With Tiranga, Ahimsa and Jana Gana Mana, Muslims Are Reasserting Their Indian Identity in Style

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With Tiranga, Ahimsa and Jana

Gana Mana, Muslims are


Reasserting Their Indian Identity
in Style

 News18 Sat, 21 Dec 2:25 PM IST 

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The ongoing stir over NRC and the Citizenship Amendment Act has provided a
fabulous opportunity to Indian Muslims to reassert their Indian identity in
great style, with support from the Hindu-Sikh-Christian-Parsi-Jain fraternity,
activists, marginalised sections, artistes, intellectuals, Bollywood stars and
authors.

The new Muslim assertiveness revolves around


the tiranga (tricolour), ahimsa (non-violence) and Jana Gana Mana , the
national anthem. In a swift and collective sense, the CAA-NRC protests have
seen the rejection of politically inclined Muslim clergy, politicians,
intellectuals and others who, for decades, had sought to showcase
themselves as ‘true’ representatives of the Muslim community.

While it is still unclear which way the current movement is headed, clearly,
Muslims have put their heart and soul into it.

There are compelling reasons for it too. Unlike instant triple talaq , Article 370
and the Ayodhya verdict, the political flavour of CAA-NRC has made every
Muslim, cutting across regional, linguistic, sectarian and economic lines, sit
up. There is a uniform sense that their sense of Indian-ness is being
questioned and a collective, peaceful, collaborated response is required.

In this context, it should be understood why CAA-NRC protest is different from


other issues.

On instant triple talaq, the opinion among Muslims in India was sharply


divided on gender and sectarian lines. On Article 370, there was a
psychological distance with the Kashmir issue, while in the case of the Ram
Janmabhoomi-Babri masjid dispute, a large number of Muslims had viewed it
as fait accompli.

After the November 9 Supreme court verdict, there was a sense of relief and
no support for those contemplating a review petition.

Indian Muslims have a profound sense of belonging to their motherland, having


deep roots in their faith and psyche. For any discerning observer, the unity of
purpose among Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)
should be worth noticing.

Jamia was born on Mahatma Gandhi’s call as a nationalist answer to AMU,


which, in pre-independent India, had some pro-Pakistan elements. Zakir
Hussain, along two illustrious persons working in Germany then, Dr. Abid
Husain and Mohammad Mujeeb, returned to India to work for Jamia.

Apart from sacrificing their lucrative careers, the trio, for over 20 years
between 1926 and 1948 did not draw salaries and spent their savings and
wealth to tide over great financial crisis to fight ideological issues and
propagate nayi taleem  (modern education). It was a pity and matter of shame
that Zakir sahib’s grandson Salman Khurshid failed to speak up during the
CAA-NRC stir or articulate these issues which have faded away from the
public memory.

Contrary to an erroneous and inaccurate narrative presented today, a majority


of Muslims in pre-independent India were opposed to the two-nation theory
and the creation of Pakistan.

The All India Momin Conference’s 1943 resolution representing backward


castes among Muslims — mostly craftsmen, artisans and labourers — had
read, “Patriotism and nationalism of the Indian mussalmans will never tolerate
vivisection of our dear motherland into several hostile states.”

Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani’s idea of composite nationalism was based on


the Quran and the Hadith (sayings of Prophet Mohammad). Maulana Madani
advanced the “theory of territorial national-hood”, saying that it is “not
necessary that a nation, to be a nation, should share the same religion and
culture” arguing that Muslims could live as observant Muslims in a multi-
religious, multi-cultural, pluralistic society where they would be full citizens of
an independent, secular India.

Madani's criticism of the two-nation theory was based on his assumption that
Muslims did not constitute a qawm  (nation) different from non-Muslim
Indians. He argued that in the Quran and in the practice of Prophet
Muhammad, the term qawm  had a non-religious connotation.

As author-scholar Shamsul Islam mentioned in his book Muslims Against


Partition , pre-independent India had restricted franchise which excluded mass
of peasants, women, majority of small shop-keepers, traders who were not
taxpayers, owned property or had high educational qualifications.
“Only 28.5 per cent of adult population of the provinces could vote in the
provincial assembly elections of 1946. Economically and socially depressed
portions were virtually disfranchised… for example in Bihar, the electorate
consists of merely 7.8 per cent of the total population,” Islam wrote while
rolling out statistics to marshal his argument that the idea of Muslim League
being sole representative of Muslims was based on shaky grounds.

Patriotic Muslims, in spite of having numerical strength, failed in united


India’s cause due to their inability to organise masses, a sustained
machination from the British, a section of the Congress and Right-wing Hindu
radical outfits like the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha, and due to the Muslim
League’s reign of terror. The Muslim League had created a quasi-military
called Muslim National Guards, numbering over 3,00,000 in 1931 to instil fear.
These “volunteers” physically attacked Maulana Abul kalam Azad, Dr Saifuddin
Kitchlew, Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani, Maulana Hifzur Rahman and many
others.

The Congress can be held guilty of negotiating the partition of India with the
Muslim League as though it was the only representative of the voice of the
Muslims. Mahatma Gandhi, too, committed a folly of sorts when he addressed
Jinnah as “Qaid-e-Azam” in his correspondence with the Muslim League
leader.

Against this backdrop, it should be understood why Muslims of present-day


India are determined to speak up for themselves and not repeat the follies of
partition when their voice was not heard in the din.

A strong manifestation of India-first among Indian Muslims offers an


opportunity for all politicians and political parties to bury the old paradigm
and make a new beginning based upon mutual trust, constitutional democracy
and equality. Are there any takers?

(The author is a visiting Fellow with the Observe

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