PDF

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 21

University of San Carlos Publications

CASA ORDOVEZA OF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA: THE EVOLUTION OF A PROVINCIAL


ILUSTRADO FAMILY (1637-1990)
Author(s): Luciano P.R. Santiago
Source: Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 19, No. 1 (March 1991), pp. 11-30
Published by: University of San Carlos Publications
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/29792038
Accessed: 05-02-2020 07:33 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

University of San Carlos Publications is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society
19(1991)11-30

CASA ORDOVEZA OF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA:


THE EVOLUTION OF A PROVINCIAL ILUSTRADO
FAMILY (1637-1990)

Luciano P.R. Santiago

The "royal road" or camino real of old Majayjay passes by the south
gate of the majestic church of Pope St. Gregory the Great and links it
with the luminous chapel of Our Lady of Porteria, which beckons
pilgrims to the heart of the town. Two rows of venerable houses flank
this lordly street like wornout beads of an ancient rosary whose
bejeweled pendant is the cruciform church itself. The second house
behind the apse of the church is the Casa Ordoveza, the oldest un
remodeled, rather dilapidated, house in the town and most probably the
second oldest house in the Philippines. Only the former Jesuit residence
in Ceb?, which bears the year 1730 on one of its interior walls, is known
to be older.1
The Ordoveza house was "discovered" in 1983 by the research team
of the Intramuros Administration led by Mr. Martin Tinio, Jr., co-author
of Philippine Ancestral Houses (1810-1930). As indicated by the inscrip?
tions on the wall of its master bedroom, the residence was built in 1744
by Don Lorenzo Pangotangan, who was then the gobernadorcillo of
Majayjay. The family changed its surname to Ordoveza in 1849. The
almost 250 year old abode has been in their uninterrupted possession for
nine generations. (In contrast, the Jesuits lost their residence in Ceb?
in 1768 when they were banished from the colony by the Spanish king.
Since then, its ownership has changed hands several times.)2
The longevity of the Ordoveza house as well as its continuous pos?
session by the same family for two and a half centuries constitutes a rare
occurrence in the Philippines, a country which has suffered since time
immemorial from many a calamity both natural and man-made. Further,
although Malay languages including Tagalog provide genealogical terms
for only up to five generations, the Ordovezas can trace their lineage for
at least twelve generations. Thus, it seems both proper and interesting
to find out more about this unique clan and trace their origins and
evolution to modern times. Mr. Tinio will also publish his architectural

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
12 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

treatise on their house. Genealogical studies, especially those based on


original documents, are rare in Philippine historiography, and one may
hope that this article will stimulate more efforts along this line.

THE FIRST GENERATION: THE INDIO AS MERCHANT

In Tagalog, Pangotangan means "money-lender" and this suggests


how Don Lorenzo, the builder of the house, rose to prominence and
affluence. He was, in fact, the first with this patronymic to become the
town executive.3 Family tradition and records ir dicate that they had an
even earlier surname: Manzana (apple). In the old list of gobernador
cillos of Majayjay, there were three Manzanas who had served the town
before Don Lorenzo. They were most probably his forbears: Don
Francisco Manzana (1637), Don Gabriel de Manzana (1690) and Don
Diego Manzana (1719): the last named was almost certainly Don
Lorenzo's father.
The massive church of Majayjay had been completed a decade and a
half earlier than the Ordoveza residence, after 21 years (1709-30) of
forced labor and fines imposed on the hapless inhabitants. The
plebeians contributed their labor whereas most of the elite, called prin
cipales, donated funds, willingly or unwillingly, in lieu of working. Fur?
thermore, both groups were heavily fined for absences and
procrastination in their work assignments. On this basis, we may specu?
late that Don Lorenzo's money-lending activities flourished during the
long period of church building. However, it is more certain that he
obtained his wealth or capital from the acquisition, expansion and effi?
cient management of his rice and coconut lands and, probably, the
launching of a coconut wine-making venture (vino de coco) as well, for
which the family would later become famous.
The invaluable experience gathered from the church construction
must have helped considerably in the subsequent building of Don
Lorenzo's house from local materials by local hands. It is also possible
that some of his debtors - after resting for more than ten years from the
church project ~ offered to pay him back in kind with materials and labor
to build his elegant house.
Like those of the church, the house's bricks and tiles were probably
made in local kilns. Its stone and limestone were hewn in the adjoining
quarries; and its timbers were felled from the surrounding forest. The

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Inscriptions on the wall of the master bedroom listing the
first four owners of the house.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CASA ORDOVEZA OF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA 15

sap of an indigenous tree called puso-puso was added to the mortar, and
according to another family tradition, honey and egg were also mixed
with it for durability, with the expectation that the house would endure
not only for an era but for all time.
The keystone of the arch on the main entrance bears the family crest:
a heart inscribed with the letter X which represents TH in the ancient
Tagalog alphabet. The Pangotangans, it seems to proclaim, were
"money-lenders with a heart."
The interior of the house was designed to represent the owners'
efforts to harmonize their spiritual and temporal values as well as to
accommodate and celebrate the entire life cycle from the cradle to the
grave, from generation to generation. Like most old houses in the
Philippines, the second floor was constructed of sturdy wood over mas?
sive stone work in the first floor.
A spacious rectangular hall forms the middle part of the upper floor
and extends from the living room at the front to a dining area at the back.
On the right side of this sala is the master bedroom with an adjoining
chapel (oratorio) at the back, which opens to it with two side doors. On
the left side is another big room for the children with a silid or cuartito
at the back wherein to store their worldly possessions, thus forming a
counterpart to the chapel at the other side. The two big rooms have wide
folding doors (that of the children's room is even removable), which
open to the living room and allow the three sections to merge into one
on special occasions. Behind the cuartito on the left side is the staircase
which leads to the middle hall, and beyond the staircase is the concrete
kitchen-bathroom-azotea complex, which because of its defensive fea?
tures, looks like a stronghold. Indeed, in case of attack by tulisanes, a
secret hiding place was dug beneath a removable wooden plank of the
kitchen floor.
According to the surviving archives of the parish, Don Lorenzo
Pangutangan, at the time of the building of his house, was married to
Dona Clara Bonifacia, and they had a son named Francisco. A few years
after they had moved into their new house, Dona Clara died and thus she
was the first one to be laid out in state here, probably in the master
bedroom facing the oratorio.5
After observing the prescribed period of mourning, the middle-aged
widower paid court to a recently widowed lady of the town, Dona Juana
Pasquala, who was apparently young enough to be his daughter. She had

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
16 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

been married in 1748 to Don Luis Dami?n, who had died in the mean?
time.6

THE SECOND GENERATION: THE INDIO AS


SOLDIER AND LEADER

Don Lorenzo and Dona Juana tied the matrimonial knot at the parish
church on 21 January 1756. They begot a son Bernardo, who was the one
who eventually inherited the coveted house. Don Lorenzo apparently
died while Bernardo was still a child, probably before or during the
British Occupation (1762-64), which Majayjay gallantly resisted with
native troops.
Following this new military tradition of the town, Bernardo, when he
came of age, volunteered as a soldier in the Quarta Compania de Milicias.
He was still in the service when on 26 July 1786 he married Dona
Ambrosia de la Concepci?n, who also belonged to an old family of
Majayjay. Her father, Don Juan Hilario, and her grandfathers on both
sides had all served as gobernadorcillos in the past like Don Lorenzo
Pangutangan.8 (See accompanying family diagram.)
Not unexpectedly, Don Bernardo himself was elected to the same
office twice by the principalia of Majayjay in 1813 and 1820. He turned
out to be an assertive leader as evidenced by the fact that he did not
hesitate to denounce the abuses of his Spanish superiors such as the
alcalde mayor of Laguna Don Jose Pelaez (father of Padre Pedro Pel?ez,
leader of the secularization movement), whose case was brought to the
Royal Audiencia in 1814, and Fray Andres Villalobos, OFM, parish
priest of Majayjay, who was reported to the archbishop of Manila in 1818
for failure to remunerate the church chanters causing them to resign and
thus depriving the faithful of solemn music. His conspicuous signature
heads the list of plaintiffs in both cases.9

THE THIRD GENERATION: THE INDIO AS INDUSTRIALIST

Don Bernardo fathered at least three children, whose names seem


to reflect his and his wife's special devotion to the holy angels and
archangels: Bernarda de los Angeles (1788), Gabriel Jos6 (1792) and
Antonio Miguel (1793). 10 As in the previous generation, it was the
second son rather than the first who inherited the ancestral house and,

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Oil portrait of Don Antonio Miguel Pangotangan Ordoveza,
ca. 1865 probably by Vicente Villasenor of Lucb?n.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
20 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

it seems, the father's dynamic personality as well. The first son made use
of all his family names, old and new, and hence, his name is recorded as
Gabriel Jose Manzana Pangotangan Ordoveza. There is an extant
photograph taken by his great nephew, Juan Ordoveza, who signed and
dated it 24 March 1867, which was the patriarch's 75th birthday. On the
other hand, of Capitan Antonio, who became the mayor of Majayjay in
1829, there was an oil portrait probably done by the master of Lucb?n,
Vicente Villasenor or one of his pupils. This heirloom disappeared from
the ancestral house in the 1980s but fortunately, photographs of it remain
in the possession of descendants.11
It was Capitan Antonio who extended the family's fame to the whole
province of Laguna as well as the adjacent provinces. He expanded his
landholdings to the towns of Lumbang, Liliw, Luisiana, Magdalena and
Pagsanj?n to as far as the Island of Mulanay in Tayabas (now Quezon
Province). It is said that he bought so many large tracts and parcels of
land that after a while, he could not keep track of them himself and he
had to entrust their administration to an encargado. The latter took
advantage of his employer's trust by selling some of his (Capitan
Antonio's) choice lands several times over. When the master discovered
the ruse, the encargado was, of course, dismissed summarily from his job.
Furthermore, because he spent most of his funds in acquiring real estate,
when he died, only a few cents were found in his possession, which were
not even enough to buy a Franciscan robe which in those times were used
to dress the dead because attached to it were "indulgences applicable to
the souls in the purgatory."12
It was Capitan Antonio who brought the family's wine-making busi?
ness to its zenith by obtaining from the government monopoly the
coveted concession to extract, distill and sell coconut wine to the govern?
ment. A big distillery and several depositories were set up in Magdalena
to accommodate hundreds of vessels for storing wine including earthen
jars and damajuanas (demijohns). The latter were used to transport the
product on horseback to Pagsanj?n, the old capital. Imbued with a social
conscience, he apparently used this business venture not just to make
profit but also to offer employment to the poor in his province and by
doing so reduce banditry in the region. As a consequence, he was highly
respected by both natives and colonialists alike.13
There is a family tradition that on one occasion, when he and his
entourage were returning from Pagsanj?n at night after delivering a big

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CASA ORDOVEZA OF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA 21

supply of wine there, they were waylaid by a band of tulisanes, who


ordered them to dismount from their horses and yield their cash. When,
however, they recognized Capitan Antonio, who had always indis?
criminately lent them a helping hand when they were in want, they
offered him their profuse apologies. Enigmatically, the capitan
responded by inviting them to feast in his house the following day. For
this occasion, he ordered a sumptuous meal. But alas! After they had
eaten their fill, he commanded them to prostrate themselves one by one
and gave them each a dozen lashes.14 He was indeed a generous and
just man.

THE FOURTH GENERATION: THE INDIO AS LAWYER

Capitan Antonio married Dona Maria de la Paz de la Merced, who


was apparently not from Majayjay and about whom very little is known
because she died soon after giving birth to their two offspring: Ju?n
(1826) and Valentina (1828).
If Capitan Antonio had brought the family farther to the heights of
material success, Juan, his only son, brought into sharper focus the
family's intellectual endowment. While still a child, he was enrolled as
a paying student by his father at the Colegio de San Juan de Letr?n in
Intramuros under the direction of the Dominican fathers. He turned out
to be a bright student, who graduated at the University of Sto. Tomas,
the parent institution of Letr?n, as a Bachelor of Arts at the age of 17 in
1843. Not content with this achievement, he took up the law course in
his alma mater and graduated with an Ll.B. degree laudabiliter on 23
March 1847.15 He returned at once to his beloved Majayjay and was
respectfully called "Don Ju?n" by the townspeople, who were struck with
awe by his rare academic degrees. However, he did not practice his
profession, perhaps because he did not have to. He also corrected the
spelling of their surname to Pangutangan.
The most eligible bachelor of Majayjay lost no time in searching for
a suitable bride with the help of his father and relatives. He found her
not in his native place but in its friendly rival town of Lucb?n on the other
side of Mount Banahaw. She bore the same first names as his deceased
mother: Maria de la Paz de Villasenor y San Agustm and she belonged
to an equally illustrious clan of Chinese extraction. Her father, uncles
and grandfathers on both sides had presided as gobernadorcillos of

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
22 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

Lucb?n and Tayabas, her maternal town. In fact, her maternal


grandfather, Don Miguel de San Agustin, although an Indio, had risen
to the office of alcalde mayor of the province of Tayabas in 1795. Her
father, on the other hand, had two brothers who were secular priests in
the diocese of Nueva C?ceres - a sure sign in those times of a family's
prestige.16 (See family diagram.)
On 23 May 1848, Don Ju?n applied to the archbishop of Manila for
dispensation from the nuptial banns required by the Council of Trent so
that he could marry Maria de la Paz and attend to his "many respon?
sibilities as soon as possible." This was granted and they were married
four days later at the church of San Luis Obispo of Lucb?n.17 They made
their home at the ancestral house in Majayjay. Thus did Maria de la Paz
(1830-1898) - she was called Dona Bia, for short - infuse new vigor into
the blood of the Pangutangans. Through her, they became related to
other prominent Indio and Chinese and Spanish mestizo families of
Manila and the provinces. However, they continued to be called "Indio"
because the colonial classification of races was based solely on the direct
male line, which shows its absurdity.
Their first child and only son, also named Ju?n, was born on 12 June
1849. Later in the same year, the Governor-General Don Narciso
Claveria ordered the systematization of Filipino surnames. The absence
of permanent surnames had been wreaking havoc on administrative
records, especially with regards to taxation. The Pangutangans were not
actually bound by the decree because they were one of the few Filipino
families which had consistently carried the same surname for at least four
generations. Nevertheless, as a sign of his hispanization, Don Ju?n took
advantage of this opportunity to combine their Tagalog patronymic with
a Spanish surname of distinctive sound: "Ordoveza." It was on p.97 of
Governor Claveria's catalogue of surnames which accompanied the
decree.18 Henceforth, Capitan Antonio, Don Juan and most of their
relatives used the double surname "Pangutangan Ordoveza." The next
generation, however, dropped "Pangutangan." After the one son, three
daughters were born to the young couple: Brigida (1851-1912), Carmen
(1856-1876) and Teresa (1859-1934). Don Ju?n essentially carried on
his father's activities in real estate by acquiring lands of his own but frail
health prevented him from being as successful as his father. He had
apparently caught the "white plague" during his student days in the
stifling enclosure of Intramuros. Taking his turn as the gobernadorcillo

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Familia Ordoveza 1873. This is one of the earliest photographs
of a Filipino family.

Those in the picture are- 1. Valeriana Raymundo y Ordoveza


(?); 2. Ju?n Ordoveza y Villasenor; 3. Carmen Ordoveza y
Villasenor; 4. Brigida Ordoveza y Villasefior de Lanuza;
5. Maria Paz Villasefior vda. de Ordoveza; 6. Antonio Lanuza;
7. Teresa Ordoveza y Villasenor; 8. Trinidad Lanuza y Ordoveza;
9. Carlos Lanuza y Ordoveza; 10. Asunci?n Lanuza y Ordoveza.
In the middle front row is "Puti" (Whitey), the family dog.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CASA ORDOVEZAOF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA 25

of Majayjay in 1861, he died in the middle of his term on 7 June of the


same year. 9 His hardy father survived him by eleven years and con?
tinued in his old age to preside capably over his growing clan.

THE FIFTH GENERATION: A SAINTLY INDIA AND A


CREATIVE INDIO

We should first mention the eldest daughter Brigida, for she repre?
sents the spiritual flowering of this mercantile family, whose religious
core is symbolized by the oratorio of their ancestral house. It was she and
not her brother, Juan, Jr. who assisted their grandfather in his waning
years in the administration of their family holdings. However, there was
one area in her life where she did not see eye to eye with her beloved
grandfather. When the latter insisted on her marrying a wealthy man he
had chosen for her, as was the custom in those days, she firmly refused
to obey him because she obviously did not care for the man. Instead, she
married at the age of nineteen a criollo gentleman of modest means from
Manila, Don Antonio Lanuza.20 Capitan Antonio died the following year
of old age, and Brigida continued to administer his estate until her
brother and sisters could take over their respective inheritance. As
expected, Juan, Jr. got the ancestral house but he and his sisters soon
transferred their residence to Sta. Cruz, the fashionable new capital of
Laguna.
Brigida became known as "the pillar of the Church" in Sta. Cruz
because of her indefatigable work in its behalf. She became the main
financier of its charitable projects. After the Revolution and the Philip?
pine-American War, it was she who rebuilt the ruined church with her
own funds and obtained the services of a priest for the parish with the
archbishop's permission. To clip the wings of Aglipayanism in the
capital, she built a big school house in the patio for the Catholic youth
and invited the sisters of the Beaterio de la Compania to direct it. An
avid reader of Catholic books, she engaged prominent Aglipayans (many
of whom were her relatives and friends) in religious debates either
privately or in public. Thus, the townspeople began to call her beata or
"holy woman." It was, therefore, probably not surprising for them that
for many years after her death in 1912, her body remained astonishingly
intact. This was the subject of an article entitled "Un Trodigio
SobrenaturaP?" published at the old Philippines Free Press in September

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
26 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

1922. It was only after the Second World War that the relics were broken
up by a flood which immersed the floor of Sta. Cruz Church, beneath
which she had been re-buried in 1917.21 We now turn to Juan Ordoveza,
Jr. (1849-1919), inheritor and last regular occupant of the ancestral
house in Majayjay. Apparently because of the unhappy academic youth
his father had spent within the confines of the convent school of Letran,
he was allowed by his grandfather to study instead in the parish school
of Majayjay and later, under private tutors. Under these more normal
circumstances, he grew up to be a creative fellow but a reluctant ad?
ministrator unlike his sister Brfgida. Since the family owned a piano,
which was then a rarity in the provinces, he became primarily a maestro
y afinadordepiano. Although he himself could not paint, he also became
interested in paintings, especially portraits, probably because of his
familiarity with the works of Vicente Villasenor, the master of Lucb?n,
who was a first cousin of his mother. Furthermore, with the introduction
of photography in the colony in the 1860s, he acquired what must have
been one of the first cameras in the Islands. As a result of this hobby of
his, the Ordovezas own some of the oldest dated photographs in the
Philippines, including that of the family group in 1873. Moreover,
because of the intricacies of his family relationships, especially on his
mother's side, which spanned a prolific mixture of three races - Malay,
Chinese and Spanish ~ he became absorbed in genealogy. In pursuit of
the latter, he frequented his maternal town of Lucb?n to gather
genealogical data from family documents, church books and interviews
with relatives. This was how he eventually found his future bride in the
person of his cousin, Maria Isabel Nepomuceno, who, because of her
exquisite beauty, was called La Perla de Lucb?n. Her mother, Dona Ana
Maria Herrera, was a Spanish mestiza whereas her father Don Pedro
Nepomuceno Villasenor was a22Chinese mestizo and the first cousin of
Dona Bia (Juan's mother). Isabel was also the bosom friend an
classmate of Carmen Ordoveza at the Colegio de la Concordia in Manil
(see family chart). Like his sisters, Ju?n and Isabel established their main
residence in Sta. Cruz, Laguna after they were married in 1875. Hence?
forth, the ancestral house in Majayjay became simply a country house o
the family.
Unlike his ancestors, Ju?n, Jr. shunned local politics although he was
prevailed upon at least to serve as a cabeza de barangay. On the other
hand, he gave financial support to the Philippine Revolution against

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CASA ORDOVEZAOF MAJAYJAY, LAGUNA 27

Spain, for which he was imprisoned for six months in the town jail in 1896
after the discovery of the Katipunan. His brother-in-law and col?
laborator, Vicente Reyes, being a more aggressive activist, was exiled to
Jolo. During the more vicious Philippine-American War, he fled with
his family to the nearby hills, where he spent his time designing and
drawing his genealogical chart.23
He bequeathed his ancestral house to his only surviving son, Don
Domingo Ordoveza (1876-1935) who, like his grandfather, graduated
with a Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of Santo Tom?s. The
young lawyer also had the good fortune of inheriting the estate of his
childless aunt, Dona Valeriana Raymundo, only child of Dona Valentina
Ordoveza, Capitan Antonio's daughter.
Don Domingo married Dona Carmen Carmelo (daughter of Don
Eulalio Carmelo y Lacandola, co-founder of Carmelo and Bauermann)
after which the couple moved to Manila. Dabbling in provincial politics
for a while, he was the only one who dared to challenge Don Juan Cailles,
the seasoned politician of Laguna, in the latter's re-election bid for the
governorship in 1910. He won the election but his victory was shortlived
for Cailles successfully filed an electoral protest against him. Extremely
disappointed, he thereafter limited his political activities to supporting
prominent national leaders like Quezon and Laurel, who were his close
friends 24
The ancestral house in Majayjay passed on to his elder son, Dr.
Fernando Ordoveza (1908-1990), a veterinarian and agriculturist, who
died only recently (August 23,1990). During his lifetime, Dr. Ordoveza
firmly resisted any move or suggestion to modernize or demolish the
venerable residence. He was succeeded in its ownership by his eldest
son, Juanito Ordoveza, an agriculturist-businessman, who is also deter?
mined to preserve and in time restore the house to its original elegance.
He is assisted in the management of the estate by his eldest son, Juan
Ordoveza IV.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
CASA ORDOVEZA OF MAJAYJAY^ LAGUNA 29

ENDNOTES

xRtn6 B. Javellana, S J. The Jesuit House of 1730." Phil. Studies 35 (1987):210-21.

2Ibid.: Martin I. Tinio, Jr. "An 18th Century House in Majayjay, Laguna." MS. Paper
presented at The First Phil. Art History Conference, May 7-11,1985. Casa Manila in
Intramuros de Manila.

Ju?n Palaz?n. Majayjay: How a Town Came into Being. (Historical Conservation
Society, Manila: 1964), p.206.

4Ibid.,pp. 12-14.

5Carlosa Ele?zar-Unson. Kasaysayan ngAngkan ng Ordoveza.


(Ordoveza Clan, Manila: 1960), p.3; Luciano P.R. Santiago. Genealogy of the
Ordoveza Clan. MS. 1962, p.4.

6Archives of the Parish of Majayjay (APM). Libros Can?nicos de Matrimonios


(LCM) Tomo I (1748-65) and Tomo II (1767-89).

Ibid., Palaz?n. Majayjay, pp.17-18.

8Ibid., pp.206-7; APM. LCM. Tomo II.

9Palaz6n. Majayjay p.207; The National Archives. (TNA) "Ano de 1814. Queja de
los principales de Majayjay y Sta. Cruz, Provincia de la Laguna contra su ale. mayor que
fue de dicha provincia D. Jos6 Pel?ez por varios excesos y vejaciones." Erecci?n de los
Pueblos de la Provincia de la Laguna. Legajo 41 nos. 14-25; Archives of the Archdiocese
of Manila (AAM) "Ano de 1818. Reclamaci?n de los principales del pueblo de Majayjay,
Provincia de la Laguna de Bay sobre falta de cantores en las funciones claslcas." Asuntos
de Varios Conceptos (1811-18)E.

10APM. Libros Can?nicos de Bautismos. Tomo I (1779-89); Santiago. Genealogy,


p.4.

nOrdoveza Family Album; Palaz?n. Majayjay, p.208.

Ele?zar-Unson. Kasaysayan, pp.2-3; Santiago Genealogy, pp.5-7.

^Ibid.
14Ibid.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
30 PHILIPPINE QUARTERLY OF CULTURE & SOCIETY

UST Alumni Association. Graduate Listing (1611-1971), pp. 5c-6c; Archives of


the University of Sto. Tomas. Diligencias de Grados (1843 & 1847).

16Ju?n Ordoveza y Villasenor. Arbol Geneal?gico de Consanguinidad del Clan de


Villasenor. MS. 1899; TNA. "Testamentaria de Dona Potenciana de San Agustm (1861
73). "Bienes de Difuntos," legajo no. 81; Bureau of Public Libraries. Historical Data on
the Province, Towns and Barrios of Quezon, Vol. I, MS. 1951; Pantale?n Nantes.
Kasaysayan at Tala ngBayan ngLukbdn, Quezon (Benipayo Press: Manila, 1952).
17 ...
AAM. "An
el notario
Libros Can

Don Narc
by the Na

19Palaz6n
p.ll; APM.

Ele?zar-U

21Ibid., p
Sobrenatu
Sept. 1922.

Ordoveza Family Album; Ele?zar-Unson. Kasaysayan, pp. 7-8; Santiago. Geneal?


ogy, pp. 18-21.

23Ibid.

Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr. Laguna in American Times. (Manila: Historical Conservation


Society, 1981), pp. 120-121.

This content downloaded from 122.3.252.178 on Wed, 05 Feb 2020 07:33:15 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like