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The Myth of the Fallen Angel

Chapter · January 2004

DOI: 10.1075/chlel.xviii.34los

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 1

1. THE MYTH OF THE FALLEN ANGEL. ITS THEOSOPHY IN

SCANDINAVIAN, ENGLISH, AND FRENCH LITERATURE
Nonfictional Romantic Prose. Expanding Borders
ed. Steven P. Sondrup & Virgil Nemoianu, Amsterdam / Philadelphia (PA),
2004: 433-457

The fallen angel has its scriptural basis and the Old and New Testament as well as in the apocryphal and
deuterocanonical writings of the Bible. However the myth of the fallen angel is quite simple since it is only
comprised of two main subjects: the angelic nature and the fall. Throughout the history of European literature,
writers have utilised these texts and subject matter and have adapted them to their various conceptions of the
universe. At a particular moment in history, an emblematic and archetypal image of the fallen angel arose; it is a
form with its own life, yet it is completely disconnected from its historical, religious and legendary roots. The fallen
angel has the capacity to develop itself in an independent fashion and thus acquires a character which is associated
with mythological literature.
Since the 18th and especially throughout the first half of the 19th century, the fallen angel has taken on a form
which is capable of expressing the worries and most vital questions of the Romantic period (i.e. problems having
to do with the origin of the universe, human development and transcendency). More than ever before in Western
European history are the earthly paradise and the fall of man the centre of focus in Romantic thought (Péguy,
1960: 1518; quoted by Couffignal, 1980: 125). The modification of the original subject matter is indeed clear since
angelic nature ceases to exclusively represent angels and their fall tends to reflect certain states of depression
familiar to individuals and social groups. In the Romantic era, promises of progress abound since numerous
thinkers and politicians propagate liberalising ideologies concerning human anxiety. Hence, toge ther with the fall
and atonement, a new issue, rehabilitation, appears to be intimately connected. It is not strange, therefore, that the
announcement of human progress (especially in the poor social classes) is faithfully echoed in the promises of
angelic progress. The renewal of fallen man demands the redemption of fallen angels. Poets, saturated with both
ideas of material and spiritual progress, do not hesitate to use poetry and theatre as an excellent medium for
metaphorically expressing their social conscience.
Yet these developments no longer operate in agreement with the tradition which gave birth to them. Hence the
angelic fall and redemption are removed from their biblical and metaphysical foundations. All conflicting ideologies
are meshed together (e.g. Catholic orthodoxy, Protestant and Anglican theology as well as theosophical and
humanitarian movements). The pages which are to follow deal with the theological, philosophical and sociological
principles and reflections of leading Romantic authors. Each section begins the postulates of Catholic orthodoxy.
In this way it is possible to better comprehend the mood and drift from tradition which characterises romantic
thought.
The Nature of Angels
The existence of angels and their creation by God were defined as dogmas of faith by the Church during the
Fourth Lateran Council (1215) and First Vatican Council (1870). Even though human reason can demonstrate that
their existence is in no way absurd, our conscious awareness of them pertains to a mysterious realm. In other
words, man would not have discovered or deduced their existence without the aid of divine revelation. It is only
from reading the Old Testament that we learn that angels are envoys, messengers, members of God’s family and
His celestial army. Together they form His court and are sent to mankind in order to help administer God’s plan
of salvation. We also learn that angels are immaterial. Although they can appear in bodily form, they are by their
very essence pure and immortal spiritual beings and have a subsistent nature. They are endowed with great
intelligence: they understand things in all their essence and possess a powerful will which is superior to that of any
other visible creature (Ezek 1: 6 and Rev 4: 6-8).
Despite certain similarities between Christian angels and other spiritual beings (which appear just as much in
extrabiblical mythology as in modern writings), it is necessary to stress again the nature of those which pertain to
Christianity: they are creatures which are in no way equal to God. This eliminates any possibility of their
2
reconciliation with a good number of myths. It is true, however, that occasionally sacred scripture utilises
mythological language when referring to angels, but it does so only to express their superiority to men1.
These Catholic teachings, maintained since the very beginning of the Church, have been opposed by various
unorthodox doctrines. For instance, Luther rejected the elevation of angels to the realm of the supernatural,
especially with regard to their intuitive vision of the divine essence. Also Michel de Bay refuted Catholic doctrine
in the first, second and third parts of his Propositiones in which he maintained that all actions of a creature are, in
themselves, sinful if they are not aided by God’s grace. These propositions were condemned Pius V and Urban
VIII2.
Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772) advanced these Protestant doctrines much further beyond those of his
predecessors. This Swedish theosopher avowed to have had a vision of angels conversing amongst themselves
about divine providence. It was then when he was given knowledge of the essence of spiritual creatures. His main
book on this matter, Arcana Caelestia, sets forth his theories on angels. He claims that they lack their own proper
existence since they only exist in the Divine being (1983-, § 1735, vol. 2: 266). They also have absolutely no
knowledge of time (§ 1274, vol. 2: 66) and do not commit any praiseworthy actions. Thus, even though their
intelligence and wisdom may be supreme, they owe their sanctity to their ignorance (§ 1557, vol. 2: 182). As it will
later be shown, these premises help to fully explain the diverse romantic conceptions of the fallen angel.
Anglican as well as French heterodox doctrine deserve special attention due to the vast amount of fiction which
English and French romanticism contributed to the myth of the fallen angel. Anglicanism has always accepted the
existence of angels. Numerous writings in the first quarter of the 19th century focus on the nature and mission of
angels. In general, they maintain the same principles of the Catholic Church. Still it is necessary to manifest their
latent refutation of the Church’s magisterium and tradition. This is clearly seen in some texts which satirically attack
the Catholic worship and veneration of the Virgin Mary, saints and angels. Such is the case in Vance’s work and
the same can be said of Spencer who emphatically affirms that angels “are not to be regarded as objects of worship”
since worship is only owed to God (1823: 19).
In its own way 19th century French heterodoxy often finds itself sitting on the fence as it attempts to combine
Christian tradition with new social doctrine. In general it admits the existence of angels, but it disagrees with their
nature and meaning in the human history. This point of departure leads to both grave and interesting ideas
regarding the fall and redemption of wicked angels.
The Fall of the Angel
The “history” of angels according to sacred scripture has been the inspiration for a myriad of interpretations.
Among the wide variety of subjects which romantic literature deals with, two deserve special attention: the fall
itself and its effects. These two topics offer a vast field for theological, theosophical, metaphysical, anthropological
and cosmological reflection. The fundamental problem is reduced to one primary issue: the cause of the angel’s
fall. Considered in itself, this cause is mysterious, the same way in which all sin is the “mystery of wickedness”. Yet
in the angel’s case, this matter is exceedingly important as it is directly concerns with freedom and failure in their
pure states, that is, without the imperfections which are associated with men (Maritain, 1961: 58). Perhaps this is
the reason why this issue has much attracted the attention of so many philosophers, thinkers and scholars
throughout the centuries.
It is a doctrine of faith defined by the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) that there were angels that fell. The arguments
which the Catholic Church provides are based upon scripture, the writings of the Church Fathers, and natural
reason3. The fall itself cannot be demonstrated by means of rational argument since it is a fact whose knowledge
can only come from divine revelation. However, reason being based upon what it knows through divine revelation
as well as through its own natural efforts, can thoroughly explore the way and circumstances which must have
been involved for such a fall to have occurred. This an enterprise wholeheartedly taken on by St. Thomas in his
Summa Theologiae. According to him, Angels could sin (that is, they could go astray form what is right) since they
did not possess their gifts by nature but by divine grace. Their capacity to sin did not proceed, as in the case of
man, from their ignorance or error, but from their enlightened and free intelligence. They could desire something
good in itself but in discord with the God’s law: “In this way the angel sinned, by seeking his own good, from his
own freewill, insubordinately to the rule of the Divine will” (1922, I, LXIII, 1: 143-146). Thus their sin was not

1 Schmaus, 1959, vol. 2, § 118-122: 241-266. See also St. Augustine, The Civitate Dei, 12, 9, 1945, vol. 1: 352, St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa
Theologiae, I, L-LXII, Denzinger, 1928: § 428 & 1783, Clarkson, 1973: § 303, 335 & 356 and Catechism, 1994: § 328-336.
2 See Pius V’s bull Ex Omnibus Afflictionibus (1567), Urban VIII’s bull In Eminenti Ecclesiae Militantis (1641), Parente, 1949, vol. 4: 50,
Denzinger, 1928: § 1001 and Clarkson, 1973: § 608-620.
3 See Is 14:12-15, Ezek 28:12-19, Lk 10:18, Jn 8:44, 1 Jn 3:8, Jude 6 and 2 Pet 2:4; St. Augustine, De Correptione et Gratia, 10:27, St. John
Damascene, De Fide Orthodoxa, II, 4, St. Athanasius, De Virginitate, 5 and Parente, 1949, vol. 4: 53-54.
 3
one of carnal lust nor of avarice of temporal goods. St. Thomas Aquinas categorically concludes: “Pride and envy
are the only spiritual sins which can be found in demons”. Both sins are the focus of a precis e plan or purpose:
“in this way that the devil desired to be as God” (I, LXIII, 2-3: 146-150). Regarding the identity of the angels that
sinned, the Church Fathers (particularly John Damascene, Augustine and Gregory the Great) agree that the first
angel to rebel was a cherubim who was, no doubt, the most excellent of all. It was only afterwards that he induced
other inferior angels to follow him in his sedition 4.
This theory found great support among the Gnostics and, already in the third century, in the writings of Origen.
In his book De Principiis, he maintained the pre-existence of human souls, their intelligence and holy power. In
addition he argued that their fall from this condition originated from their abandonment of divine contemplation,
thus becoming disinterested in God’s love. Because of this they were punished to reside in the bodies of men. This
declaration was condemned in 543 by the Endemusa Synod, under the leadership of the patriarch, Mennas. Later
this condemnation was confirmed, according to Cassiodorus, by Pope Vigilius 5. The error of Origen and his
followers is interesting in so far as the transmigration of souls has been a subject very often resorted to in thought
concerning fallen angels. Even though it was condemned, it soon was incorporated into neoplatonic thought, and
henceforth, into Western philosophy.
Swedenborg was one of the staunchest advocates of the transmigration of souls. Commenting on chapter 20 of
the book of Genesis, the author of Arcana Caelestia declares that children who die prematurely “become angels”
(1983-, § 2289, vol. 3: 87; see also § 2574, vol. 3: 241), something which the theosopher also extends to all men (§
4220, vol. 5: 383). More important, however, is his statement on the origin of spiritual beings: “For angels were
once men” (§ 2249, vol. 3: 69). Swedenborg develops this theory very meticulously in The Wisdom of the Angels as
he speaks about the spiritual “World” where all men go to after leaving this earthly “world”: “That every Spirit of
whatsoever Quality, in like Manner turns himself to his ruling Love. It may be expedient first to point out what a
Spirit is, and what an Angel: Every Man after Death first enters the World of Spirits, which is in the Midst between
Heaven and Hell, and there goes through his Times or States, and according to his Life is prepared either for
Heaven or for Hell: So long as he abides in that World he is called a Spirit; he who is taken up from that World
into Heaven is called an Angel; but he who is cast down into Hell is call ed a Satan or a Devil” (1788: § 140). The
above quotation is summed as follows: “For all Angels were born Men” (§ 231). It thus remains clear that
Swedenborg is not referring to an incarnation but to a genuine transmigration (or “correspondence” as he also
alternatively says) of all souls in the universe.
God’s redemption of fallen man as well as His rejection of the fallen angel entails, for Anglican ministers, an
element of both surprise and fact. It is surprising since at first glance it does not seem re asonable. It is factual in
so far as it is explained by the Bible. This is the focus of Charles Owen’s thought (d. 1746). This Presbyterian
minister formulated the main question related to this issue: “What Reason there might be to expect that faln Man
should be forsaken as well as faln Angels”. Owen tries to clarify this difficult problem, yet he seems to come very
near to admitting that there are not any good reasons and thus finally resorts to a pietist’s explanation: it is true
that man’s redemption is the exclusive fruit of God’s love.
Owen’s work reflects the general tone of Anglicanism in the 18th century. Piety aids reason when the latter still
has not been sufficiently formed. This is an attitude which, in brief, must be maintained before a most conspicuous
enemy: the subversive literature of the first romantics in the 18th century (especially Blake) and in the first few
decades of the 19th century. Works by James Montgomery, Thomas Moore, George Croly, Lord Byron and Robert
Montgomery followed the same route taken by Milton in the 17th century and opened up new doors in the
development of this myth. English theosophical and literary thought on this subject has a particular structure,
which is as follows: a divine being proposes a contract in which he provides goodness in exchange for a series of
favours; the recipients accept it, yet immediately after being submitted to a test, they break the contract. This
automatically carries with it a punishment which consists of loosing the goods which the divine being had granted
to them (Gen 2-3 and Couffignal, 1980: 125).
Among the various examples in English literature, the thoughts and discussions raised by Thomas Moore (1779 -
1825) in The Loves of the Angels (1822) are especially interesting. In the preface of the first edition, the author explains
the reason for his choice of angels as opposed to any other mythological subject matter. He states it was that they
pertained to “the fitness of the subject for poetry”. In his explanation of the allegorical meaning of theme, Moore
places special emphasis on his intention to preserve the fundamental elements of poetry found in this myth: “the
fall of the Soul from its original purity —the loss of light and happiness which it suffers, in the pursuit of this
world’s perishable pleasures— and the punishment, both from conscience and Divine justice, with which impurity,
pride and presumptuous inquiry into the awful secrets of God, are sure to be visited” (in Shadduck, 1990: 345).

4 St. Thomas Aquinas, 1922, I, LXIII, 7-8: 157-162; see also Maritain.
5 Canon 1. See also Denzinger, 1928: § 203, Clarkson, 1973: § 323 and Catholic, 1914, vol. 7: 429 and vol. 10: 234-237.
4
Moore was aware of the theological criticisms which were to come. Therefore he came forward to reveal the
inspiration of his poem. He stated that “the subject is not scriptural —the notion upon which it is founded (that of
the love of Angels for women) having originated in an erroneous translation by the LXX. of that verse in the sixth
chapter of Genesis, upon which the sole authority of the fable rests” (in Shadduck, 1990: 345). Moore’s idea thus
arose out of a confluence of various factors: the mistake of the Septuagint translation (which had bee n translated
“Angels of God” instead of “Sons of God”), the allegorical commentaries of Philon of Alexandria (previously
mentioned in the discussion on metempsychosis) the fantastic discourse of other writers (e.g. Clement of
Alexandria, Tertulian and Lactantius), some non-biblical angelologies (Oriental as well as Jewish) and, above all,
the passage from the Book of Enoch (considered as pure fiction by Moore himself). In the preface of the fifth and
subsequent editions of the poem, Moore alludes to two extrabiblical angelologies which deal with the love affair
between Harut and Marut (or Haroth and Maroth, fallen angels in Middle Eastern legend; Davidson, 1967: 136
and 184) as well as the amorous relationship between Uzziel and Shamchazai or Semyaza (fallen angels in rabbinic
fiction; Davidson, 1967: 265 and 301). Their descriptions can be found in Thomas Heyde’s Historia Religionis
Veterum Persarum (1700). These influences once again demonstrate the relationship which exists between biblical
and non-biblical accounts of angels. Nevertheless, it is still more important to comment on how Moore makes use
of the Book of Enoch and various commentaries which have arisen over this matter.
One quotation from this apocryphal book serves as an epigraph to The Loves of the Angels: “It happened, after the
sons of men had multiplied in those days, that daughters were born to them elegant and beautiful; and when the
Angels, the sons of heaven, beheld them, they became enamoured of them. The Book of Enoch, chap. vii. [vi] sect.
2.)”. Due the attention which the English and French romantics have given to this text, it is important to fully
transcribe the most authorised English translation of the passage taken from the Book of Enoch: “VI,1 And it came
to pass, when the sons of men had increased, that in those days there were born to them fair and beautiful
daughters. VI,2 And the angels, the sons of heaven, saw them and desired them. And they said to one another:
«Come, let us choose for ourselves wives from the children of men, and let us beget for ourselves children». (…)
VII,1 And they took wives for themselves, and everyone chose for himself one each. And they began to go in to
them and were promiscuous with them” (Apocryphal, 1978, vol. 2: 67-77). Another passage in the Apocalypse of
Baruch deals with a similar incident: “For they (the angels), on the other hand, possessed freedom in that time in
which he was created. And some of them descended and mingled with women. And they who acted then like this
were tormented in chains. But the rest of the multitude of angels, who have no number, restrained themselves.
And those dwelling on earth perished together through the waters of the flood” (56:11-15, Apocryphal, 1986: 88-
89). The original source of the account is found in Genesis which describes the state of humanity before the
occurrence of the flood: “It came to pass, when men began to multiply upon the earth, and daughters were born
to them, that the sons of God saw the daughters of men, that they were fair, and they took wiv es of all whom they
chose” (6:1-2).
Moore’s work concentrates on love affairs between angels and women, a fact which was claimed in his foreword.
The author’s preliminary clarification of this subject matter (“I have done no more than establish it in that region
of fiction”) and his fear of the critiques which might have been posed against him (“As objections may be made”)
did not prevent his work from being lambasted by Anglican religious leaders. His greatest opposition came from
Spencer, who only a few months after the publication Moore’s The Loves of the Angels, produced a sermon directed
against this poem and Croly’s Arabian tale The Angel of the World (1820). Without specifically naming any of these
works, he made an unequivocal judgement about them: “It is painful to advert to some modern publications, which
have issued from the press, in a captivating form, recommended to some by the celebrity of the authors, and
engaging to others, from the licentiousness of the ideal” (1823: 17).
It mattered very little that Moore had referred to the apocryphal character of his source and purpose of his work.
The very success and criticism which it provoked in England are a good sign of the power of attraction which this
subject had as well as of the theological hypersensitivity brewing over this matter. Yet Moore’s work was not
important for these reasons alone, but also because of the importance which would have in France.
Two years before The Loves of the Angels appeared, Moore anonymously published in The Edinburgh Review a critique
of a French novel. In the first pages he gave an overview of the current state of literature in France. His
commentary on Lamartine’s Méditations and Chateaubriand’s Les Martyrs makes clear the inclination which his
French contemporaries had towards religion. Moore makes a somewhat surprising evaluation about Les Martyrs.
After alluding to descriptions of heaven and hell, Moore warns us “how dangerous it is for a Frenchman to meddle
with the sublime” (1820: 373; see Moreau, 1933: 46-47). Whether what he says is true or not, what it is important
is his reference to a country which was not going to remain indifferent to intellectual discussion on the mythology
of the fallen angel.
Among the leading French theosophers and doctrinarians, it is essential to mention Pierre-Simon Ballanche (1776-
1847). It has been said that this thinker attempts reconcile illuminism with rationalism (Roos, 1958: 42-45).
 5
However, it is necessary to stress that this search for a balance of beliefs ends up tilting the scales towards the
side pertaining to Illuminism. Hence the intuitive and divine faculties acquire a preponderant role at the expense
of those traditionally admitted as most important. He states, “Our senses mislead us even when revealing the
external world to us. Our knowledge is erroneous as our imagination is warped or corrupted” 6 (1830, vol. 3, 1st
part: 73). Thus the author accepts a world in which “visions” are more important than science. If the former
permits us to profoundly understand the world, the latter makes it difficult to correctly use all our faculties.
However, a supernatural or prophetic vision does not allow us to have an all -encompassing understanding of the
world. For example, it cannot explain the origin of evil since it deals with a subject which is the fruit of an
unknowable and mysterious law.
Without delving any further into this question, Ballanche goes on to explain the test of mankind. Every man, “was
according to ancient tradition created perfect; yet he badly used his freedom, and thus was not worthy of having it
and was condemned to once again take different paths in life. All intelligent beings, just like neophytes, have been
submitted to the test of freedom”7. Nevertheless this problem is not limited specifically to man since “some
traditions inform us that mankind is not the only one who has succumbed to this trial” 8 (1830, vol. 4, book 8: 428-
429). There is little doubt that he is referring to angels as well. The same thing occurs with his allusion to the
universal rehabilitation of all spiritual creatures. Thus Ballanche coincides with a great number of theosophical
doctrines. These teachings will be analysed in the section pertaining to the redemption of the fallen angel.
Yet now it is important to illustrate some of the courses taken by French literature with regard to the angelic fall.
These paths taken by French authors had great influence on English literature, in spite of the general dismissal of
French literature at the beginning of the 19th century. English literature was regarded very highly, mainly because
of the greater knowledge of the English language as well because of the indisputable prestige of some anglophile
authors.
This is found in a commentary from Alphonse-Marie-Louis de Lamartine’s Cours Familier de Littérature. While
discussing the thought provoked by Byron’s Dolorida in France, he does not waiver in categorically affirming that
“the French imagination was, around that time, Byronian” 9. Reflecting a little more deeply on this matter, it is
fitting to note the intimate relationship between various literary works on both sides of the English Channel
(Thomas, 1911: 108). On this matter Lamartine recalls: “Thomas Moore, an Irishman also of great talent, just
finished publishing The Loves of the Angels and Lalla Rookh, a book of Indian poems. Around that time, Moore was
in Paris. He was enjoying the praise of a wide audience at the height of his career. I very often saw him at the
Duchess of Broglie’s home. She was the daughter of Madame de Staël and a woman whose beauty, virtue, love of
life and heavenly piety would end up charming the Irish poet and making think about the sister of the angels which
Vigny wanted to create as an ideal kind of sacred love. This was due to the environment of that period in which
Chateaubraind’s piety and that of other poets mingled both heaven and earth in the very same praises. At that time
I even dreamed about a great poem, which I later outlined in The Fall of an Angel and which would form part of a
episode from a work containing twenty-four cantos, while Vigny, less ambitious but more fortunate, was publishing
his Éloa under the subtitle «Mystery»”10 (1856-69, vol. 16: 250).
In agreement with English models found in the writing of the Éloa, God’s adversary is presented as a rebel. In fact,
“Satan’s Reproaches”, that is to say, insults to God are indeed referred to in Vigny’s Journal as well as in his personal
letters. In a letter written to Bruguière de Sorsum, Vigny comments, “I am taking advantage of the fortune of being
sick in bed to finish Satan (sic): he has finished his work; the angel (Éloa) has fallen and all of hell is shrieking with
laughter”11 (1967: 950). In this rebellious atmosphere, according the Byronian interpretation of Genesis, Vigny
conceives and writes a poem which would draw just as much criticism as it would attract admirers.

6 “Nos sens nous trompent tout en nous révélant le monde extérieur. Notre entendement est vicié, notre imagination troublée ou
corrompue”.
7 “fut, selon d’anciennes traditions, créé complet en soi; il usa mal de sa liberté, il démérita, il fut condamné à repasser par toutes ses
voies. Néophytes, les êtres intelligents ont tous subi l’épreuve de la liberté”.
8 “des traditions nous disent aussi que l’homme n’est pas le seul qui ait succombé à cette épreuve”.

9 “l’imagination française était alors byronienne”.

10 “Thomas Moore, Irlandais d’un grand talent aussi, venait de publier les Amours des anges et Lalla Rookh, poëmes indiens. Il était alors
à Paris, jouissant dans un applaudissement universel de la fleur et de la primeur de son talent. Je le voyais souvent chez M me la duchesse de
Broglie, fille de M me de Staël, et femme dont la beauté, la vertu, l’enivrement mystique et la piété céleste, devaient ravir le poëte irlandais et
faire croire à la sœur des anges que Vigny voulait créer pour type idéal des amours sacrés. Cela répondait au temps où la piété de Chateaubriand
et d’autres poëtes confondait le ciel et la terre dans les mêmes adorations. Moi aussi, je rêvais alors un grand poëme ébauché seulement
depuis, la Chute d’un ange, qui devait former un épisode d’une œuvre en vingt-quatre chants, pendant que Vigny, moins ambitieux, mais plus
heureux, donnait au public son Éloa sous le titre de mystère”.
11 “Je profite du bonheur d’être malade pour achever Satan: il a mis fin à son œuvre, l’ange est tombée, et l’enfer a ri en hurlant”.
6
It is important to discuss the origin and fall of this “sister of the angels”. Éloa was born out of a tear shed by
Christ while crying for his friend Lazarus, no doubt a birth somewhat resembling a fairy tale. Romanticism endorses
this kind of poetic and religious boldness. Lamartine explains how well Vigny’s creative work was received:
“Everybody, tired of doubting, forced themselves to believe” 12. Later on he illustrates the reason why romantics
had a proclivity for such motives. “To use as the basis of a beautiful poem the first tear of compassion shed by a
divine friend in the presence of the death of a human friend, a tear so sweet to the Lord of the world that he picks
it up, makes it divine, gives it life and changes it into the first sister of the angels is what places Vigny in the heart
of the Romantic era”13 (1856-69, vol. 16: 251).
Romanticism willingly accepted the combining of human and divine elements (e.g. Orpheus, Prometheu s). In the
poem Éloa this relationship is even further deepened since it entails a divine origin, angelic love and a satanic
seducer. Éloa, who pities Satan because of his eternal damnation, wants to alleviate his condition at any expense.
Lamartine makes special use of this romantic form of commiseration: “Éloa, welcomed into the family of angels
thanks to the superior spirits, discovers that angels can fall and that Lucifer, the most beautiful of all, lives far way
from them in hell. Piety, which gave birth to her, now troubles and overwhelms her; she cannot feel happy when
thinking about how a being can suffer, especially one who is the most beautiful of all. Hence she gets upset, flees
heaven and goes down into the abyss where her invisible preoccupation, Lucifer, languishes”14 (1856-69, vol. 16:
251). Compassion is central to the romantic conception of angels. Swedenborg had already discussed this
characteristic as being that which made them capable of such a fall: “To save a soul from hell the angels thi nk
nothing of giving their own lives; indeed if it were possible they would suffer hell themselves in place of that soul”
(1983-, § 2077, vol. 2: 457). This is precisely what Éloa does upon approaching and extending her hand to the
seducer in order to alleviate his suffering.
Similar compassion appears in another of Lamartine’s works. In December of 1823 he alleged to have finished the
final plan for his massive poem Les Visions. However this ambitious work never came to full fruition since he only
managed to piece together various fragments. Inspired by the writings of Moore and Byron, Lamartine tried to
elaborate the fall of another angel, Éloïm (which is a definite change in spelling after rejecting that of Éloa). This
angel falls in love with a mortal named Adha (a name which comes from both Eve and Adda, perhaps because of
the influence of Byron’s character in Cain). In his Avertissement to Le Dernier chant de Childe Harold as well as in a
letter in February of 1823 written to Virieu, Lamartine revealed that the goal of Les Visions was to achieve an
covenant between God and mankind. His poem sought to give good reasons for the present needs of society, that
is to say, to stress what is currently needed without being exclusively epic, didactic or lyrical in nature; but it must
unite these three genres all at once (1936: 11-65). Nevertheless, he did not come the to the same conclusion as his
English colleagues. The movements of Illuminism and Martinism noticeably changed the English influence to the
extent of proposing a promising solution to the fall (Grillet, 1938: 26 and Cellier, 1971: 174-178).
After the success of Jocelyn (1835) Lamartine again devoted himself to this topic and three years later published an
enormous poetic drama, La Chute d’un ange (1838). Utilising the descriptive methods and gnoseological procedures
of Ballanche, Lamartine evokes the world that existed before the flood (Cellier, 1971: 196). La Chute d’un ange is
about an angel, Cédar, who wanted to be incarnated so that he could save a young mortal women, Daïdha, from
the hands of giants. Yet this incarnation entails a fall and a banishment from his celestial dwelling place. Criticism
of his work incited Lamartine to publish reflections on his poem in Avertissement des nouvelles éditions. Convinced that
many readers had not understood the meaning of his work, he openly declared that the main issue consisted of
“the human soul, the metempsychosis of the spirit”. His words make it clear that appealing to the fallen angel in
the romantic period is a literary pretext used to explain the state of humanity. Lamartine reaffirms this when
speaking about his fallen hero: “A heavenly spirit, in the midst of a perverted and brutal society where the idea of
God is altogether absent, is incarnated by his own fault.” Irrespective of the development of this “metaphysical
epic”15, Lamartine uses the sufferings of fallen angels to explain the atheism present in his civilisation (1847, vol.
5: 10-11).

12 “Tout le monde, las de douter, s’efforçait de croire”.

13 “Donner pour base à un beau poëme la première larme de compassion divine versée par un ami divin sur la mort d’un ami humain,
larme si douce au Dieu des mondes qu’il la recueille, la divinise et l’anime en la faisant la première sœur des anges, c’était être dans le cœur
du nouveau siècle”.
14 “Éloa, accueillie dans la famille angélique par l’entremise des esprits supérieurs, apprend d’eux que les anges tombent et que Lucifer,
le plus beau d’entre eux, habite loin d’eux l’enfer. La Pitié dont elle est née la trouble et l’envahit; elle ne peut être heureuse si un être et le
plus beau des êtres souffre; elle s’agite, s’enfuit du firmament et pénètre dans les bas lieux où languit Lucifer, son invisible souci”.
15 “Ce sujet, ai-je dit, c’est l’âme humaine, c’est la métempsychose de l’esprit”; “esprit céleste incarné par sa faute au milieu de cette
société brutale et perverse où l’idée de Dieu s’était éclipsée”; “épopée métaphysique”.
 7
Thus Romanticism appears to be a movement which proclaims the existence of a transcendent world.
Swedenborg’s theories revolve around this heavenly world, which is the only one of real interest. Despite rebellion
advocated by some authors, the majority of them mourn the loss of this supernatural realm: angels fall to earth or
into hell since they are attracted by love, beauty or compassion. The immediate result is a conscious awareness of
their degradation and suffering. However this pessimism and loneliness would not be fully romantic if these ideas
were not also accompanied by a promising future. Thus the illuminist and theosophical doctrines of Romanticism
hail the betterment of angels and men for the purpose of fostering hope and the sense of transcendent world.
Redemption of the Fallen Angel
Freedom is among the many wonderful attributes which God wanted grant to angels. Because of this gift angels
can choose between good and evil. Endowed with liberty, they can direct their will toward the absolute good for
which they were created (to glorify God and assist men) or towards relative goods (their own glorification). It is
difficult to comprehend how a man, having intelligence and free will, can prefer his own glorification to that of
the infinite glory of his Creator; it is even more difficult to understand how an angel, endowed with a supreme
intelligence and will, is capable of doing the very same thing.
Nevertheless, the Bible says that this is what happened. A cherubim rebelled and took many others down with
him. These angels are called demons to better distinguish them from those who supported God. After the sedition,
these demons were thrown into the abyss and confined to the dark dungeons of Earth where they suffer forever
the punishment of their pride (Catechism, 1972, I, 1: 28). Regarding this point the Church does none other than
thoroughly explain what already appears in various places of the Bible, and more concretely in two passages of the
New testament. In one passage we read “God…did not spare the angels when they sinned, but cast them into hell
(Greek Tartarus) and committed them to pits of nether gloom to be kept until the judgement” (2 Pet 2:4). In
another we learn: “The angels that did not keep their own position but left their proper dwelling have been kept
by him (God) in eternal chains in the nether gloom until the judgement of the great day” (Jude, 6). Due to the
transcendent nature of these words which pertain to the myth of the fallen angel, it is necessary to expound more
deeply upon their meaning.
The Bible affirms that demons still stubbornly continue along their path of malicious rebellion: “The uproar of thy
adversaries which goes up continually” (Ps 74:23). This means the cries of God’s enemies will never end. This
declaration is supported by four fundamental sources: by texts quoted from sacred scripture, the writings some of
the Church Fathers, the dogmatic teachings of the Church, and by rational arguments corresponding the nature of
angels16.
According to Catholic doctrine, the fallen angels’ place of punishment places is twofold. Firstly, there is hell
because of their sin and secondly there is the “darksome atmosphere” in which they tempt men. Yet this
atmosphere of darkness does not entail, in any way, a reduction of their sentence since its inhabitants know where
they will to be at the end of time: hell 17. Even though hell has many meanings in sacred scripture, it is designated
to “those secret abodes in which are detained the souls that have not obtained the happiness of heaven”. Here we
are not dealing with a kind of transient hell (i.e. the fire of purgatory) nor with a dwelling place for just souls (i.e.
the hope of redemption brought about by Christ). Rather we are speaking of a hell which is the abode for fallen
angels and men who have died in mortal sin. It is “that most loathsome and dark prison in which the souls of the
damned are tormented with the unclean spirits in eternal and inextinguishable fire” (Catechism, 1972, I, V: 63).
Whatever hell is like, no one has certain knowledge of it. The Catholic Church takes the following words of Jesus
Christ as her primary point of reference: “Depart from me, you cursed, into eternal fire prepared for the devil and
his angels” (Mt 25:41; vid. also Mk 9:48, Lk 16:23 and Rev 20:10). According to this passage from the New
Testament, hell is “the heaviest punishment with which the wicked shall be visited, their eternal banishment from
the sight of God, unrelieved by one consolatory hope of ever recovering so great a good” (Catechism, 1972: I, VII:
85-86). In such a state fallen angels endure incredible sadness, as Augustine says 18. Clearly hell is not about any
form of human sadness pertaining to the sense appetites. Aquinas states that the fallen angels’ misery comes from
the resistance of their will to what it is and to what it is not; everything that they see makes them suffer (the
salvation of other souls, the impossibility of ever being happy, etc.) 19.

16 About the fundamental sources, see respectively 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude, 6, St. John Damascene, De Fide Orthodoxa, 2:4, St. Augustine, De
Civitate Dei, 11, 13, 1945, vol. 1: 324, Fourth Lateran Council, chap. 1, Denzinger, 1928: § 429 and Catechism, 1994: § 393.
17 St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, LXIV, 4, 1922: 173-175.
18 “Miserrimi effecti sunt”, De Correptione et Gratia, 10, 27.
19 St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, LXIV, 3-3, 1922: 171-175 and Parente, 1949, vol. 4: 55-56.
8
Different apocryphal books in the Old Testament also deal with the destiny of fallen angels. In the Testament of
the Twelve Patriarchs, Levi describes three “heavens” which he saw in a dream. He claims that the Angel of the Lord
lead him to the mountain of Aspis in Abelmuel and there showed him the “heavens” which God had prepared for
evil doers. One of them, specifically the second, “hath fire, snow and ice, prepared by the Lord’s appointment
against the day of God’s rightful judgement. In it are the spirits of vengeance for the punishing of the wicked”.
Even more important is the third since it directly concerns unfaithful angels: “In the third are the powers of hosts
ordained against the day of judgement, to take vengeance upon the spirits of error and Belial” (1706: no pagination).
It did not take long for heresies to arise within the Catholic Church over what resulted from the fall. In particular,
it was Origen who maintained that estranged souls had been incarnated into human bodies and would eventually
ascend to their original state of incorporeality. Origen also believed that a second passion by Christ would be
necessary to redeem fallen angels. St. Augustine, who was astonished how someone so familiar with scripture could
sustain such a heresy, was absolutely opposed to Origen’s works, recalling that the world is especially good 20. Later,
Origen’s teachings were condemned by the Endemusa Synod21.
At the heart of his doctrine lie both theological and metaphysical errors. With respect to the theological ones,
Origen did not accept the mysterious nature of sin, namely that it is the root of all evil. He declared that all evil
came from this very world which he conceived as a prison of all those who have gone astray from their love of
God. With regard to his metaphysical errors, Origen claimed that material nature is, in essence, evil. According to
this principle, Origen cannot perceive materiality as lasting forever and thus it is necessary that one day it cease to
exist. On the contrary, the evil hidden in material objects will endure throughout all eternity, which is repugnant
to divine omnipotence. Hence it is understood that Origen intends to suppress any sign of victory on behalf of
material nature. Sooner or later all spiritual creatures will no longer be submissive to materiality and its evil empire.
In the end, the material empire is revealed especially in the suffering of hell and in the estrangement of souls form
their celestial abode. Thus for Origen the castigation of demons and impious men may be temporal; that is to say,
it may only endure until the final reintegration of the universe. These ideas are present just as much in Protestant
doctrine as in 19th century French humanitarianism.
Swedenborg’s theosophical doctrine of angels does not deal directly with those aspects which are related to the
after life. As a result of his interpretation of the angelic world, spiritual creatures do not have a different fate than
men. Hence his theory aims for a total interdependence between angels and men. This relationship is so intimate
that the angels’ whole reason for living resides in human existence. Thus, for Swedenborg, upon dying all human
beings become angels whose destiny completely depends on the goodness or badness of their actions while on
earth. To this the extrapolation of biblical passages it must be added that God is the only being who is good.
Consequently angels and men are creatures which are, by their very nature, evil and their goodness is only an
appearance. With respect to this last statement, it is important to note that since it is fully dominated by theocentric
thought, the eternal destiny of spiritual creatures is not a crucial point in Swedenborg’s theosophy.
Neither does early 19th century Anglican theology pay special attention to the destiny of angels. After minimising
the importance of this matter, Spencer briefly reviews what angelic nature is and, immediately afterwards, refers to
those very well known passages from the Bible in which the situation of the rebellious angels is explicitly mentioned
(2 Pet 2:4 and Jude, 6; 1823: 9 et sq.). Forty five years later another anonymous writer does something similar: at
the beginning of an essay on the existence of angels, he makes use of and develops identical passages (“Angels and
Men”, ?1867: 3-5).
The profound mark left by the French Enlightenment and the various romantic movements in the first few decades
of the 19th century explain the unusual attention which diverse theosophical and French humanitarian schools
paid to Satan’s condition after his fall and hypothetical redemption. Their beliefs are often supported by teachings
proceeding from various sources of the message of renewal (e.g. the Bible, history, philosophy, theosophy, etc.).
In summary, many doctrinarian systems deal with issues regarding the redemption of angels and the world: neo-
Catholicism (Ballanche and Lamennais), social scientific utopias (Saint-Simon and Auguste Comte), and
humanitarianism (Pierre Leroux, Fourier, Fabre d’Olivet, Edgar Quinet, Michelet et al.). In general these
movements sustained that the goodness of God, being infinite, could permit fallen angels to return to their original
state if they repented their sins. Indeed God’s goodness is infinite (greater than the wickedness of any demon), yet
it is not contradictory. He respects the nature and freedom of His creatures. Thus fallen angels are condemned to
eternal despair in hell. This last point is especially important in the thought of numerous writers, mystics,
doctrinarians and French romantic visionaries.

20 Gen 1:31 and De Civitate Dei, 11, 23, 1945, vol. 1: 331.
21 Canon 7 and 9 and Denzinger, 1928: § 209 and 211.
 9
The subject of the fallen angel’s redemption was intimately related to the social problems of this era. A new
conception of God and man seems not only to have led to the questioning of the penal system and lawful
punishment, but also to life sentences and eternal suffering. Hence the penitentiary system no longer was for the
imprisonment of criminals, but really for their rehabilitation (Bénichou, 1977: 428).
The spiritual atmosphere in the beginning of the 19th century, and even more so during the Restoration, did not
exclude Catholic tradition on this matter. Yet neither was it considered as a principle source of reference. Catholic
dogma was looked more upon as one opinion among many. This syncretism favours the acceptance of some
Catholic doctrines within new schools of humanitarianism. Thus it is understood that matters concerning the fall
and redemption are mixed with those regarding man’s earthly suffering. Parallelly, in this period one finds
theosophical principles leading to the disappearance of evil and the Satan’s redemption. An attempt is made to
establish social order based upon these new beliefs.
One of the great representatives of French theosophical thought during the romantic period is Antoine Fabre
d’Olivet (1767-1825). In Les Vers dorés de Pythagore expliqués (1813) his philosophical deism is perfectly joined
together with his theosophical syncretism. With respect to his philosophical deism, he is conscious of the limited
relationship between creatures and divinity; with respect to his theosophical syncretism, he adopts the spirit of
tolerance proper to philosophers in the 18th century. If the former moves him to venerate gods, the latter leads
him to rebel against all kinds of dogmatic barriers. Therefore he praised the Pythagorean philosophers whose
cosmopolitan dogmas did not condemn anybody to eternal damnation (1813: 292 and Cellier, 1953: 187). What
lies at the heart of this rejection is the attempt to explain the origin of evil. Thus in opposition to Catholic theology
(which sustains that evil is the absence of goodness) and Christian heterodoxy (which proceeds from Manichaeism
to the idea of absolute predestination), theosophical tradition provides an interesting theory based on freedom and
the transmigration of souls. The latter belief would explain successive reincarnations of creatures according to the
positive or negative character of their actions. Suffering is perceived as a means of atonement; by means of pain
souls can reach a phase in which they are united to the Divine.
Ten years after the publication of Les Vers dorés de Pythagore expliqués, Fabre d’Olivet translated into French and
wrote commentary on Byron’s Cain. According to Fabre d’Olivet, the fall of Adam was a triumph of the volitive
spirit symbolised by the Serpent-Satan. The offence that he committed introduced man into the world of Time.
Yet temporality is not only a form of punishment, but also the best means or remedy for obtaining his redemption
(1923: 191 and Bénichou, 1977: 429). Certainly these ideas are not exclusive to Fabre d’Olivet. They could already
be found in the writings of Saint-Martin, Martinez de Pasquali, Boehme and Swedenborg. In their works these
ideas acquired their full meaning. Yet Fabre d’Olivet was more worried about happiness on earth than the desire
of reintegration. His writings were of great import due to the influence which the theosopher had on the French
thinking in the 19th century. Ballanche, Leroux and Hugo are counted among his main disciples.
The trend of French romantic neo-Catholicism maintained the opposition in the battle between faith and reason.
The Catholic Church had never seen any opposition in the paths taken by reason and the beliefs held by religious
faith. Since God is the Truth, nothing in the created world capable of being understood by reason remains outside
the faith.
Pierre-Simon Ballanche (1776-1847), however, believed that this new era had contributed knowledge which was
irreconcilable with scripture. Hence this theosopher believed that Catholic theology ought to be submitted to a
series of revisions in order to justify new discoveries occurring in science. This is what he fully develops in his
books Palingénésie sociale and Orphée which he calls his “cyclical epic” 22 (1830, III: 18). In this book on the
reformulation of the meaning of the universe, Ballanche purports the necessity of finding a way to eliminate evil
forever, an idea which does not appear to come from scripture. This goal is one of the principal aspirations of the
romantic writers who were always in search of a way to overcome eternal punishment.
It is true that Ballanche focuses his attention on man, but it is not any less certain that his ideas can he
unscrupulously applied to angels as well since what is important to him is the ultimate perfection of the universe.
This is well illustrated by those poets who adhered to his doctrine and unreservedly used it to explain the
redemption of the fallen angel. Such is the case in the writings of Lamartine and Hugo.
Ballanche admits that various postulates are irrefutable (i.e. the original goodness of all things, the fall of spiritual
beings, the punishment which ensued thereafter and the law of universal progress). All these premises are
interconnected. For example, both punishment and suffering require a limit. Hence there is no sentence which is
not able to be appealed, since life-long imprisonment contradicts the law of progress. Being an obstinate adversary
of these definitive forms of castigation, Ballanche believes that redemption is possible, even for the most corrupt
beings since “there does not exist any insurmountable barrier; the doctrine regarding trials, which is vast and

22 “épopée cyclique”.
10
consoling, establishes progressive gradations, not immovable classes” 23 (1830, IV, VI: 337). Everything is
reduced to withstanding different tests since life is essentially one great trial. Yet it is special trial whose result is
always positive. In the end, all creatures will end up being worthy of the true epoptism (313). Thus it can be
deduced that death is nothing other than one more step in the universal and particular evolution of all beings.
Upon leaving this life, creatures do not enter into their final state since they continue to advance towards it. The
only final state is the return to the perfection which God infused in His creatures when first creating them (1830:
III, II: 119).
The theory of positive predestination is clearly present in this thought. By the work of the divine omnipotence,
man cannot prevent the general advancement of the universe towards progress. Even wicked people cannot even
hinder their own ascent (Roos, 1958: 82). Ballanche is conscious that evil spirits exist (e.g. “intelligent” or
“refractory substances”). However these wicked beings will also end up being good by virtue of their own free will
since goodness was infused into them at the beginning of time. The opposite, affirms Ballanche, would be to accept
the Manichean thesis. Here it is interesting to point out the importance given to freedom: by means of freedom
refractory beings either continually distance themselves or draw near to God. In the end, also because of freedom,
they take refuge in the universal order and are directed towards good and beauty (1830, III, II: 186-187). The fact
that the final harmony is a direct result of freedom was greatly advocated by Hugo in La Fin de Satan. The Angel
of Freedom obtains God’s forgiveness of Satan who again is changed into the Angel of Light. Parallelly, in “Les
Degrés de l’ échelle” angels aspire to progressively advance within the ascending universal movement (1902: 51).
Hugues-Félicité-Robert de Lamennais (1782-1854) had a special admiration for religion since he felt it was the onl y
way of assuring a union of man with God. In his effort to conserve a religion severed from the Catholic Church,
Lamennais ran into the beliefs of secular humanism, whose doctrine is a combination of religious and earthly
ideals. Resorting to this humanitarian path sooner or later means coming across the teachings of the secular French
left. However, being a Catholic priest, he was not so inclined to accept these unorthodox ideas. This was evident
when in 1828 he spoke about the despotism of the democratic system which the Revolution brought about (1926:
35-39). Despite the reticence felt towards this trend, Lamennais might have ended up accepting some of their
principles in so far as he considered that religion must adapt itself to modern times. In other words, religion must
be progressive and essential. It must be progressive since it must assimilate the progressive ideas heralded by the
Enlightenment and the French Revolution. It must be essential to regain its original purity and to avoid all internal
division (1841: 8; quoted by Bénichou, 1977: 160-1).
Parallel to these beliefs is his abandonment of pure metaphysics and exaltation of the religious principle of
collective regeneration. It is not odd that these principles result in the rejection of some fu ndamental Catholic
doctrines. Thus, in order to affirm the doctrine of continual progress, he denies the dogma of the fall and
redemption. This involves a change of supreme importance in his writings. In his Essai d’un système de philosophie
catholique (1830-1), he spoke about the angelic fall in these terms: “They can violate the basic laws of intelligent
beings and the particulars laws pertaining to their nature. In brief, they can choose between good and evil (…);
there is in them something which (…) incites them to descend or be diminished in their capacity of love and
freedom”24 (1954: 175). Ten years later in his Esquisse d’une philosophie (1840-6), a change is obvious: the fall has
been substituted for a kind of modification in spiritual beings. On this matter he allied himself with the progress
proposed by the Enlightenment and French Revolution when he said that the supposed dogma on the fall “rests
on the hypothesis of the original state of perfection which is impossible and clearly opposed to the first law of the
universe or the law of progress”25 (1840, II: 10-11 and 58; quoted by Bénichou, 1977: 162). In this way, sin is seen
from a different perspective from that of Catholic orthodoxy: it is the result of an imperfect realisation of perfect
ideas existing in God. In Lamennais’s thought sin can no longer be considered as a fall but as a compliance to
destiny, as “a metaphysical necessity, the inevitable end of created beings” 26 (ibid.). Conceived in this manner, sin
is not intrinsically evil: it is a necessary part of progress. It is necessary since it is through sin that a creature reaches
his fulfilment; it is part of progress since it strips away the sinner’s original innocence and reveals to him his

23 “Nulle barrière n’est insurmontable; la doctrine vaste et consolante des épreuves établit des grades progressifs, et non des classes
immobiles”.
24 “peuvent violer les lois générales des êtres intelligents, et les lois particulières constitutives de leur nature. Ils peuvent en un mot
choisir entre le bien et le mal, comme la foi nous l’apprend; ce qui montre, sous un nouveau rapport, qu’il y a en eux quelque chose qui,
appartenant au monde inférieur, les sollicite, d’une manière quelconque, à descendre ou à diminuer en eux la vérité et l’amour, état
d’abaissement et de désordre que, dans son langage profond, la religion appelle mort spirituelle”.
25 “repose sur l’hypothèse d’un état primitif de perfection impossible en soi, et manifestement opposé à la première loi de l’univers, la
loi de progression”.
26 “une nécessité métaphysique, l’inévitable finitude de l’être créé”.
 11
freedom. In the end, sin is eventually elevated to the category of an “immense good”27 which contains in itself
knowledge and freedom (1840, II: 65-69; quoted by Bénichou, 1977: 163).
Another important point links Lamennais to the doctrines of Ballanche and Hugo (the latter was for many years a
favourite disciple of Lamennais). Being consistent with humanitarian doctrine, neither one accepted eternal
damnation. On this matter, Lamennais is even more convincing than Ballanche: since evil has disappeared, the
atonement which the latter involves must disappear as well. To be atoned means to pay for evil with suffering; yet
if evil does not exist and pain is not accepted as a good, the dogma of the atonement must also be eradicated. In
1841 Lamennais infers in his Discussions critiques that this would mean that God is cruel and thus He would not be
God. If this were not so, Lamennais says, it would only be appropriate to think about an antagonising force which
has eternally opposed Him. Yet in this case God would not be omnipotent and hence not God. In Monsignor
Bruté’s letter to the Pope, the prelate describes the conversation he had with Lamennais. “With respect to the
existence of hell, he did not permit me to continue. He told me: «It is not a matter which concerns the faith. (…)
The opinion (of some people) on eternal suffering necessarily leads to dualism»” 28 (Dudon, 1911: 364). Lamennais
maintains a similar belief in the introduction of his translation of Dante’s Divine Comedy. Lamennais states that if
suffering were eternal there is only room for two possibilities. The first would be that the supposed deficiency,
which has caused suffering, also is eternal; this is unacceptable since Lamennais denies Manichaeism and all other
forms of dualism. The second would be that suffering comes directly from the divine will, and this is equally
unacceptable, given its hideous nature (1855: L’Enfer, VII: LXVIII). Lamennais concludes that eternal suffering is
an invention of the “priestly religions” which pervert human reason and fill it with chimerical fears. The warning
of cruel torture in hell, Lamennais states, is nothing but a mere stratagem to govern men by means of fear tactics
(LXIX). These words are echoed in the last great French romantic ideology (i.e. the humanitarian movement) in
relation to the fall and redemption.
Fully developed by men of great stature like Quinet and Michelet, the humanitarian movement suddenly appeared
in periodical publications of republican influence. Their main objective was to replace the priestly ministry of the
ecclesiastics with the civic preaching of writers: having become the new priests of society, writers must guide
humanity along the road to freedom. These romantic authors were genuinely involved in the social trauma of their
equals. Among the authors who discuss the myth of the fallen angel, it is necessary to mention Ganneau, Caillaux
and Alphonse-Louis Constant.
Ganneau (also Gannau or Gannot) is better known in romantic literature by the pseudonym Mapah which he used
to best illustrate the bisexual nature of his priesthood and God. His main disciple was L.-Ch. Caillaux. This
“prophet” (as the revolutionary Sobrier would have called him in 1848) identifies the Virgin Mary with Freedom.
Both are the “Great Mother, Grand Pariah and the Eve of Genesis” 29 who liberate the People (Bénichou, 1977:
429-432). Once again it is obvious that there exists the intimate relationship between the messianic character of
this “Holy Virgin Liberty”30 (who is considered as the holy mother of mankind) and a feminine agent, the Angel
of Liberty (who obtained the devil’s redemption in Hugo’s La Fin de Satan). This is a response which humanitarian
schemes give to Christian dogmas, especially with regard to the one in which the Messiah comes to the world by
means of a virgin woman. In the Arche de la Nouvelle Alliance, Ganneau’s writing abounds in what he terms the “anti-
fall”. Setting aside the doctrine of universal redemption, this romantic prophet considered the fall as something
essentially positive and indispensable. For Ganneau, the fall demands that there be a future raising up of souls.
This would mean the reconstitution of all beings and would clearly manifest the grandeur and majesty of God (see
Bénichou, 1977: 433). Only in this way, as he states in Déisme, will hell and its earthly forms (e.g. “prisons” and
“scaffolds”) be conquered and will disappear forever (1864: 28; Bénichou, 1977: 434) 31.
Alphonse-Louis Constant (also known by his pseudonym Éliphas Levi, 1810-1875) represents an important
milestone in 19th century Illuminism. This heretical priest proceeds to formulate a revolutionary interpretation of
Protestant evangelical theology. To achieve this he proposes a remodelling of Catholic doctrine. Constant attempts
to attain a symbiosis between Catholic orthodoxy and new doctrine; this goal is revealed in the subheading of his
Livre des larmes which states that his work is “An Essay on the Reconciliation of the Catholic Church and Modern
Philosophy”. In La Bible de la Liberté (1840), he clearly emphasises an anthropocentric interpretation of divine
mysteries. In the Doctrines religieuses et sociales (1841), he develops the humanitarian vision which proclaims the

27 “ce progrès, lequel impliquait, avec la connaissance et la liberté, le pouvoir de violer les lois de l’ordre, loin d’être un mal, était au
contraire un bien, et un immense bien”.
28 “Pour l’enfer, il m’arrêta. «Je ne crois pas à l’éternité des peines. Cela n’est point de la foi. (…) L’opinion de l’éternité des peines
conduit nécessairement au dualisme»”.
29 “la Grande-Mère, la Grande Paria, l’Ève génésiaque”.
30 “Sainte Vierge Liberté”.
31 “L’Enfer sera vaincu, le bagne et l’échafaud seront détrônés, le sang, la sueur et les larmes expliqués”.
12
remission of all guilt, including that of the fallen angel: “I absolve the rebellious angel in order to justify
freedom”32 (1841: 16-7; quoted by Bénichou, 1977: 436-9). His appeal to freedom again reminds us of the purest
form of romanticism which exalts freedom as an absolute value. Here freedom is of greater importance than truth.
This error gives rise to grave theological consequences which appeared in other previous works: Les Trois Harmonies,
chansons et poésies and Le Livre des larmes ou le Christ consolateur (both written in 1845) and L’Émancipation de la Femme
ou le Testament de la Paria (1846, a book posthumously attributed to either Constant or Flora Tristan). Here come
together all romantic doctrines which claim that the redemption of Lucifer is the work of women. Something
similar can be seen in La Dernière Incarnation, légendes évangéliques du dix-neuvième siècle (1846) where the intervention
of the Virgin Mary obtains Christ’s pardon of the fallen angel. Constant creates a hero of progress out of the
damned and eternal adversary of God, a hero who progresses by means of freedom and obedience. “Your name
shall no longer be Satan, you will once again have the glorious name of Lucifer” 33 (1846: 109; quoted by Bénichou,
1977: 439). There is an uncanny resemblance between these words and those proclaimed by God in Hugo’s La Fin
de Satan: “Satan is dead. Be born again, oh heavenly Lucifer!”34 (1950: 940). This parallel invites us to pay special
attention to the commentaries of some French poets which focused on the redemption of the fallen angel.
In the section of this essay dedicated to the fall of the angel, we have had the occasion to see how Lamartine
explained the enthusiasm which French romantics found in reading English works. In their own literature, French
authors have compassion for the wicked angel who is repentant. In their writings they usually add attributes of the
human species (e.g. a guilty conscience) to others which exclusively pertain to the devil (e.g. irreconcilable pride
and perversity). In this combination of elements, French authors separate themselves from the traditional
representation of dogma and at the same time achieve an attractive image of the seducer (Albouy, 1967: 950 and
Bénichou, 1973: 374). This strategy is diversely developed in successive attempts to save the fallen angel.
From what has been said above, the disastrous outcome of the fallen angel in Éloa (1823) is clear. However Vigny
moulded into his writings the desire to redeem his heroine as well as Satan. Thus, among the unedited outlines of
his poem, three fragments appear (two in poetry and one in verse) in which Satan is redeemed. In the end the devil
abandons his hatred and gains God’s forgiveness. Furthermore, Ratisbonne, in his edition of the poet’s Journal
(1867), did not hesitate to title these fragments “Satan Saved” (1967: 253). Apparently, the verses focusing on the
redemption of the fallen angel would be placed at the end of his poem; yet, at least in the poem that we know,
these verses do not appear, and hence the angel Éloa succumbs to Satan’s charm and the latter remains in hell.
Vigny adopts, therefore, the orthodox solution and throws out the unorthodox one.
The ultimate motive behind this decision seems to have been his fear of facing the problems of the ecclesiastical
hierarchy. This is what one deduces from a letter he wrote to Émile Deschamps on the 7th of September, 1823 in
which he manifests he decision not to redeem Satan. Upon referring to the verses which he never managed to
publish, Vigny says that “they make me fearful of being immediately excommunicated”. Faced with the decision
of publishing or changing them, he at last decides to modify these verses “in order to save himself” (1967: 950) 35.
The irony of these words is obvious. Yet the fact that the author did not publish an extremely heterodox version
coincides with the general philosophy of circles of French poetry at that time. In effect, the redemption of the
fallen angel in French literature had to wait for the full development of humanitarian theories.
In 1849 Alexandre Soumet (1788-1845) published La Divine Épopée in which the redemption of the fallen angel is
obtained in the end. In the preface he describes the novelty of his work with respect to that of English and French
authors. “Milton had created his Satan out of a huge troublemaker who took arms against the monarchy of Heaven.
Klopstock’s dreamy soul had cried alongside St. John and Mary at the foot of the cross. At the hour of Christ’s
death he made the planet Adamida face the sun in order not to see the Saviour of mankind dying. I dared to explore
even the darkest depths!”36 (1840: XVI). In effect, the angel Idaméel, who had submitted himself to Lucifer’s own
power, attains Christ’s love thanks to Sémida’s tears and prayers.
In his analysis of this myth, Lamartine resorts to the doctrine of progression in the very same way displayed by
Ballanche. In the outline of the “Second Vision” of La Chute d’un ange he promised to explain his conception of

32 “J’absous l’ange rebelle pour justifier la liberté”.

33 “Tu ne t’appelleras plus Satan, tu reprendras le nom glorieux de Lucifer”.

34 “Satan est mort; renais, ô Lucifer celeste!”.

35 “Je viens de faire des vers damnés, et je vous écris sur leur poitrine, je voudrais qu’on ne fît pas un autre pape, tant ils me font craindre
l’excommunication par la suite. Vous devinez que c’est de Satan dont il s’agit, il est presque achevé. Je vais noircir un peu la fin pour me
sauver”.
36 “Milton avait fait de son Satan un factieux gigantesque armé contre la monarchie du Ciel. L’âme rêveuse de Klopstock avait pleuré avec Saint-
Jean et Marie au pied de la Croix; elle avait conduit, à l’heure suprême, la planète Adamida devant le soleil, pour qu’il ne vît pas mourir le
Sauveur des hommes. J’ai osé sonder de plus profondes ténèbres!”.
 13
rational deism (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Lam. 22, f. 12 vº; 1954: 40). In the Fragment du Livre Primitif
the poet categorically declares what this incessant progress consists of. He states that religion must adapt itself to
modern times. This postulate implies that there is no place for eternal punishment since all beings are on the road
to perfection. In the case of the fallen angels, redemption occurs via successiv e purifying reincarnations (1936: 82-
3). This declaration by Lamartine proceeds from an inspiration which the poet had on October 10th, 1821 in
Naples, an inspiration which would involve the formation of a particular philosophy and an estrangement from
Catholic orthodoxy (George, 1940: 14-5). In Cours Familier de Littérature he describes the vision which he had about
spiritual creatures: “The hierarchy of these souls first went through dark regions, afterwards through regions of
twilight, then through fields full of splendour, then they came before the dazzle of the truth: those suns of the
spirit, those souls going up and coming down stairway after stairway without a beginning or end, submitted
successfully and unsuccessfully to thousands of moral tests while on secular pilgrimages and transformations of
uncountable existences”37 (quoted by George, 1940: 12). It is clear that the metamorphosis of invisible souls (of
good and bad angels) is, according to Lamartine, similar to that which is described by Swedenborg. Thus, even
when angels fall and turn their backs on God, the final outcome is always positive: all respond to the universal law
of upward movement based upon progress.
One can place Victor Hugo alongside the other aforesaid visionaries. Schooled in the teachings of Ballanche and
Lamennais, and familiar with Lamartine’s thought as well as with the postulates of social humanitarianism, on
several occasions this poet reveals his ideas on the necessity of offering a solution to social and religious problems.
For him, both intimately overlap to the extent that he conceives human suffering on earth as comparable to that
of the after life. A séance which Hugo attended on September 19th, 1854 confirmed all his intuitions. The report
which he made afterwards recorded his vision. In it he states, “The being, which is called the Darkness of the
Sepulchre, told me to finish the work I had begun; the being, which is called the Idea, emphatically told me to
finish since he «ordered» me to write verses in support of the piety of those captive and punished beings which
comprise what the blind consider dead nature” (1967: 1685) 38. The result of this vision was the writing of “La
Bouche d’Ombre” in Les Contemplations in which he redeems the fallen angel. The same can be said about La Fin
de Satan, a great epic poem with the same final solution which he began in 1854 (the book would be published and
titled posthumously in 1886). The idea of Satan’s redemption dates back to 1854. An author’s manuscript of “La
Bouche d’Ombre” proves it: “I have finished this poem on universal misfortune and on universal hope on the
13th of October, 1854” (1867: 1865)39.
From what was said above, the interconnection of society and religion remain clear, and this is what is equally
implied in Les Misérables. The preface especially helps us to comprehend the full meaning of his novel. In one part,
Hugo indicates: “As long as a societal punishment exists, confirmed by the laws and costumes, which artificially
creates forms of hell at the height of civilisation, books like this one will not be useless” 40. In this sense, the origin
of “La Bouche d’Ombre” and Les Misérables coincide since religion and society intimately go to together. Religion
informs the author of the evils which afflict society. However, religion not only reveals these deficiencies to the
writer, but it also admonishes him to eradicate them as well through the progressive improvement of society. In
other words, it is the poet’s mission to gain the conversion of two worlds which until the dawn of romanticism
seemed disconnected. The transcendental world provides the keys for improving the material world.
Hugo’s sincere commiseration is a social concern which attempts to suppress or alleviate all types of suffering
(Berret, 1927: 378). This is what he does, for example, in Les Malheureux. While Adam mourns the death of Abel,
Eve does the same because of Cain’s fate. Thus in Hugo’s soteriology there is room for universal salvation, even
for the most perverted creatures. This does not supposed that Hugo aspires to eliminate punishment. If this were
the case, the witch Guanhumara in Les Burgraves would not have ended up perishing. Her crime does not reside in
having committed an evil act, but in not repenting her misconduct. Her persistence in l eading an evil life makes
her irreconcilable since she is prevented from adhering to the harmony of the universe. Quite the opposite is the
case of those beings who are sorry for their wicked ways. Indeed the latter must experience suffering, yet in the
end they will be renewed. Hence it may be said that Victor Hugo is not against punishment altogether, only its
gratuitous form (Detalle, 1976: 359).

37 “La hiérarchie de ces âmes traversant des régions ténébreuses d’abord, puis les demi-jours, puis les splendeurs, puis les éblouissements
des vérités, ces soleils de l’esprit, ces âmes montant et descendant d’échelons en échelons sans base et sans fin, subissant avec mérite ou avec
déchéance des milliers d’épreuves morales dans des pérégrinations de siècles et dans des transformations d’existences sans no mbre…”.
38 “L’être qui se nomme l’Ombre du Sépulcre m’a dit de finir mon œuvre commencée; l’être qui se nomme l’Idée a été plus loin encore
et m’a «ordonné» de faire des vers appelant la pitié sur les êtres captifs et punis qui composent ce qui semble aux non-voyants la nature
morte”.
39 “J’ai fini ce poëme de la fatalité universelle et de l’espérance universelle le vendredi 13 octobre. 1854”.
40 “Tant qu’il existera, par le fait des lois et des mœurs, une damnation sociale créant artificiellement, en pleine civilisatio n, des enfers
[…], des livres de la nature de celui-ci pourront ne pas être inutiles”.
14
Only from this perspective is it possible to explain La Fin de Satan. As soon as he sinned Lucifer became Satan
and remained, like Prometheus, chained and punished. However this suffering angel represents humanity and
expresses, in a certain sense, the pain which troubles man. In this sense, the fallen angel is genuine reflection of
the situation which human society endures. By means of this poetical pretext, the fallen angel’s physical and moral
sufferings represent those of men. The condemned angel screaming to heaven is the suffering man who directs
his sight to high places and makes known that he is anxious for improvements and progress in life. On his behalf,
the poet contemplates man’s pain. Being a mediator and priest in modern times, he seeks divine pardon and
assistance for men. God’s answer comes immediately: God will concede these things if every man promises to
have a change of heart, that is, if humanity decides to change its laws and customs. Here is where the great poetic
invention of the fallen angel comes into play. Being a perfect image of enslaved humanity, the fallen angel himself
promises to have a change of heart. The role played by freedom is obvious. God does not want to force men to
do what is good; he wants them to voluntarily decide who they want to be. In effect, sincere and free repentance
is necessary to create a new civilisation. Without freedom the society which Hugo speaks about in the prologue of
Les Misérables would continue to be fettered and chained in irons in the same manner symbolised by Satan. In the
face of Evil and Fate which alter creation by being opposed to the Goodness of the Creator, Hugo needs Freedom,
the external force leading creation towards progress. Only in this way will he succeed in undoing the antagonism
of forces which maintains the universe in a state of continual degradation.
However, the heterodox solution necessitates a poetic formulation: it is no longer implausible that Satan
spontaneously repents or that God will grant forgiveness which is not asked for. To achieve this Hugo personifies
the notion of liberty, and this involves the mythologizing of symbols (Detalle, 1976: 360). The giving of life to
“Angel Liberty” appears in the very same way in La Fin de Satan. It is the last step, undoubtedly the most risky, in
order to coherently link it to mythology (Roos, 1958: 65-68). Only as such can one comprehend the kind of
redemption advocated by Hugo. Thus the embrace which Jesus Christ gives to Satan as well as the latter’s
transfiguration in La Fin de Satan can be explained.
The metamorphosis of the fallen angel, according to Berret, symbolises the transfiguration of all criminals by
means of forgiveness, something which occurs at the end of the epic of Jean Valjean. In this way the “hells” in the
preface of Les Misérables change and acquire positive conception in Les Contemplations: “Hells are converted into
Edens”. A similar transformation occurs on the cosmic level when God introduces “the pariah universe” fit “into
the archangel universes”. It will be the best moment in which the eternal damnation will disappear. God, upon
seeing him adorned in heavenly glory, will become so blind with happiness that he will not be able to “tell Bellial
apart form Jesus” (“Bouche d’ombre”, 1967: 820-2). In this manner Hugo and Ballanche expressed their great
originality, that is, in their attempt to reconcile the principle of human freedom that of divine omnipotence (Roos,
1958: 83). The global optimism of this ideology is clear since it boils down to the reintegration of all beings into
the infinite truth of God.
Despite its unorthodox teachings, it is not superfluous to note that Victor Hugo’s conception is nearest to Catholic
soteriology. In Hugo’s writings, salvation is rendered between equals: one angel redeems another, the redemption
of an impure spirit is carried out by a pure spirit. In Catholic teachings God the Fathe r intervenes through God
the Son: a Man (Jesus Christ) redeems the evil of another man (Adam) and thus all of humanity.
Conclusion
In the preceding pages the main factors which occur in the romantic development of the fallen angel have been
well analysed (i.e. its nature, rebellion and redemption). Of those opposed to orthodox doctrine, Swedenborg
seems to be the author who most extensively elaborates the nature of the fallen angel according to Protestant
theology. The rebellion acquires a special emphasis in Anglican writing and thought. The redemption, in brief,
seems to be the main concern in French romanticism. All these points are imperative to completely understand
European romantic literature written on the subject of the fallen angel.
It is obvious that the various reflections on this matter contain errors in the areas of theology, metaphysics,
anthropology and morality. From a theological perspective, they are erroneous in so far as they contradict scripture
(the Old as well as the New Testament). From a metaphysical point of view, they do not correctly reconcile angelic
attributes (i.e. intuitive knowledge and an immovable will). As far as anthropology is concerned, romantic thought
mistakenly bases its theories on debatable principles (e.g. the transmigration of souls). Finally, with respect to
ethical philosophy, they confuse the entities of two kinds of evil (i.e. physical and moral evil).
This last aspect is especially relevant as it entails an idea which is poorly conceived. It is wrong to think that
suffering is an absolute evil when really it is only relatively so. The only absolute evil is sin. However, one must
bear in mind that, whether the fall is denied or deemed unimportant, Christ’s redemption would be useless. Some
of the aforementioned authors managed to affirm this, other only went so far as to insinuate it.
 15
Finally it must be repeated that the romantic movement, in its thought on the fallen angel, kept its distance from
Catholic doctrine and, driven by its ideas of freedom and progress, used every means necessary to eliminate evil.
In the end, we can see how literature continues to deal with the world and all its possibilities: without the paradoxes
and contradictions of the imagination there would not be any literature.
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