Child and Adolescent
Child and Adolescent
Child and Adolescent
Defining Self-Concept
Self-concept is generally thought of as our individual perceptions of our behavior, abilities, and
unique characteristics. It is essentially a mental picture of who you are as a person. For example,
beliefs such as "I am a good friend" or "I am a kind person" are part of an overall self-concept.
Self-concept tends to be more malleable when people are younger and still going through the
process of self-discovery and identity formation. As people age, self-perceptions become much
more detailed and organized as people form a better idea of who they are and what is important
to them.
Part of what is developing in children as they grow is the fundamental cognitive part of the self,
known as the self-concept. The self-concept is a knowledge representation that contains
knowledge about us, including our beliefs about our personality traits, physical characteristics,
abilities, values, goals, and roles, as well as the knowledge that we exist as individuals.
Throughout childhood and adolescence, the self-concept becomes more abstract and complex
and is organized into a variety of different cognitive aspects of the self, known as self-schemas.
Children have self-schemas about their progress in school, their appearance, their skills at
sports and other activities, and many other aspects. In turn, these self-schemas direct and
inform their processing of self-relevant information (Harter, 1999), much as we saw schemas in
general affecting our social cognition.
These self-schemas can be studied using the methods that we would use to study any other
schema. One approach is to use neuroimaging to directly study the self in the brain. As you can
see in Figure 3.3, neuroimaging studies have shown that information about the self is stored in
the prefrontal cortex, the same place that other information about people is stored (Barrios et
al., 2008).
Sociability Self-Concept
Global self-concept refers to the overall extent to which one values oneself; however, individuals may
also hold more differentiated beliefs in specific domains of functioning (Harter, 1996). For example, a
student’s self-evaluation in the academic domain may differ from a self-evaluation in the social domain.
Whereas global conceptions of self remain fairly stable (Shavelson & Bolus, 1982), domain-specific
conceptions can be influenced by contextual experiences and by significant others. Prior research has
noted young adolescents’ selfconcepts in the areas of social skills are particularly fluid and receptive to
both positive and negative influences (Rice & Dolgin, 2005). Indeed, young adolescents are particularly
vulnerable to changes in self-concept (Baldwin & Hoffmann, 2002); thus, sociability self-concept is an
important construct that should be addressed. In general, sociability is a preference for being in the
company of others versus being alone (Cheek & Buss, 1981) and is based on the extent to which a
student prefers to have many social relationships (Mounts, Valentine, Anderson, & Boswell, 2009). Even
within the context of adolescence, when peer relations become increasingly important, sociability self-
concept appears to vary across individuals (Bokhorst, Sumter, & Westenberg, 2010). In this study,
sociability self-concept refers to a student’s social predisposition. Thus, a student low in sociability self-
concept would prefer more social distance, while a student high in sociability selfconcept would tend to
seek and encourage many close social interactions.
The Core of Social Learning and Emotional Wellbeing
Key aspects of sociability are derived from skills that help children understand
and express feelings and behaviors in ways that facilitate positive
relationships. These aspects include self-regulation, active
listening, cooperation, and effective communication. While we know that some
children are more naturally extroverted or introverted than others, all children
can learn to work together to build the social-emotional learning skills
necessary for human thriving.
We don’t have to look far for research that shows the benefits of sociability
and its related social-emotional learning skills. These skills are developed in
children through relational experiences both inside and outside of the
classroom. In modern times, these “softer” skills have been most recognized
and valued by social scientists whose research has linked them to positive
development and wellbeing. But recently, even economists have taken note.
In a paper published by Columbia University in 2015, The Economic Value of
Social-Emotional Learning (PDF), evidence suggests that classroom efforts to
improve sociability are well worth the costs. In an analysis of six different
school-based SEL programs, all were found to have measurable benefits,
such as reduced aggression and improved impulse control, from between three
to thirteen times their costs to schools.
Sociability is increased when students learn to cooperate with each other. The
problem in many schools and classrooms is that cooperation is undervalued.
Instead, many kids feel a need to compete for power, status, or achievement.
Instead of thinking about how to create order in classrooms, it is more
important to think about how to create a collaborative learning community.
This means we need to shift from more traditional leadership approaches that
force cooperation through rules and compliance to ways we can give kids a
voice in creating their own shared social norms.
When students are actively engaged in setting social norms, research shows
that cooperative behavior and learning increases. As a result of their
involvement, students come to own the belief that cooperation is the right way
to behave. It is also an experiential lesson in democracy and social
responsibility.
Prosocial conduct becomes more and more common from the early elementary school
years onward.
Socialization of empathy
Cultural influences
Parents who had warm, affectionate parents who were highly concerned with the
welfare of others
Promoting Altruism
Children who are assigned responsibilities, such as caring for younger siblings, tend to be more altruistic.
Children who are encouraged to play cooperative games with group goals may become more
cooperative, and also more likely to engage in other altruistic behaviors such as sharing.
Parents who use "altruistic exhortations" and who "practice what they preach" tend to produce
altruistic children.
Persuading a child to think of himself or herself as generous, helpful, kind, nice, and so on, can increase
altruism.
Empathy training can increase altruism and altruistic behaviors even for very young children. Empathy
training involves encouraging the child to role take and to experience the other person's distress.
What Is Morality?
A set of principles or ideals that help the individual to distinguish right from wrong, to act
on this distinction, and to feel pride for virtuous conduct and guilt for conduct that violates
his or her standards
Affective component
Cognitive component
Behavioral component
Social Learning and Morality
Prosocial behaviours are voluntary acts intended to benefit others.1 Prosocial acts
emerge early in life, soon after babies learn to crawl,2 and increase in complexity
across the lifespan, with the emergence of paradoxically prosocial acts such as
prosocial lying in middle childhood, and acts of long-term commitment in
adolescence and adulthood.
The appearance of prosocial behaviour in infancy has led to recent claims that
babies are born with a predisposition for morality and altruism.3,4 A lifespan
perspective on prosocial development both enriches and challenges this view.
Throughout life, prosocial behaviour serves many functions, from simple
enjoyment, to relationship building, to reputation enhancement, to explicitly moral
aspirations.5