a successful German occupation of Moscow in December
1941 would have been damaging to Russia’s war effort (and to Stalin’s regime); but would the USSR’s
population have surrendered then and there when it's only fate would have been extermination - and when
it still had large productive and military reserves thousands of miles to the east? Despite the economic
losses dealt by Operation Barbarossa - coal production down by 57%, pig iron by 68%, and so on - it is
worth noting that Russia produced 4,000 more aircraft than Germany in 1941 and 10,000 more in 1942,
and this was for one front, as opposed to Germany’s three. Given its increasing superiority in men, tanks,
artillery, and planes, by the second year of the conflict the Red Army could actually afford to sustain losses
at a rate of five or six to one and still push forwards against the weakening Germans. By the beginning of
1945, on the Belarusian and Ukrainian fronts alone, “Soviet superiority was both absolute and awesome,
fivefold in manpower, fivefold in armor, over sevenfold in artillery and seventeen times the eGerman
strength in the air.”
Since the Anglo American forces in France a few months earlier were enjoying “an effective
superiority of 20 to 1 in tanks and 25 to 1 in aircraft,” the amazing fact is that the Germans did so well for
so long….
...Berlin, like Tokyo, had overstretched itself. In November 1943, General Jodle estimated that 3.9
million Germans (together with a mere 283,000 Axis-allied troops) were trying to hold off 5.5 million
Russians on the eastern front. A further 177,000 German troops were in Finland, while Norway and
Denmark garrisoned 486,000 men. There were 1,370,000 occupation troops in France and Belgium.
“Another 612,000 men were tied down in the Balkans, and there were 412,000 men in Italy… Hitler’s
armies were scattered the length and breadth of Europe and were inferior in numbers and equipment on
every front.” The same could be said of the Japanese divisions, spread thinly across the Far East from
Burma to the Aleutian Islands.”
...in the critical years of the Battle of the Atlantic, the Allies lost 8.3 million tons of shipping overall
in 1942 and 4 million tons in 1943, but those frightening total were compensated for by Allied launchings of
7 million and 9 million tons of new merchant ships respectively. This was chiefly due to the fantastic
explosion in American shipbuilding output, which by mid-1942 was already launching vessels faster than
the U-boats could sink them… On land, also - and the Second World War in Europe was pre eminently a
gunner’s war and a tank crew’s war - Germany’s production of artillery pieces, self-propelled guns and
tanks was considerably less than Russia’s let alone the combined Allied totals.
Germany 17,800
Russia 29,000
Britain 5,000
But the most telling statistics of all relate to aircraft production, for everyone could see that without
command of the air it was impossible for armies and navies to operate effectively; with command of the air,
one could not achieve campaign victories, but also deal heavy blows at the foe’s wartime economy.
Such figures, moreover, disguise the fact that the Anglo-American total include a large number of
heavy four-engined bombers, so that the Allied superiority is even more marked when the number of
engines or the structure weight of the aircraft is compared with the Axis total. Here was the ultimate reason
why, despite extraordinary efforts by the Germans to retain command of the air, their cities and factories
and railway lines were increasingly devastated - as was, even more so, the almost totally unprotected
Japanese homeland… On D-Day itself (June 6, 1944), it may be
worth nothing, the Germans could muster 319 aircraft against
the Allies 12, 837 in the west.
...Yet all this could not obviate the fact that the Allies
possessed twice the manufacturing strength, three times the
‘war potential,’ and three times the national income of the Axis
powers… By 1942 and 1943, these figures of potential power
were being exchanged into the hard currency of aircraft, guns,
tanks, and ships; indeed, by 1943-44 the United States alone
was producing one ship a day and one aircraft every five
minutes! What is more, the Allies were producing many newer types of weapons (Superfortresses,
Mustangs, light fleet carriers), whereas the Axis powers could only produce advanced weapons (jet
fighters, Type 23 U-boats) in relatively small quantities…
No matter how cleverly the Wehrmacht mounted its tactical counter attacks on both the western
and eastern fronts until almost the last months of the war, it was to be ultimately overwhelmed by the sheer
mass of Allied firepower. By 1945, the thousands of Anglo-American bombers pounding the Reich each
day and the hundreds of Red Army divisions poised to blast through to Berlin and Vienna were all different
manifestations of the same blunt fact. Once again, in a protracted and full-scale coalition war, the countries
with the deepest purse had prevailed in the end.
This was also true of Japan’s own collapse in the Pacific war. It is now clear that the dropping of
the atomic bombs in 1945 marked a watershed in the military history of the world, and one which throws
into doubt the viability of mankind should a Great Power war with atomic weaponry ever be fought. Yet in
the context of the 1945 campaigning, it was but one of a series of military tools which the United States
then could employ to compel Japan to surrender. The successful American submarine campaign was
threatening to starve Japan; the swarms of B-29 bombers were pounding its towns and cities to ashes
(the Tokyo ‘fire-raid’ of March 9, 1945, caused approximately 185,000 casualties and destroyed 267,000
buildings); and the AMerican planners and their allies were preparing for a massivinge invasion of the
home islands. The mix of motives which, despite certain reservations, pushed toward the decision to drop
the bomb - the wish to save Allied casualties, the desire to send a warning to Stalin, the need to justify the
vast expenses of the atomic project - are still debated today; but the point being made here is that it was
the United States alone which at this time had the productive and technological resources not only to
wage two large-scale conventional wars but also to invest scientists, raw materials, and money (about $2
billion) in the development of a new weapon which might or might not work...
Westad, Odd Arne. The Cold War: A World History. New York: Basic Books, 2017. (Westad is a
professor of US-Asia studies at Harvard University and former School Professor of International
History at the London School of Economics and Political Science)
“As Stalin’s Red Army slowly began to push back the German divisions, at tremendous cost in lives and
materiel, the SOviet leader constantly demanded that his allies set up a second front against Germany in
northwest Europe. The fact that he did not get it until June 1944, after nine million Soviet soldiers had been
killed, was to Stalin proof of British and American perfidy and hostility.
But if Stalin distrusted and disparaged his allies, the SOviet Union was increasingly dependent on
their support for its survival. In all, goods and weapons worth $11.3 billion ($180 billion in 2016 dollars)
reached the USSR between June 1941 and September 1945. Five thousands sailors died in shipping the
aid to Soviet harbors. Some of this materiel was crucial to the SOviet war effort. Locomotives and railcars
helped transport troops. Dodge trucks became the mainstay of Soviet logistics in their great tank battles
both against germany and later against Japan. Canned rations produced in Ohio and Nebraska kept
millions of Soviets from starvation. Stalin though, not unreasonably, that the Soviets paid for these supplies
in blood on the battlefield. But he also knew that the American supplies were of such great importance to
the Red Army’s fighting capabilities that he could not under any circumstance endanger their continued
provision.”
“Most importantly, by the end of 1943 the United States had mobilized fully for war both in Asia and in
Europe. In the year to come, the United States would produce 300,000 military planes and 529 large
warships. Germany’s production was 133,000 and 20; Japan’s, 70,000 and 90. In the first three months of
1943 the United States produced as much overall shipping tonnage as Japan did in total during seven
years of war… The United States was untouched, and its GDP had almost doubled since 1939.”
Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Extremes. New York: Vintage Books, 1994.