My EVE Project
My EVE Project
My EVE Project
In Tamil Nadu there are 12 Corporations, 124 Municipalities and 528 Town
Panchayats. In total the solid waste generation is 14,600 Tonnes per day. The
Greater Chennai Corporation generates 5000 TPD, 11 Corporation and all
Municipalities generates about 7600 TPD and all the town panchayat generates
2000 TPD. The Board is advocating the concept of waste segregation at source,
waste reduction, recycle and reuse to avoid any environmental issues during
handling
Sonam Wangchuk
As many other species, honeybees are becoming extinct in the world; this
phenomenon is called the Colony Collapse Disorder. Many reasons have been
proven to be behind this environmental disaster like climate changes, pesticides,
fungal pathogens and others, in addition to radiations generated by mobile
phones, especially, since in recent years wild life has been exposed to
microwaves and radio frequencies radiation signals from various sources,
including wireless phones. Bees have a specific organ for sensing magnetic
forces, enabling them to navigate using their own compass. The claim of the
research is that radiations generated by mobile phones are disturbing the life
cycle of honeybees and affecting their reproduction system and honey
producing. The research involves testing the behaviour of honeybees away from
mobile phones, with a mobile phone in its standby mode and active
communication mode. The results of the experiments verified that mobile phone
affect the honeybees' life system.
Nomophobia is a proposed name for the phobia of being out of cellular phone
contact.[1][2] It is, however, arguable that the word "phobia" is misused and that
in the majority of cases it is another form of anxiety disorder.
At least two rivers in eastern Meghalaya have turned blue again apparently due
to "high acid content", resulting in death of scores of fishes.
The Lukha river in East Jaintia Hills district and certain sections of the the
Myntdu river in West Jaintia Hills district have changed their colour to a bright
sky blue indicating a very high acid content.
"We have observed that the Lukha has slowly changed its colour in the past few
days after the monsoon rainfall subsided. The colouration has worsened and the
whole river has turned into bright sky blue," Sonapyrdi headman J S Lamare
told PTI.
Although the colouration was first detected way back in 2007, no one has been
able to find out the reason for the colouration, leaving scientists and
environmentalists baffled.
The Meghalaya State Pollution Control Board (MSPCB) in its 2012 report
blamed acid effluents from coal mines as the major probable causes of water
pollution in the area.
MSPCB member secretary J H Nengnong said the Lukha river had been
included in the National Water Monitoring Program, and water samples had
been collected periodically to conduct various tests.
While blaming the water run-off from the coal mines, the official, however, said
that even the CPCB was still struggling to find out why the river turned blue.
"In most parts of the rivers, we could find fine dust-like particles at the bottom.
The fly ash released from cement factories located a few km from the water
bodies could also be the reason," he said.
In the past years, scores of dead fishes were seen in the rivers and this year too,
fishes were found floating in the blue rivers.
The Lukha river, originating from Narpuh Wildlife Sanctuary areas, has been
seen changing its colour on meeting with the Lunar river at Khatdung. The latter
originates from Myndihati and Lumshnong areas known for heavy extraction of
coal and limestones respectively.
Local anglers have found that another river Myntdu has also started to change
its colour over the years.
But unlike secondhand smoke, radon gas and molds which are airborne toxins
we cannot readily control, most indoor air pollution comes from products we
willingly bring into our home.
Asbestos
Biological Pollutants
Carbon Monoxide (CO)
Formaldehyde/Pressed Wood Products
Lead (Pb)
Nitrogen Dioxide (NO2)
Pesticides
Radon (Rn)
Indoor Particulate Matter
Secondhand Smoke/ Environmental Tobacco Smoke
Stoves, Heaters, Fireplaces and Chimneys
Kathgodam : The Nandhaur forest that stretches from India’s border with Nepal
in the north to Corbett National Park is one of the several hundred reserve
forests in India—and that may just be
the problem.
In the last decade it has allowed the setting up of a railway sleeper factory, an
Indian Oil Corp. Ltd (IOC) depot and an Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP)
complex on land carved out of the reserve forest.
The state government wants to broaden the road close to where the camera traps
took the pictures. It remains blind to other projects, including illegal boulder
mining and logging that are destroying the forest. Poaching continues unabated
in the absence of adequate forest guards. Meanwhile, a Central Reserve Police
Force (CRPF) camp is being built at one end of the Nandhaur forest. All this
may be a precursor to further developmental activity.
Going by the pictures produced by the camera traps, it’s highly likely that the
forest interior harbours much more by way of wildlife than has been captured
by the road-side devices, says Dipankar Ghosh, director of species and
landscape programmes at WWF (World Wide Fund for nature)-India, whose
team set up the traps.
“If proper protection measures are put in place, Nandhaur can be as successful
as Corbett, which has a high density of tigers and holds a large elephant
population,” says scientist and conservationist A.J.T. Johnsingh.
The 850 sq. km pristine forest tract east of Corbett National Park lies between
the Gola and Sharda rivers on the Terai. It is part of the Terai- Bhabar region in
the Shivalik range of the Himalayas and is mostly covered by sal trees and
grasslands.
“Though predominantly a sal forest, it has more than 100 species of trees,
mainly of fruiting and medicinal value,”says Amit Verma, district forest officer,
Haldwani. “Trees such as the ficus and mango act as a magnet for hundreds of
bird species from hornbills to tiny warblers and flycatchers. Currently,
Nandhaur has a checklist of more than 250 bird species, including the rare
crow-billed drongo.”
Nandhaur forms part of the larger area known to conservationists as the Terai
Arc Landscape (TAL) that covers 49,500 sq. km (30,000 of which is in India,
the rest in Nepal). The global biodiversity hot spot lies in an 810km arc curving
from the Kalesar Wildlife Sanctuary in Haryana and the Simbalwara Wildlife
Sanctuary in Himachal Pradesh to Valmiki National Park in Bihar.
In 2004, Wildlife Institute of India said it was one of the three viable habitats
key to the long-term future of the tiger, which was acknowledged by the state
forest department in 2005. The area is also a part of the Shivalik Elephant
Reserve declared by the Uttaranchal government in 2002.
Today, India has 661 protected areas comprising 100 national parks, 514
wildlife sanctuaries, 43 conservation reserves and four community reserves
(inclusive of 41 tiger reserves) that add up to roughly 5% of the country’s
geographical area.
This area is the only link between the eastern forests of TAL such as
Bramhadev and Sukhlaphata Wildlife Reserve of Nepal and the western forests
of Ramnagar and Terai central forest division, conservationists say, offering
another argument for its protection.
It was the British who renamed Bamori Ghati as Kathgodam (meaning a depot
of wood) in April 1884. Since then, the constant flow of timber has reached
unsustainable levels.
These rights are being subverted by the so-called “wood mafia” to exploit the
sal forest, conservationists allege. Instead of cutting dead trees, there is
indiscriminate felling of sal trees across Uttaranchal. Sometimes, when an
inquiry is conducted, permission papers for the hak hakook of random villages
are liable to be produced, allowing violators to escape.
Today, more than a quarter million indigenous peoples from at least ten tribes
have become masters of wresting sustenance from the harsh landscape. Without
the lake, life here would be virtually impossible.
But Lake Turkana and its inhabitants now face an environmental catastrophe –
and an avoidable one. The lake could start drying up when Ethiopia completes
its massive Gibe 3 Dam upstream on Lake Turkana's main water source, the
Omo River. Ironically, Kenya plans to be a major purchaser of Gibe 3's power.
While Kenya reportedly signed a power purchase agreement in 2006, no
bilateral agreements on the use of the Omo-Turkana waterway and the dam’s
downstream effects to Kenya are publicly known. The 300,000 people who live
around Lake Turkana in Kenya were neither informed of the project’s impacts
nor consulted on their priorities. Their situation mirrors that in Ethiopia, where
the traditional economy of the Lower Omo Valley supports up to a half million
people.
Turkana’s indigenous communities are highly dependent on the lake for their
food crops, livestock grazing and watering, and fishing. Any impacts to the
lake’s ecosystem would disrupt the economy, leading to an increase in conflicts
in the area. Considering the unstable state of peace in Northern Kenya, such
damage to the local economies would invoke a threat to regional stability.
Green Buildings
Using sustainable building materials like recycled glass and steel, as well
as renewable materials like bamboo and rubber
Installing energy-efficient windows and doors
Using lower-VOC (volatile organic compounds) paints and stains
Constructing green roof systems (aka “plants on your roof”) that offer
many benefits, including on-site gardens, rainwater management, and
protecting your roof from the effects of harmful UV light
Adding water harvesting and purification systems that don’t just manage,
but also make the most use of rainfall
Maximizing natural light, which cannot only save on lighting
requirements (and subsequently energy costs), but also help keep
buildings warm in colder months
Using renewable energy to power the building—for example, installing
a commercial solar panel system.
THE NEED
They are one of the very few bird species that are very close to humans.
Sparrows are essential indicators of our environment’s health and balance.
Future generations need to know about sparrows and their habits. This would be
the only chance they would get to see real live sparrows if nothing changes.
HOUSE SPARROW
It is the most commonly seen wild bird in 2/3 land masses, including New
Zealand, North America, Australia, India and Europe.
NATURE CONSERVATION
Auroville’s Work
Afforestation campaign
Auroville's afforestation campaign began in the early 1970's. The first tree
nurseries were started in Success and Kottakarai and, with the help of grants
from the Point Foundation, the Tamil Fund and friends abroad, large-scale tree
planting began. In the next ten years, as part of a massive soil and water
conservation programme, over a million trees - timbers, ornamentals, fencing,
fruit and fodder trees, nut trees etc.- were planted here. Some were exotic, like
for instance the Australian 'Work Tree' (Mother's name for Acacia
auriculiformis) which has adapted so well that it's now crowding out other
species. As the trees grew, and micro-climates formed, many species of bird-life
and animals returned, further accelerating the dissemination of seeds and
enriching the environment.
Scientific monitoring
In 1982, impressed by the success of the afforestation project, the Department
of Environment, Government of India, offered Auroville 11 lakhs of rupees
(then around US $ 100,000) over five years to plant trees and scientifically
monitor the results so that the most appropriate techniques and species for their
situation - which is the situation of many other parts of India - could be
identified. It was the beginning of a new orientation for greenworkers in
Auroville, for now it became evident that Auroville had something precious to
offer outside its own boundaries.
Work outside Auroville's boundaries
Aurovilian greenworkers have been increasingly going out into India to share
their experience and help initiate new afforestation schemes. These have
included projects with Tibetan refugees in Karnataka, with Irula tribesmen near
Chinglepet in Tamil Nadu and a massive project, funded by the National
Wastelands Commission, in the Palani Hills to reafforest large areas near
Dindigul and Kodaikanal.
The Green Belt
A major part of the afforested area is situated in a green belt around the future
city area, forming a buffer zone to protect Auroville from intrusion by the
rapidly expanding suburbs of Pondicherry. This green belt is sparsely inhabited,
mostly by caretakers of the now almost fully grown forest. The Forest Group
meets every month to share information and to decide about allocation of funds
(usually these are insufficient) for maintenance and afforestation and bunding of
newly acquired plots of land.
Reviving local initiatives for water – which have thrived for ages in the arid
northern regions of India – Rajendra Singh and others in the local organization
Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS) in the arid province of Rajasthan, have helped to
lead by example in implementing local, community-driven and controlled water
solutions. ********* The population growth rate in Rajasthan region is
estimated to be the highest in the country, but the region is also suffering from
ever-increasing water scarcity and stress. Across India, due to excessive
drawing down and “mining” of groundwater, supplies of this resource are
severely depleted in Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat, Daman, Diu, Andhra and Tamil Nadu. Rajasthan in particular,
which has an estimated 5.4 per cent of the national population, 18.7 per cent of
all livestock in the country and 13.9 per cent of the total “cultivable area,” hosts
only 1.16 per cent of the national share of surface water, and 1.7 per cent of
groundwater resources. With leadership provided by women who customarily
take responsibility for providing their families with safe freshwater, Tarun
Bharat Sangh (TBS), a non government organization that brings people together
on the issues of management of forests and water resources, has participated in
the construction of johads, earthen small-scale reservoirs that help to harvest
rainwater and improve the recharge of groundwater resources. As a result of
concerted work, thousands of johads have been built since Ragendra Singh and
TBS have become increasingly active, having started the work in Alwar in
1985. The impact has been tremendous: five rivers that used to run dry after the
annual monsoon season are now alive with flows once again, groundwater
levels have risen by an estimated six metres, and crucial forest cover, which
helps to maintain integrity and water-retaining capacity of the soil, has
increased by 33 per cent. In addition, TBS has helped to challenge major efforts
to privatize and abuse freshwater resources. For instance, in the Alwar area
where Singh began the work that would transform into TBS, non-violent
community action has prevented 40 water-intensive industrial companies
(including bottled water and soft drink makers) from setting up factories.
Elsewhere in India, prominent transnational corporations such as Coca-Cola
have been challenged for their extreme degradation of water resources, and
environmentally and socially destructive waste practices. One of TBS’s current
campaigns focuses on the protection of the Yamuna River through challenging
existing development plans and promoting forest conservation and expansion in
the river’s floodplain. Some have criticized the methods and framework of
TBS’s work in Rajasthan, citing a lack of attention to existing inequalities, and
local elites’ disproportionate impact within the village councils, or “gram
sabhas,” which form the basis of local governance under the Panchayat system,
introduced forcefully into India in 1993. The gram sabhas’ purpose as a unit of
local village governance was to afford more democratic control over decision
making, towards fostering greater equity at the local level.
For much of its existence, Curitiba was a sleepy town eclipsed by São Paulo, its
much larger neighbour to the north-east. But by 1960, the city’s population was
beginning to grow significantly and within 20 years it had surged from 120,000
people to 361,000. Planners began wondering how to cope with this growth, and
initially, there were plans to make the city more like Brasilia, the nation’s newly
built capital. Avenues were to be widened and the city centre was to be adapted
so that cars could become the primary mode of transport.
However, these plans would be cut short when Curitiban architect Jaime Lerner,
then in his early thirties, took office as mayor in 1971. Under the dictatorship
ruling Brazil in the late 1960s, the local governor selected Lerner as mayor,
confident that the young architect wouldn’t challenge his political order.
Lerner immediately began to shake things up. His vision for Curitiba turned the
conventional urban planning at play in Brasilia on its head. Instead of widening
avenues, he created a pedestrian mall in the city centre. And rather than turning
frequently flooding arroyos into concrete drainage canals, he dammed the small
streams to create parks, which would close during floods. But his most
memorable contribution came in his ideas for the city’s bus network.
Realising the importance of mass transit, planners called for the creation of
subway lines, as well as widened streets for cars – but construction would be
costly and could take decades to complete.
Instead, Lerner saw an opportunity in the one form of transport that many
considered a lost cause: the bus. His idea was to devise a system that gave buses
as many of the functional advantages of urban train systems as possible. He
proposed to integrate dedicated bus lanes along the city’s main arteries, with
stations placed on medians along the routes. This would allow buses to run at
speeds comparable to light rail, while dramatically reducing the cost.
A savvy deal-maker, Lerner made a bargain with private bus operators to pay
for the creation of the new infrastructure, while they would provide the vehicles
in exchange. With this trade-off in place, the first rapid bus lanes of Curitiba
ended up costing 50 times less than rail.
Though the system wasn’t an instant success after the opening of the first line in
1974, it gradually worked its way into the livelihoods of residents. In 1979,
Lerner created the Rede Integrada de Transporte (Integrated Transport Network)
to better manage the system and, as new routes were added, it began to show its
full potential. By 1993, it was carrying 1.5 million passengers a day.
But high ridership created a problem. Buses in the system still used
conventional boarding systems, where passengers entered through the front of
the bus and paid fares on board. Lerner, who was back in office for his third
term as mayor, came up with an elegant solution.
He called for a revamped station design that enabled faster boarding through
multiple doors, and fares would be exchanged before entering the station –
similar to subway or light-rail systems. Offboard payment would also allow for
the creation of transfer stations, meaning one fare would cover the entire
system. To top it off, Lerner gave the stations a distinctive look by placing them
in futuristic glass tubes. These new “tube stations” debuted in October 1991 as
part of the first Ligeirinho express line. Today there are 357 tube stations
throughout the city.
With this important addition, the city’s system became the world’s first bus
rapid transit (BRT) network. “Curitiba was the first to include the essential
elements necessary for a BRT system to function effectively,” says Andrés
Fingeret, director of the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy in
Buenos Aires.
The success of Curitiba’s BRT, which had mostly gone unnoticed elsewhere,
began to attract attention from other cities in Latin America. BRT would be
soon be given the chance to prove itself on a much larger scale in Bogotá,
Colombia, a city of 8 million people. There, mayor Enrique Peñalosa seized on
the concept as a way to solve the crippling traffic problems of his city. After
taking office in 1998 he borrowed and added to many of the system’s concepts
to build a viable BRT network, the Transmilenio. The stations, which feature
many of the key functional elements of Curitiba’s, contributed to its success.
But as BRT took off internationally, it began to face problems back in Curitiba.
Though ridership remained among the highest in the world for BRT, a 2012
article in CityLab reported that it was declining with respect to previous years,
while car usage climbed. Curitiba newspaper Gazeta do Povo has noted that the
stations did a poor job protecting passengers from extreme temperatures, and in
some cases were inefficient at keeping out rainwater.
In addition, Curitiba’s population has now swelled to over 1.8 million people –
more than four times what it was when the BRT system first opened. Mobility
remains an issue in the city and, despite BRT’s success, the city has made initial
plans for the creation of a subway system – a form of transport Lerner called “a
thing of the past” and did his best to avoid.
One other potential solution now being considered in Curitiba is the bicycle.
Unlike other cities known for sustainability, Curitiba is only recently beginning
to take cycling seriously. After two decades of hardly any new plans for
cycling, a 2012 bicycle masterplan called for the creation of 400km of new
lanes.
Fortunately, the bus system may be an asset toward these efforts. “The BRT
system and cycling can and should work together to provide better mobility
options for the city,” says Alexandre Costa Nascimento, editor of the Curitiba
cycling blog Ir e Vir de Bike. Though critical of the implementation of the
city’s current bike masterplan, he notes: “Planners should consider integration
programmes such as bike racks, bike parking and fare incentives.”
The ambient air quality standards most often compared include those of the
European Union, the United States, and the WHO. The WHO air quality
standards are not legally binding; they are there as a guideline for countries who
may or may not choose to adopt them. China’s standards have also come
under close scrutiny in recent years.
The best comparison we have seen comes courtesy of the National
Environmental Research Institute of Denmark. In this analysis the AAQS of the
EU, US and WHO are compared to those found in China, Japan, and
Switzerland. A link to the complete analysis can be found here.
A more succinct comparison has been produced by the David Suzuki
Foundation. Their comparison chart is reproduced below with thanks.
At a glance we can see that the standards proposed by the WHO are
significantly tougher than those imposed by any of the countries listed. This is
perhaps not surprising – the WHO does not to answer to voters or taxpayers!
The table also shows that the standards in the US (National Ambient Air
Quality Standards, NAAQS) are more forgiving than the standards in other
countries.
Looking at the variability in international standards we can’t help but wonder:
what limits are truly safe for people? and are citizens in the US being exposed
to more air pollution than the people who live within the borders of the
European Union?
The answer to both questions is – it depends…
2. Talab /Bandhi
Talabs are reservoirs that store water for household consumption and drinking
purposes. They may be natural, such as the pokhariyan ponds at Tikamgarh in
the Bundelkhand region or man made, such as the lakes of Udaipur. A reservoir
with an area less than five bighas is called a talai, a medium sized lake is called
a bandhi and bigger lakes are called sagar or samand.
3. Bawari
Bawaris are unique stepwells that were once a part of the ancient networks of
water storage in the cities of Rajasthan. The little rain that the region received
would be diverted to man-made tanks through canals built on the hilly outskirts
of cities. The water would then percolate into the ground, raising the water table
and recharging a deep and intricate network of aquifers. To minimise water loss
through evaporation, a series of layered steps were built around the reservoirs to
narrow and deepen the wells.
4. Taanka
Johads, one of the oldest systems used to conserve and recharge ground water,
are small earthen check dams that capture and store rainwater. Constructed in an
area with naturally high elevation on three sides, a storage pit is made by
excavating the area, and excavated soil is used to create a wall on the fourth
side. Sometimes, several johads are interconnected through deep channels, with
a single outlet opening into a river or stream nearby. This prevents structural
damage to the water pits that are also called madakas in Karnataka and
pemghara in Odisha.
They are reviving an old tradition - and one that has continued in parts of China.
Before the invention a century ago of the chemical process for converting
nitrogen from the air into the nitrates plants can use, sewage was widely spread
onto urban "sewage farms". Traditionally, it was collected in the dead of night
to avoid offending people's sensibilities - hence the term "night soil" - and used
to grow vegetables and other crops.
Campaigns to improve public health and the introduction of flush toilets meant
the practice grew obsolete in most places. (Anecdotal evidence suggests night
soil was still being used in Hong Kong's New Territories up to the 1980s.) Even
so, where sewer systems were developed, farmers still sometimes competed for
the network's outpourings. In a few places, this has persisted.
"China's use of night soil … is probably the reason that its soils are still healthy
after four millennia of intensive agriculture," wrote author Rose George, in a
2008 edition of Slate magazine; and since the 1890s, most of the sewage from
Mexico City has been piped untreated to the fields of the Tula Valley, to the
north. Today, that megacity's 21 million people continue to fertilise more than
100,000 hectares with their faeces. The remains of the city's digested beans,
tortillas and chilli peppers double yields of corn and almost triple the rentable
value of farms, says Blanca Jimenez, of the Mexican Academy of Sciences. In
essence, poo has made Tula Valley farmers wealthy.
Khadi
Khadi constitutes an important segment of the textile sector. Khadi has been
defined as any cloth woven on handlooms in India from cotton, silk or woollen
yarn handspun in India or from a mixture of any two or all of such yarns.
Khadi has the unique property of keeping the wearer warm in winter as well as
cool in summer season. This fabric on washing is more enhanced, thus, the
more you wash it, better the look. Khadi easily lasts years together, at least for
4-5 years.
Most of the selected khadi institutions adopted improved spinning and weaving
machinery. Most of the institutions (79 per cent) are equipped with new model
charkhas, while 18 per cent have traditional charkhas and only 3 per cent have
e-charkhas. Similarly, about 75 per cent of the institutions own pedal looms,
and the remaining 25 per cent own handlooms. Most of the institutions are well
equipped with in-house spinning and weaving facilities (more than 80 per cent),
whereas in-house stitching, dyeing and printing facilities are available in very
few khadi institutions, i.e., 59.7, 24.2 and 24.2 per cent, respectively.
Dastkar
Dastkar carries out its mission through advocacy with governmental, non-
governmental & foreign agencies; as consultant, evaluator & resource provider
to craftgroups and as organiser of direct retail marketing platforms in its
popular Bazaars and Exhibitions, bringing together craftspeople, producer
groups, environmental organisations, social activists & cultural performers with
urban consumers, students and international buyers.
Dastkar assists craftspeople through support service activities such as capacity
building workshops, skills training, collaborative design innovation and product
development; helping them transform traditional skills into products that have
contemporary appeal, thereby providing craft communities with a source of
permanent employment and sustained earning.
Today Dastkar works with an ever growing family of more than 350 craftgroups
and small producers, directly and indirectly affecting the lives of approximately
43,000 artisans from across 22 States of India.
Dastkar is a brand name for quality craft from genuine producers and the main
focus remains the Indian urban retail market and customer.
Gypsies In India
The largest group of Gypsies in India are the Lambadi (or Gormati) Gypsies.
Other groups living there include the Tamil Nomads, the Indian Gypsies, the
Kanjari, and the Baiga. Although these Gypsy groups are spread throughout
India, most of them are concentrated in such areas as Punjab, Madhya Pradesh,
Utter Pradesh, Madras, Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh. The Arhagar Gypsies also
live in neighboring Pakistan.
These groups, as well as other Gypsies around the world, are linked
linguistically. All of the Gypsy languages belong to the North Indo-Aryan
language family.
Most Indian Gypsies have olive skin, dark hair, and brown eyes. Many believe
they are descendants of the Rajputs of medieval India. These were a people who
had been expelled from their homeland by Mughal invaders. They were used as
grain-carriers and weapon-makers for Muslim troops. The Rajputs wandered
throughout India and beyond, as a destitute, ignored, and misunderstood people.
Their only valuables were the tools used in their specialized professions. Today,
their descendants, the Gypsies, are widespread throughout India. They have
maintained a mystical lifestyle that keeps them somewhat socially separate from
their surrounding communities.
Not only do the Indian Gypsies usually have more than one occupation, but they
also use additional skills to supplement their incomes. Some specialize in
making such items as broomsticks, iron tools, and needles. They may also repair
tool or work with stone. Acrobats, magicians, tricksters, story-tellers, fortune-
tellers, and the like may also polish cattle horns or work as blacksmiths. Some
groups have even developed the art of tattooing. Nevertheless, these various
occupations are used only when the region's people have a need for them. A
Gypsy will change occupations and activities, adapting to a changing society's
needs, because they depend on the people in that society for their livelihood. A
Gypsy will only settle down when he cannot adapt to the needs of the region.
Some of these "settled" Gypsies now live as farmers.
While some Gypsies travel throughout the year, others travel only part of the
year, returning to their home camps periodically. Some live in houses similar to
those of the region, but many use their wagons or bull carts as dwelling places,
and some live in mobile homes.
Typically, Gypsies have very unclean living habits. Sanitation and good hygiene
are rarely practiced. Indian Gypsies believe that babies are to be born "into the
lap of mother earth." For this reason, a woman will have her baby while lying
on a rug on the ground. Children are often poorly cared for; their hair hangs
loosely and shoes are seldom worn. Gypsies are a very superstitious people, and
mixed with their religious beliefs are many "taboos."
Hindon
The Hindon river’s roughly 30km stretch along the National Highway-24 in
Ghaziabad has turned red – thanks to the stone-crushing units operating on its
banks and raising a health scare.
The units, environmental activists allege, are illegally operating on the river bank.
These units fetch gigantic stones from hills, crush them into sand, use the
Hindon’s water in the process, and then drain the effluent back into the river.
Experts say adverse health effects arising out of the river pollution are visible in
the upper reaches, along the villages like Bhadoli, Morty, Chirchita, Mavikala,
Dolcha and Suthari. Cases of reproductive disorders, birth defects, and skin
problems are all reported there, they say.
Musi
The Mahi river flowing into the Gulf of Khambhat is on the verge of extinction
due to pollution and salinity. Fisherfolk and non-governmental organisations
(ngos) of Vadodara, Gujarat, blame the construction of bunds on the Mahi by
the Vadodara Municipal Corporation for the situation.
Consequently, the river is facing an intrusion of saline water from sea as there is
no surface flow to push the seawater back during a low tide
Gomti
Recently the banks of river Gomti in Lucknow were unusually abuzz. Some people
were struggling to wade through the 'sewage-enriched' river to scoop up thousands
of dead fish; the bystanders looked on, probably contemplating the peril their city's
lifeline was in. The river is one of the major sources of water for Lucknow.
The fish had died as dissolved oxygen level of the river water had dipped too low.
Officials of the pollution prevention board blame untreated muck for the sad
situation. The mass killing of fish has not been caused by sewage; it is industrial
effluents discharged by paper mills, sugar factories and distilleries in the upstream
areas of Sitapur and Lakhimpur-Kheri that spelt doom for the aquatic life.
The dissolved oxygen levels dipped to as low as one milligramme per litre (mg/l).
A minimum level of four to six mg/l is considered essential to sustain aquatic life.
Oshiwara
Due to neglect and lack of Municipal interest the rivers have become open
drains. Gated communities co-exist along with informal communities, dye
making and other light industries and cattle sheds. The waste from these land
uses are disposed, directly and untreated, into the river. Developers of housing
complexes have built high compound walls to block sight of these rivers. This
causes the river edge to get neglected and subsequently, leads to further
deterioration of the riverine eco-system. This report aims to analyze and learn
about the local conditions of one such urban river corridor – Oshiwara River,
located in the North Western part of Mumbai. The following 3 symptoms were
found as primary evidence of the larger issues – river bed and water pollution,
regular floods in the watershed, and a general negative perception of the river.
Damodar
The Damodar is one of the most polluted rivers in the country today, thanks to
the several industries that have sprouted on its mineral-rich banks. There are the
coal-based industries that dot the Damodar valley: mostly government-owned
coal washeries; coke oven plants; the country's major iron and steel plants;
thermal power plants. Zinc, glass and cement plants. The pollution was caused
by mine overburden, fly ash, oil, toxic metals and coal dust. Faulty mining
practices, outdated processing practices and lack of proper maintenance were
compounded by corruption, inadequate pollution control and a state pollution
control board that did nothing. The people living in the basin were slowly being
poisoned because the Damodar and its tributaries were the only source of
drinking water for most people living in the area.
Sabarmati
Yamuna
Ganga
Thousands of bodies are crematednear the river, especially around the holy city,
Varanasi. The ashes are often released into Ganges.
The Ganges also provides water for farming land, which is increasing at
a tremendous rate.
Irrigation projects cause water levels to go down along the river. More and
more dams are being erected along India’s holy river, mainly to produce energy
for Delhi and other large cities in the area.
The river flows through 30 cities with a population of over 100,000 each. Every
day, 3 billion litres of untreated water from these big cities pass into the Ganges
River, along with remains of animals.
This widespread pollution of the Ganges River has also led to major health
problems. Many diseases are common, including cholera, hepatitis and diarrhea.