Salt I: Strategic Nuclear Arms Control Agreements
Salt I: Strategic Nuclear Arms Control Agreements
Salt I: Strategic Nuclear Arms Control Agreements
SALT I
Begun in November 1969, by May 1972, the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT)
had produced both the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, which limited strategic
missile defenses to 200 (later 100) interceptors each, and the Interim Agreement, an
executive agreement that capped U.S. and Soviet intercontinental ballistic missiles
(ICBM) and submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) forces. Under the Interim
Agreement, both sides pledged not to construct new ICBM silos, not to increase the
size of existing ICBM silos “significantly,” and capped the number of SLBM launch
tubes and SLBM-carrying submarines. The agreement ignored strategic bombers
and did not address warhead numbers, leaving both sides free to enlarge their forces
by deploying multiple warheads (MIRVs) onto their ICBMs and SLBMs and
increasing their bomber-based forces. The agreement limited the United States to
1,054 ICBM silos and 656 SLBM launch tubes. The Soviet Union was limited to
1,607 ICBM silos and 740 SLBM launch tubes. In June 2002, the United States
unilaterally withdrew from the ABM treaty.
SALT II
START I
The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I), first proposed in the early 1980s by
President Ronald Reagan and finally signed in July 1991, required the United States
and the Soviet Union to reduce their deployed strategic arsenals to 1,600 delivery
vehicles, carrying no more than 6,000 warheads as counted using the agreement’s
rules. The agreement required the destruction of excess delivery vehicles which was
verified using an intrusive verification regime that involved on-site inspections, the
regular exchange of information, including telemetry, and the use of national
technical means (i.e., satellites). The agreement’s entry into force was delayed for
several years because of the collapse of the Soviet Union and ensuing efforts to
denuclearize Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Belarus by returning their nuclear weapons
to Russia and making them parties to the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and
START I agreements. START I reductions were completed in December 2001 and
the treaty expired on Dec. 5, 2009.
START II
In June 1992, Presidents George H. W. Bush and Boris Yeltsin agreed to pursue a
follow-on accord to START I. START II, signed in January 1993, called for reducing
deployed strategic arsenals to 3,000-3,500 warheads and banned the deployment of
destabilizing multiple-warhead land-based missiles. START II would have counted
warheads in roughly the same fashion as START I and, also like its predecessor,
would have required the destruction of delivery vehicles but not warheads. The
agreement's original implementation deadline was January 2003, ten years after
signature, but a 1997 protocol moved this deadline to December 2007 because of
the extended delay in ratification. Both the Senate and the Duma approved START
II, but the treaty did not take effect because the Senate did not ratify the 1997
protocol and several ABM Treaty amendments, whose passage the Duma
established as a condition for START II’s entry into force. START II was effectively
shelved as a result of the 2002 U.S. withdrawal from the ABM treaty.
In March 1997, Presidents Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin agreed to a framework for
START III negotiations that included a reduction in deployed strategic warheads to
2,000-2,500. Significantly, in addition to requiring the destruction of delivery vehicles,
START III negotiations were to address “the destruction of strategic nuclear
warheads…to promote the irreversibility of deep reductions including prevention of a
rapid increase in the number of warheads.” Negotiations were supposed to begin
after START II entered into force, which never happened.
On May 24, 2002, Presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin signed the
Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT or Moscow Treaty) under which the
United States and Russia reduced their strategic arsenals to 1,700-2,200 warheads
each. The warhead limit took effect and expired on the same day, Dec. 31, 2012.
Although the two sides did not agree on specific counting rules, the Bush
administration asserted that the United States would reduce only warheads deployed
on strategic delivery vehicles in active service, i.e., “operationally deployed”
warheads, and would not count warheads removed from service and placed in
storage or warheads on delivery vehicles undergoing overhaul or repair. The
agreement’s limits are similar to those envisioned for START III, but the treaty did
not require the destruction of delivery vehicles, as START I and II did, or the
destruction of warheads, as had been envisioned for START III. The treaty was
approved by the Senate and Duma and entered into force on June 1, 2003. SORT
was replaced by New START on February 5, 2011.
New START
On April 8, 2010, the United States and Russia signed New START, a legally
binding, verifiable agreement that limits each side to 1,550 strategic nuclear
warheads deployed on 700 strategic delivery systems (ICBMs, SLBMs and heavy
bombers), and limits deployed and nondeployed launchers to 800. The treaty-
accountable warhead limit is 30 percent lower than the 2,200 upper limit of SORT,
and the delivery vehicle limit is 50 percent lower than the 1,600 allowed in START I.
The treaty has a verification regime that combines elements of START I with new
elements tailored to New START. Measures under the treaty include on-site
inspections and exhibitions, data exchanges and notifications related to strategic
offensive arms and facilities covered by the treaty, and provisions to facilitate the use
of national technical means for treaty monitoring. The treaty also provides for the
continued exchange of telemetry (missile flight-test data on up to five tests per year)
and does not meaningfully limit missile defenses or long-range conventional strike
capabilities. The U.S. Senate approved New START on Dec. 22, 2010. The approval
process of the Russian parliament (passage by both the State Duma and Federation
Council) was completed Jan. 26, 2011. The treaty entered into force on Feb. 5, 2011
and will expire in 2021, though both parties may agree to extend the treaty for a
period of up to five years. Both parties met the treaty’s central limits by the Feb. 4,
2018 deadline for implementation.
*On Feb. 2, 2019, both the United States and Russia announced they were
suspending their obligations to the treaty.
**New START allows for the option to extend the treaty beyond 2021 for a period of
up to five years.
Signed Dec. 8, 1987, the INF Treaty required the United States and the Soviet Union
to verifiably eliminate all ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles with ranges
between 500 and 5,500 kilometers. Distinguished by its unprecedented, intrusive
inspection regime, including on-site inspections, the INF Treaty laid the groundwork
for verification of the subsequent START I. The INF Treaty entered into force June 1,
1988, and the two sides completed their reductions by June 1, 1991, destroying a
total of 2,692 missiles. The agreement was multilateralized after the breakup of the
Soviet Union, and current active participants in the agreement include the United
States, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan
are also parties to the agreement but do not participate in treaty meetings or on-site
inspections. The ban on intermediate-range missiles is of unlimited duration.
Both the United States and Russia have raised concerns about the other side’s
compliance with the INF Treaty. The United States first publicly charged Russia with
developing and testing a ground-launched cruise with a range that meets the INF
Treaty definition of a ground-launched cruise missile with a range capability of 500
km to 5,500 km in 2014.
Russia denies that it is breaching the agreement and has raised its own concerns
about Washington’s compliance. Moscow is charging that the United States is
placing a missile defense launch system in Europe that can also be used to fire
cruise missiles, using targets for missile defense tests with similar characteristics to
INF Treaty-prohibited intermediate-range missiles, and is making armed drones that
are equivalent to ground-launched cruise missiles. On Oct. 20, 2018 President
Donald Trump announced his intention to “terminate” the agreement citing Russian
noncompliance and concerns about China’s missiles, and on Dec. 4, Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo declared Russia in “material breach” of the treaty. The Trump
administration provided official notice to the other treaty states-parties on Feb. 2, that
it would both suspend its obligations to the treaty and withdraw from the agreement
in six months—per the treaty's terms—and "terminate" the agreement. The
administration has stated that it may reverse the withdrawal if Russia returns to
compliance by eliminating its ground-launched 9M729 missile, which the United
States alleges is the noncompliant missile which can fly beyond the 500-kilometer
range limit set by the treaty.
On Sept. 27, 1991, President George H. W. Bush announced that the United States
would remove almost all U.S. tactical (nonstrategic) nuclear forces from deployment
so that Russia could undertake similar actions, reducing the risk of nuclear
proliferation as the Soviet Union dissolved. Specifically, Bush said the United States
would eliminate all its nuclear artillery shells and short-range nuclear ballistic missile
warheads and remove all nonstrategic nuclear warheads from surface ships, attack
submarines, and land-based naval aircraft. Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev
reciprocated on Oct. 5, pledging to eliminate all nuclear artillery munitions, nuclear
warheads for tactical missiles, and nuclear landmines. He also pledged to withdraw
all Soviet tactical naval nuclear weapons from deployment. Under these initiatives,
the United States and Russia reduced their deployed nonstrategic stockpiles by an
estimated 5,000 and 13,000 warheads, respectively. However, significant questions
remain about Russian implementation of its pledges, and there is considerable
uncertainty about the current state of Russia’s tactical nuclear forces. The Defense
Department estimates that Russia possess roughly 2,000 non-strategic nuclear
weapons and the numbers are expanding. The United States maintains several
hundred nonstrategic B61 gravity bombs for delivery by short-range fighter aircraft.
Article II
Article III
2. Each State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to provide: (a) source or
special fissionable material, or (b) equipment or material especially
designed or prepared for the processing, use or production of special
fissionable material, to any non-nuclear-weapon State for peaceful purposes,
unless the source or special fissionable material shall be subject to the
safeguards required by this Article.
Article IV
2. All the Parties to the Treaty undertake to facilitate, and have the right to
participate in, the fullest possible exchange of equipment, materials and
scientific and technological information for the peaceful uses of nuclear
energy. Parties to the Treaty in a position to do so shall also co-operate in
contributing alone or together with other States or international
organizations to the further development of the applications of
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, especially in the territories of non-
nuclear-weapon States Party to the Treaty, with due consideration for the
needs of the developing areas of the world.
Article V
Article VI
Article VII
Article VIII
1. Any Party to the Treaty may propose amendments to this Treaty. The text
of any proposed amendment shall be submitted to the Depositary
Governments which shall circulate it to all Parties to the Treaty. Thereupon,
if requested to do so by one-third or more of the Parties to the Treaty, the
Depositary Governments shall convene a conference, to which they shall
invite all the Parties to the Treaty, to consider such an amendment.
Article IX
1. This Treaty shall be open to all States for signature. Any State which does
not sign the Treaty before its entry into force in accordance with
paragraph 3 of this Article may accede to it at any time.
3. This Treaty shall enter into force after its ratification by the States, the
Governments of which are designated Depositaries of the Treaty, and
forty other States signatory to this Treaty and the deposit of their
instruments of ratification. For the purposes of this Treaty, a nuclear-weapon
State is one which has manufactured and exploded a nuclear weapon
or other nuclear explosive device prior to 1 January 1967.
Article X
2. Twenty-five years after the entry into force of the Treaty, a conference
shall be convened to decide whether the Treaty shall continue in
force indefinitely, or shall be extended for an additional fixed period or
periods. This decision shall be taken by a majority of the Parties to the
Treaty.1
Article XI
Note:
On 11 May 1995, in accordance with article X, paragraph 2, the Review and
Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons decided that the Treaty should continue in force
indefinitely (see decision 3).
A/RES/66/33 (2011)
A/RES/61/70 (2006)
A/RES/56/24 (2001)
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A/RES/66/33 (2011)
A/RES/61/70 (2006)
A/RES/56/24 (2001)
____________
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty (CTBT)
History of the Treaty
The Conference on Disarmament (CD) began its substantive negotiations on
a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty in January 1994 within the
framework of an Ad Hoc Committee established for that purpose. Although
the CD had long been involved with the issue of a test-ban, only in 1982 did it
establish a subsidiary body on the item. Disagreement over a mandate for that
body blocked tangible progress for years.
The following Article XIV states have not yet ratified the treaty:
After more than two years of intensive negotiations, the Chairman of the Ad
Hoc Committee, Ambassador Jaap Ramaker of the Netherlands, presented a
final draft treaty to the CD in June 1996. An overwhelming majority of Member
States of the CD expressed their readiness to support the draft treaty. India,
for its part, stated that it could not go along with a consensus on the draft
text and its transmittal to the United Nations General Assembly. The main
reasons for such a decision, as India pointed out, were related to its strong
misgivings about the provision for the entry-into-force of the treaty, which it
considered unprecedented in multilateral practice and running contrary to
customary international law, and the failure of the treaty to include a
commitment by the nuclear-weapon States to eliminate nuclear weapons
within a time-bound framework.
Latest Developments
Article XIV of the CTBT states that if the Treaty has not entered into force
three years after the date of the anniversary of its opening for signature, a
conference may be held upon the request of a majority of ratifying States.
Such a conference is held to examine to what extent the requirements for
entry into force have been met, and to decide on measures to accelerate the
ratification process. Previous Conferences on Facilitating the Entry into
Force of the Treaty were held in 1999, 2003 and 2007 in Vienna, and 2001,
2005 , 2009 , 2011.2013, 2015 and 2017 in New York.
The relationship agreement between the United Nations and the CTBTO was
adopted in 2000 by the General Assembly as A/RES/54/280.
A/RES/72/70 —2017
A/RES/71/86 —2016
A/RES/70/73 —2015
A/RES/69/81 —2014
A/RES/68/68 —2013
A/RES/67/76 —2012