Rudali: Subversion through

Resistance

Firoz.N “Writing for/with Subaltern: A Study of Contemporary Indian Fiction

with Focus on Mahasweta Devi's Works” Thesis. Department of English,
University of Calicut, 2006
 Chapter V

Rudali: Subversion through Resistance

One of the most acclaimed among the stories of Mahasweta Devi,

Rudali offers a powe~fulindictment against the socio-economic and religious

establishments in India. The text demonstrates how these three domains

reinforce each other in the social oppression and economic exploitation of the

subalterns in various ways. The subversive potential of Rudali as a politically

intervening work lies in its consistent demonstration oEthe counter initiatives

of the exploited people to resist the domination of the hegemonic classes. The

authentic documentation of the incessant struggles of the subalterns to meet

the both ends of their life, coupled with an unswerving effort to resist the

domination, testifies the political agenda of the text - the agenda of

empowering the subalterns by highlighting the alternative possibilities

behind the oppressive system. Written in the middle phase of her literary

career, Rudali testifies Mahasweta's thematic engagement with the less

privileged constituencies of Indian society. The text traces the metamorphosis

of Sanichari, the untouchable protagonist, by exhibiting how her initial

vulnerability and defenselessness gradually gave way to an unremitting

attitude and a successful manipulation of the system to her end.

The issue of survival is nowhere dealt with such deep insight from the

perspective of subaltern as in Rudali. The text, in a sense, offers a survival

manual for the subalterns to follow in an unreceptive worId, where they

experience continuous ostracization and subjugation at the hands of the

dominant classes. Questions of survival, implying as it does, an intersection

of an adamant rnindset and cognizing efforts, has become the focal point of

the text. "A preoccupation with one's survival", observes Margaret Atwood,

"is necessarily also a preoccupation with the obstacles to that survival."

(Suroival 33) Concerns of s w i v a l and the ensuing hardships are littered

across the fabric of the text. Sanichari is placed at the center of the text, and it

is through her experiences the issues of the exploitation and margmalization

of the subaltern communities are examined. The taking up of the profession of

rudali (funeral wailing) charts the subsiding of Sanichari's submissiveness to

the victimizing forces in her milieu and marks a guarded step towards her

empowerment.

Rudali narrates the story of a Dalit woman who boldly builds up her

means of subsistence in an antagonistic system. Sanichari encounters a series

of predicaments after the death of her close relatives, including her husband.

But, by refusing to view her abject condition as the outcome of destiny, she

treads bold steps and makes many efforts, amidst many odds, to ensure her

survival. As the story progresses, she is seen to be forging fresh strategies for

survival, both at individual and community level. The subalterns who are

historically on the defensive, according to Antonio Gramsci, "can only

achieve self-awareness via a series of negations, via their consciousness of the

identity and class limits of their enerny."(Prim Notebooks 273) In the story,

admittedly, Sanichari gets empowered by means of the negation of the

resilient role ascribed to her as well as her community by the establishment.

In the process, she learns to manipulate the very system that seeks to ostracize

her. By refusing to be subservient, she comes to enjoy a relative independence

from the stranglehold of the system. Rudali offers a powerful critique of the

contemporary Indian social reality by exhibiting the dire poverty of the

subalterns, their persistent struggle to eke out a living in an oppressive

milieu, their occasional gestures of self-assertion and their resistance to the

encroachments by the dominant castes/classes.

The locale of the story, Thahad, is a typical Indian village where

different forces are at work to browbeat the underprivileged communities in

various ways. Like any other Indian village, Thahad is also characterized by

the presence of caste system and feudalism. Caste becomes a determining

factor of the life of the people of Thahad. Sanichari, the central character of the

story, is an untouchable by caste. The very opening of the story introduces

Sanichari along with her socio-economic environment: "[Iln Thahad village,

ganjus and dushads were in the majority. Sanichari was ganju by caste. Like

the other villagers, her life too was lived in desperate poverty." (54) By

locating Sanichari in a well-defined socio-economic context, Mahasweta

brings home the idea that her abject condition is consequent upon her bottom

status in the caste ladder. Sanichari's subalternity is inextricably entangled

with her caste identity. By contextualizing the locale and characters at the

very outset of the story Mahasweta concedes no space for any other

assumptions attributed to their desperate condition. The socio-economic

context in which the characters are situated unmistakably reveals the

symptoms of India social system with all its discrepancies.

Every death in the village is mediated by certain rituals, which bring

with them many financial burdens for the subalterns who are already

impoverished. The ritual demands are often too much for them to afford. In

one occasion Sanichari exclaims: " w a s one to weep or worry about how to

bum the corpses and feed the neighbours cheaply at the shradhY(55) It is in

an ironic vein that the author pictures the pathetic predicament of the

underdogs, who do not have the time to mourn the death of their family

members owing to their busy efforts to meet the religious demands attendant

upon each death. Throughout the story Sanichari is shown to have no time to

grieve the death of her family members due to her extreme socio-economic

constraints. The death of her husband exacerbated the dismal situation

already present in her life. There is no indication in the text to suggest that her

life was happier before. Like the other members of her community her life

was also beset with scarcity and destitution: "[I]n this village everyone is

unhappy. They understand suffering. So they are content with being fed just

sour curd, sugar and coarse parched rice." (55) Ironically enough, this stark

picture strikes a sharp contrast to the idealized portrayals of Indian villages -

so ardently delineated in the stories of the mainstream writers like

Rabindranath Tagore and Premchand. Since Sanichari had to shoulder the

responsibility of pooling up the expense of the funeral of her husband, she

didn't get any time for mourning. This has to be read along with the vocation

of "funeral wailing" she took up later due to the compulsion of survival. This
is the sharp irony that underlies the life of the subaltern communities in the

country. Mahasweta sarcastically points out how the underprivileged people

are forced to put off not only their domestic pleasures but also their personal

sorrows due to their socio-economic constraints.

The entrapping and petmfying of the untouchables by the police at the

behest of Ramavatar reveals the nexus between the feudal landlords and local

administration. When Sanichari's mother-in-law died there were no male

members in the house to make the necessary arrangements for cremation.

Ramavatar Sigh, the Rajput landlord in the village, who suspected the dushad

and ganju males to have stolen some of his wheat, had got them arrested.

With the money power, the upper caste landlords could bring the subalterns

punishment for a mere whim of suspicion. Here, Mahasweta digs at the

system of justice prevailing in the India villages by demonstrating how it gets

contaminated by the influence of caste system. Examining how the casteism

interferes in the practice of rural justice, making it discriminatory D.R.Nagaraj

observes:

In the case of Dalits even petty thieving becomes a matter of

grave offence. The caste Hindu society loses the sense of

proportion and discrimination, and the judicial society of the

village transforms itself into the state with all its judicial and

policing powers. In the modem context the proper way is to

initiate processes of law and order. The official legal machinery

is there to take care of these violations. It assesses the magnitude

 of crime through its own well established procedures and the

rule of the law should take its course ( 32).

Even some slightest faults on the part of the untouchables, real or imaginary,

enrage the landlords. Due to the detention of her husband in the police station

Sanichari, together with her sister-in-law, had to do the all the crematory

works herself. Otherwise, they feared, it would bring them the additional

burden of paying the expense of the rbpentance rites, if the cremation was

delayed.

What is more scandalous about the prevalent system is the way in

which the religion, which is exceedirigly institutionalized, in tandem with

feudalism, incapacitates the weaker people through its various ritual and

ceremonious demands. In India, the theological knowledge is, by and large,

monopolized by the uppets castes, particularly Brahmins. The dominant

castes enjoy domination not only on the means of production but also on

scriptural knowledge. Dispossessed bf the knowledge entitled by the

scriptures, the lower castes have become vulnerable to religious exploitatiom

in many ways. ~ o surprisingly,

t the caste Hindus take advantage of the

situation and utilize their command ovkr scriptural knowledge to perpetuate

their domination over the subalterns. The monopoly of the upper castes over

knowledge is a major topic dealt in the subaltern stories of Mahasweta. Rudali

shows how the institutionalized religion disempowers the subalterns by its

coercive means.

Sanichari's husband died of cholera after consuming the milk offered

at the Baisakhi mela, a religious festival held to celebrate the New Year by the

Hindus. The idol of Siva was bathed in milk offered by the rich. Lower castes,

out of their desire to consume the milk approached the priest, who readily

offered it by demanding money. It was this "sanctified milk given by the

local priest that caused the death of Sanichari's husband. The priest

unjustifiably demanded money for the contaminated milk, knowing that

consuming it may be detrimental to theit health. He offered the unhygienic

milk to the lower castes, little respecting their life. To the upper

castes/classes, the life of subaltern is not worthy to be cared. Examining how

the ethos of caste legitimizes the mechanics of power in Indian society, Tapan

Basu observes in his introduction to Trmzslating Caste (2002): "[with its

justification in Hindu religio-legal mandates, caste power is useful in

concealing the concentration of class power in the possession of elite, and in

the perpetuation of that possession through compulsion and coercion." (xxiii)

The institutionalized religion, with its coercive power upon the subalterns,

reinforces the exploitation taking place at social and economic levels.

Mahasweta shows, in a unique fashion, how the interests of

institutionalized religion and feudalism reinforce each other in subjugating

the subalterns in the contemporary India social scenario. The priest at Tohri is

shown to be demanding ritual offering which, he insists, is inevitable since

her husband died there. Sanichari had no other option but to concede to this

ritual demand, violation of which, she was made to believe, would be highly

ominous. Sanichari was accustomed to spend "a precious rupee and a quarter
on a Spartan offering of sand and sattu which Budhua offered as panda."(57)

She didn't know that the same ambush of religious exploitation was awaiting

her at her own village too. She was made to do the ritual offerings two times

which consequently pushed her to the shackle of bonded labour. In the story,

religion is presented not as a source of solace and redemption but as a source

of trauma and suffering. This monopoly on scriptural knowledge enjoyed by

upper castes is presented analogous to the margxdization of the lower castes

in matters of education and learning. The deprivation of knowledge, largely

concerning rituals, inevitably leads the lower caste communities to the mercy

of upper caste priests. Tapan Basu observes:

The coercive aspect of caste power is apparent also in the denial

of knowledge to those considered outside the pale of caste

power. The monopoly overlay as much as theological

knowledge enjoyed by Brahmin men and then, with the passage

of centuriesf by the upper castes as a whole, has been matched

by lower caste rnarginalization in matters of education and

learning, inevitably giving the socalled caste Hindus an

advantage insofar as they utilized this to capture and continue

to hold on to the instruments of cultural as well as economic

production and emerge as the so-called class Hindus (xxiii).

It is this coercive nature of caste system that is exemplified in the way

the priests at Tohri and Thahad intimidated Sanichari by demanding money

for ritual. Back at Thahad, Sanichari found another burden awaiting her.
Mohanlal, the local priest, insisted that she should do the ritual offerings once

again, since what was done at Tohri was inadequate. He taunted her by

shouting that she tried to belittle scriptural demands: " w h a t ! A mere

offering of sand, that too in river water! Is Budhua Lord Rarnachandra,

repeating his act of offering a pinda of sand for His father, King Dasaratha!"

(57) This time Sanichari had no money with her to do the money required for

the ritual offerings. Consequently, she gets herself mortgaged to Ramavtar

Singh, through a bond, after borrowing twenty rupees from him for doing her

husband's funeral rites. As per the bond, she has to reimburse frfty rupees

through a bonded labour extending over five years. This episode shows how

the feudal system, in connivance with the religious establishment, weakens

the downtrodden people in various ways. Religion, rather than a source of

soothing presence, is shown to be debilitating the hardly earned income of the

subalterns.

The bondage to which Sanichari has been forced is juxtaposed with the

spendthrift way the upper castes spend money for th funeral ceremonies. It is

sigruficant that it is the ritual demands followed by the death of her husband

that forced Sanichari to indebtedness to Ramavatar Singh. The irony apparent

in the situation is that the subalterns are forced to the stranglehold of bonded

labour for years for a flimsy amount of money, while the elite classes lavishly

spend huge amounts on their funerals. In the story, the funeral extravaganzas

are narrated along with the dire poverty of the subalterns for whom even the

nominal indulgence like bangles and combs remain a distant dream. This
narrative strategy of juxtaposing the two ends of Indian social hierarchy

endows the text a powerful subversive quality.

However, Sanichari managed to free herself from the bondage. After

one year's of bonded labour, driven by a slight hope, Sanichari approached

Ramavatar with the request of relieving her of the enforced contract.

Ramavatar, who was in a happy mood then, readily agreed to her request. It

was certainly an uncommon sign of bounteousness from the part of a

landlord. But Ramavatar's act of generosity did not go uncriticized. The other

landholders accused him of exhibiting unnecessary liberality towards the

untouchable field hands, whom, they insist, must be always kept under yoke.

Bonded labour, according to them "was of less value than the dust off their

shoes", and what mattered was "the yoke, the burden of debt that kept them

labouring like cattle." (58) The practice of the extremely exploitative and

dehumanizing system of bonded labour in rural India and its throttlehold

effect upon the subalterns are dealt with in detail in Mahasweta's collection of

activist writings Dust on the Road (1997).

The text also explicates the community kinship and caste association

among the subaltern people. In the story, the lower castes are shown to be

very caring and co-operative, notwithstanding occasional wrangles and

quarrels. When ~ u d h u adied, leaving his baby child with Sanichari, the lower

castes in the village came forward to look after their needs. Dhatua's wife

came forward to breastfeed Haroa, Budhua's baby. The author narrates that

"[WJhile Sanichari worked on the job, she didn't need to cook. Dulan's wife
would send her meal of roti and achar along with Dhatua's. Sanichari repaid

the debt of wheat flower. But, there are some debts that can never be repaid."

(62) Prabhu ganju offered Sanichari his yard for erecting her hut there. It is

signrficant that all of them - Dhatua, Dualn and Prabhu - are ganjus, the
untouchables. The caste members, particularly those who belong to the lower

stair of the hierarchy, who are more exposed to exploitations, have certain

shared experience of victimization. According to Sanichari, "[qn order to

survive, the poor and oppressed need the support of the other poor and

oppressed." (63) In another occasion, Sanichari herself offered shelter to

Bikhni, when she found her dispossessed in the market. When the landlord

had laid claim over her house for her failure of the repayment of a loan and

her son left for his in- law's house, Bikhni was left with no option but to leave

her village. Sanichari readily invited her to her hut: "[My

two-roomed hut is

empty. Each room has a platform to sleep on." (66)The corresponding pattern

of subjugation that they experience, being lower castes, has developed a

strong sense of kinship among them. In the story, the sense of solidarity and

amity among the underdogs is often juxtaposed with the internal feuds and

treacheries among the elite classes.

Sanichari was obviously affected by the running away of Haroa, who

was doing the menial works in Lachman Singh's shop at the market. She went

in search of him from one market place to another. Haroa's running away

becomes relevant to the fabric of the story in another way too. It is during her

incessant search for him that she happened to meet B M , her childhood
mate. The condition of Bihkni was equally pathetic. She was also accustomed

to roam around in search of job, due to her extreme economic insecurity. She

was forced to leave her house when the landlord of her village laid claim over

her house as a repayment of the loan. Dispossessed and distressed, she had

been wandering from place to place when Sanichari met her accidentally in

the market.

The resistant spirit and watchful mind of the subaltern is well

exemplified in the character of Dulan. It was Dulan who became instrumental

of Sanichari's empowerment by guiding her out of the mazes of enforced

deprivation and penury and reconnecting her with the community. He is an

accredited member of his community. Nothing in the village escapes from his

watchful mind and observant eyes. When encountered with the issue of

livelihood Sanichari urges Bikhni: "[Clome, let's go see Dulan. He's a crafty

old rogue, but he has a sharp mind. He is sure to show us way." (68) An

indomitable will coupled with a vigilant spirit differ Dulan from the rest of

the members of his community. He prompted them to action: "[Als long as

there's a way of earning, why should anyone die of starvation?"(68) He was

implying the elaborate ceremonies to be conducted in connection with

Bhairab Singh's funeral. They had news that it was going to be performed

with pomp and splendour. Sanichari and Bikhni actively listened to

everything Dulan told them. They looked attentive and motivated. Dulan not

only made a sound diagnosis of the problems at hand but also offered a

course of action. And nearly everything he said and did was calculated for
effect. He could enliven the dull spirit of Sanichari and directed her to the

path of resistance and survival through these stirring words. He prompted

Sanichari: "Budhua's mother! Do readymade ways of earning exist? They may

exist for rnalik-mahajans, but do they exist for dushads and ganjus? We have

to make our own opportunities." (68) He keeps himself informed of what is

happening in the village. To him, information means power since it opens u p

fresh opportunities. In one occasion, Sanichari compliments him: "[Nlo one

keeps close track of everyone's affairs the way you do." (76) The enthusiasm

and spirit that he demonstrates, even at worse times, denote his adamant

consciousness, which is unmistakably subaltern. The regenerative potentials

of his words effected desired change in the mind of Sanichari and Bikhni. He

whole-heatedly endorsed their joint efforts to find fresh opportunities of

subsistence. He often. spells out spiky criticism against the upper caste

masters. In one occasion, while talking about the need of arranging more

rudalis by including the sex workers at Tohri he remarks: "[Itl's these Rajput

rnalik-mahajans who have created so many randis." (72) At the same time, the

author seems to have taken special care not to attach a redeemer image to

Dulan. Such an aura of redeemer, once bestowed upon the character of Dulan,

would certainly hinder the subversive quality of the text. He is only an

instrument in their empowerment, and not a precondition.

It is not difficult to see that Dulan's craftiness is not alienated from the

community wisdom. He is a true repository of community wisdom. It is this

community wisdom that enabled Dulan to perk up the spirit of Sanichari and
Bikhni, and later through them the other members of the community. He

prompts Sanichari saying "[Llook here Buddha's rna, there is no bigger god

than one's belly. For the belly's sake everything is permissible." (69) He is of

the opinion that one needs certain tricks and strategies to live in an unfriendly

system. There are no readymade solutions available for subalterns. It is his

firm conviction that what one does to feed one's belly is justifiable. It is by re-

establishing the connectivity with the community that Dulan facilitated the

empowerment of Sanichari and Bikhni. They, in turn, invigorated the other

members of their community, thereby expanding the network of

empowerment among the downtrodden people in the village. This new spirit

enabled them to transcend the strictures of their environment and to exploit

the circumstances to their benefit.

The practice of funeral wailing is an enurnerative act which

accumulates momentum as the text progresses. The practice of mourning the

death was a staple activity among the upper classes and is considered as

religious obligatory. The landlords normally allot a huge sum for arranging

the rudalis, because they think the size of the amount being spent would

enhance their prestige. The landlords, Dulan tells Sanichari, "need rudalis to

prop up their honour. Now I have shown you the way, fight on." (74) Here,

Mahasweta is obviously digging at the spurious pride of the upper caste

people. The first occasion that Sanichari and Bikhni went to do the job of

rudalis was for the funeral of Bhairab Singh. Dulan was the first to know the

death of Bhairab Singh in the village. He passed the information to Sanichari

and Bikhni. It was when Sanichari and Bikhni were left with no money and

job that he triggered them off to the opening made available by the death of

Bhairab Singh: "fTlhey need rudalis to wail over the corpse. They have got

hold of two whores. In the household of the masters, whores weep for the

dead." (70) This project betokened new aspirations as well as anxieties in

Sanichari and Bikhni. Obviously, there were promises of improvements

encoded in the new vocation.

The narration of the oral history by Dulan to the other members of his

community has to be seen as a part of the narrative strategy deployed by the

author. It, besides historicizing of the text in a wider context, testifies

subalterns' resistance to the encroachments of the dominant castes/classes in

the past. The story of the incursion of the Rajaputs into the tribal areas is

relevant in many ways. First of all, the story, with its emphasis on the bold

resistance of the tribals against the onslaught of the outsiders, gives the text a

thematic connectivity with her other stories like Aranyer Adhikar and Chotti

Munda and His Awoup, where the issues of domination and subaltern

resistance are dealt with in a wider canvas. Secondly, it shows the direct

authorial intervention in the text at its best. The author narrates that "[Tlhe

tale Dulan told them was very signhcant. It explains clearly how the ruthless

Rajaputs infiltrated this remote area of tribals, and gradually built themselves

up to the status of moneylenders and established themselves as the masters of

the area." (73) History is constantly reactivated not only as the thread of the

narrative texture but as its source too. Mahasweta, by means of such direct
statements, spells out her sturdy dissent, which could not be expressed

otherwise, with the discrepancies of the system. This authorial intervention

effectively reveals the political agenda of her writing.

The narration of oral history by one subaltern to the other subalterns is,

however, pertinent since it traces the reprehensible channels through which

feudalism in India expanded its exploitative network throughout the country.

It narrates how the Rajaputs fell into the favour of the king after helping him

to suppress the tribal uprisings. The king, in turn, gave them the land, which

they expanded by means of oppression and marauding during the course of

time: ". ..now they take possession of land, not by throwing swords in the air

but by shooting bullets at people and flinging flaming torches at

settlements."(73) Here, like elsewhere, Dulan becomes a powerful spokesman

of the author, who uses him as an effective narrative tool throughout the

story. The statements made by Dulan unmistakably betray the social critique

inherent in the text:

There may be litigations and ill will between mailks, but they

have certain things in common. Except for salt, kerosene and

postcards, they don't need to buy anything. They have

elephants, horses, livestock, and illegitimate children, kept

women, venereal disease and a philosophy that he who owns

the gun owns the land. They all worship household deities, who

repay them amply- - after all, in the name of the deities they

hold acres, which are exempt from taxes and reforms (74).
 His words offer a powerful indictment against the horrendous manner

with which feudalism functions in Indian society. The history of India is

also the history of continuous exploitation and oppression of the lower castes

and tribals at the hand of the upper castes. The real causes of the deprivation

of the rnarginalized communities are to be attributed to the presence of

feudalism and caste system. Independence has not helped to eradicate the

dehumanizing practices of feudalism and caste system in the country. The

subalterns, who belong to the bottom of the caste hierarchy, are the direct and

immediate victims of the socio-political and religious exploitation.

The profession of funeral wailing had multiple effects upon the life of

Sanichari and Bikhni.First of d,it generated the income for subsistence and

alleviated their poverty thereby bringing a refreshed vibrancy in their life.

They found the practice of funeral wailing not only adaptive but also

potentially dissident for altering their subject position. This new vocation,

they hope, would enable them to escape the domination of the privileged

classes/castes who use the coercive means by which they could pull out

labour as well as impose an inconsiderate working condition and low wages

on their own exploitative terms. At the same time, Sanichari was aware of the

irony involved in her taking up of the vocation of funeral wailing. The author

narrates in an ironic vein: "Sanichari thought that perhaps her tears had been

reserved for the time when she would have to feed herself by selling them."

(72) Dulan asked Sanichari and Bikhni to arrange more rudalis by including

the sex workers at the randi street into their group. This is a great stride
forward in their struggle to confront the challenges they encountered in their

immediate environment. They have begun to see things in their own terms.

They discarded their resilient mindset and decided to fight. They also

understood the need for a concerted effort at community level. As Karlene

Faith aptly points out: "[Rlesistance may also be a choreographed

demonstration of cooperation. The 'willing victim' may be operating from the

vantage of strategic resistance, watching for openings and coalescing the

fragmentary forms of resistance which, in combination, articulate a potential

challenge to the status quo." (39) Here, the text marks the beginning of the

subalterns' collective empowerment. This new perception, which enabled

Sanichari to view the possibilities in her antagonistic physical environment,

illustrates the distance she has trodden in the process of empowerment.

As the story progresses, Sanichari and Bikhni become more assertive

and succeed in surmounting the hurdles in the path to empowerment. They

took their cue 'from the very system whish perpetually exploited them.

Emerging from the confines of her persecuting milieu Sanichari exhibits

remarkable power of adaptation. The initial performance of Sanichari and

Bikhni as rudalis is sighcant since it was a litmus test for them. Their

outstanding performance at the funeral of Bhairab Singh exhibits how diligent

and determined they are when encountered with the question of survival.

They wailed loudly and sang wellchosen phrases in praise of Bhairab Singh,

thereby outshining the whores who had come from the randi street. So in the

very first performance itself they got noticed as professional rudalis. Later,
everyone began to demand them for wailing the death. The politics of

subaltern resistance always involves a deep-seated repudiation of the codes

and norms prescribed by the dominant castes/classes. As Sartre aptly

observes "[Wle will become what we .are by the radical and deep-seated

refusal of that which others have made of us." (15) The text marks Sanichari

as a clever manipulator of the discreditable system and therefore links her to

other wider locales of subaltern resistance. Her psychological empowerment

is well illustrated in her words: "Everything in this life is a battle." (74)

The second half of the text presents Sanichari as an empowered

subaltern who is determined to manipulate the unfriendly system to her end.

Sanichari is seen to haggle with the account keepers for better payment for

their job: "Whe way we'll weep and wail, huzoor, we'll drown out even the

chant of Ram's name! For five rupees and rice. On the day of the kriya

ceremony we'll take cloth and food. Nothing more, nothing less. And if you

need more rudalis, we'll arrange it." (74) The haggling shows that she is

~waaveringin matters .concerning her subsistence. She began to demand

different tariff for performing her labour such as "wailing and rolling on the

ground, five rupees one sikka, wailing, rolling on the ground and beating

one's head, five rupees two sikkas." (75) She knew that as long as the masters

needed the rudalis to show off their pomp and snob, she, being a professional,

was in demand.

Rudali presents an obnoxious picture of the domestic life of the elite

classes. The greedy sons don't hesitate to murder their fathers for property'
whereas some others are shown to be waiting impatiently for the death of

their mothers. When Nathuni Singh's mother fell ill, he didn't bother to give

her treatment. Instead, he made all arrangements for a pompous funeral and

"stocking up on sandalwood and sal wood for a sensational funeral pyre.

Bales of cloth are arriving, for distribution at the kriya ceremony. He is

preparing to feed Brahmins and purchasing loads of ghee, sugar, dal,

flour."(77) It, besides revealing the pettiness of the upper class life, exhibits

the extravagant manner they waste money on funerals. It has to be read along

with Sanichari's mortgaging to Ramavtar Singh for five years for having

borrowed fifty rupees. The unrelenting endeavours of the subalterns for

survival are documented along with the licentious and profligate ways of the

elite life. By juxtaposing the two extremes of I n d i ~social Mahasweta

debunks the acute contradictioiw in Indi& society.

The spurious pfide and snob among the elite clas& opened up more

opportunities for the underdogs. The practice of wailing was viewed as a

matter of prestige arhohg the upper castes. The furore it generated among the

privileged people is well exempliked in the words of Nathuni Singh's second

wife. Out of a sense of pride she says in a snobbish manner: "[Wlhat's thuty

thousands rupees for a kriya ceremony- less than nothing. May my father

live long - but when he dies, then I'll show everyone how a kriya should be

held!"(78) The merchants and traders, who belong to the middle stair of caste

hierarchy, also began to ask for rudalis to show off their prestige.

Occasionally, Sanichari spells out her pointed denigration against the pseudo
manners of the rich class: "[Tlhese people can't summon up tears even at the

death of their own brothers and fathers, won't they count their kriya costs?

Do you know that Gangadhar Singh, a rich man like him, was stingy enough

to use dalda instead of pure ghee on the funeral pyre of his uncleY(76). As

the story progresses, the subalterns are shown to be translating this derision

into actions by the timely manipulation of the sithations where their

oppressors are involved.

Bikhni's joining of Sanichari led to a viable union of two victims of the

system, competently fitted to counter any amount of odds. Later, their

activities are effectively synchronized by accomrnodatidg the sex workers in

the village within theit fold. It developed a sense of solidarity among the

exploited women in Thahad village. Gradually, more of them began to think

in similar terms and the subsequent cdtitkaigning and collective initiatives

had finally borne crop. Dulan su~gestedthat they should make a union of

ruddis. He understdnds the importance of unity and organized work. When

her profmsion came in full swing, Sanichari organized ttie whores in the randi

street. It demonstrates a growin6 sense of shared feeling on issues involving

their social survival. The issue df survival is constantly reiterated throughout

the thread of the whole text. Here, the act of wailing becomes a labour for the

working class women. Dulan tells Sanichari: "it's wrong to give up one' land,

and your profession of funeral wailing is like your land, you mustn't give it

up."(89) According to him, wailing has to be viewed like any other profession.

By becoming labourers the rudalis could organize, conduct strike or even

bargain for better payment. In one occasion he tells Sanichari in a vein of

humour: "[Tlhe coalrniners have a union. Why don't you form a union of

rudalis and randis? You can be the pishien." (80) He understands that the

rudalis need to organize to get the best out of the masters.

The story charts the slow but discernible metamorphosis of Sanichari

and Bikhni from the docile victims of the system to its manipulators. Later,

Sanichari tries to boost up the other subaltern women in the village

economically by organizing and absorbing them to the network of rudalis.

Sanichari gathers all the sex workers from the randi street and ensures them

reasonable payment. Most of them, including her own daughter-in-law, had

been forced to become sex workers by their utterly impoverished condition.

At another level, it reveals the disconcerting picture of the sexual

exploitations to which the subaltern women are subjected. Their economic

vulnerability and social depravity occasionally forced them to the feet of the

tyrannous landlords and moneylenders. Mahasweta demonstrates how the

economic vulnerability and insecurity force the subaltern women to the

ensnarement of the feudal landlords, who exploit them sexually. The women

who are sexually exploited and harassed gradually turn into sex workers.

This is illustrated in the conversation between Budhua and his wife. When

Budhua's wife insisted on going to work in the house of the landlord, he

warns her: 'I.... I won't let you work in the maliks' fields. Young women who

work for him never return home"

Why, where do they go?

 First to a nice house, then to the randipatti - the whores'

quarters (60).

Budhua's words reflect the threat on the security of the subaltern

women in the feudal order. The sex workers in the randi street were formerly

the maidservant of the landlords. They are the victims of feudalism and caste

system. The concept of purity and pollution doesn't prevent the upper caste

men from sexually utilizing the subaltern women, with or without their

consent. Ironically enough, they are not concerned about caste defilement in

having sexual relation with the subaltern women. By weaving these episodes

-- Dulan's narration of the oral history as to how the Rajputs usurped the land
by dispossessing the tribals and how the subaltern women are forced to

become the sex workers -- into the fabric of the text, Mahasweta demonstrates

how unjustifiably the subaltern communities are victimized ad infinitum by

the dominant castes/classes in one way or other. The relationship of the

subalterns including Sanicahri and Bikhni with their physical environment

they inhabit is not characterized by profusion but by exploitation caused by

various unreceptive forces like caste system and feudalism.

Sanichari felt alone when Bikhni died after contracting asthma at her

village. However, her grief is soon replaced by a fear of survival. She tried to

soothe herself: "[Alfter the worst disasters people gradually bathe, eat, chase

away the goat nibbling the chillies in the yard." (88) She didn't let the sorrow

subdue her mind for long. She feels that "people can do anything but if they

can't eat, they die." (88) Dualn told her, as usual, in a comforting tone:
"Bhudua's rna. It's wrong to give up one's land, and your profession of

funeral wailing is like your land, you mustn't give up." (89) Dulan's words

have always stepped up her weak spirit.

The empowerment of Sanichari is illustrated in the manner she gathers

the sex workers in randi street, without any sense of shame or

embarrassment, to wail the death of Gambhir Singh, a self-made intimidator

of the lower castes, particularly the lower caste women. At the end of the

story, Sanichari, equipped with an invigorated concern of livelihood, leads

the whores to wail Gambhir Singh's death. Gambhir Singh's corpse is

surrounded by the wailing rudalis, most of them are sex workers in the randi

street. It gives the story an ironical ending. There are among them who have

been exploited and driven out by him when he was alive. It was he who

ruined and consequently reduced them to prostitutes. Now, the sex workers

have come to wail on his death on "contract basis", to fill their stomach. To

them, the consideration of stomach remains to be a primary motivating factor.

The way the story ends is sigruficant as it suggests the organized efforts of the

subalterns to eke out their livelihood, despite numerous obstacles. They

exhibit consistent spirit to hold on their life on slender terms, notwithstanding

many restraints. This is best illustrated the manner they manipulate the

occasion of the funeral of Gambhir Singh, their former persecutor.

Gambhir's corpse stank of rooting flesh. The randi rudalis

surrendered his swollen corpse and started wailing, hitting their

head on the ground. The gomastha began to weep tears of

 sorrow, Nothing will be left! Cunning Sanichari! Hitting their

heads meant they had to be paid double! He and the nephew

were reduced to helpless onlookers. While hitting her head on

the ground and wailing loudly, Gulbadan turned her dry eyes in

the direction of the nephew, cast him a leering wink and

grinned. Then, listening to Sanichari's cry, she rejoined the

chorus (91).

It reveals the subversion involved in the act of wailing. Moreover, this

gesture of collective manipulation marks a transition from the survival at

individual level to community level. The mobilization of the rudalis

disconcerts the designs of the landlords. Mahasweta obviously wants to

demonstrate how the resisting initiatives of the subalterns serve to upset the

apple carts of the dominant groups. Furthermore, this episode also testifies

the spontaneity and resourcefulness of village womenfolk. However, it is

important to note that though these organized movements have helped them

to achieve some increase in the payment, it seldom brought in any sustainable

upward mobility in their life.

Critique on Socio-political Scenario

Rudali demonstrates the survival strategies adapted by the subalterns

both at individual and community level. At the end of the story Sanichari

surfaces as one who is capable of rnaneuvering the situation. Throughout the

story, she is presented as one who is equipped with some survival strategies.

The text traces her transformation from a submissive and resilient victim of
the system into its indomitable manipulator. She is shown to be more

empowered than she is at the beginning. However, it is not the story of

individual success. Many factors go into the empowerment of Sanichari in the

story. Her empowerment hasn't taken place apart from her community. It is

inextricably entangled with the empowerment of the whole community. Most

primarily, it is the subaltern consciousness accelerated by Dulan which

ultimately led her to confront the challenges posed by the system. Dualn has

been instrumental in her empowerment. She, in turn,empowered the hapless

sex workers in the randi street, by opening up fresh means of survival for

them. She achieves empowerment through a variety of community tactics.

Rudali exemplifies Mahasweta's purposeful deployment of certain

textual tactics which characterize her subaltern stories. It is through a series of

narrative strategies like non-individualization of the characters,

contextualization, historicization, de-fictionalization, authorial interventions,

to name a few, Mahasweta reinforces the social content of her stories.

Admittedly, Rudali testifies the skillful deployment of the narrative strategy at

its best. In the text, documenting the struggles of the subaltern, like her other

stories, she has jettisoned the prevalent standards of fiction with a purpose to

de-fictionalize the cruel social realities which she seeks to depict.

The individuals are u&mbiguously historicized throughout the story.

None of the characters in the story are individualized to the exclusion of their

social or communal identity. This narrative strategy of contextualizing the

characters by placing them in their socioeconomic and cultural milieu has

been a characterizing feature of Mahasweta's subaltern stories. In Rudali, the

author never details her characters' personal traits to the extent of isolating

them from their socio-economic moorings. This narrative tactic allows a

variety of perspectives to be juxtaposed and explored. By refusing to

individualize Sanichari or Bikhni, Mahasweta stresses on the similarity they

bear with the condition of the other members of their community. All the

untouchable people in Thahad village, whether the ganjus or dushads, share a

common legacy of victimization for having born in a lower caste. The

condition of Bikhni is not better than Sanichari. So is the condition of all other

members of their community. They are the products of their socioeconomic

conditions. Their subalternity is woven into the fabric of their words and

deeds. They act and behave according to the compulsion of their physical

environment.

The non-individualization of the characters is a narrative strategy

effectively employed by Mahasweta in Rudali. As in her other stories like

Aranyer Adhikar, Chotti Munda and his Arroul and The G l o y of Sri Sri Ganesh,

which are taken for analysis in the present study, the characters in Rudali

never speak or act apart from their socio-economic contexts. The subaltern

characters in the story, particularly Sanichari and Bikhni, stand in sharp

contrast to the stereotype sketches of subaltern women in subsidiary social

roles recurrently presented in the stories of the mainstream writers. Though a

character like Sanichari concedes much space for psychological description,

Mahasweta has intentionally dispensed with this aesthetic enticement, as it

would eclipse the social substance and political mission of the text. The dress

she wears, the words she speaks, and the mannerism she wears is identical

and is not separable from the other members of her community. When

Sanichari happens to meet her companion in the market after a long time,

their appearance is described: "Llike Sanichari, Bikhni's wrists, throat and

forehead sport no jewelry other than blue tattoo marks, both wear pieces of

cork in their ears instead of earrings, their hair is rough and ungroomed."(65)

The physical descriptions of the Sanichari and Bikhni are given with the

identical signs of their subalternity. The writer hasn't attempted to delineate

them in psychological terms, to the extent of excluding them from their socio-

economic and cultural contexts. But at the same time, it is worth mentioning

that the characters in the story retain certain peculiarities that they are not

reduced into mere clones of their community. The ambience of realism is kept

till the end of the story. In other way, this narrative tactic of contextualization

implies that the tragic condition of the subalterns can be altered since it is the

result of an asymmetrical system. The text persuasively suggests the

alternative possibilities inherent in the system with which the subalterns

could alter their subjective condition. The whole story, in a sense, is an

attempt to forge various strategies for changing this condition.

The textual strategy of historicization of the characters is apparent at

the very outset of the text. The way the story starts is sipficant that it

situates the protagonist in a welldefined socio-economic context. Sanichari's

mother-in-law would often opine that "Sanichari was born on inauspicious

Saturday that her destiny was full of suffering." (54) But Sanichari was not

ready to accept this view of fatalism. She understands that destiny has no role

in the sufferings of her community. It is neither a question of auspiciousness

or inauspiciousness of one's birth. She asks: "[Hluh! Because I was born on

and named after a Saturday, that made me an unlucky daughter-in-law! You

were born on a Monday -- was your life any happier? Sornri, Budhua,

Moongi, Bishri - do any of them have happier livesY(54) She means that her

condition is socially constructed and therefore can be changed. This

realization helps her to rise from the position of a docile victim of the system

to its clever manipulator. She developed, though gradually, an indomitable

will that enabled her to manipulate the antagonistic social environment to her

end. It is worth mentioning that even at the outset of the story Sanichari

exhibits a clear perception about her margmalized position in the society. Her

statement denotes that she is not going to be an easy resilient victim. She

observes that it is not a matter of being born in a particular day, but the socio-

economic condition that is responsible for their utter penury. Nowhere in the

story are the subalterns shown to be content with their material condition.

Occasionally, they are seen to be spelling out their resentment and discontent

against the inferior and wretched status ascribed to them by the system. The

ideological implication inherent in the revealing remark of Sanichari at the

outset of the story is another instance of the narrative strategy effectively

deployed by the author. Interestingly, Sanichari's acute consciousness about

her own subordinated position in the system resonates Margaret Atwood's

elucidation of the basic victim positions, which she makes in connection with

the subjectivities in postcolonial Canada in her influential work Survival: A

Thematic Guide to Canadian Literature (1996).The third victim position which

Atwood describes is relevant in this context. The victims of this type refuse to

accept their subjected position as an outcome of destiny. She observes that

"[Tlo acknowledge the fact that you are a victim but to refuse to accept the

assumption that the role is inevitable", and the subaltern subjects of this

category distinguish between the role of a victim and the objective experience

that is making them victims (37). The victims of this position, according to

Atwood, can change these objective conditions and seek alternatives. Though

Atwood has made this analysis on the basis of Canada's postcolonial

experience, it is equally pertinent to the subject position of the margxnalized

people in India. Victim position, she argues, can be altered by the conscious

efforts from the part of the victims (37). This hypothesis is well illustrated in

the manner Sanichari achieves her empowerment through a series of

premeditated efforts.

On the contrary, there are yet another category of victims, which

Atwood puts in the second victim position, who are characterized by a pliant

and submissive attitude. Here, the subject position, she observes, tends to

"acknowledge the fact that you are a victim, but to explain this as an act of

Fate, the Will of God, the dictates of Biology (in the case of women, for

instance), the necessity decreed by History, or Economics, or the Unconscious,

or any other large general powerful idea." (37) It implies a flexible attitude of
the subordinated - well exemplified in the subaltern characterization of

writers like Kamala Markandaya, Premchand and Bhabani Battacharya - and

doesn't designate any counter politics. In Rudali, the subaltern protagonist

repudiates the victim position at the very outset of the story itself by refusing

to accept her depraved condition as the outcome of destiny.

Mahasweta brings out the question of social discrepancies at the very

outset of the story. Rudali offers a powerful critique on the caste. It debunks

the idea of birth as being the sole determining factor of the suffering and

depravity of the lower castes. The text shows, in an unequivocal manner, how

the people who remain in the bottom stair of caste hierarchy are continuously

being ostracized and subjected to various types of exploitation by the upper

caste people. The struggles of the subaltern in Rudali are characterized by a

deep-seated repudiation of the inferior role accorded to them by the caste

system. Tracing the underlying principle of Hinduism which legitimizes and

justifies the subjective positions of the Dalit communities in the country Alok

Mukherjee observes:

However, the fact is that it is precisely the experiences that flow

from the centuries-old hierarchical and hereditary system,

unalterable because sanctioned by religion, with the

concomitant notion of people as polluted and untouchable,

which make the Dalit unique and distinct. All other experiences

of exclusion, subjugation, dispossession and oppression,

experiences that resemble those of other groups, result from this

 fundamental reality. Dalits may attain educational, economic,

social and political success, but their unique dalitness remains

(11)-

The idea of the role of destiny in the pathetic condition of the

subalterns is outrightly scoffed at the very beginning of the story. The

ideology that ascribes poverty and penury to an individual's bad luck, besides

conveniently concealing the real causes of the inequalities in the system,

reduces the possibility of counter initiatives from the part of the oppressed

people to alter the system. As a socially committed writer, Mahasweta knows

that describing the problems generated by the oppressive system in terms of

destiny would help only to sustain, not to alter, the status quo. By rejecting

the role of providence in the scheme of things the author stresses the

importance of transformative politics.

Another major characterizing feature of the narrative tactic of the text

is its discernible progress from a specific milieu, mostly an individual one, to

a common one. As the story progresses, the narrative shifts from a contained

and particular account to a sequence of sociological equivalents. This includes

the expansion of the network of the rudalis by including the sex-workers and

Sanichari's joint venture with Bikhni etc. It testifies how the text grows from

the level individual experience to the community experience. The community

thread of the story is strong enough to sidestep its individual sketchings, with

whatever uniqueness they are drawn. The juxtaposition of the utter penury

of the subalterns and the wasteful luxuries of the upper class/caste people is
another textual strategy that Mahasweta employs in Rudali. The pomp and

splendour in the burial of the masters are delineated along with the hard

struggles of the subalterns to meet their both ends. The text shows the

continuous struggling of the underdogs to eke out a living, albeit numerous

obstacles. The constraints imposed by the system make even the simplest

pleasures like bangle or comb a distant dream for them. They play all possible

roles, well exemplified on in Sanichari's taking up of the profession of rudali,

to fill their empty stomach. On the other hand, the upper caste landowners

and moneylenders are shown to be spending money lavishly for snobbish

pageantry and hypocrisy. The inequity of the system is best explicated

through this juxtaposition. Furthermore, it provides a powerful critique of the

post-independent socio-economic scenario of the country. Mahasweta's own

acute perception of the cruel social reality prevailing in the country figures

out in the texture of the story.

In Rudali, the issue of economic exploitation and social marginalization

is described thriftily, yet evocatively, suggesting the ideological implications

in every act of domination and its resistance. These textual strategies,

carefully deployed by the auteur, have given the work the authenticity of

social documentation. Concerns of subsistence and struggles for survival are

spread across the thread of the text. This manner of documentation, besides

giving an unromanticized picture of a typical Indian village replete with caste

system and feudalism, implicates the possibilities to alter the status quo. It can

be seen that the social substance of the text is well synchronized with the
textual strategies. By embedding the characters in a wider context of

dominance and subordination, Mahasweta strikes a functional linkage with

the anti-hegemonic movements taking place in the country.

Rudali bears the best example for Mahasweta's powerful narrative,

which reflects her deep insight into the grass root realities of contemporary

India. Through this narrative form, strategically maintained in the later

stories, the novel demonstrates the phenomena of oppression in a broader

light. The narrative is littered with authorial statements, which suggests

meanings which are not communicated otherwise. This authorial

intervention, besides steering the unstable meanings to a thematic coherence,

serves the debunking of the discrepancies of the system. In many occasion,

the author is seen to interfere often by coming out with sharp

pronouncements against the dominant class or by giving third person

narratives of the hapless condition of the subalterns. At the outset of the text,

for instance, we are given a clear picture of the locale of the story: "[Iln this

village everyone is unhappy. They understand suffering. So they are content

with being fed just sour curd, sugar and coarse parched rice." (55) Mahasweta

effectively demonstrates the impact of the system upon the subalterns

without burdening the scene with external conflicts or violence. The plot

construction of Rudali is drawn with remarkable economy. The opening scene

itself switches the action of the story on. Sanichari's remark at the beginning

of story, repudiating her mother-in-law's view of pre-destination, becomes

the opening statement of the story.

 Occasionally, Mahasweta is shown to be using dark humour and irony

to bring out the utterly pathetic condition of the subalterns. For instance,

Sanichari, out of her utter sense of helplessness and penury, spontaneously

lets out a sigh of relief a couple of days after the death of her brother-in-law

and his wife: "[Ils it possible to feed so many mouths on the meager scrapings

they bring home after labouring on the malik's field? Two dead, just as well.

At least their own stomachs would be full." (55) By means of the deployment

of such ruthless irony and dark humour, Mahasweta digs at the system which

imposes numerous constraints upon the subaltern making their survival

increasingly di£ficult. She shows a remarkable economy of words throughout

the story. A condensed style coupled with a well-defined narrative strategy

differs Rudali from her other works. In Chotti Munda and His Arrout and The

Glory of Sri Sri Ganeh, these issues are dealt with in a wider canvas and in a

stretched manner. The entire text is replete with highly pointed denunciations

of the socio-political and religious establishments of post-independent India

and the mutual nexus between them.

There are many premature deaths delineated in the story. Deprivation

of the minimal levels of food and health service often exposes the subaltern

people to various types of epidemic diseases. In the absence of sufficient

resources to paintain the health, in the sense of survival, the life of the

subalterns is easily susceptible to diseases and death. It is well exemplified by

the subaltern deaths delineated in the story. Their socio-economic condition,

though indirectly, is accountable for their tragic death. The author

unmistakably seems to suggest that it is the system, which is responsible for

the sufferings as well as the premature death of the underdogs. In this sense,

Rudali offers a picture of the multidimensional consequences of inequality and

the poverty it fosters. A close analysis of the death of the subalterns in the

story reveals the dire poverty behind them. For instance, Sanichari's husband

died of cholera. He contracted the mortal disease by consuming the

contaminated milk donated to the temple by the rich upper caste people. It

ww the dire poverty that made him, like other lower castes, to drink the

petrified milk. Her son Budhua met with similar fate. He caught tuberculosis

due to his over exposure to work at Lachman Singh's shop and consequently

died. Later Bikhni dies of asthma after consuming sarbath, a cheap drink. To

them, contracting diseases means death. Because, that they cannot afford

medical care or better health service within their financial parameters. It can

be seen that, every loss in the life of Sanichari, as of the other subaltern

characters in the story, is mediated by utter poverty and indigence. The death

of Bikhni nevertheless shattered her. But she was not ready to submit: "[Ilf

Sanichari has survived so much grief, she'll survive the loss of Bikhni. She's

devastated, but she won't cry. Money, rice, new clothes -- without getting
these in return tears are a useless luxury." (8889) It is worth noting that the

lower caste members meet with their premature death after contracting some

diseases as a result of their socio-economic insecurities. Being lower castes,

they have less command over the resources. The dominant class, on the other

hand, is shown to be enjoying good material successes and steady income.

The inadequacy of income brings many discords to the life of subalterns.

Often, amidst the penuries, they cannot materialize even the basic domestic

requirements. The family chord is often affected by the social and economic

insecurities. The reasons for the untimely death of Sanichari's dear ones, her

own doomed predicament, and the running away of her daughter-in-law and

Haroa can be traced to the social subordination and financial insecurities they

are exposed to.

Subversion through Resistance

The text traces the metamorphosis of Sanichari from a resilient victim

of the establishment to its obdurate manipulator. The wisdom of resistance

and survival are spread across the fabric of the text. The subversive potential

of Ruduli as a subaltern work lies in its consistent demonstration of the

resisting initiatives of the victims of the system. Javeed Alarn observes:" [I]t

still needs to be demonstrated that any section of the exploited and toiling

people had developed, at that h e , the ability to consistently take the

initiative to further their material and other interests, temporary defeats

notwithstanding." (48) By documenting Sanichari's successful manipulation

of the unreceptive milieu Mahasweta highlights the counter possibilities lying

behind the oppressive system. However, it is also noteworthy that in Ruduli

the subalterns' resistance doesn't take place in a militant way, which

characterizes the subaltern struggles in Aranyer Adhikar, The Arrou~sof Chofti

Munda or The Glory of Sri Sri Ganesh. Here, the resistance takes place in the

form of a clever manipulation of the system. From a sociological perspective

Sanichari breaks her ground by opening up the potential of collective

resistance of working class in the informal sector. The text explicates the

potential of organized struggle. The discriminating and dehumanizing effect

of the society impels Sanichari to invent alternatives so as to be able to escape

the austerity of her socio-economic environment. Examining the dialectical

relationship between power and resistance Karlene Faith observes:

Resistance cannot simply defeat, overturn or suddenly

transform disciphary power. Such powers circulate

independently of particular authorities who institutionalize and

claim them for themselves (and who, theoretically, as mere

carriers, can themselves be turned around). Resistance can,

however, resituate the problematic of power abuse. That is,

resistance weakens processes of victimization, and generates

personal and political empowerment through the acts of naming

violations and refusing to collaborate with oppression ( 39).

The resistant will that Sanichari demonstrates after taking up the

vocation of mdali at the behest of Dulan is apparent in the manner she

organizes the sex workers of the randi street at the end of the story. In the

socio-economic context of the story the very practice of rudali and the a d of

wailing become a gesture of symbolic resistance to the constraints imposed by

the elite system. By capsizing the traditional role of mourning to an effective

means of survival, Mahasweta demonstrates the possibilities inherent in an

unreceptive environment. In this sense, Rudali implies an inversion of

traditionally held job ascribed to the subalterns with regard to their caste role.

Like her other subaltern stories Rudali too has an open end, often implying the

continuity of the struggles documented in the texts.

The text also offers a powerful critique of Independence. The period of

the story span over the decades that immediately preceded and followed

Indian Independence. India was still under the British rule when Sanichari's

husband died of cholera after consuming the milk in a religious fair. By the

time of the death of Haroa India had got freedom. However, the transition of

power hasn't brought in any change neither in the life of the protagonist, nor

the other members of her community. The pathetic condition of the subaltern

communities continued unabated in Independent India also. The measure

taken by the Indian government to uplift the underprivileged people in the

country could not be materialized due to numerous reasons. The absence of a

strong political will coupled with the failure in effectively implementing the

rural development programmes explain the persistence of adverse forces like

cast and feudalism in India. The ongoing exploitation and silencing of Dalits

and tribals in different parts of the country betrays the inadequacy of the

Independence. Vijay Prashad observes,

The political direction offered by the state is not in consonance

with the visions of freedom enunciated by the people for whom

the 'freedom movement' which led to political independence

provides a charter far in excess of the type of bourgeois --

landlordism which characterizes the Indian state. The popular
 critiques of the state do not challenge it as a form for the

creation of people's power, but they challenge the monopolistic

power exerted by the dominant classes upon the state-form

(170).

Neither the colonial administration nor the native administrations that

followed it cared to bring any radical change in the system. The old feudal

structure was allowed to stay in postcolonid India. The socio-economic

premises of Rudali, like elsewhere in India, are immersed in many unresolved

disparities - social, economic and political. Thahad is a microcosm of all

Indian villages, where the scenes of oppression and rnarpalization are

common. By documenting their abject condition kfahasweta suggests that no

improvement in the status qub is possible without freeing the subalter& from

the stranglehold of caste and feudalism. It is obvidtts that Ahhdsweta was not

creating a myth of subdltem kesistance but was docdtht!lhhng the struggles

which she has seen as an activist among the& fok mafk thdh three decades.

There are numerous instances in the history of India where the subalterns are

found resisting the encroachments add oppression of the dominant classes.

Rudali textualizes not only the discrepditkies of the systein but also the counter

actions and struggles of its vie&.

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