Delphi Ka
Delphi Ka
Delphi Ka
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DELPHIKA.-(A) THE ERINYES. (B) THE OMPHALOS.
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206 JANE E. HARRISON.
In the matter of the stratification of cults, jects called Mycenean ?' (J. Hf.S. xvi. 76), has
and especially of the racial affinity of Zeus, been further developed in his professorial lec-
Apollo and Artemis, I owe much mythological tures at Cambridge, which I have had the
light to the views, published and unpublished, privilege of attending, and will, it is hoped,
of Prof. Ridgeway. His position, sketched out shortly be stated il full in his forthcoming
in the article ' What people produced the ob- work on prehistoric Greece.
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DELPHIKA. 207
eine Spur davon durch, dass die Erinys eines Ermordeten nichts anderes war
als seine eigene ziirnende, sich selbst ihre Rache holende Seele, die erst in
spaterer Umbildung zu einem den Zorn der Seele vertretenden Hollengeist
geworden ist.' This view Dr. Rohde himself confirms and amplifies in his
'Paralipomena' (Rhein. Mus. 1895, p. 22), Dieterich (Nekuia, p. 55) confirms it,
and Otto Crusius (Roscher, Lex. ii. 1163) in his article 'Keren' says 'Die
K ?9pen 'Eptvve sind die ztirnenden Seelen.' In fact, no serious mythologist1
now controverts this position.
This fundamental truth, that the Erinyes are angry souls, would
doubtless have been recognised long ago but for a certain topsy-turvydom of
method which has, until quite recent years, infected all mythological research.
'In the Homeric poems we find ourselves at the starting-point of all that
has given Greece her place in the world, of Greek history, of Greek art, of
Greek philosophy, theology and myth.' The statement, true of the
one item omitted-literature, is profoundly false of all the rest; the spade
has revealed to us strata underlying the civilization out of which the Homeric
poems sprang. For theology and myth, our only concern here, Homer
represents a complex adjustment and achievement, an almost mechanical
accomplishment, with scarcely a hint of origines. But in England, where
scholarship is mainly literary, the doctrine that Homer is the beginning of the
Greek world is likely to die hard. Its death may possibly be eased and
hastened by the story of the Erinyes.
With respect, then, to the first three clauses ot my argument, I may
refer to the articles by Rohde and Crusius; they have collected ample and
more than ample evidence to prove that the functions and ritual of the dead
and of the beings variously called Potniae, Semnae, Eumenides, Erinyes,
Praxidikae, Maniae, &c., were originally and fundamentally identical. One or
two points, however, in connection with this require to be further elucidated
or emphasised.
First, as regards the number of the Erinyes. In Homer they appear
usually in the plural-e.g. Od. xi. 280, ,irVrpop 'Eptv'es. If we keep to the
idea of ghosts, we must translate the 'angry ghosts of a mother.' Each
mother had of course originally only one ghost, but in Homer's late con-
ception the individual ghosts, each one of which only avenged himself, have
been abstracted into a sort of body corporate of avengers, all of whom
pursued each offender. The final step of the abstraction is to make of the
Erinys a sort of personified conscience, but all this is remote from the
manner of primitive thought. It is interesting to see that the tragedians,
who are often far more local and primitive than Homer, frequently employ
the singular and realise that each dead man has his own separate Erinys.
1 I cannot include in this category the author wolke.' They are /ueAawvaL and they carry
of the article 'Erinys' in Roscher's Lexicon. things away, therefore they are 'das Bild
According to him the attributes and functions der ungestiim dabeifahrenden dunklen Wetter-
of the Erinys are to be derived from the 'in wolke'-by parity of reasoning they might be
Blitz und Donner sich entladelnde Gewitter- black cats.
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208 JANE E. HARRISON.
Here the Erinys is surely in apposition to the Ol8ov ou erida, the e'SwoXov of
the dead man. The passage is an instructive contaminatio of two radically
different conceptions, the Homeric phantom shadow idea and the powerful
local ancestral ghost. The notion of the single Erinys also lurks in the
Eutamenides of Aeschylus. Aeschylus, of course, has a chorus of Eumenides, the
Oav,taao-roq Xo6Xo, and he doubtless conceived of them as indefinitely and
Homerically plural, but they are roused from their sleep by Clytemnestra, the
one real Erinys.
Another point remains to be emphasised. It is easy enough even to the
modern mind to realise that the Erinys was primarily the angry ghost, and
a ghost is never so angry as when he has been murdered. The counterface of
the picture is less obvious, i.e. the idea that the ghost of the dead man when
content is a power that makes for fertility, the chief good to primitive man.
The farmer of ancient days had to reckon with his dead ancestors, and was
scrupulous to obey the precept de morttuis nil nisi bene. Hippocrates (7rept
evv7rvlewv ii. p. 14) tells us that if anyone saw the dead in a dream dressed in
white, and giving something, it was a good omen, a7ro 7yap TVv c'ro6avovrwv
at Tpoa tfca avo'a-eet Kac a7-repluara 7yvovrat. It is this, the good, white
side of the ghosts that was suppressed in the Homeric Erinys, but which re-
emerged at once when they, the Erinyes of Aeschylus, were allowed to become
their real selves, i.e. the Sennae, potent alike for fertility and sterility. To
the priestess in the Eumenides they appear ueXatvaL 8' es To 7rav 38eXv/c-
Tpo7rot, but Athene knows better; she knows that they are practically
Moirae, with control over all human weal and woe.
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DELPHIKA. 209
these goddesses were going to drive Orestes out of his senses they appeared
to him black, but when he had bitten off his finger they appeared again to
him as white, and he became sane at the sight, and thus Trat /JlV Ev?ytlEV
aTroTpe7rwv To pjvt,La aVT7OV, ras &e eOva'e Ta? XevKalS.' We have no
convenient word to render the difference between 6ev7ytrev and Evo-e but the
distinction is important; evatylw is said of the ritual of dead heroes, and
of chthonic divinities, the sacrifice is offered on or poured into the ground,
it goes down-0vo6 strictly is confined to the ritual of the Olympian gods, the
sacrifice is burnt, it goes up. Here the old ghosts have divided off into
Maniae (i.e. obviously Erinyes-Furies) and Eumenides, and the Eumenides
side has got Olympianised. This is made the clearer by the last and most
remarkable statement of Pausanias, 'Along with these (i.e. ra? Xevca?l) it is
customary to sacrifice (Ovetv) to the Charites,' i.e. practically the white side of
the ghosts; the Eumenides are the same as the Charites, the givers of all
increase. To examine in detail the cult of the Charites would take us too
far; it may at first be somethingofa shock to find that the Charites are practically
only the white beneficent side of the Erinyes, but this passes when we remember
that at Orchomenos, the most ancient seat of their worship, where their
images were mere crude stones, they were worshipped at night, and like all
chthonic divinities with the offering of the honey cake. They were also a
sort of Moirae; the lucky throw at dice was called XaptTe9.
The connection of the Moirae with the ghost Erinyes we have already
noted. Here again cultus came in to strengthen the argument by analogy of
ritual between the Moirae, Semnae and Eumenides. Pausanias mentions
at Titane (ii. 11 4), 'a grove of evergreen oaks and a temple of the
goddesses whom the Athenians call venerable (Semnae) and the Sicyonians
name Eumenides (kindly). On one day every year they celebrate a festival
in their honour at which they sacrifice a sheep with young, and pour libations
of honey mixed with water and use flowers instead of wreaths.' The sheep
with young clearly points to the goddesses of fertility and the absence of
wreaths is curiously paralleled in the cult of the Charites at Paros. Apollo-
dorus p. 3, 15, 7, after telling the story of Minos and Androgeos, says oSev E'T
Kcat 8epo X%opas avX&v /cal a-Tebdfvwv v Hdpw, vova-t rats XCdptL-. At
Titane Pausanias goes on to tell us they perform the like ceremonies (eotKoTra
p&W-tv) at the altar of the Fates-it stands in the grove under the open sky.
In this important passage we have the Semnae identified with the Eumenides
and their ritual with that of the Moirae. This identity of ritual is paralleled
by identity of function. When Prometheus is asked who guides the rudder
of Fate he answers (Aesch. Prom. 515).
Molpat rplpopfpo uJvrjLove' ' 'EpLve9.
Nay more in the Eumenides they are the 7raXatcyeveF MoZpat (Eumn. 172).
Just in the same way the K'peS, the souls, are fates, and as such essentially
SLXOadta L as in Hes. Theog. 217.
cal Moipac /cai Kipas e'yev'ETo vrlXeoTrov'ov,
KXkoOd re Aaxeo-'v re Kaa "Arpowrov, aiTe /3poTolo-i
7etvofevotoa- 3S8ova-tv eXetv ayaSOv sTe taKaKO re'
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210 JANE E. HARRISON.
It is generally held that the white maidens are Artemis and Athene,
but this view only rests on the opinion of Diodorus (xxii. 9. 5). Surely it is
far more probable that in a moment of extreme peril there should be a
resurgence of the ancient deities of the place, deities half forgotten perhaps
by the educated supreme always in the hearts of the vulgar. At Delphi
there was no need and anyhow it was safer not to name the avovv/o O ea'.
Badness and blackness are synonymous. To-day we talk of a black story,
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DELPHIKA 211
and the black man of the chimney still survives. Callimachos in his charming
fashion tells us how Olympian mothers, when one of the baby goddesses was
naughty, would call for a Cyclops to come, and Hermes blacked himself with
coal and played the hobgoblin.
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212 JANE E. HARRISON.
still said ,urpps, when the rest of Greece said 7raTrpi (i7 e rra
eb Kprre KecaXovart. Plut. an seni sit ger. resp. xvii.). It i
the Danaides appeal in their supreme peril. This poin
laboured, but it is worth noting that the sex of the earth an
connected with the earth, like the Eumenides, must have been
if it did not originate in, the connection between women an
primitive days. Mr. Payne in his History of the New World (vo
observes that formerly women were the only industrial c
engaged in hunting, fishing, fighting. "Agriculture," he says
based on the servitude of women. Primitive man refuses to interfere in
agriculture; he thinks it magically dependent for success on woman and
connected with child-bearing. 'When the women plant maize,' said the
Indian to Gumilla, 'the stalk produces two or three ears. Why? Because
women know how to produce children. They only know how to plant the corn
so as to ensure its germinating. Then let them plant it; they know more
than we know '." Thus it is easy to see how the Eumenides-Erinyes, spirits of
fertility or sterility, came to be regarded as daughters of mother earth,
whereas it is hard to conceive of any state of society so matriarchalised as to
make its avengers of blood of the female sex. Aeschylus, who is anxious not
to allow the fertility aspect of the Eumenides to appear prematurely, makes
them, when formally questioned by Athene, say they are daughters of Night,
but Hesiod (Theog. 184) long before made them daughters of Earth.
Sophocles compromises; with him they are ri 're xcai :ic6Tov Kopat.
(Oed. Col. 40.)
I have noted already the dualism of black and white, curse and blessing;
it is curious to see how this other anthropomorphic dualism of mother and
daughter fits in with it. When it comes to dividing up functions between
mother and daughter, the daughter gets the stern side, the maiden is
naturally a little farouche. This Aeschylus turns to admirable polemical
account in his carai7rrva7-roT /cpat.
At this point the full significance of C. O. MUller's statement becomes
apparent, i.e. that the Erinyes were neither more nor less than a particular
form of the great goddesses who rule the earth and the lower world, i.e.
Demeter and Kore. This statement inverted would be, to my mind, a just
presentment of the order of development. Demeter and Kore, mother and maid,
are perfectly anthropomorphised, idealised forms of those vague apparitions,
the earth and the spirits of the earth. In this connection it must never be
forgotten that Demeter herself is also Erinys, also Melaina, the earth
goddess, as well as the earth spirits has the black as well as white aspect,
though in later days the dark side of the functions went over to Kore. I do not
dwell on the cult of Demeter Erinys, for its importance has been abundantly
emphasised by all writers from C. O. Miiller downwards. And not only were
the Erinyes forms of Demeter, but the dead, Plutarch says, were in old days
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DELPHIKA. 213
Of course it is possible to say that she uses the term 8pdacatva' poetically'
for a monster, but the fact remains that she calls the chorus a dragoness, when
she might quite naturally have called them hounds, as indeed in the next lines
she frankly proceeds to do. It would really have been more 'poetical' to
preserve the metaphor intact. The passage does not stand alone. To Euripides
also a Fury is a Spdacatva.
Here it may perhaps be urged that the conception is borrowed from Aeschylus,
but the stage Furies of Aeschylus were certainly not Spdacatvat and also the
AtSov pdafcatva confuses the effect of the eLval e'4xval that follow. In the
Orestes also (v. 256) the Furies are SpaKcovrcTSeLt Iopat and it is surely putting
a strain on language to say this means they have snakes in their hands
or hair. But the crowning literary illustration on this point is Clytemnestra's
dream in the Choephoroi. Clytemnestra dreams that she gives birth to and
suckles a snake. Dr. Verrall has pointed out (v. 39-41 and 925-927) that
the snake was the regular symbol of things subterranean and especially of the
grave, and he conjectures that the snake was presented to the minds of the
audience by the 'visible grave of Agamemnon, which would presumably be
marked as a tomb in the usual way.' This is most true and absolutely
essential to the understanding of the play, in fact its keynote, but the snake
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214 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA. 215
ejus custodire draco traditur; or he is merely the earth daemon: nullus locus
sine genio est qui per anguem plerumque ostenditur (Serv. ad. Verg. Aen.
v. 85). The snake is rPI ra-t, native child of the earth as opposed to the
horse, the enemy and stranger; so was the portent explained that appeared to
Croesus (Herod i. 78). Of these conceptions the genius loci is most familiar
to us, appearing constantly as it does in Latin poets, but the idea of the
serpent as the vehicle of the hero is thoroughly Greek, and belongs to the
stratum of ol rraXatoi obscured to us by Homer--o 7raXalot tiXto-ra 7rwv
c rov 701 spacKOv7a T70O iypWo o-LvvwlKEtwerav (Plut. Cleom. 39). When the
people saw the great snake winding round the impaled body of Cleomenes
they knew that he was a hero. Again, the scholiast on the Plututs of Aristo-
phanes (v. 733) says KOLtvw pfev cKal Tros? a'XoLt9 7pwoLt 8paKovves TrapETlOevTo
e,atp&eor 8e ;,W 'AacX/v7r,tW. Perhaps, most instructive of all is the expres-
sion Photius records, the 'speckled hero' (Photius, Lex. s.v.) 'rpwo rrotKiXo0
-StaT TOT1O 70; oet 7rot clK\OVI o VTa jpwa X a\elo-at.
As in the case of the ghost-Erinyes, so here we are not without savage
analogies. At Blantyre, in East Central Africa, 'a spirit often appears as a
serpent. When a man kills a serpent thus belonging to a spirit he goes and
makes an apology to the offended god, saying " please, I did not know it was
your serpent."' Here the serpent is perhaps rather the familiar of the god,
but if a dead man wants to frighten his wife he is apt to present himself in
the form of a serpent. Ghost and god are not far asunder (Africana, Duff-
MacDonald, 1882, Vol. I. p. 63). Again (p. 161), it is noted of the Gallas, an
African tribe, that they have no idols, but revere sacred objects and animals,
serpents especially being sacred. One variety of snake they regard as having
been the mother of the human family.
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216 JANE E. HARRISON.
1 I venture to differ from Dr. B6hlau on one agricultural purposes. On a vase published by
small but important detail. The object carried Salzmann (Necropole, P1. 54, Figs 2 and 3) a
on the right arm of one of the snake.nymphs sower who follows a team of oxen ploughing
is, I believe, not a shield but a basket of the holds on his arm a basket precisely similar. It
shape ordinarily in use among the Greeks for evidently holds the seed he is scattering.
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DELPHTTKA. 217
trasted. On the one side we have the destroyers of the vine, the goats, on
the other its nurturers, snake-bodied nymphs, veritable Eumenides. The
vase is specially important because our modern minds, haunted by the
tradition of the malevolent 'old serpent,' have some difficulty in realizing the
snake as the good genius. These kindly grape-gathering, flute-playing,
snake-nymphs give us a picture of peace and plenty and beneficence not easily
forgotten, they are veritable snake-Charites, a cup might fitly be reserved for
them at the banquet; they are Spa1covTroTSeq Icopat meet to be daughters of
Ophion and Eurynome, the fish-tailed goddess whose sanctuary in Phigaleia
was aytov ecK 'raXato' 1 (Paus. viii. 41. 6, Hes. Theog. 908).
Own daughters to the 8pafcovrT&SeLt copal of the vase are the kindly
Eumenides of the well-known Argos relief (Mritth. d. Inst. Ath. iv. 176, Roscher,
Lex. 1330). In the one hand they hold flowers, in the other snakes-there is
'nothing terrible' in their aspect; they are gracious to the man and woman
who approach as suppliants-the snake is not the weapon of terror but
merely the symbol, as the flowers are, of the fertility of the earth. It was only
when the meaning of the snake was obscured that it became a terror.
The Argos Eumenides relief belongs to the well-known type or the
trinity of female goddesses which have long presented a somewhat confused
problem to archaeologists. Familiar examples of this type are the Thasos
relief where on one side are Apollo and three Nymphs, on the other Hermes
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218 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA 219
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220 JANE E. HARRISON.
In late vases which depict the scene of Orestes and the Eri
krater of the Louvre (Baumeister, Denkmdler, ii. Fig. 1314) t
Erinyes and that of Artemis
identical, save that Artemis
carries her bow and quiver
and two lances. This vase,
it may be noted, is interesting
also from the fact that one of
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DELPHTK A. 221
The two snakes who slew the sons of Laocoon were assuredly the
Erinyes sent forth by Athene-not originally by Apollo. When they had
done their work they disappeared below the earth, a/'u co ca'-rcTOrloav V7ro
XO6va (Q. Smyrn. 12, 480). They were important snakes with special names
1 Since I wrote the above an interesting re- scribed ra rIavrapeTa Karvevs IeLeovrELos. It is
presentation of the Earth Mother has come to now in the museum at Constantinople. Joubin,
light at Zarkos (Thessaly). It is a female bust Rev. Arch. xxxiv. 329, P1. XII.
with long heavy hair, and the pedestal is in-
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222 JANE E. HARRISON.
l For classical references on the snake in the mysteries, v. Dieterich, Abraxas, pp. 114 and 149.
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DELPHIKA. 223
where the portion for earth, and the mantic intent are germane to the cultus
at Delphi.
It is important for our purpose to note that the myth of the slaying of
the snake, which we are accustomed to think of as exclusively Delphic, was
wide-spread in Greece. Wherever Apollo in the Achaean religion pre-
vailed, there the serpent becomes a monster to be slain; the name varies, but
the substance is the same. At Thebes we have Kadmos slaying the dragon
who guards the well; at Nemea, we have the guardian snake slain by the
Seven. On the other hand, in places where Achaean influence never pre-
dominated, e.g. in Pelasgian Athens, the snake remains the tutelary divinity
of the place. The Thebes and Haliartos legend is especially instructive
because it brings the snake and the Erinys again into such close connection.
1 Mr. Frazer points out (ad loc.) that the the Stepterion was a festival of purification and
MSS. of Plutarch have uniformly the reading expiation and as such connected with the
Stepterion, and that the form Septerion adopted enigmatic ariprln and a-eC^v in A:esch. Choeph.
by Mommsen and others occurs only in Hesy- 94, Soph. Ant. 431, El. 52, 458 (v. Dr. Verrall,
chius (sub voc.). Hesychius explains the differ- ad Aesch. Choeph. 93). The explanation of the
ence as ' KccOapfrs KOuaoLS.' I believe Hesychius Stepterion as a Crown Festival rests only on
to be right as to the meaning, possibly wrong Aelian.
as to the form, and I hazard the conjecture that
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.2a2 JANE E. HARRTSON.
V v9p \I\ )I 1
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DELPHIKA. 225
Xdoyov aro 7rwv 7rakXatc v OeoXo'yov Mova-aov ecal Ai'rov tcal TOv ra' TEXETas
fdaXtcra Kcal Taa pUvaTrpta KcaTraeliav' ro 'OpIb&oo). 6yap p I rrep r jtrpas
avTrZv ca& roV ofreO \6Xyo^ tca 0 o/ u aXo9, oTrep eolv p apLovla, ltappj8r]v
ovrOT( ecfrvTt v Ev Tro BaKXtco^ic Tro 'Opbeow. Orpheus was for the non-
Achaean what Homer was for the Achaeans, the name to which all poetical
tradition was referred. If the doctrine of the Ophites was ancient, how much
more their ritual.
Hippolytus mentions conjointly O'bSt and Op14aX0o. I have discussed the
snake, the primitive form of the ghost-Erinys; it remains to consider her
dwelling-place and sanctuary, the omphalos. I reserve to the end the dis-
cussion of the attitude of Aeschylus towards the cult of which both o'^?t
and OtpqaX0o are factors.
B.-THE OMPHALOS.1
The Erinyes were primarily ghosts; the omphalos was their sanctuary,
the grave they haunted. That in brief is the proposition before us.
It may be noted at the outset that the view here set forth of the
omphalos is in accordance with ancient tradition. The omphalos was
variously reputed to be the grave either of the Python or of Dionysos.
Varro (de ling. Lat. vii. 17) says, 'Delphis in aede ad latus est quiddam ut
thesauri specie, quod Graeci vocant oJpaX6ov, quem Pythonis aiunt tumulum.'
Hesychius s.v. Tol'ov /3ovv6<, says eKcelE /yap (i.e. ev AeX0boZ) o6 8pdacwv care-
Tro,e6Ur Kal6 OpoaXo r0\ S T ^r o rdo00 arlT roV H6Ivwvo. Tatian, adv.
Graecos (8. 251) holds that the omphalos is the tomb of Dionysos (o 8c
o6abaXo rTao9 e&arT Atovvr-ov). The Dionysos view is practically a dupli-
cation of the Python view and need not here concern us; if we were discussing
the origin of Dionysos it would be easy to show that his familiar vehicle is
the snake. The passage of Varro is important; he clearly regarded the
o/pfaXo6s not as a mere white stone but as a structure of the nature of a
beehive tomb (thesaurus). The shape of such a tomb is described by
Pausanias (ix. 38) Xliov pev et'pyao-rat, Or-x,a Se vreptbepe eorTtv avrw c) KOpvqfl
Se ovUK es aOyav o'v alvrfaq/Ev?7.' Tro e & aVwaT Trw X lOwv faorv apr ppowav 7ravrl
eZvat rTo ol/co8o,/ubart. Aristotle (de Mund. vii. 20) says that the keystones
1 Reference to authorities on the omphalos the omphalos and Gaia (Ulrichs, Reisen und
will be found enumerated by Mr. Frazer in his Forschungen. i. p. 77). To the authorities enu-
Commentary to Pausanias, vol. v. pp. 315-319, merated by Mr. Frazer I would only add Otto
with an enumeration of the principal interpre- Gruppe's 'Griechische Mythologie-Delphoi,' p.
tations, and abundant citation of primitive 100 in Iwan von Muller's Handbuch Bd. V. ii.,
parallels. To Ulrichs belongs the credit of and the very learned and valuable article on
having first discovered the connection between Kronos by Dr. Max. Mayer in Roscher's Lexicon.
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226 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHTTK A. 227
before the table, but both are late and anthropomorphic, the vague holy
place or thing must have preceded them. That the o/FaX6t? was a seat or
throne needs no demonstration. Apollo is constantly represented on vase-
paintings and coins seated on the omphalos. Gaia was too primitive and
aneikonic, too involved in it to sit on it.
The three notions of altar, tomb and mercy-seat all merge in that of
holy place, but apparently the tomb is the primary notion. A fourth must
be added-that of f/avrelov. The 3otioerj)iS TaioS as /tavretov is clearly
shown on a vase published (Figs. 7 and 8) for the first time and now in the
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228 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA. 229
tomb then, like the omphalos, could be regarded not only as an altar and a
mercy-seat, but also as a puTav'reov; the avTrecov aspect of the omphalos at
Delphi needs no emphasizing.
Another vase hitherto unpublished and also in the Naples Museum adds a
new feature to the rVu'p,8-o-/axwaXo theory. The vase in question, a black-figured
lekythos (Figs. 9 and 10), was acquired by the Museum in 1880 and therefore
does not appear in Heydemann's catalogue.1 Its inventory number is 111609;
its height 0'19 m. The neck and frieze round the top ofthe body are cream-
coloured, the body red with black figures, the face, feet and arms of the
female figure are white, also the ornament on the warrior's helmet and a
portion of the handle of his club, and the grave-mound, the crest on the
shield, two broad stripes representing his sword-
belt, and the end of the sword-sheath; the centre
of the design is occupied by a white grave-mound
surmounted by a black 'baetyl.' To the left, a
male and female figure advance towards the grave-
mound; the man holds an uplifted sword, the woman
stretches out her right hand with a gesture as if she
intended rather to emphasize than to check the man's
act. To the left is a man with a shield on his
left arm; his right hand is hidden, but from the
position of the elbow he seems to hold a spear or
sword, but not to hold it uplifted. Behind, a bearded
man watches, leaning on his sword. The inscrip-
tions are illegible and almost certainly unmeaning.
The design may have some mythological intent; if
so, I am unable to interpret it, nor is any special
mythological interpretation necessary for my argu-
ment.
1 My grateful thanks are due to Signor Da Hutton who kindly superintended the necessary
Petra, the Director of the Naples Museum, photographs. The drawing in Fig. 9 was made
for his permission to publish this and the under considerable difficulties by Mr. Anderson.
vase in Figs. 7, 8, and also to Miss Amy
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230 JANE E. HARRISON.
Xpra7TrIpowvI,
x6Wv 6 eTrecvW
ol 7roXeaLv Lep
ra 7 T6ret' o'r0
v7rvov cara 8v
xa.elvva, (fpar
pavTreov ' Adet
7oil/ov 006vp O
Iphig.
If the omphalos w
Although I am u
was taken at a gr
heroes and it seem
grave. E.g.by Sosipo
oaths were taken on
oaths by ancestor
TOTe evo/oj6VovV 7
erXOp[iovg. In a w
2499) we have a r
above a low /8LCo
Sosippos, the dedi
prayer. Here the
Tado9?. The curio
been a similar str
Olympia 21 ff. T
earth about 0'37
covered over with
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DELPHIKA. 231
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232 232 ~~~JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHItIA.
but also of another uaavreCov, not called by the name of Ge, but belonging, I
think, undoubtedly to her stratum of belief, I mean the ancient oracle of
Trophonios, where the suppliant had to [go actually down into the earth to
obtain his response. 'The shape of the structure,' Pausanias says, 'was like
that of a baking pot,' Tov 8 olCo8oolr080LaTro TOVTOV rTo oaXt,a eiiKacTra
Kpt/aVdVr (P. ix. 39, 10, v. Mr. Frazer ad loc.). The conclusion seems natural
that we have here a structure like a small beehive tomb. The offering of
the suppliant was a honey cake, as to the serpent heroes Sosipolis and
Erichthonios: as noted before, it is probable that here 'Ayah)` TvX,r is the
hypostasis of Ge.
It.S.-VOL. XIX. R
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234 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA. 235
this design, parallel with the omphalos mound on which the Sphinx is seated,
a snake uprears itself. I cannot agree with Dr. Crusius that the snake is
a mere 'Raumausfuillung'-the snake is the symbol and vehicle of the earth
oracle. Dr. Crusius adduces the snake behind the well in the Cyrene vase
(A.Z. 1881, P1. XII. 1), but here again I believe the second snake is added
simply because the well is snake-haunted. Euripides regarded the Sphinx
as chthonic,
Tav o Kara xOovo? Al a?
Ka8pueL'ot e77rr6/E7ret.-EUR. Phoen. 810.
Of course almost any monster might by the time of Euripides come from
Hades, but I am by no means sure that the words are not a reminiscence of
primitive tradition rather than 'eine rein dichterische Umschreibung seines
Wesens.' The great Sphinx of the Naxians stood, it will be remembered, in
?&~~~~~x '-....
the precinct of Gaia at Delphi (Frazer, Paqsanias, x. 12), and if she was but
another form of the oracular earth-goddess, her station there gains in
significance. On the coins of Gergis in the Troad (Head, Hist. Nnum. p. 472)
we have on the obverse the head of the famous Sibyl of the Troad, on the
reverse the Sphinx her counterpart. That the head is the head of the Sibyl
is distinctly stated by Stephanus Byzantinus. In Hesiod's Tleogony the
Sphinx belongs to the earth-born brood, the race of Typhon, Echidna
and the like (Hes. Theog. 326). In her nature she is near akin to the
Kipes--in fact she appears as a sort of personified death. She is also an
Erinys. Haemon, according to one version of his story, had slain a kinsman
and was obliged to take flight (Schol. ad Pind. 01. ii. 14). According to
another version he was slain by the Sphinx (Apollod. 3, 5, 8). What par-
ticular form a monster assumed is really a question of survival. In the
remarkable Berlin vase, where the Sphinx is not inscribed Sphinx, but simply
Kao-oua, i.e. 'the Kadmean one' (Jahrbuch, 1890, Anzeiger, p. 119, Fig. 17),
R2
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236 JANE E HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA. 237
what has been alleged to be the black stone of Romulus (see especially C. Smith,
Classical Review, Feb. 1899, p. 87). This black stone of Romulus or Faustulus
is of great importance to my argument because of its connection with the two
lions and hence with the cult of the mother of the gods. Rhea-Cybele was of
course only the more primitive Asiatic form of the Earth-Mother, Gaia; lions
were her natural sacred beasts as long as there were lions where she was wor-
shipped, and they survived in Asia Minor long after they were practically
extinct in Greece proper. The black stone was the recognised vehicle or fetich
of the mother god. When Pindar (Pyth. iii. 77) is 'minded to pray to the
Mother' for his friend Hiero, it is because the Mother has special power
to heal madness. There is a shrine of the Mother before his very door-
aXX' eTreva?OaL paev et'wov ee)Xco
MaTrp, rav /covpat 7rap' e/rov 7rpopvpov ...
and the Scholiast recounts the occasion of the founding of the shrine; how
there was a great thunder-storm, and a stone image of the mother of the
gods fell at Pindar's feet Kcao *'fbov ibcavov Kca\ Xoya teiSv KaTabepopevr)2v.
Trv 8 a llivsapov 'rraLcr0ofJevov ovvt^86e Mvrpo? 0e&O adya\pa Xlitvov TroFl
7rooalv trepxo6evorv...and when Pindar asked the oracle what was to be done,
Trv Se avet7retv MrTpo? Oecvy iepov iSpvae'-Oat...and the prayer of Pindar
is thus explained: ol' se 0'T KaOaprpTd craT Tr? paaviaq 79 Oe6S . Pindar
addresses the Mother not as Rhea, but simply as crervav 0e60v, reminding us
of the Semnae who are simply her duplications. The Pindar story is impor-
tant because we are apt to think of the worship of the Mother of the Gods
as imported, late and purely foreign. No doubt the primitive orgiastic
Asiatic worship did come in again from without, but the Mother only came
back to her own people who had half-forgotten her.
The kathartic power of the Mother's aerolithic stone is of great import-
ance. The mother had power to drive men mad in her angry aspect as
Erinys, she and her daughters the Maniae; her stone had also power to cleanse
them, for she was Lusia. There is a stone at Dunsany, co. Louth, called the
Madman's Stone, and lunatics are seated upon it to bring them to reason
(Lady Wilde, Ancient Cures, Customs, etc. in Ireland, p. 70). If the stone
was a large one you would sit on it, if a small one you would hold it in your
hand; the main thing was to get in contact with the divine vehicle. All the
various functions of these stones, prophetic, kathartic, prophylactic, etc., are
only various manifestations of its supernatural power. In primitive days a
sacred stone is a god of all work. Thus we have the famous Jupiter lapis
that was good to swear by,1 there was the stone by which an oath was taken in
the Stoa Basileios (Dem. c. Con. ? 26) 7rpo? Trv X\lov2 ayovres Kcal EFopKco,VTre,
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238 JANE E. HARRISON.
there was the stone at Athens which had a special priest to carry i
\XtOofopo9 (CI.A. iii. 240) whose seat remains in the Dion
There was the lapis Manalis reputed to be the gate of Orcus a
on certain days that the Manes, the souls, might issue for
grave stone (Preller, Jordan, p. 354). The often cited 'Bethel'
interest because like the omphalos at Delphi it was connected
oracle. The enumeration of all the various wonder-stones even of classical
antiquity would take us much too far. They are discussed in Pauly-Wissowa,
s.v. cpryo XI\0o and ,/alrvXoq, and for savage parallels I may refer to Mr.
Frazer (Comment, Pans. x. 16, 3 and viii. 25, 4). At present I must confine
myself to the more immediate analogies between the vase painting under
discussion and the omphalos.
At the first glance, there will probably occur to any archaeologist the
analogy of a curious monument mentioned by Pausanias. At Megalopolis in
Messene, it will be remembered (p. 208), there was a sanctuary of the Maniae
where, it was reported, Orestes went mad after his mother's slaughter. The
words that follow (Paus. viii. 34, 2) are so important that I prefer to quote them
in the original: ov 7roppo e 7rov0 epov 7y,s XcoJa eortv o0v ..e.ya, etrlti6,/a 'xov
X\Iov re7Trotrnkevov 8a/V rvXod , TVoVca 8 Kab od voJa Tr XopaTt ca -T ALaKTV\ov
/Lvirja. Mr. Frazer translates 'not far from the sanctuary is a small mound
of earth surmounted by a finger made of stone-indeed the mound is nalled
Finger's tomb.' I prefer to render the last sentence, 'Indeed the mound is
named Dactyl's monument.' Pausanias says the story went, that when the
goddesses were driving Orestes out of his wits they appeared to him black;
after he had bitten off his finger, they seemed to him white. Mr. Frazer
cites a number of interesting savage parallels where atonement is made by
the cutting off of a finger or other limb. Spite of these instances I believe
the story about the biting off of the finger to have been late and aetiological.
The supposed finger was in all probability a kathartic baetyl known as Dactyl
and sacred to the Mother. These baetyl stones were called in Crete Dactyls.
Pliny (N.IL xxxvii. 61) says 'Idaei dactyli in Creta, ferreo colore humanumn
pollicem exprimunt' and Porphyry confirms it in his curious account (Por-
phyry vit. Pyth. 17) of the purification of the Cretan mystic, Kp?rTq? 8' er7rtBa
rolq Mop/yov ULveTatl 7rTporet evo 7 rj 'Ialwov AacrKTVXwo vf' Cv Kcat
KcaOaup0r rTr' Kepavvila XtLco. Here there is an obvious fusion of sacrament
and celebrant. It is perhaps scarcely necessary to note that the Dactyls are
everywhere associated with the worship of the Mother. The Argonauts, when
they land in Mysia and invoke the Mother, call also on the name of two
Dactyls, viz. Cyllenus and Titias
oi /tovvoi 'roXrev IJotpayeTrat 1'e rafpeSpot
MrTrepoI 'ISar79/ KEIcK\Xa7at, So-aot eaola
AaKTVXOL 'ISa?ot Kp?7ratle?.-APOLL. Rhod. i. 1127.
The name Cyllenus is possibly of some importance in connection with the
Arcadian Dactyl monument. Immerwahr (Bonner Studien p. 188) has shown
abundantly that primitive cults of the Mother abounded in Arcadia, and the
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DELPHIKA. 239
legend of Kronos and the stone was not wanting. It seems to me clear that
Orestes was purified by a mother-stone or Dactyl, and the sanctuary he came
to for purification, here as at Delphi, was an omphalos surmounted by such a
stone and must have looked very like the one represented on the vase painting.
Peloponnesian antiquaries said, Pausanias remarks (viii. 34), that the adven-
ture of Orestes with the Furies of Clytemnestra in Arcadia happened before
the trial at the Areopagos. They were right; an adventure substantially the
same would happen at any time in any part of Greece whenever a kinsman
was slain and the guilty man came to a mother-stone to be purified. At
Troezen (viii. 31, 4) and at Gythium (iii. 22, 1), were stones connected by
legend with the purification of Orestes. I do not deny that their connection
with Orestes may have been late and due to the prestige conferred on
Orestes by Aeschylus, but these widespread purification stones bear witness
to the prevalence of this baetyl worship and its kathartic associations.
It may fairly be urged at this point that the analogy between the vase-
painting and the omphalos fails at one point. The omphalos was, according
to my present theory, originally a X&%cpa ,yi/, covered with XevK/woLa and
finally copied in stone, but we have no evidence whatever that it was sur-
mounted by a baetyl. The sanctuary on the vase-painting is more complex
than the omphalos. It is a T4V/po? vTe a-rTXrj Te, the omphalos is merely a
TVip,9oS. This is perfectly true, and I imagine a sacred baetyl was no wise
necessary to a sanctuary of Gaia. The Xc&opa ryqr was all that was essential.
The story of Alcmaeon is very instructive on this head. Alemaeon, the
Arcadian hero (P. viii. 24, 8) is pursued by 'the avenger of his mother,' Tvv
'Ep VfX?7 adiXkaropa-the Erinys has not become Erinyes,-and Alcmaeon can
obtain no relief there or anywhere till he come to a piece of new unpolluted
land uncovered since the murder, '9 ravT1mv ol p6ov?v X&pav ov a-vvacoXkov-
'Oretv, Tt7 ear67't veWraTr icab 7v7 8dXao'o'a TOV p ao'V tuaypaT'roa adve('fnvev
Vr'6epov aVTrv. Here we liave the real primitive view. All mother earth is
polluted by the blood of a mother. There is no possible release from this
physical fact, no atonement. A new earth is the only possible mercy seat.
Later, no doubt, a special X&wpa 7y^ became the sanctuary of Gaia Erinys,
where she might be appeased, and that X%61a 7y)9 was naturally the tomb of
a murdered hero or heroine. If that Tv/,/S0o was to have a stele, what
better stele could be chosen than a black aerolith, sacred also to the mother ?
It must be noted at this point that, though the aeroliths fell to earth
and belonged to earth, and were vehicles of the earth-mother, they tended,
as anthropomorphism advanced, to differentiate off towards the side of the
male god. A stone, as soon as you think of your gods anthropomorphically,
is not a good symbol of a woman, a X&,pa 7yq is. In many savage races, too,
as the earth is a woman so the sky is a man, and thus stones coming from
the sky tend to be regarded as vehicles of the male god, and specially of
Kronos. Photius (Vit. Isid. Bibl. p. 1048) says, rwv fatTVXv a\XXov a\XX
avaicecrOat Odec, Kpovw, At, 'HXlO),, ca T'o?t aX\Xot. Hesychius says, sub
voce, f3alTvXo' dc\X0rjO 6 Xl0os OV a'r' Atos 6 Kpovos xaT ev, and the
story was popularized in the proverbial saying, Kca /3a'aTvXov av ecaT'retC
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-2 4 JANE E. HARRISON.
A few lines further down the stone is called the koti3'T&wp X&aa, which
brings us face to face with Phoebuis Apollo. The double name savours of
contaminatio. Liddell and Scott say that the epithet Ooi#/og refers to the
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DELPHIKA. 241
purity and radiant beauty of youth, which was always a chief attribute of
Apollo. They reject the old notion that Phoebus was the sun god, but I am
by no means sure that the 0fot[38Top Xaas was not a sun or at least an
Ouranos stone. There are many indications that the name Phoebus belongs
to the pre-Apolline stratum, the stratum of Gaia and Kronos-Ouranos. Thus
Antimachus in Hesychius sub voc. has raqtra 4)o,sYv, and Phoebe the Titaness
is recognized by the Delphic priestess as prior to Apollo (Aesch. BEum. 4 f.).
ev Se TC Tppl(T
XaXEl, B?XovaOjq ov'e 7rpbF 3tlav TLV6O?,
TLravi daXXrX 7raf XOovo,s caOe'aero
Q)ool,8n.
This exactly corresponds to the Far7Sa (t8ol/3lv and makes Phoebe a sort
of Kore to Gaia Themis. If we may trust Plutarch (de Ei xx. 1) Phoebus
meant tcaOapo, and alplavTo0; if so Phoebe is as it were the white side, the
opposite to Melaina and Erinys. He goes on to make the interesting state-
ment: Iof/ov Se 8i Trov TO Kca0apobv Kca arvov ol 7raXatol Trav copuaov (0
6'T o ?e?vraXol TOViS lepeaS ev Taf a-o4gpadatv /LepaL' aVrovF e+' avrCv eW
&SaTp,0l/3Ta' o,aat Ootflovopeio-Oat. O irakXatol were more likely to concern
themselves with questions of taboo and ceremonial sanctity than with the
'purity and radiant beauty of youth.' Finally the use of the word cotL/3a by
Euripides should be noted. He says (Hec. 827):
Ij 4?ot8/3s qv /caXovo-i KaaoadvSpav 4Epv<ye9.
Kassandra was a priestess of Gaia Phoebe, hence her official name was
1otl9da, like 7 HIvOW; and here I may quote again the invaluable line of
Timotheos (Frg. 1.)
MaLvdSa Oviada fboi/3dSa Xva-o-da.
Finally to clinch the argument there is the ot38oq, the dream-portent of the
Choephoroi (v. 32)
Topb s yap foOto3 O pOOpt:
S6LCpw ovetpoLp6taTt<
which Dr. Verrall (Choephor. ad v. 32) upholds against the emendation S60dog.
The dream portent is of the very essence of the cult of Phoebe and this
dream portent is the ancestral Erinys, i.e. in very truth PCofwv ovetpoJuavrtl.
To return to the fjotfiTjCOp Xaas, the Pseudo-Orphic writers no doubt
thought it got its name from Apollo, but it seems at least probable that Phoebe
or Phoebus, her male correlative, had a prophetic, kathartic stone long before.
Whether it ever actually surmounted the omphalos it is of course impossible
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242 JANE E. HARRISON.
On which the scholiast (ad v. 200): ol &8 dvr Trov Kpovov, Kal faao
AeX^o4 FaravTEtov 7rporepov Tro Kp6vov 7iv, gv6a e'Xafov 'TOv
"EXXqrve oTt 7' 8elKaTd 'TEt To 'IXtov TroptojaOU'-it.
It remains to say a word as to the primary meaning of
omphalos; as I am no philologist, I can only approach the questio
point of view of tradition and usage, In the Iliad op/aXoS? is use
(a) the actual navel of the human body (Iliad 4. 525, 13. 568), (b)
a shield; there is no necessary implication that the o,uQaaXov is a c
except in so far as anything dome-shaped has necessarily a centr
seems to.be that of bossiness. In the Odyssey the word occurs onc
1, 50); Calypso is said to live
N?i5r e'v Cdjufpvty p 7 'OB o/ ubaX6'? a 0at O daXtra7) ,
1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1894, p. 180; Pausanias decorated with marble tainiae and
v. p. 318. This omphalos is as yet unpublished wrought condition of the base
but by the kindness of M. Homolle I have been sunk in the ground.
able to see a photograph. It is of white marble,
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DELPHIKA. 243
Liddell and Scott say that the order of significance is as follows: (1) the
navel, umbilicus, (2) anything like a navel or boss...umbo, (3) a centre or
middle point, so in Od. 1, 50, and by a later legend Delphi (or rather a round
stone in the Delphic temple) was called 3o aXoS as marking the middle point
of the earth, first in Pind. P. 4, 131. This sort of loose statement is only
tolerated where archaeology is concerned. There is nothing whatever in Od.
i. 50 to imply that Calypso dwelt in the middle of the sea. Any one who
has looked at a solitary island on an expanse of level sea, has seen it rise boss-
like from the level of the sea; if the sea is human an island is its omphalos.
If the land is human, is Gaia, the grave mound is its omphalos. Later, when
mankind concerns itself with theories, cosmical and geometrical, a naive
local egotism sees in the navel of Gaia the centre of the universe, and
stories grow up about eagles meeting in their flight.
That is one side of the question, but the ancients themselves conjectured
another meaning. The scholiast on Eurip. Orestes 321 says, p0akSX0 XdyeTrat r
llv&Wc 7rapa To Tra bd o/pa? ?7 Ta r v eo Xpo paroplaopctevoq Xeetev, and more
decisively and polemically Cornutus (de Nat. Deoqr cxxviii.), eXEX8? 6e Kal o
T07roT0 of>aXo\T7 7'<b aX ovX &cx "ea'ratTaTO &cv aVT7r a 'X o T '7 r va&t8o-
P&vip ev aVT, T(?rf '-T Oovi ffela (cvor. The word cLfOr means especially
a divine oracular utterance, and it seems possible that the two notions of the
speaking oracular mound or stone and the boss-navel blended; which was
prior to the other, is hard to say, but I am inclined to give precedence to the
speaking mound, i.e. the o/,zb derivation.
For this reason. The notion of the boss, the navel, though it did not
necessarily involve, yet early, as we have seen, led on to the notion of
centrality. The notion of centrality is much mixed up with ideas of the
central hearth, the year'opaXoo eo,cria, and the Hestia-Vesta conception seems
to me to belong to a later order of conception than that of Gaia-Erinys, the
order of Zeus and Apollo. It is noticeable that in the Rig Veda (ii. 333,
Wilson) we have 'mighty Agni-the Fire-god-stationed at the Navel of
the Earth... ask what is the uttermost end of the earth, I ask where is the
navel of the world. The altar is the navel of the world. This sacrifice is the
navel of the world. Agni is placed by strength upon the navel of the earth.'
It is possible that the whole idea of the centre hearth stone came in with the
Achaean invasion and Hestia worship. Hestia appears to have assimilated
Gaia, at least, in the cosmogony of the a-oboi:
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244 JANE E. HARRISON.
The true order is first cultus, which shows us to what order of beings the
mythological figures in question belong, i.e. how they were conceived of by their
worshippers. Next should come the minor arts-vase-paintings and th
like-because these, though not free from literary influence, are less under
the dominance of Homer than e.g. the tragedies of Aeschylus--Aeschylus
who boasted that his dramas were TepaXr7 from the heroic banquet. An
early black-figured vase will often (e.g. Fig. 7) yield up a conception prior
to any poetry has left us. Then should follow the name, with the constant
proviso that the name, if primitive, will probably be no proper name, but an
adjectival cultus appellation. Last will come what is after all the suprem
delight of the investigator-the examination of how far literature embodies
primitive conceptions, how far transforms, what gllosts of ancient thought
and feeling hover round, present but not consciously evoked. The evil
results of Dr. Rosenberg's methods are seen in his first sentence, which
strikes the wrong key-note and vitiates his whole investigation. 'Schon Homer
bietet uns ein fest umrissenes Bild von dem Walten der Rachegottinnen
It is just this 'fest umrissenes Bild ' this literary crystallization that does all
the mischief.
In the case of Aeschylus, it is curious to note that, probably owing to
the subject-matter of the two plays, the religious attitude in the Choephoroi
and the Eumenides is wholly different and even opposite. In the Choe-
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DELPHIKA. 245
In a word t
scious, pro
attitude is
moralised,
As to the
I have littl
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2.46- JANE E. HARRISON.
Here Apollo is but the double of his father Zeus. Yet it is not forgott
who are the ancient avengers though by a mythological inversion they ar
made subsidiary.
ecval u' ad,' '7rovTat
Ki`pe dava7rXlT/c7rot,
where the name KOpe9 points to the ghost aspect-the Erinyes. And these
Kipeg haunt the 0,/faXo9. The Theban elders (Oed. Tyr. v. 475) chant the
misery and loneliness of the guilty man.
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DELPHIKA. 247
1 The question of the age of the cult of the opagus cults being essentially chthonic-pre-
Semnae at Athens, and its exact character, can ceded, I believe, the cultus settlements on the
only be dealt with satisfactorily in relation to Acropolis. The Cecropidae, the 'white' side of
the whole group of the Areopagos cults. This the Semnae, passed in part on to the Acropolis,
I hope to discuss on a later occasion. At present but their worship there was always of a sub-
I can only record my conviction that the cult ordinate character. In a former discussion of
of the Semnae is a form of the worship of Gaia the Cecropidae (J.I.S. xii. p. 350) I have tried
intimately related to the very primitive ritual to show that they were originally two not three,
of the Thesmophoria. The Eleusinion, the site and that these two, Pandrosos and Aglauros,
of which within very narrow limits must have represented originally what I should now call
been close to, if not actually on the site of an the ' black' and ' white' side of the Semnae.
ancient Thesmophorion-the whole group of Are-
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248 JANE E. HARRISON.
She refers them to Apollo, he being above all things Ica:adpaoto; with
great skill, the taboo of uncleanness that should have rested on the guilty is
shifted to the avengers. Even from the Homeric point of view this is a gros
misrepresentation. It is Orestes who is Oeo/jva7s. Apollo does not feig
complete ignorance; he avoids the issue by dexterously insulting the Erinyes
for their virginity. It would indeed have been dramatically impossible for
Apollo to say he did not know them; a few hours before the same audience
had listened to a full account of Apollo's views on the Erinyes, given by hi
protege Orestes; an account which shows, as has clearly been pointed out,
an intimate and perfect knowledge of their nature and primitive origi
(Choeph. vv. 275-295).
Athene's attitude is, however, perhaps the most instructive of all. She,
officially, in her capacity as president of the Court of the Areopagos, asks th
name and race of the plaintiffs.
She is conscious that she is officially bound to ask Orestes the question jus
as much as the Furies, but she skilfully emphasizes the exceptional un
familiarity of the Erinyes, carefully insisting on their strangeness as a genus
not as individuals (v. 410).
Athene then pulls herself up, none too soon probably for the sympathies
of the audience, and adds with pompous copy-book morality.
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DELPHTK A. 249
were XOovtot, their worship was conducted with the rites of evayt'etv not of
0vetv, in a word they were divinities of the old Gaia-worshipping stock.
The audience must have waited breathless to hear what answer the
Erinyes would make to the question when thus officially challenged; their
answer is skilfully contrived to the same end, though its dignity contrast
strongly with the aggressive discourtesy of Athene.
The image of the dog was of course specially useful to any one who
wanted to vilify the Erinyes.
H.S.-VOL. XIX. S
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250 JANE E. HARRISON.
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DELPHIKA. 251
The Eumenides is based on the great racial reality of a conflict of cults, but to
Aeschylus the interest of his plot was that it was a conflict of ideals. Naturally
he did not, could not know that in his veins ran the blood of two different races,
with alien habits of religious thought. He was all for Zeus and King Apollo,
the Father and the Son, with such unification of will and purpose that their
religion was practically a monotheism, but he had to reckon with, to reconcile
at all costs. the ancient cult of the earth goddesses. The ideal of the
Erinyes was the ideal of all primitive moralities, an eye for an eye, and above
all the indissolubility of the bond of physical kinship, especially through the
mother. Aeschylus could not be expected to see that the system was
necessary and highly beneficial in its day and that its passing was attended
with grave social dangers. He fastens on the harsh side of it, its im-
placability, its endlessness
/3oa yap Xoeyov 'Epivtv
7rapa Tr'v 7rpOTEpov >Oi6LevwPv a 7 ) v
EreTpav e7rayovo-av er a rT.
He is all for the new ideal of atonement, for Apollo Katharsios-in itself an
advance, destined of course in its turn to pass. It is impossible to avoid a
regret that he stooped to the cheap expedient of blackening his opponents.
That in doing so he was in part self-deceived only makes of the ' Eumenides'
a still more human document.
JANE E. HARRISON.
s2
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