In: Ó Corráin, A. & S. Mac Mathúna (eds.

) 1998,
Minority Languages in Scandinavia, Britain and
Ireland. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Celtica
Upsaliensia 3. Uppsala. 51–76

KATRI VUORELA† and LARS BORIN

Finnish Romani1

The origin and migrations of the Gypsies

Like all other Gypsies2, the Finnish Gypsies are ultimately of Indian origin,
presumably from the Punjab area in Northern India. For reasons unknown
they left India in small groups over a long period of time, spreading
westwards through Western Asia and Europe. Nor is it known exactly when
they left India. Estimates range from the latter half of the first millenium
BC to the eleventh century AD, depending on the source and which Gypsy

1 Parts of the material which went into this article were presented by Katri Vuorela at the
19 Linguistic Conference, 1992 in Tampere, Finland. Leena Huss, Ailbhe Ó Corráin and
Anju Saxena have read the manuscript in various stages of completion and we would like to
thank them for their comments and suggestions.
Katri Vuorela died tragically and unexpectedly as we were preparing the final revision of
this article in June 1993. Consequently, the responsibility for any errors, omissions or
inconsistencies rests with the second author. Any correspondence should be directed to Lars
Borin, Uppsala University, Department of Linguistics, Box 513, S-751 20, Uppsala, Sweden.
E-mail: [email protected]
2Romani Union, the international Gypsy organization, has advocated the abolishment of
the term Gypsy, which often carries very negative connotations. In the words of a former
General Secretary of the World Romani Congress:
Roma, the correct though less familiar name, is used throughout this report in preference
to gypsy, a misnomer which like its equivalents zigeuner, zingaro, cigan, gitan and
others, perpetuates the very stigma the author wishes in some measure to reduce.
(Puxon 1987:1)
The preferred term is Rom (pl. either unchanged or Roma), meaning simply ‘(Gypsy) man’ in
many, but not all, varieties of Romani (or Romanes), the language of the Gypsies. This
article, however, treats a group of Gypsies which do not normally call themselves Rom. In its
place, the Finnish Gypsies have adopted the self-designation kaale (pl. kaaleet or kaalet), a
word which is derived from the Romani adjective kaló ‘black’. When speaking Finnish, they
use either this word or the Finnish adjective tumma ‘dark’. More rarely will they use
mustalainen (appr. ‘black person’), which is the most widespread Finnish word for Gypsy.
Recently, however, the term romani has gained currency in official Finnish publications. The
variant romaani, with a long a, is also seen. Even though the latter is the only form found in
the normative dictionary Nykysuomen sanakirja, actual official usage and Gypsy sentiment
both favour romani. As Finnish Gypsies rarely use the word Rom about themselves, we have
decided to stick to the generic term Gypsy in referring to this group and related groups
elsewhere, also for the following reason. Notwithstanding its often (but not necessarily)
negative connotations, the term Gypsy is at least generally known to an extent which Rom or,
say, Kaale is not. In this connection, note that works which otherwise consistently use Rom
sometimes will use Gypsy in their title, e.g. the work just quoted (Roma: Europe's Gypsies),
again presumably because of the greater familiarity of the latter term (cf. also Kenrick 1993).
52 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

groups are in question, but around 1000 AD is the most commonly

proposed date for those groups that were eventually to end up in Europe,
while most Gypsy groups in the Middle East are thought to belong to earlier
emigration waves.
At present, Gypsies are found on all continents. Of an estimated ten
million Gypsies in the world today, more than half, or about six million,
live in Europe, where more than two thirds, again, live in east and south-
east Europe (Puxon 1987:4). Even though in the general consciousness
Gypsies are considered to be nomads, in fact most of Europe's Gypsies are
sedentary, and have been so for a long time. Nomadic Gypsy groups are
mostly found in Western Europe, while a sedentary way of life has been the
norm in Eastern Europe since the Middle Ages.
On the basis of linguistic evidence (mainly loanwords), it can be inferred
that those groups which were to become European Gypsies spent
considerable time in areas where Persian, Armenian and Greek were
spoken. Greek accounts for a sizeable part of the non-Indian vocabulary
common to the European Romani dialects. For instance, the numerals
‘seven’, ‘eight’ and ‘nine’ in Romani are Greek loanwords (Valtonen
1968:126), suggesting a history of long and close contact between Gypsies
and Greek speakers in Asia Minor and perhaps also in Greece.
Possibly the first record of the arrival of Gypsies in Europe was made by
a Greek monk, who mentions the arrival of a group of Atsincani, who were
“sorcerers and thieves”, at Mount Athos in the year 1100 AD (Clébert
1967:53f). The next record of Gypsies in Europe reports of similar groups
appearing on Crete in 1322 and at Corfu in 1346. During the next 200 years,
they spread westwards and northwards through Europe, reaching Sweden3
in the beginning of the 16th century.
During their migrations, the Gypsies made a living as metalsmiths, horse
traders, folk veterinarians, fortune tellers and entertainers. Being basically
regarded as outcasts from society, at least in Western Europe, they were
also given ‘unclean’ or otherwise undesirable tasks, such as those of gelder
or hangman. Hence, in pre-industrial Western European society, Gypsies
came to perform some important services; they had a place in society, even
though they were not part of it.

History of the Finnish Gypsies

From Sweden, the Gypsies went on to Finland4, then still a part of Sweden,
where they appeared in several places at the end of the 16th century, according
to sources from that time (Etzler 1944:50). Gypsies continued to enter Finland

3The first reasonably reliable official reports of Gypsies in Sweden are from 1512
and 1515 (Nordström-Holm & Lind 1982:19).
4And also to Norway (Mustalaisasiain neuvottelukunta 1981:21).
 FINNISH ROMANI 53

by way of Sweden – often only to be deported back – until 1809, when Finland
was ceded to Russia and later became the Russian Grand Duchy of Finland. The
Gypsies which at that time remained in Finland are generally considered to be
the ancestors of the Finnish Gypsies of today. It is also possible, however, that
part of the Finnish Gypsy population originally came from Russia, where there
have been Gypsies at least since the year 1500 (cf. Valtonen 1968:208f; Leiwo
1991:87). In any case, there are no specifically Russian elements in Finnish
Romani5 or in the culture of the Finnish Gypsies, while on the other hand there
is a large number of Swedish loanwords. Finnish Gypsies often have Swedish
family names, and Finnish Romani shares many structural and lexical traits with
other Scandinavian Romani dialects (Valtonen 1968:206ff).
Wherever they have gone, the Gypsies have been the subject of prejudice
and persecution, culminating, but by no means ending, in the racist blood orgy
of the Third Reich, where an estimated half million Gypsies perished under Nazi
rule. It is indicative of the general prejudice against Gypsies, that not only were
the surviving German Gypsies denied compensation after the Second World
War, but the West German Federal Court issued a judgement in 1956 stating
that before 1943 – when Germany's Gypsies were deported to Auschwitz – they
“had been ‘legitimately’ persecuted by the Nazi authorities for being ‘asocial’”
(Burleigh & Wippermann 1991:364; cf. also Kenrick & Puxon 1972).
In the persecutions we find a possible explanation for the fact that there are
five to six times more Finnish than Swedish Gypsies (presently about 1,500
(Arnstberg 1988:485). The official Swedish policy towards Gypsies was
extremely callous, at least in centuries preceding the present. In 1637, the first
royal decree concerning the Gypsies was issued6, according to which all
Gypsies were to leave Sweden before the 8th of November, 1638. Any Gypsy
men found in the country after that date were to be hanged without trial and
women and children were to be deported; furthermore, giving shelter to Gypsies
was punishable by law (Etzler 1944:68f). This decree was to be followed by
several similar edicts in the following 100 years, but in practice the local
authorities were remarkably unwilling to enforce them. Often apparently no
special action was taken against Gypsies, apart from that prescribed by ordinary
criminal law, and if such action was taken, wholesale deportation – or, in times
of unrest, conscription of the men – was preferred to summary execution.
In 1748, a new law was passed to “hamper the so called Tartars and Gypsies,
as well as other riff-raff and indolents, in their roaming over the land” (Etzler
1944:111). The new law recognized that the Swedish territory could not anymore

5There are loanwords from other Slavic languages in Finnish Romani, but apparently
none from Russian (Valtonen 1968:216).
6The term ‘Gypsy’ (Sw. zigenare) is used in official Swedish documents only from the
17th century. Earlier sources, and also the decree of 1637, use the term ‘tartare’, reflecting the
belief that they were related to the Tartars, i.e. the Turkic nomads who had invaded Russia in
the Middle Ages. The modern Swedish form of this word is tattare, a term which is applied
members of itinerant groups of low social status. It corresponds in meaning and connotation
roughly to the English tinker. Students of the groups in question prefer to refer to them by the
more neutral term resande (‘Travellers’; see, e.g., Svanberg 1987).
54 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

be rid of Gypsies, in that it made a clear difference between recent arrivals to the
country and those Gypsies which had lived there for some time, or even were
born in Sweden. The former were to be deported, while for the latter, the law
prescribed what essentially boiled down to a policy of assimilation to the
sedentary population.
It is reasonable to assume that law enforcement in general and also
enforcement of those regulations specially pertaining to Gypsies was laxer in the
sparsely populated Eastern half of the country, so that it was safer, relatively
speaking, to be a Gypsy in Finland than in Sweden proper (cf. Grönfors 1977:19).
It also seems that Gypsies were sometimes sent to Finland, in the hope that they
would eventually be deported to Russia (Etzler 1944:93; Tillhagen 1965:12f).
Probably, some Gypsy men and families ended up in Finland as a result of the
men having been conscripted to fight in the Swedish–Russian war 1807–1809.
The cession of Finland to Russia which resulted from this war did not bring
about any fundamental change in the living conditions of the Gypsies in Finland.
In the 19th century, several laws were passed, all of which essentially lumped
together “Gypsies and other vagrants of poor reputation, who are not capable of
ordinary work” (a declaration of 1812, quoted in Grönfors 1977:16) as elements
which were to be placed in workhouses. In those cases where the law singled out
Gypsies as a special category, this was usually done merely in order to prescribe a
harsher treatment for them (Grönfors 1977:16f). Gypsies from abroad, even those
carrying valid passports, were not admitted into the country.
In 1900, a committee on the Gypsy question reported to the Imperial Senate,
recommending that an official Gypsy office be set up and that special schools and
work institutions be established for the Gypsies, all in order to bring about “the
total assimilation of gypsies into the Finnish society” (Grönfors 1977:20).
The recommended program was not adopted, however, and the only official
institution which showed some interest in the Gypsies in the following fifty years
was the Church.
Before the Second World War, the Finnish Gypsies were concentrated in
three rural provinces, Viipuri, Vaasa and Oulu (see map in Appendix), where
they roamed the countryside (see Interview 1 below, where an old Gypsy woman
describes Gypsy life at this time). The general deruralization which took place in
Finland after the war affected the Gypsies as a group perhaps more than the
Finnish population. Industrialization with the concomitant mass production of
household articles, urbanization, more efficient communications, agricultural
mechanization and industrial-scale farming in effect obliterated the niche which
the Gypsies had carved out for themselves in rural Finland, leaving them with
very few possibilities to pursue their traditional trades and crafts. Consequently,
the Finnish Gypsies left the countryside, where they could no longer subsist, and
often ended up in the city slums. As a result of this, the latest of the migrations of
 FINNISH ROMANI 55

the Finnish Gypsies, they are now concentrated in the cities to a greater extent
than the non-Gypsy Finnish population (66% of the Gypsies lived in cities in
1979, against 60% of the population as a whole), but otherwise their geographical
distribution corresponds fairly well to that of the population as a whole, i.e. they
are concentrated in the southern part of the country, with the largest group living
in the Helsinki area. There are no exclusively Gypsy communities anywhere in
Finland, or even communities where they form a majority of the population.
According to official Finnish estimates, the number of Gypsies living in
Finland was about 6,000 in 1980. To this figure should be added an estimated
2,500 Finnish Gypsies in Sweden, but there is a possible overlap between the
Finnish and Swedish figures, since many individuals and families travel back and
forth between the two countries. It is not unheard of for someone to live in
Sweden most of the time, while being officially registered as a resident of
Finland. A rough estimate of the size of the population today is that there are
about 9,000 Finnish Gypsies, of which about one third, or 3,000, live in Sweden7.
(Mustalaisasiain neuvottelukunta 1981:75) There are also an estimated 3-4,000
other (i.e., non-Finnish) Gypsies in Sweden (Arnstberg 1988).
The large number of Finnish Gypsies living in Sweden is mostly the result of
a massive, mainly economic immigration from Finland of both Finns and Finnish
Gypsies in the 1960's and 1970's.

Finnish Gypsy culture and social position

The social situation of the Finnish Gypsies has improved markedly in the last
decades, both in Finland and in Sweden8. They no longer travel around in horse-
carts and sleds, as they once did, finding overnight shelter where they could in the
houses and barns of the Finnish farmers. Now practically all Gypsies live in their
own apartments or houses, something which has had a positive influence both on
the schooling of Gypsy children, which earlier tended to be sporadic at best, and
also to some degree on the employment patterns of the grown-ups.
Although this improvement in the social conditions of the Gypsies was to
some extent brought about by a general rise in the standard of living in Finland
and Sweden from the 1950's onwards it is also the result of an increasingly active
interest taken in Gypsy affairs by the political authorities, combined with a

7That is, the number of Finnish Gypsies has remained stable for the last ten years. Even
though, as we shall see below, their language is yielding to Finnish, the Finnish Gypsies as
an ethnic entity, separate from the Finnish (and Swedish) majority population, has shown,
and shows, a remarkable stability and resistance to assimilation.
8Since about one third of the Finnish Gypsies live in Sweden (see the previous section),
we will discuss their social situation in both countries in this section.
56 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

greater organization among the Gypsies themselves. Earlier, only religious

organizations concerned themselves specifically with Gypsies and their
problems, but with minimal involvement and, indeed, with minimal influence on
the aims and work of these organizations by the Gypsies themselves. The oldest
and probably best-known of these organizations is the Gypsy Mission
(Mustalaislähetys), which was founded in 1906 to do religious and social work
among the Gypsies.
The first organized intervention in the affairs of the Gypsies from the more
wordly powers in Finland came in 1953, when Parliament appointed a committe
and charged it with the task of working out proposals for integrating the Gypsies
in Finnish society. On the recommendation of this committee, the Advisory
Board on Gypsy Affairs (Mustalaisasiain neuvottelukunta, now renamed
Romaniasiain neuvottelukunta) was set up in 1956, to collect information on the
Gypsies' social situation and to work for improvement in that situation by
disseminating information and putting concrete proposals to the proper
authorities. The Board has representatives from Finnish Gypsy organizations
among its members.
In 1970, three committees were set up to investigate various aspects of the
social situation of the Gypsies and in 1971 they produced reports on housing
conditions, education and a proposed orthography for the Gypsy language.
Not all proposals of the Board have been heeded. They have been most
successful in the area of housing conditions. Thus, in 1975, a law was passed
which obliged municipalities to produce detailed plans for bringing the housing
conditions of Gypsies to an acceptable level by 1980 at the latest. In the area of
education, the results have been less impressive but since 1979, the Finnish Board
of Professional Education and the Board of Education have arranged regular
courses for Gypsies, both professional courses and courses of a more general
character, such as literacy programs and courses in Romani and Gypsy culture.
(Mustalaisasiain neuvottelukunta 1981:98ff)
The Gypsies have also formed a politico-cultural organization in order to
make their voices better heard in the political decision process. This organization,
Suomen Mustalaisyhdistys (The Finnish Gypsy Union) was founded in 1967 with
the explicit aims of (1) putting pressure on the political decision-makers to
implement policies which are satisfactory from the Gypsies' viewpoint, (2)
disseminating information about the Gypsies and their culture, (3) investigating
and taking action against possible cases of ethnic discrimination against Gypsies,
and (4) preserving the strong and valuable cultural heritage of the Gypsies.
Suomen Mustalaisyhdistys is represented on the Advisory Board on Gypsy
Affairs, together with Mustalaiskulttuurin Keskus Suomessa (The Finnish Gypsy
Cultural Centre), an organization founded in 1971 with funds provided by the
Ministry of Education to further Gypsy culture, and Suomen Vapaa Evankelinen
Romanilähetys (The Finnish Free Evangelical Gypsy Movement), a religious
organization founded in 1964. (Mustalaisasiain neuvottelukunta 1981:151ff) For
several years, the Gypsy organizations have been arranging regular summer
courses on Gypsy culture and language and this seems to have had some reviving
effects on the language.
 FINNISH ROMANI 57

Even though the social situation of the Finnish Gypsies has improved
considerably, especially as regards housing and education, this does not mean
that they are now, in all respects, equal to other inhabitants of Finland nor that
ethnic discrimination has been eradicated. On the contrary, having long been the
most conspicuously foreign group in Finland, in their racial characteristics, in the
way they dress, and in their behaviour, the Gypsies are still treated with suspicion
and often with open hostility by the majority population. It has been shown that
they are subject to systematic and negative special treatment from the Finnish
police, a fact which has led to their being probably overrepresented in Finnish
criminal statistics (Grönfors 1979).
The different character of Gypsy culture often leads to conflicts with the
majority population. Solidarity within the Gypsy community places certain
obligations on the individual. For instance, in the case of disease or death, there is
an obligation on the individual to visit the ailing person or the next of kin of the
deceased. These obligations – which mean that Gypsies should be prepared to
leave home suddenly and often and stay away for an indefinite length of time, or
receive and entertain guests in their home at any time of day or night, for any
length of time – naturally conflict with the demands of society in general, e.g. that
employees should come to their work regularly and on time, that municipal and
other local authorities should be contacted during reception hours, that
appointments made should be kept, etc. Family ties and obligations towards other
Gypsies are more binding than obligations towards an employer or society
(which are not perceived as being ‘genuine’ obligations).
Although, as we saw in the preceding section, the Gypsies have largely given
up their former nomadic way of life and have become more sedentary, they are
still quite mobile. Gypsies visit each other frequently and often stay for prolonged
periods, for the reasons mentioned in the preceding paragraph and for other social
reasons and they also go regularly to fairs, horse races, etc. to do business.
Another reason that Gypsies have to be mobile is the practice of blood
feuding, an important component in their culture which regulates much of their
everyday life. The blood feud is an integral part of the system of justice among
the Finnish Gypsies. The term refers to their practice of revenge killing, i.e.
relatives of a Gypsy killed by another Gypsy will take revenge on the killer and
his (or her) relatives. Children and old people are normally not included among
the possible targets of retaliation; the ethics of the blood feud seem to demand
that the intended victim be able to defend himself. In fact, a Gypsy who tries to
take revenge by attacking a person considerably older than himself risks invoking
the contempt of other Gypsies, including his own family. Within the Gypsy
community, physical violence is an accepted means of dealing with
58 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

lawbreakers9. The prospect of punishment by the majority population has no

influence whatsoever on the execution of a revenge action. Killing in retaliation is
not as such the most important ingredient in blood feuding. More important is
rather an institutionalized avoidance behaviour. When an action which calls for
violent retaliation has been carried out, the offender and his family will promptly
move away from the community and will go to great lengths to avoid
confrontations with the victim's family. By using the expression ‘avoidance
behaviour’ we wish to stress the fact that blood feuding among the Finnish
Gypsies does not, generally, involve the active hunting-down of offenders.
Rather, actual physical retaliation is a last resort in circumstances which have
come about in spite of the avoidance behaviour. In other words, if members of
two feuding families run into each other by chance, it is very probable that the
situation must be resolved through the use of violence. Avoidance behaviour is a
symbolic gesture, a bloodless substitution for the taking of offenders' lives. By the
very act of avoiding the members of those families with which his family is
feuding, the individual admits his guilt in the action that started the feud. (cf.
Grönfors 1977, 1981)
The mobility of the Gypsies and the obligation to entertain guests at any time
make it difficult for adults to hold down a job and cause Gypsy children to be
away from school considerably more than other children. (Iverstam, Johansson &
Wall 1978:16f). Not surprisingly, then, Gypsies in general have less education
and are more likely to be unemployed than other groups in Finnish and Swedish
society. According to the chairman of the Nordic Gypsy Council, Aleka Stobin
(personal communication), about 60% of the Finnish Gypsies are in need of
additional education, being illitterate according to the official Swedish definition
which defines “low or nonexistent formal education” as less than four years of
primary school. An estimated 25% of Gypsies have not attended school at all.
Education has a low cultural status among the Gypsies generally; there are few
positive examples of individuals within the group who have been successful as a
result of their education, partly because the kind of success which formal
education leads to is intimately connected with a mode of existence which
inevitably clashes with Gypsy cultural values. Only a small fraction of those
adults who would need to do so actually wish to participate in courses arranged
for Gypsies, e.g. literacy courses or professional training. A particular problem in
Sweden is that courses are normally conducted in Swedish, a language which
many Gypsies do not know.
By Swedish law, local authorities are obliged to provide native language
instruction in school and kindergarten, a few hours per week, for children with a
native language other than Swedish10. However, the legislation does not

9Of course, ‘lawbreaker’ is here understood in relation to the norms of social conduct
among the Gypsies and not in the sense of breaking the written laws of non-Gypsy society.
10The Swedish term is ‘hemspråk’ (home language), and is defined as a language other
than Swedish spoken regularly with the pupil by at least one of the pupil's guardians
(normally a parent). However, Saami, Tornedal Finns and Gypsies are entitled to native
language instruction even if the language is not regularly spoken in the pupil's home.
(Grundskoleförordningen: ch. 5, §§ 4-12)
 FINNISH ROMANI 59

generally recognize that more than one foreign language may be spoken at home.
Hence, the child has a legal right to receive instruction in one native language
only (Natchev & Sirén 1988:4). Although the Swedish Primary School Code
makes an explicit exception for Gypsies, in that “[f]or a Gypsy pupil coming
from abroad, the native language instruction [...] may comprise two native
languages” (Grundskoleförordningen: ch. 5, § 7), in practice, this regulation has
had little effect since Finnish is the first language of all Finnish Gypsies (see the
next section). Romani instruction is nowhere in Sweden offered to Finnish Gypsy
children on a regular basis, as far as we know, although there are reports that
individual teachers in a small number of cases have made an effort to supply
regular Romani language instruction to Finnish Gypsy children.
In Finland, the Parliament (in a document issued in 1990; see Lillberg 1991)
has called for greater consideration of the country's linguistic and cultural
minorities in national policy-making in the cultural and educational areas. In the
case of the Gypsies, the Parliament supports the proposals made by the Advisory
Board on Gypsy Affairs, which aim at a general raising of the level of education
among the Gypsies, the introduction of a nationwide program for the teaching of
Gypsy language and culture to Gypsy children in primary schools, the production
of school materials for Gypsies and the incorporation of information about
minorities in general in the curricula of Finnish schools.
In a few local schools, there are now special programs for Gypsy children,
usually in the form of a Gypsy teacher coming a few hours a week to teach
Gypsy language and culture, in addition to the normal curriculum, to those
children who wish to participate. A nationwide program has still not been
implemented, however, and probably cannot be without a change in legislation.
At present, Saami is the only minority language catered for in the legislation
which regulates the form and content of the kindergarten and primary school
system. In connection with Gypsy language instruction, a particular difficulty is
the secret character of the Gypsy language: many Gypsies are opposed to the
production of language teaching materials in a form which makes them
accessible to non-Gypsies and as a rule non-Gypsies have not been allowed to
participate in language courses arranged by the Gypsy organizations.

Finnish Romani
The following discussion of the present state of Finnish Romani is largely based
on fieldwork begun by Katri Vuorela in 1986, in the course of which
approximately 100 Finnish Gypsies – both in Finland and Sweden – have been
interviewed in Romani or in Finnish about aspects of Finnish Gypsy language
and culture.
60 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

Background
The language of the Gypsies, Romani, is an Indo-Iranian language, related to
Hindi and its sister languages on the Indian subcontinent, and ultimately to the
Indo-European languages in Europe, but not to Finnish, a Finno-Ugric language.
In the 18th century, when the Indian origin of the Gypsies was proposed and the
affiliation of Romani with Sanskrit was proven beyond doubt11, Romani caught
the attention of Indo-European scholars. Thanks to the key position enjoyed by
Sanskrit in the development of Indo-European linguistics and perhaps because of
the contention that Romani “of all living languages is most nearly akin to
Sanskrit” (Thesleff 1911:82), it has been studied eagerly by linguists ever since.
Modern Romani is divided into a number of dialects (as they are traditionally
called in Romani linguistics), between some of which mutual intelligibility is low
or nonexistent (for this reason they are sometimes referred to as Romani
languages). Furthermore, in many European countries, Gypsies use among
themselves language varieties containing large elements of Romani, mainly in the
lexicon, while the phonology and grammar are, by and large, those of some
surrounding language. In the literature, such varieties have been variously
classified along a spectrum which ranges from slang, through special secret
languages (‘argot’, ‘cant’, etc.), to Romani. Several different subgroupings of the
Romani dialects or languages have been proposed. For an overview, see Hancock
(1988), and for an attempt to arrive at an objective measure of the linguistic
differences among the languages and lects used by Gypsies, see Cortiade (1991).
All Finnish Gypsies now speak Finnish, most of them as their first language,
and Romani to varying degrees primarily as a secret language, which is learned
fairly late in childhood. Occasionally, one finds very young Finnish Gypsies in
Sweden who speak Swedish as their first language. In Sweden, it is also common
that the Finnish Gypsies use Finnish as a secret language instead of Romani.
Compare the situation just described to the ‘Angloromani’ of British Romnichal
Gypsies: “nevertheless the ancestral tongue, in great modified form, is maintained
within the group, though it may not be learnt until the speaker is nine or ten years
old” (Hancock 1978:19). A commonly used heuristic measure of the vitality of a
language is the number of children speaking it (see, e.g., Krauss 1979), but
obviously, such statistics would give a far too pessimistic estimate of the current
status of Finnish Romani. The knowledge of Romani correlates with other
aspects of Gypsy culture, e.g. women's dress, ritual cleanliness, taboo behaviour,
etc. Learning Romani is a conscious effort, and part of growing up as a Gypsy.
When you learn Romani, as when a Gypsy girl starts wearing her Gypsy dress at
16, it means that you wish to live like a Gypsy and that you agree to follow the
rules of social conduct of Gypsy culture. From a developmental linguistic point

11Neither the position of Romani within the Indo-Iranian language family as, more
specifically, a Indo-Aryan language nor the Indian origin of the Gypsies are undisputed (see
Hancock 1988).
 FINNISH ROMANI 61

of view, however, this also means that a Gypsy may not have a firm command of
Romani until he is in his twenties. However, on the other hand, as long as he lives
as a Gypsy, he will continue to learn the language.
Some Gypsies, mostly elderly people, are fully bilingual in Romani and
Finnish, having grown up in homes where Romani was still the everyday
medium of communication between members of the household, including the
children. Since Romani is increasingly being less used in everyday
communication, a great deal of attrition is evident. Finnish influence is making
itself felt on all linguistic levels. The phonological system is becoming virtually
identical to the Finnish system, especially among younger Romani speakers in
Finland, the original case inflection is disappearing and spontaneous borrowing
from Finnish is common, although in general its frequency and character shows
great individual variation.
Valtonen (1968) uses the somewhat infelicitous term ‘style’ in differentiating
between two main varieties of Finnish Romani, ‘higher’ and ‘lower style’, in his
terminology. The ‘higher style’ is, basically, an older, more original form of the
language, while ‘lower style’ refers to a more recent, grammatically simplified
Romani which is heavily influenced by Finnish. The extreme stages of ‘lower
style’ would correspond to the Para-Romani languages dicussed in Bakker &
Cortiade (1991). We feel that ‘style’ is not the most appropriate term to use in
describing the sociolinguistics of Finnish Romani today. First of all, the term
‘style’ is usually applied to a situation where there are a number of language users
who master several varieties of a language and use these varieties under different
social circumstances. This is not the case with the speakers of Finnish Romani.
Instead, we would argue that Finnish Romani displays a proficiency continuum,
fairly typical of language death situations, where mastery of the language is
correlated with the age of the speaker12. We also feel that there is a geographical
dimension to Valtonen's ‘style’, in that there is a tendency for the language to be
better preserved in the Eastern parts of the area inhabited by the Finnish Gypsies,
i.e. Eastern Finland, than in the Western parts, i.e. Sweden (cf. Thesleff 1901:iv).
Generally, however, the Gypsy population is more mobile than the average Finn
(see the previous section) and because of this it is difficult to make any hard and
fast statements about the geographical distribution of Romani speakers. As a rule
of thumb, however, we would expect to find the best Romani speakers among old
Gypsies in Eastern Finland, and, conversely, that young Finnish Gypsies in
Sweden would know very little Romani.
There is an awareness among the Finnish Gypsies – who themselves may be

12This is also the general picture that can be gleaned from Valtonen's (1968:71ff)
presentation of his informants and their language proficiency. They range from a man born
in 1884, whose “language proficiency is excellent” (1968:72), to a man born in 1938 and his
two sisters who “in their language use represent the lower style” and “are unable to
pronounce irreproachably the difficult sounds of the language” (1968:78).
62 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

Map of Finland with geographical names mentioned in text.

speakers of the ‘lower style’ – that there are older, ‘more correct’ forms of, for
example, words, an awareness which reveals itself amongst other ways in their
producing hypercorrect forms.
The Finnish Gypsies speak their own variety of Finnish, the phonology and
morphology of which are by and large those of the surrounding Finnish dialect in
 FINNISH ROMANI 63

the locality where they have grown up. In its vocabulary, phraseology and syntax,
however, their Finnish shows traits peculiar to the Gypsies which are, at least in
part, attributable to a Romani substrate.

The modern language

As a sample of Finnish Romani as it is spoken today we reproduce below two
interview extracts. The first interview was made in 1988 and the second in 1990.
Both informants are Finnish Gypsy women, who are fluent speakers of Finnish
Romani, although at least the younger of the two feels more at home with Finnish
and uses it much more than Romani, even in most interactions with other
Gypsies. In order to illustrate the development of the language, we have chosen
the informants so that the age difference between them is roughly one generation.
There is, as it were, a generation of ‘apparent time’ between the Romani of the
two texts.
The Romani text is accompanied by a rough interlinear glossing-cum-
morpheme-analysis and an interlinear English translation. Occasionally, we have
inserted comments to the translation in square brackets. Round brackets are used
in the Romani text to mark ‘noise’ of various kinds, such as false starts or partial
repetitions by the informant, portions where the informant's voice is drowned by
background sounds on the tape, etc. We have marked the corresponding places in
the translation with a uniform (...).
The transcription by and large adheres to Finnish orthography which means
that length is indicated by writing a letter doubled, except in two cases:
– Long /j/ is written <ij>, as in jeijom (line 4) ‘we went’, which is pronounced
as if it were written jejjom. However, the combination <iij>, as in tiija (line 2)
‘time’, is pronounced as long /i/ followed by short /j/.
- The combination <ng> represents /00/, not /0g/.
The grammatical categories used in the glosses and their abbreviations are as
follows: ablative (ABL), comparative (COMP), conditional (COND), dative (DAT),
feminine (FEM), genitive (GEN), infinitive (INF), instrumental (INSTR), oblique
(OBL), particle (PTC), interrogative particle (QPTC), plural (PL), past (PAST),
present (PRES), singular (SG). If nothing else is indicated, the categories of case
and number in nouns and adjectives default to nominative and singular,
respectively, and that of gender in adjectives and genitive forms defaults to
masculine.

Interview 1
o = a woman, about 70 years old, speaks Romani, Finnish and Swedish
k = the interviewer

1 o: katta ame rakkavaha? / sar kammeha tu?

what-ABL we talk-PRES-1PL / how want-PRES-2PL you-SG
what do we talk about? / how do you want it?
64 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

k: ku kaale sikite / vantrude

when gypsy-PL early-COMP / roam-PAST-3PL
when the gypsies earlier / roamed

2 o: jaa / ame vandrudiijam sikide / a / a to tiija / ka naa sas /

well / we roam-PAST-1PL early-COMP / and / and that time / when not be-
PAST-3SG
well / we roamed earlier / and / and at that time / when there were no /
3 stedi kai aahtammas / ta buurudammas / ame vandrudiijam / veenengi
tiija /
place-PL where be-PAST-1PL / and live-PAST-1PL / we roam-PAST-1PL /
winter-GEN-FEM time
places where we were / and we lived / we roamed / in the wintertime /
4 aahtan daari / tuohhako rink / ta / niijales ame jeijam / aro oboa / ta
be-PAST-1PL here / skirt-GEN-MASC side / and / summer-OBL we go-PAST-1PL
/ in turku / and
we were here / on the häme side / and / in the summer we went / to turku
/ and
5 aro neevo them / ta / ta aro (nee) / neevo / them / a doori / sikide / liijan /
in new land / and / and in / new / land / and there / early-COMP / get-
PAST-1PL
to uusimaa / and / and in (...) / uusimaa / and there / earlier / we got /
6 khaaben grenge / a daari sas pengalo voorosko tiija aro tuohha /
food horse-PL-DAT / and here be-PAST-3SG spring-GEN time in skirt /
food for the horses / and here [it] was bad in the springtime in häme /
7 naas jakke khaaben / grenge / ame jeija(m) / doori / duura(l)de / ta /
not-be-PAST-3SG so food / horse-PL-DAT / we go-PAST-1PL / there / far-
COMP / and /
as there was not so much food / for the horses / we went / there / further
away / and /
8 pertal paani jeija(m) / aro / oolandos / a / doori / liijam / grenge khaabeen /
over water go-PAST-1PL / in / åland / and / there / get-PAST-1PL / horse-
PL-DAT food /
over the water we went / to / åland / and / there / we got / for the horses food /
9 ta doori sas barvale tuer / dotta liijam / komunenge / khaaben / ta
and there be-PAST-3SG rich-PL house / which-ABL get-PAST-1PL / person-PL-
DAT / food / and
and there were rich houses / from which we got / for the people / food /
and

k: sasko tumenge / tuihka / gräija?

be-PAST-3SG-PTC you-PL-DAT / good-PL / horse-PL
did you have / good / horses?
 FINNISH ROMANI 65

10 o: doola sas tuihka / bengale / ta tuihka / sar farkutiilo a / mare / rom /

it-PL be-PAST-3SG good-PL / bad-PL / and good-PL / how change-PAST-
3SG and / our-PL /
they were good / bad / and good / as it changed and / our / man /
11 tuerte / grenge / tuyöpi / ta ame dikjam / juuja /
do-PAST-3PL / horse-PL-GEN / business-PL / and we look-PAST-1PL /
woman-PL / card-PL /
did / horse / trading / and we looked / [we] women / [in the] cards /
12 pelehki / ta / tuertammas unti / a / jakke / djeija(m) /
and / do-PAST-1PL lace-PL / and / so go-PAST-1PL
and / we made / laces / and / so / we left /

k: voipuvenako tume / djampel kutti?

can-PRES-2PL-PTC you-PL / sing-INF little
can you / sing a little?

13 o: me (kom) / me som bengali / me som bengali te jambaa /

I / I be-PRES-1SG bad-FEM / I be-PRES-1SG bad-FEM to sing-PRES-1SG
I (...) / I am bad / I am bad at singing /
14 a / maan hin / tukado jii / onnos hin bengalo / mango
and / I-OBL be-PRES-3SG / sick heart / breathing be-PRES-3SG bad / I-GEN
and / I have / a sick heart / the breathing is bad / my
15 (ondo) / onnos hin bengalo ka maan hin tukado jii /
/ breathing be-PRES-3SG bad-MASC as I-OBL be-PRES-3SG sick-MASC
heart
(...) / breathing is bad as I have a sick heart

Interview 2:
y = a woman, about 40 years old, speaks Finnish, Romani and some Swedish
k = the interviewer

k: totta jeenestä
that-ABL man-ABL
about that man

21 y: ai / me / ikkatommas itt iek jeeneha /

oh / I / love-PAST-1SG together a man-INSTR /
oh / I / made love to a man /
22 ja maan hin kaan valapos lessa /
and I-OBL be-PRES-3SG now child he-INSTR /
and I have now a child with him /
66 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

23 me na ei na jaanaa / kaan et so me hortta seeraas /

I not not not know-PRES-1SG / now that what I real do-COND-1SG
I don't know / now that what I really should do /
24 me aahhaa jakke kokaros / maan ei naa / hispa kai me jaas /
I be-PRES-1SG so lonesome / I-OBL not not / flat where I go-
COND-1SG
I am so alone / I don't have / a flat where I would go /
25 eikä me ei na voipuvaa sikaves / vaurenge kaalenge / (maan) /
not-PTC I not not can-PRES-1SG show-INF / other-PL-DAT gypsy-
PL-DAT / (...) /
nor can I show myself / to other gypsies / (I have) /
26 ku maan hin / touva vauro valapos / ku kaale akkana / kaale akkana /
when I-OBL be-PRES-3SG / that other child / when gypsy-PL tell-PRES-
3PL / gypsy-PL tell-PRES-3PL /
when I have / that other child / when the gypsies say / the gypsies say /
27 tola vaure jeeneske että maan hin valapos niin touva lela nikki /
that other man-DAT that I-OBL be-PRES-3SG child so he take-
PRES-3SG away /
to that other man that I have a child then he takes [= will take] away /
28 nikki kouva valapos mannasa /
away that child I-ABL
away that child from me /

k: lela nikki?
take-PRES-3SG away
takes away?

29 y: mm / maan hin jakke / ilako aahhes totta / ja tauva vauro jeenokaan /

mm / I-OBL be-PRES-3SG so / bad be-INF that-ABL / and this other
man-PTC
mm / I have so [= such a] / bad feeling from that / and this other
man too /
30 touvakaa ei naakaan pahatas / eikä sitsi /
he-PTC not not-be-PRES-3SG-PTC call-PAST-3SG / not-PTC nothing /
he too hasn't even called / or anything /
31 eikä puhtas kouva pesko valapos / ienkong / että me aahhaa kaan /
not-PTC ask-PAST-3SG that small child / even / that I be-PRES-1SG
now /
or asked about that small child / at all / that I am now /
32 maan mostula varmaan laakaves kouva valapos /
I-OBL must-PRES-3SG surely put-INF that child /
I must for sure put that child /
33 valapengo huusa kuti tiijake / että me (laa toola) / laakaves toola saaki /
child-PL-GEN house little time-DAT / that I / fix-INF that-PL thing-PL /
in an orphanage for a little time / that I (get those) / fixed those things /
 FINNISH ROMANI 67

34 että maan mostula kaan vandruves ku maan ei naa / ieko seer kai me jaa /
that I-OBL must-PRES-3SG now roam-INF when I-OBL not not-be-PRES-3SG /
own home where I go-PRES-1SG /
that I must now move around since I don't have / my own home where I
[can] go /
35 eikä me ei na voipuvaa hurane / hurane / komujengo neer jal /
not-PTC I not not can-PRES-1SG old-PL / old-PL / person-PL-GEN to
go-INF /
nor can I to the old / old / people go /

k: soske na?
what-DAT not
why not?

36 y: no touva / maan mostula lansaves / ku maan hin pesko valapos /

well that / I-OBL must-PRES-3SG feel-shame-INF / when I-OBL be-PRES-3SG
small child
well that / I must feel shame / since I have a small child /
37 ja sitte me rahhaa panna / että vaure kaale akkana /
and then I fear-PRES-1SG also / that other-PL gypsy-PL say-PRES-3PL
and then I am afraid also / that other gypsies [will] say /
38 tola mango / vaure jeeneske / että maan hin valapos /
that I-GEN / other-DAT man-DAT / that I-OBL be-PRES-3SG /
to that my / other man / that I have a child /
39 vaure jeeneha / touva ei jaanela so touva seerela panna /
(an)other-INSTR man-INSTR / that not know-PRES-3SG what he do-
PRES-3SG then /
with another man / you don't know what he does [= will do] then /

Considerations of space preclude an exhaustive discussion of the linguistic

system of modern Finnish Romani or of the changes which have produced this
system13. Katri Vuorela's forthcoming dissertation will treat this subject in more

13If, indeed, one can talk about one system in this case. We again wish to stress the
amount of variation observed in Finnish Romani spoken (and written) today. The ‘system’ of
which we give a brief sketch below should be understood as a kind of prognosis: ‘This is
what Finnish Romany probably would become, given the developmental trends which we
have seen earlier in this century and which we can see today, and given that it would
stabilize into something which we unreservedly could refer to as one language system, e.g.
by being codified as a standard.’ Due to the amount of linguistic variation, the linguistic
analysis may be very different, depending on which speakers we choose as representing the
current language state, as the reader will hopefully have noticed from the interview
fragments reproduced above. At any rate, it is not completely clear that, in describing
Finnish Romani, we would not be better off if we discarded the methodological principle of
assuming a monolithic linguistic system (essentially a normative notion, despite frequent
claims to the contrary by linguists) which is a prerequisite for a ‘successful’ and
contradiction-free traditional linguistic analysis (cf. Le Page 1969). On the other hand, we
68 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

depth than is possible here. Below, we will focus on a few illustrative examples
from the phonology (segment inventory and some phonotactics), grammar
(nominal and verbal inflection) and lexicon (loanword patterns) of modern
Finnish Romani. One observation is pertinent here, however. As hopefully the
following sections will show, Finnish Romani is in the process of slow attrition
from fully inflected Romani14 towards a variant of Finnish with a considerable
stock of Romani lexical material, where the intervening stages can be
documented. This makes it difficult, if not impossible, to see present-day Finnish
Romani as a deliberately created cryptolect originally coexisting with Romani
proper, which is the origin proposed for Angloromani and Scandoromani, and by
implication also Fennoromani, by Hancock (1992), although he explicitly
excludes the Finnish Gypsies from his discussion.
In order to discuss the developments specific to modern Finnish Romani we
of course need a point of departure, or a standard, against which to compare it.
The phonology, morphology and lexicon of Finnish Romani as spoken around
the turn of this century have been documented in Thesleff (1901), in Ariste
(1938) and recapitulated and summarized in Valtonen (1968, 1972), sources
which will form the background to our discussion, and to which we will not refer
explicitly below. Even the language described by Thesleff stands out as a
distinctively Finnish variety of Romani15, however, and therefore we will also
occasionally find use for the structural sketches of inflected European Romani in
Bakker & van der Voort (1991) and Hancock (1988) to get a picture of Romani
as it may have looked before the contact with Finnish. Grammars of individual
European Romani dialects have also been consulted (and will be referred to
whenever appropriate) to complement the rather meagre information on
especially phonology and syntax found in the two works just mentioned.

Phonology
Finnish Romani as spoken today shows an impoverished consonant inventory,
compared to other European Romani languages and also compared to the
language state described by Thesleff (1901). The present system is similar to that
of the Finnish spoken by a majority of the Finnish Gypsies in older times, i.e.
East Finnish showing traits found in the Savo (savolaismurteet) and South-
eastern (kaakkoismurteet) dialect complexes16 (see Kettunen 1981), in that there

are then faced with a new descriptive problem which we cannot go into here but to which we
nevertheless wish to draw attention: How are we to handle the variation seen in Finnish
Romani in a linguistic description of the language without resorting to normativity (or is this
unavoidable? Cf. Le Page & Tabouret-Keller 1985)? See Simpson (1981) for a brief
discussion of these matters.
14‘Inflected Romani’ is a term loosely used by many authors for those varieties of
Romani that have preserved most of the inflectional categories, and the corresponding
affixes, that can be postulated for their ancestor language.
15According to Thesleff (1899:2), the Finnish Gypsies “probably started to separate
from the Gypsies in Sweden already in the 16th century”.
16According to a census made in 1895, more than one third of Finland's Gypsies lived in
the Viipuri province, i.e. in what was then the south-easternmost part of Finland (Grönfors
 FINNISH ROMANI 69

is only one series of stops, as in Finnish17 (realized as voiceless and unaspirated),

corresponding to the three series in other Romani languages (voiced, voiceless
and voiceless aspirated). Original initial consonant clusters are frequently reduced
to a single consonant, while such clusters in other positions are often broken up
by the insertion of an epenthetic vowel. The treatment of initial clusters is
characteristic of Finnish in general, except for a few western dialect areas, while
vowel epenthesis is found in central Finland, both in the East and West.
The vowel inventory, on the other hand, is richer than in the older language,
the main additions being the front rounded vowels ü (written y, as in Finnish) and
ö, and several diphthongs, presumably from Finnish, where front rounded vowels
and diphthongs abound. There are also frequent instances of vowel harmony of
the Finnish type, i.e. the quality of suffix vowels is determined by that of the last
preceding non-neutral vowel in the word form. The accent is normally fixed on
the first syllable of word forms, on the Finnish pattern, in distinction to most other
European Romani languages, in some of which the accent is free, often varying
between different inflected forms of the same lexeme (see e.g. Gjerdman &
Ljungberg 1963:16; Kepeski & Jusuf 1980:30ff), while in others there is a
preference towards final or penultimate stress placement (e.g. Sergievskij 1981
[1938]:155; Lipa 1963:5), or stem-final stress (e.g. Hutterer & Mészáros
1967:17f).
All these features show quite a lot of variation between individuals,
however, and even in the speech of single individuals. Thus, some
commonly occurring consonant variations are the following.
ph ~ p ~ pf ~ f ~ h th ~ t ~ f ~ h kh ~ k ~ x ~ h
b ~ p ~ mp ~ mb d ~ t ~ nt ~ nd g ~ k ~ 1k ~ 11
tu ~ ts ~ s ~ j
There is a correlation between the individual's command of the language and the
amount of variation in his speech. Those with a good command of Romani, like
the older woman in the first interview above, are fairly consistent in their
language use, on all linguistic levels, while those who are less fluent tend to
produce many variant forms. Of course, no speech community is free of linguistic
variation, but it is nevertheless a frequently made observation in the literature on
language decay and death, that ‘unconditioned’ linguistic variation in and
between individuals is extremely pervasive – as it is in Finnish Romani – in the
terminal stages of a language (e.g. Dorian 1981:114ff; Dressler 1972:454,
1988:189; Krauss 1979:852; Schmidt 1985:44ff; Van Ness 1990:57ff), which
would seem to vindicate our earlier contention that Finnish Romani is a dying
language, and essentially monostylistic.

1977:18). After World War II, most of this province became part of the Soviet Union; the
former Finnish province capital Viipuri is now the Russian city Vyborg.
17In order to get a clear picture of the Finnish influence on the phonology of Finnish
Romani, it is important not to take Standard (i.e. literary) Finnish as a point of departure
(which is what van der Voort [1991:134 ] does), because Standard Finnish has the voiced
stop /d/ (and, at least marginally, in loanwords, /b/ and /g/ as well), features absent from
practically all Finnish dialects.
70 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

Grammar
The morphology of modern Finnish Romani is characterized both by
simplification, which manifests itself as a reduction in the number of
morphological categories expressed, as well as in the number of distinct
inflectional paradigms, and by the existence of a large number of variant
forms.
In nouns, the two-gender system (masculine and feminine), characteristic
of the older language and of inflected Romani in general, has all but
disappeared, presumably because Finnish lacks gender as a grammatical
category. As a consequence, adjectives are no longer inflected for gender.
As a rule, only the old masculine inflection remains. The gender distinction
forms the basis of the main nominal paradigmatic dividing line in inflected
Romani, i.e. the maximally different noun paradigm types are masculine
and feminine. In Finnish Romani, there is some leakage between the two
types, so that originally feminine nouns sometimes take originally
masculine inflections, while the opposite does not seem to occur.
The nouns of inflected Romani regularly express the following categories
in two numbers (singular and plural):
Case18 Possession
nominative genitive (or possessive adjective)
vocative
oblique (or accusative)
dative
instrumental (or comitative)
prepositional (or locative)
ablative
Two of the cases are absent from Finnish Romani, except for a few remains
in set expressions: (1) the vocative, whose function has been taken over by
the nominative; (2) the prepositional, which mainly appeared after certain
prepositions, but sometimes could function as an independent locative. It
has been replaced by the nominative and partly by the genitive.
The genitive has lost its adjectival inflection and has become a
proper case form, in the shape of the former masculine nominative
singular form.
The oblique, which in inflected Romani marks animate direct objects and is
obligatory after certain prepositions has been partly replaced by the nominative.
Instead of the original construction with preposition governing the oblique there
are several alternative constructions, two common alternatives being genitive

18Some authors label only the nominative, vocative and oblique as (primary) cases,
calling the other forms in this column ‘secondary cases’ or ‘postpositional forms’. This
terminology is motivated by the structural fact that the ‘secondary cases’ and the possessive
adjective are formed by adding endings to the oblique singular and plural (the same endings
in both numbers; hence, an agglutinative construction).
 FINNISH ROMANI 71

plus postposition19 or a bare nominative, as in the second interview above (line

33: valapengo huusa ‘child, genitive plural + house, nominative singular’ in/to/
an orphanage).
On the other hand, certain Finnish case endings are (irregularly)
borrowed, most commonly nominative and partitive plural, and accusative,
inessive and adessive singular (Valtonen 1968:169ff; Belugin 1977).
The verbal inflection has survived better than that of the nominal parts of
speech, probably because it even originally was more similar to its Finnish
counterpart than the latter. The older system had the following verbal forms,
according to Thesleff (1901).
Present
Future
Potential I (Valtonen 1968 calls this form conditional, a term that
reflects its contemporary usage better)
Perfect (preterit in Valtonen 1968; this form does not
synchronically correspond to the Finnish perfect tense.
Instead, there is a tendency to form a new perfect tense, as
well as a pluperfect, on the Finnish pattern, with forms of
the verb ‘be’ in combination with the past tense.)
Potential II (“corresponds totally to the Finnish simple past tense”
according to Valtonen 1968:137; In the glosses to the
interviews, we have labelled both potential II and
perfect/preterit forms as past, because they seem to be used
interchangeably by the informants, to correspond to the
Finnish simple past. Further analysis of the interview
material is needed before we can say anything about
possible differences between them.)
Imperative
Past Participle
All the foregoing are inflected in three persons and two numbers, except the
imperative (only second person forms) and the past participle (inflected like an
adjective).
One noteworthy morphological innovation in the verbal inflection in the
modern language is the coalescence of two originally separate Romani tenses, the
present and the future, into one set of forms, corresponding in use to the Finnish
present tense, which normally refers to the present, but which also functions as a
future20 (Finnish lacks a future tense, at least colloquially). The forms in this new

19Postpositions are much more common than prepositions in Finnish, and the majority
of the Finnish postpositions govern the genitive. Hence, this construction in Romany is
almost certainly due to Finnish influence.
20It is true that Thesleff's (1901) perfect and potential II also seem to have merged (see
above) but not into one set of forms as in the case of the present and future. Rather, perfect
and potential II forms seem to be in free variation, although we have an inkling that their use
may reflect an aspectual distinction, at least for the oldest speakers.
72 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

present tense are largely those of the old future, with the exception of the first
person singular, where sometimes the old present tense form is used.
Another innovation is the introduction of an infinitive. Earlier, Romani
used a construction with a finite verb (a present form in the same number
and person as the main verb) sometimes preceded by the conjunction te
‘that, when, if’ corresponding to the various Finnish infinitives. This
construction in Romani is thought to be due to Greek influence. The modern
language uses instead the second person singular or the third person
singular or plural of the original present tense (ending in -es and -el/-en,
respectively), apparently in free variation, as an infinitive (Valtonen
1968:133f refers to these forms as ‘subjunctive’). In the first interview there
are examples of both constructions. The interviewer, speaking a more
modern form of the language, asks in the line following line 12: voipuvena
tume djampel kutti? ‘can you sing a little’, where djampel is ‘sing’ in the
infinitive (originally present tense third person singular; the corresponding
modern form is djampela, originally a future tense form). The informant
answers: me som bengali te jambaa ‘I am bad at singing’, where jambaa is
‘I sing’, i.e. present tense first person singular, both in the old and the
modern language.
Among younger speakers there is a tendency towards simplification in the
expression of the category person/number in the verb. While the original system
(still in use among old speakers) had separate forms for all six person/number
combinations (although there was some syncretism in individual tenses), the
younger speakers tend towards a system with only two forms: non-third vs. third
person. This is a development which has no equivalent in the Finnish system. On
the other hand, there is also a tendency, as in the nominal inflection, to borrow
Finnish person-number endings, especially in the second person singular, where
the Finnish ending -t is frequently encountered.

Lexicon
In the old language (Valtonen's ‘higher style’), there are considerably more
Swedish loanwords than loans from Finnish (Valtonen 1968 has the figures
20% as against 8%), even in those parts of Finland where Swedish was
hardly spoken at all and the interviews reproduced above bear this out. We
find several words of Swedish origin in both texts, e.g. voorosko tiija (line
6; ‘springtime’, Sw. vår ‘spring’ + Sw. tid ‘time’), unti (line 12; ‘laces’, Sw.
udd ‘lace’), mostula (line 32; ‘must’, Sw. måste ‘must’), laakaves (line 32;
‘put, fix’, Sw. laga ‘put, fix’) and others. Even geographical names, unless
they are in Romani (line 5: neevo them ‘new land’, Sw. Nyland, Fi.
Uusimaa), tend to be Swedish rather than Finnish: oboa (line 4; Sw. Åbo,
Fi. Turku) and oolandos (line 8; Sw. Åland, Fi. Ahvenanmaa) are examples
of this from the texts.
The small amount of Finnish loanwords may seem surprising, considering
that all Finnish Gypsies speak Finnish and that the majority of them live in
Finland. In spontaneous speech (as opposed to an interview situation) there are
 FINNISH ROMANI 73

more Finnish loanwords, mainly of an occasional character. In general, the

younger a speaker is, the more Finnish she will use in her Romani. The extent of
spontaneous borrowing from Finnish is largely governed by functional
considerations. As we have already mentioned, one of the main functions of
Finnish Romani is as a secret language which means that the amount of
borrowing from Finnish is kept deliberately low when the language is spoken
among Finns (cf. Leiwo 1991:89). Instead, in situations of lexical inadequacy,
language-internal word-formation resources are mustered, or a Swedish loanword
is chosen.

Writing and literacy in Finnish Romani

Finnish Romani is mainly a spoken language, which is particularly evident when
it occasionally appears in written form. Very little has been published in the
language, mostly religious texts (translations of parts of the New Testament,
religious songs, etc.). The periodical Romano Boodos (The Gypsy Message),
published in 4-5 issues per year by Mustalaislähetys (The Gypsy Mission) in
Helsinki, usually contains one or two articles in Romani on more secular topics.
Two other periodicals, Elämä ja valo (Life and Light), published quarterly by
Suomen Vapaa Evankelinen Romaanilähetys (The Finnish Free Evangelical
Gypsy Movement) in Helsinki and the irregularly appearing Zirickli (Bird),
published jointly by several Gypsy organizations, sometimes contain items
written in Romani.
Written Finnish Romani is not a literary language in the sense that this term is
usually understood, i.e. there is no normalized written language with a
conventional spelling and selection of variant forms21. Rather, each text reflects
the idiolectal features of its writer's language, in an orthography which varies
between individual authors, or even within one text. The texts of some authors
also abound with hypercorrect forms, reflecting an attempt to write in a ‘purer’
Romani than the language spoken today. This is partly due to the fact that
Romani is now essentially a ‘foreign’ language to most Finnish Gypsies, in the
sense that it is learned late in childhood rather than acquired from infancy and
also to the fact that Finnish Gypsies tend to display a low degree of literacy in
Finnish, their first language, mainly because of insufficient education. Since they
often cannot even write their first language properly, it comes as no surprise that
they should have difficulties in writing Romani.
In this connection we should also note that Finnish Romani lacks completely
that powerful support which the broadcasting media supply to standard languages
in modern society. There are no regular radio or television broadcasts in Finnish
Romani in Finland or Sweden.

21In 1971, a committee set up by the Finnish Ministry of Education issued a proposal for
normalizing the orthography of Finnish Romani together with a normative Romani word list
with approximately 3000 entries. Unfortunately, we have not seen this proposal, but judging
by the motleyness of written Finnish Romani today, twenty years later, it has gone unnoticed
by most of those who write in Romani (cf. Valtonen 1979:121).
74 KATRI VUORELA AND LARS BORIN

The future
Even though the prospects for the Romani language in Finland seem quite bleak,
Gypsy culture is still alive and well. While the language is rapidly becoming a
para-Romani language, i.e. a variety of Finnish permeated by Romani lexicon,
the cultural assimilation of the Gypsies is proceeding very slowly, if at all, partly
because the Gypsies differ from the majority population in so many other ways
than language, and because, as we have mentioned already, the behaviour of the
Gypsies is subject to very strict social control; there is less leeway for deviant
behaviour than in the majority culture. To grow up to be a Gypsy means that you
must know and agree to follow the social rules of Gypsy culture (which includes
learning at least some Romani). The alternative is an uncertain existence among
(mostly hostile) strangers.
The Finnish Gypsies, despite their being distributed in small groups over a
large geographical area and despite the fact that they are everywhere in a minority
position, nevertheless form a dense social network, in Milroy's (1980) terms, i.e.
they socialize mostly with other Gypsies, travelling often and widely in order to
do this. But this also means that Gypsy culture is a ‘strong’ one. In contrast to
some other minorities, e.g. the Finns in Sweden, for whom the language is their
most important cultural symbol, while their values and way of life do not differ to
any great extent from those of the Swedish majority (cf. the contribution by
Leena Huss in this volume), the Gypsies can do without their language and still
remain ethnically apart. We hasten to add that we have no wish for Finnish
Romani to die. On the contrary, we hope that the sad trend which is apparent in
the language today will somehow be reversed, and that the language will live and
prosper for a long time to come.

Department of Linguistics
University of Uppsala

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