Migration of a Buddhist Icon

The Mucilinda-Buddha – a Reply on Pierre Dupont

Adalbert J. Gail

In various Buddhist texts important events are narrated that hap-

pened after the enlightenment of the Buddha, among these his protection
by the nāga Mucilinda (Pali: Mucalinda). The relevant texts have been
carefully collected and discussed by Jean Ph. Vogel (1926, 102 ff).
According to the Vinayapit. aka in the 2nd week after bodhi, accord-
ing to the Nidānakathā and the Lalitavistara in the 5th week nāgarājā
Mucilinda encircled the Buddha with his coils in order to shelter him
against the storm and heavy rains.
The event was not only exhibited in early Buddhist art of India, it
carved out a great career in the countries of Southeast Asia, in particular
in Cambodia.
The most exhaustive article on this item submitted by Pierre Dupont
(1959, 251-265) declares that the subject is missing in Gandhāra,
Mathurā, Gupta and Post-Gupta art.
There is however, one specimen transmitted from the school of
Gandhāra, where the Buddha, in full agreement with the texts, is
wrapped by the coils of Mucilinda (Kurita I, in references?, 121, fig.
236) (Fig. 1); (Pal 2007, fig. 6), the Gupta period in Sarnath presents a
square capital, where a sitting Buddha is shown on the four sides. Yet
in one case on the backside of the Buddha, sitting on the bare ground, it
is possible to identify four layers of coils of a nāga spreading three hoods
over the Buddha’s head (ASIAR 1904/05, 85, Pl. XXX, fig. b).
Further, there are four more early testimonies of that episode: one
from Pauni, “halfway between Bharhut and southern Amaravati” (Dehejia
1997, 141, fig. 119)1 (Fig. 2). A second one originates from Bharhut. Here

1
The inscription says Mucarido nago (ibid.).

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74 Adalbert J. Gail

a five-hooded cobra, identified by an inscription as Mucilido nāgarāja is

placed on top of the empty seat of the Buddha (Chandra 1970, 42, Pl.
IX.21: 2nd century AD). Finally there are two versions of the story at Sāñcı̄
(1st century AD). These four images are representatives of the un-iconic
period of early Buddhist art. The problem was: how can the protection
of the Buddha be shown without the presence of the master himself? In
Sāñcı̄ the scene is, less happily, depicted on pillars of the southern and
western gates of stūpa I. Here the king of the nāgas is portrayed in front
of the seat, hardly reminding of the envisaged event (Marshall - Foucher
1940, vol. I, 208, Pls. XIX.c and LXV.a).
The actual beginning of a very fertile tradition, however, is docu-
mented by Mucilinda reliefs of the school of Amarāvatı̄ (Dupont 1959,
251-253, figs. 522-523) (Fig. 3). The artists invented a new type that
not very much changed in future centuries and other areas.
The Buddha is seated on the coils of the nāga (fig. 523) or the coils
can be seen protruding from the backside of his body (fig. 522); he
wears a striated san. ghāt. i leaving the right shoulder exposed; he exhibits
abhaya (fig. 522) or dhyāna (fig. 523). Seven hoods frame the head of the
Buddha, sometimes with an additional halo (Fig. 523). Very important
is the peculiar sitting mode of the Buddha: it is neither vajraparyan·ka
nor (sattva-)paryan·ka (Mallmann 1975, 9, Pl. I. 3 and 4), since only the
feet are crossed, the legs are held wide apart (figs. 522-523).
After Amarāvatı̄ the subject does not totally disappear from India as
Dupont argues2; B.N. Misra presents images from Ajanta and Nalanda,
some of them doubtful3. Further, there are two paintings on book covers
from Eastern India and Nepal depicting Mucilinda-Buddha, both dated
1054 (Dehejia 1997, 256 f., figs. 235-236).
The Mucilinda-Buddhas from Anurādhapura, capital of Sri Lanka
from the 3rd century BC to the 9th century AD, is closely linked to the
school of Amarāvatı̄. The coils of Mucilinda form the throne of the
Buddha, a sculpture in the round, and encircle his head with seven or
nine hoods. His smooth san. ghāt. i lets one shoulder uncovered4. His hands

“De là, elle est passée à Ceylan et n’a plus de prolongements dans l’art de l’Inde
2

continentale” (Dupont 1959, 251).

3
Misra 1982, 295 f. See critical remark by Zin 2003, 125 n. 45.
4
Schroeder (1990, 27 A = Dupont 1959, fig. 524) thinks that this relief show-
ing the Buddha with a striated robe does not originate from Anurādhapura, but from
Andhra Pradesh.

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– and this applies to almost all sitting Buddhas in the Anurādhapura

period – exhibits dhyānamudrā (Dupont 1959, figs. 525-527) (Fig. 4)5.
In my opinion the most remarkable difference is the position of the
legs. The right lower leg is placed on the left lower leg, i.e. the classi-
cal paryan·ka or sattvaparyan·ka posture. This feature applies to all sitting
Buddhas of the Anurādhapura period.
If we now compare these two types of Mucilinda Buddhas, the
Amarāvatı̄ and the Anurādhapura one, with those of the Mon at Dvāravātı̄
and with those of the Khmer at Angkor, it seems evident that the Mon
specimens are more related to the Amarāvatı̄ school (Dupont 1959, figs.
494-497) (Fig. 5), while the Sri Lanka images find their successors in
Angkor (Dupont 1959, figs. 530-532) (Fig. 6).
Dupont (1959, 259) indeed thinks that the Mucilinda Buddha of
the Mon in Dvāravatı̄ more applies to the model of Sri Lanka than to
that of Amarāvatı̄6.
Dupont’s “mis à part le type special de paryan· kāsana” (Dupont ibid.),
however is not acceptable, since the mode of sitting is a very significant,
if not decisive, feature, that in Southasia for instance clearly distinguishes
the Buddha of Anurādhapura (paryan·kāsana) (Fig. 7) from the Buddha of
the Sarnath school (vajraparyan·kāsana) (Fig. 8). When Dupont describes
the Khmer figures as “les jambes sont croisées dans un paryan·kāsana
assez proche de celui d’Amarāvatı̄” this statement is not correct (Dupont
1959, 261, cf. fig. 522 with fig. 525)7.
The dhyāna-mudrā and the san·ghāt. i covering only one shoulder, is
not typical for Sri Lanka, but holds good also for Amarāvatı̄ (Dupont
1959, fig. 523). The shaping of the nāga heads, on the other hand, is not
so characteristic at Amarāvatı̄ or on Sri Lanka, that a distinct depend-

5
Among Schroeder’s collection of seated Buddhas from the Anurādhapura period
(1990, 100; 112; 118-143) there is only one specimen with abhaya-mudrā (1990, 100,
Pls. 26 G-H), all others show dhyāna-mudrā.
6
“Si l’on veut récapituler les apports d Amaratı̄ et de Ceylan qui entrent dans la
composition du Buddha Môn sur nāga, on notera d’abords la représentation du Buddha
lui-même, en dhyāna-mudrā et paryan· kāsana, avec le sam. ghāt. i couvrant une seule épau-
le, et ensuite plusieuers particularités propres au nāga, tenant au nombre des têtes, à
groupement et à leur forme. Mis à part le type spécial de paryan· kāsana, les rapproche-
ments auxquels on aboutit concernent Ceylan” (Dupont ibid.).
7
The only Mucilinda Buddha, as it seems, whose sitting mode is halfway between
crossed feet and the paryan. ka mode originates from the province of Ayuthaya in Thai-
land, 7th century AD (Baptiste - Zéphyr 2009, Cat. 2).

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76 Adalbert J. Gail

ency of Dvāravatı̄ from Sri Lanka could be postulated. On the contrary:

Amarāvatı̄ displays, in agreement with Dvāravatı̄, seven nāga hoods,
while on Sri Lanka nine hoods are also attested (Dupont 1959, figs. 525
and 527).
Our comparison leads to the conclusion that the Mucilinda Buddha
from Dvāravatı̄ was inspired by Amaravatı̄ while the Khmer type is
closely affiliated to the specimens from Sri Lanka. This observation
is supported by inscriptions about strong ties between Sri Lanka and
Angkor. A theological interpretation of that type of Buddha in terms
of the Mahāyāna doctrine seems to be rather doubtful (Fig. 9)8. Most
Buddhists will have connected the image with the historical śākyamuni9
and his career after enlightenment (two or five weeks after his bodhi, as
we have seen above).
The temple triad of the Preah Khan, the Ta Prohm and the Bayon
in Angkor has been rightly interpreted by Chandler as “the dialectic of
compassion and wisdom giving birth to enlightenment represented by
the Buddha image [scil. a Mucalinda-Buddha] that stood at the center
of the Bayon, and thus at the heart of Jayavarman’s temple-mountain”
(Chandler 2008, 74). This same idea underlies the triple image of
Lokeśvara, Prajñāpāramitā, and Mucilinda-Buddha: karun. ā and prajñā
giving birth to bodhi (Fig. 10)10.
It does not need much fantasy to assume that the reason for the
admittance and dissemination of particularly this type of image has
to be considered in the context of religious rivalry, a rivalry with so
many depictions of the Hindu god Vis. n. u reclining on the serpent-
bed (śes. as´ayana) or sitting on the serpent-throne (śes. āsana), the
most famous of which was the large bronze image from the western
Mebon11.
The migration of the Mucilinda-Buddha from Sri Lanka to Angkor
testifies that there were close ties between Buddhist Sri Lanka and
the heart of the Khmer empire, ties that existed long before the rees-

8
The interpretation of the figure on the basis of the trikāya doctrine (Lobo 1997,
273) seems not to be testified by inscriptions and three nāga coils beneath the Buddha
are not the norm (see e.g. Baptiste - Zéphir 2008, Cat. 52, where only two coils are
depicted). Trailokyavijaya (Lobo ibid.) means nothing else than cakravartin, an old idea
connected with the Buddha as a spiritual emperor/cakravartin.
9
Baptiste - Zéphir 2008, 200 “c’est le Buddha historique śākyamuni”.
10
Jessup - Zéphir 1997, Cat. 95; Baptiste - Zéphir 2008, Cat. 217-222.
11
Jessup - Zéphir 1997, Cat. 68.

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 Migration of a Buddhist Icon 77

tablishment of Theravāda Buddhismu in Angkor in the 13th century

AD12.

Adalbert J. Gail
Freie Universität Berlin

Abstract
Migration of a Buddhist Icon. The Mucilinda-Buddha – a Reply on Pierre
Dupont

Various Buddhist texts report that the Buddha, after his enlighten-
ment was threatened by a cold wind and by heavy rains. The serpent
Mucilinda sheltered him with his body. The late Amarāvatı̄ scho-
ol invented a beautiful icon, where the Buddha sits on the coils of
Mucilinda who spreads his multiple hoods over him. From Amarāvatı̄
the icon migrated to Sri Lanka. We also find it in Thailand (Dvāravatı̄,
later in Lopburi), Vietnam (Champa), Burma, and from the 10th century
AD onwards in Angkor.
In contrast to Pierre Dupont, I want to show, by way of the sitting
mode of the Buddha, that the Amarāvatı̄ type is affiliated to Dvāravatı̄,
whereas the Angkor specimen owes its origin to Sri Lanka. Details of
iconography can help to specify the way of the Buddhist mission from
South Asia to Southeast Asia.

“We know that wandering missionaries... from Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka)
12

played an important part in the process [scil. of Cambodia s conversion to Theravāda

Buddhism] and that Cambodian pilgrims visited Ceylon to learn about Theravada Bud-
dhism and to obtain clerical credentials” (Chandler 2008, 81).

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78 Adalbert J. Gail

References

Baptiste, P. - Zéphir, T. 2008. L’art khmer dans les collections du musée Guimet.
Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des Musées Nationaux.
––––––– 2009. Dvāravatı̄ aux sources du bouddhisme en Thailande. Paris: Musée
Guimet.
Chandler, D. 2008. A History of Cambodia. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books.
Chandra, P. 1970. Stone Sculpture in the Allahabad Museum. A Descriptive Cata-
logue. Poona: American Institute of Indian Studies.
Dehejia, V. 1997. Discourse in Early Buddhist Art. Visual Narratives of India. New
Delhi: Munshiram Manohar Lal Publishers.
Dupont, P. 1959. L’Archéologie Mône de Dvāravatı̄. Deux tomes: texte et plan-
ches. B: Les Images du Buddha sur Nāga: 251-265, figs. 522-533. Paris: PE-
FEO (XLI).
Jessup, H.I. - Zéphir, T. 1997. Angkor et dix siècles d’art khmer. Paris: Éditions de
la Réunion des Musées Nationaux.
Lobo, W. 1997. Cat. 76. In Jessup - Zéphir 1997, 272 ff.
Mallmann, M.T. 1975. Introduction à l’iconographie du tāntrisme bouddhique. Paris:
Librairie Adrien-Maisonneuve.
Marshall, J. - Foucher, A. 1940. The Monuments of Sāñchı̄. Calcutta: Manager of
Publications.
Misra, B.N. 1982. “Sculpural Representations of Nāga Muchalinda.” In Indian
Archaeology. New Perspectives, edited by R.K. Sharma. Delhi: Agam Kala Pra-
kashan.
Pal, P. 2007. “An Unusual Naga-Protected Buddha from Thailand.” In Bud-
dhist Art: Form and Meaning, edited by P. Pal. Mumbai: Marg Publications.
Schroeder, U. von 1990. Buddhist Sculptures of Sri Lanka. Hong Kong: Visual
Dharma Publications.
Vogel, J.P. 1926. Indian Serpent Lore or the Nāgas in Hindu Legend and Art. Lon-
don: Arthur Probsthain.
Zin, M. 2003. Ajanta. Handbuch der Malereien. 2. Devotionale und ornamentale
Malereien. Vol. I Interpretation. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

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 Migration of a Buddhist Icon 79

Figura 1 – Mucilinda-Buddha from Gandhāra,

3rd/4th century AD (photo: Kurita I, fig. 236).

Figura 2 – Mucilinda-Buddha from

Pauni, 2nd century BC (photo: Dehejia,
fig. 119).

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80 Adalbert J. Gail

Figura 3 – Mucilinda-Buddhas from Amarāvatı̄, 3rd/4th century AD (photo:

Dupont, figs. 522-523).

Figura 4 – Mucilinda-Buddhas from Sri Lanka, 7th/8th century AD (photo:

Dupont, figs. 525-527).

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 Migration of a Buddhist Icon 81

Figura 5 – Mucilinda-Buddhas from Dvāravatı̄, 7th/8th century AD (photo:

Dupont, figs. 494-497).

Figura 6 – Mucilinda-Buddha from Angkor, 12th century AD (photo: Dupont,

figs. 530-532).

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82 Adalbert J. Gail

Figura 7 – Mucilinda-Buddha from

Angkor, Bangkok National Museum,
11th-12th century AD (photo: A.J.
Gail).

Figura. 8 – Seated Buddha from Gal

vihāra, Polonnaruwa, Sri Lanka, 12th
century AD (photo: A.J. Gail).

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Figura 9 – Seated Buddha from

Sarnath, U.P., India, 5th century AD
(photo A.J. Gail).

Figura 10 – Four-sided stele with

Mucilinda-Buddha (photo: Jessup -
Zéphir, Cat. 59).

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84 Adalbert J. Gail

Figura 11 – Buddhist triad from Roluos, 12th/13th century AD (photo: Jessup

- Zéphir, Cat. 95).

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