BOOK - NUCLEAR DETERRENCE IN SOUTHERN ASIA-Arpit Rajain PDF

NUCLEAR DETERRENCE IN
SOUTHERN ASIA
NUCLEAR DETERRENCE IN
SOUTHERN ASIA
CHINA, INDIA AND PAKISTAN
Arpit Rajain
SAGE Publications
New Delhi v Thousand Oaks v London
Copyright © Arpit Rajain, 2005
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilised

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without permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in 2005 by
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phototypeset in 10/12 Book Antiqua by Star Compugraphics Private
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rajain, Arpit.
Nuclear deterrence in Southern Asia: China, India and Pakistan/Arpit
Rajain.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. South Asia—Strategic aspects. 2. India—Military policy. 3. Pakistan—
Military policy. 4. China—Military policy. 5. Nuclear weapons—India.
6. Nuclear weapons—Pakistan. 7. Nuclear weapons—China. 8. Deterrence
(Strategy) I. Title.
UA832.7.R35 355.02'17—dc22 2005 2004024866
ISBN: 0–7619–3230–5 (Hb) 81–7829–359–5 (India–Hb)

0–7619–3284–4 (Pb) 81–7829–411–7 (India–Pb)
Sage Production Team: Shinjini Chatterjee, Neeru Handa and

Santosh Rawat
For
My Teachers
There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in
happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose
death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? We appeal, as
human beings, to human beings: Remember your humanity,
and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new
Paradise; if you cannot, there lies before you the risk of uni-
versal death.
—The Einstein–Russell Manifesto

Ì CONTENTS
List of Maps 9
List of Figures 10
List of Abbreviations 11
Preface 15
Acknowledgements 18
Chapter 1: Introduction 23
Searching for Explanations:
Purpose and Propositions 24
Rationale/Structure of the Study 32
Chapter 2: Nuclear Weapons and International System 34

Cuban Missile Crisis 37
Ussuri River Clashes 42
Kargil Crisis 48
Conclusion 56
Chapter 3: Revisiting Deterrence 60

Punishment 61
Denial 62
Decision Making in Crisis: Biopolitics 66
Irrationality and Misperception 70
Triangular Deterrent Relationship 75
Limited War and Nuclear Risks 82
The Non-State Threat 93
Chapter 4: China 99
China’s Strategic Culture 100
The Road to Lop Nur and After 117
Doctrine, Strategy and Force Modernisation 134
Foreign Policy Issues 147
CTBT, NPT and FMCT 175
8 Nuclear Deterrence in Southern Asia
Chapter 5: India 197

Strategic Thought and Practice 199
Doctrinal Issues 224
Military Issues 238
Chapter 6: Pakistan 276

Strategic Culture: National Security Discourse 278
Pakistan’s Missile Development 295
Tacit Nuclear Doctrine 306
Chapter 7: Conclusions 353

The Triangle: China, India and Pakistan 361
Limited War under Nuclear Umbrella 367
Likely Scenarios of Breakdown of Deterrence 389
Reducing Risks: Towards an Overall
Strategy of Preventing Conflict 393
Key Variables in Future Interactions in
the Triangle 403
References and Select Bibliography 419

Index 481
About the Author 497
Ì LIST OF MAPS
2.1 Jammu and Kashmir (inset Kargil) 50

2.2 Kargil Battle Region 54
4.1 China’s Nuclear Estate 123
5.1 India’s Nuclear Estate 241
6.1 Pakistan’s Nuclear Estate 299

Ì LIST OF FIGURES
3.1 Pressures and Forces Acting on the Decision-making

Group or Individual During Crisis 69
3.2 Stages in the Escalation of Conflict 77
3.3 Strategic Complexity in a Triangle:
Assets and Warheads 79
3.4 Strategic Complexity in a Bilateral Relationship:
Assets and Warheads 80
3.5 Strategic Complexity in a Triangle:
Asymmetrical Power Structures 81
4.1 China’s Arms Control Community 130
7.1 Pay-offs in a Bilateral Confrontation 398

Ì LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ABM anti-ballistic missile

AEC Atomic Energy Commission
AMS Academy of Military Sciences
ASLV advanced satellite launch vehicle
BARC Bhabha Atomic Research Centre
BJP Bhartiya Janata Party
BMD ballistic missile defence
BTWC Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention
C3I command, control, communications and
intelligence
C4I command, control, communications, computing
and intelligence
C4I2 command, control, communications, computing,
intelligence and information
CAEA Chinese Atomic Energy Agency
CAEP China Academy of Engineering Physics
CANDU Canada Deuterium Uranium
CASC China Aerospace Corporation
CBM confidence-building measures
CCNS Cabinet Committee on National Security
CD Conference on Disarmament
CDS Chief of Defence Staff
CDSTIC China Defence Science and Technology
Information Center
CGWIC China Great Wall Industry Corporation
CIAE China Institute of Atomic Energy
CIISS China Institute for International Strategic
Studies
CMC Central Military Commission
CMSAC Central Military Special Artillery Corps
CNEIC China Nuclear Energy Industry Corporation
CNS Center for Nonproliferation Studies

CNSA China National Space Administration
COAS chief of army staff
COSTIND Commission for Science and Technology and
Industry for National Defence
CPC Communist Party of China
CPMIEC China Precision Machinery Import–Export
Corporation
CSBM confidence and security building measure
CSC Chiefs of Staff Committee
CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
CWC Chemical Weapons Convention
DF DongFeng
DGMO Director General of Military Operations
DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
DRDO Defence Research and Development
Organisation
ENDC Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee
FMCT Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty
GAC General Administration of Customs
GAD General Armaments Department
GHQ General Headquarters
GLD General Logistic Department
GPD General Political Department
GSD General Staff Department
GSLV geosynchronous satellite launch vehicle
HEU highly enriched uranium
IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency
IAPCM Institute of Applied Physics and Computational
Mathematics
IB Intelligence Bureau
ICBM intercontinental ballistic missile
IDSA Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses
IGMDP Integrated Guided Missile Development
Programme
IPCS Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies
IRBM intermediate-range ballistic missile
ISI Inter-Services Intelligence
ISRO Indian Space Research Organisation
JCSC Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee
List of Abbreviations 13
JIC Joint Intelligence Committee

JWG Joint Working Group
KANUPP Karachi Nuclear Power Plant
KRL Khan Research Laboratories
LaC line of actual control
LEAP Lightweight Exo-atmospheric Projectile
LEU low enriched uranium
LoC line of control
MAD mutually assured destruction
MEA Ministry of External Affairs
MFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs
MI (Directorate of) Military Intelligence
MIRV multiple independently targeted re-entry vehicle
MoD Ministry of Defence
MOFTEC Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic
Cooperation
MOST Ministry of Science and Technology, China
MRBM medium-range ballistic missile
MRV multiple re-entry vehicle
MTCR Missile Technology Control Regime
NCA Nuclear Command Authority
NDA National Democratic Alliance
NEA Nuclear Energy Agency
NDU National Defence University
NFU no-first-use
NINT Northwest Institute of Nuclear Technology
NMD national missile defence
NNCA National Nuclear Command Authority
NNSA National Nuclear Safety Administration
NPT Non-Proliferation Treaty
NSA National Security Advisor
NSAB National Security Advisory Board
NTM National Technical Means
NTW navy theatre wide
OIC Organisation of the Islamic Conference
ONC Office for the Control of Nuclear (Materials)
OSI on-site inspection
PAEC Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission
PINSTECH Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science and
Technology
PLA People’s Liberation Army

PLAAF People’s Liberation Army Air Force
PLAN People’s Liberation Army Navy
PM Prime Minister
PNE peaceful nuclear explosion
RCA Regional Cooperation Agreement
SAC Second Artillery Corps
SACMPT State Administrative Committee on Military
Products Trade
SBMPT State Bureau of Military Products Trade
SDI Strategic Defence Initiative
SETC State Economic and Trade Commission
SLBM submarine launched ballistic missile
SNEP Subterranean Nuclear Explosion Project
SRBM short-range ballistic missile
SSBN ship submersible ballistic nuclear
SUPARCO Space and Upper Atmosphere Research
Commission
TAPS Tarapur Atomic Power Station
TEL transporter-erector-launcher
TMD theatre missile defence
TNW tactical nuclear weapon
UAV unmanned aerial vehicle
UPA United Progressive Alliance
USI United Services Institution
WMD weapons of mass destruction
WTO World Trade Organisation
PREFACE
The events of May 1998 pose a new challenge to Southern Asia

and the strategic triangle comprising Pakistan, India and China.
Conventional wisdom would have us believe that the interrelation-
ship of strategic capabilities and policies of the three countries
form a triangle of power in Southern Asia. Moreover, China dic-
tates Indian security calculations in many ways. This has sig-
nificant implications both for regional security and that of the
respective countries. All three are declared nuclear weapons states.
The nuclear dimension of this relationship has steadily developed
since the 1960s following China’s entry into the nuclear club in
1964 and the gradual nuclearisation of India and Pakistan since
the early 1970s that reached its logical conclusion in May 1998.
The three states now need to appreciate the implications of this
new strategic reality and stabilise their trilateral relationship,
despite their past history of bilateral conflict, hostile propaganda,
rhetorical diplomacy and persisting tensions. Since the Indo-Pak
nuclear tests cannot be undone, the countries now need to decide
upon the directions that would best serve their national and
regional interests. China, India and Pakistan, with their different
political systems, varying approaches to arms control regimes and
variable foreign policy preferences, are now labouring with
hitherto untackled issues of nuclear weaponisation and deploy-
ment, command and control, and military strategy. It, therefore,
does become imperative to work on existing strands of a restraint
regime and evolve new ones in this triangle. The strategic asym-
metry between these three countries—India vis-à-vis China and
Pakistan vis-à-vis both China and India—extends to the areas of
conventional and nuclear weaponry. This is a reflection of the dis-
parity existing in the correlation of their forces, which could persist
in being an obstacle to the establishment of a plausible nuclear
restraint regime or to the emplacing of credible risk reduction
measures. It is not difficult to conjure up scenarios that envision
the escalation of regional conflict from the subterranean level to a

minor skirmish, then to a major conventional conflict, and finally
to crossing the nuclear threshold. The nature of polity in the three
states, ranging from a practising democracy to an authoritarian
regime and a military dictatorship, is partially responsible for the
difficulties in establishing nuclear restraint and risk reduction
regimes in Southern Asia. The checks and balances on the political
executive vary. While in India there exist strong institutional filters
in decision making on nuclear issues that result in absolute civilian
control over the arsenal, in Pakistan the army takes all decisions
relating to the bomb; whilst in China it is believed the ultimate
authority on nuclear weapons rests with the chairman of the
Central Military Commission after its top leaders have reached a
consensus.
Deterrence includes a mix of reassurance and accommodation,
and should not focus exclusively on nuclear capabilities. It is pre-
mised on the notion that decision makers are rational individuals.
The question of armed conflict, the risk of war and the issue of
deterrence in Southern Asia are complicated by the fact that India
has a nuclear adversarial relationship with Pakistan and China.
Historically, this is an unprecedented situation where a triangular
nuclear competition has been constructed, since it is geo-strategically
different and more complicated than the bilateral nuclear rivalry
that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union during
the Cold War. Should India and Pakistan continue creeping along to-
wards weaponisation and deployment, and China proceed with
its nuclear modernisation plans, also partially resulting from the
US’s national missile defence programme, the three could easily
enter into a triad that would be more competitive and conflictual
in nature than cooperating with each other in the medium and
long term.
This book seeks to investigate the nuances of the oft-repeated
mantra of credible minimum deterrent, study decision making in
crisis and the drivers of various processes and structures in the
domestic environment that influence the existence of the bomb in
these countries. It seeks to explicate the prevailing attitudes to-
wards issues of arms control, doctrines, strategy, weaponisation
and deployment. The fundamental objective here is to highlight
issues and prepare decision makers and policy elites in these
countries.
Preface 17
Towards this end, the book builds from the classical Western
literature of the Cold War era and indigenous writings, particularly
in India and Pakistan, on strategic issues. I have benefited from
field trips and interviews and extensive reliance on open sources
of information and archives. The writing of this book was substan-
tially completed by May 2003. Needless to add that my institutional
affiliations are in no way responsible for the views expressed
herein.
Arpit Rajain
April 2004
New Delhi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
At the very outset I consider it my duty to thank my former pro-

fessors Amitabh Mattoo, Kanti Bajpai and Varun Sahni who,
during the early stages of my scholarly pursuits at the School of
International Studies, taught me everything I know about inter-
national relations. Shri P.R. Chari has been instrumental in sharp-
ening my focus and a guiding force during my days at the Institute
of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS). While I was at the ORF Insti-
tute of Security Studies, Gen V.P. Malik helped me immensely in
understanding the nuances of policy at the highest levels. At the
Centre for Global Studies, Dr Rajesh Basrur has been, as always, a
constant source of guidance and inspiration.
I would fail in my responsibility if I do not thank the scholars,
diplomats and practitioners who have taken time out to comment
on the chapter drafts and made many valuable suggestions that
helped me fine-tune my arguments. Professors Stephen Cohen,
Kanti Bajpai, W.P.S. Sidhu and Dr Ashley Tellis took precious time
out to comment on the specifics of each chapter. For commenting
on the entire manuscript I am grateful to Prof Sumit Ganguly who
went through each chapter diligently and helped me immensely.
I remain deeply indebted to all of them.
My interactions with officials at the Ministry of External Affairs
have been most useful and I have benefited in no small measure
from their hospitality and in my informal interactions with them.
My numerous visits to the DISA desk at the Indian Ministry of Ex-
ternal Affairs, have exposed me to the thoughts that go into crucial
foreign policy choices. I thank the many officials who have often
given me generous time to explain various nuances of disarmament
and proliferation issues.
Several officers of the armed forces have, over the last many
months, taken time out to explain to me the forces’ perspective of
the Kargil conflict, the post-Parliament attack phase and the role
of nuclear weapons. Gen V.P. Malik spent long hours in a very
fruitful exchange of ideas, and I remain indebted to him. I thank
Acknowledgements 19
the many officers at the army, navy and air headquarters for shar-
ing their time and ideas.
My professional experience at IPCS, where I worked from 1997
to 2003 and where this study was completed, has been most re-
warding. I remain obliged to Gen Dipankar Banerjee and Shri P.R.
Chari who helped me to concentrate on the project, provided
constructive policy inputs, and took valuable time out to give some
very significant insights. Their vast experience and extensive writ-
ing has helped to motivate me to a great extent.
At IPCS, I sought to learn the difference between the theory and
practice of the art of diplomacy. I learnt to investigate the nuances
that go into decision making and why states choose to do what
they do. My informal interactions with the vastly experienced
group of scholars that the IPCS has gathered for its Friday seminars
over the years, have been a most educating and fruitful experience.
Some of finest former diplomats, academics, former chiefs of the
armed forces and senior bureaucrats who are far too many to name
here, have over the years enriched the discussions at the IPCS with
their knowledge and expertise. Particular mention must be made of
Late Air Chief Marshal (Retd) S.K. Mehra, Lt Gen (Retd) A.M. Vohra,
Salman Haider, S.K. Singh, Muchkund Dubey, Dr K. Santhanam,
Amb. C.V. Ranganathan, Amb. Eric Gonsalves, Amb. Arundhati
Ghose, Dr C. Raja Mohan, Lt Gen (Retd) V.R. Raghvan, Rear
Admiral (Retd) Raja Menon, Ram Mohan Rao, G. Parthasarthy,
Air Cmde (Retd) Jasjit Singh, Air Vice Marshal (Retd) Kapil Kak,
Dr Rajesh Rajagopalan, Brig Gurmeet Kanwal, Dr G. Balachandran,
Cmde C. Uday Bhaskar, Lt Gen (Retd) B.S. Malik, Bharat Karnad,
Dr Sanjaya Baru, Maj Gen (Retd) Ashok Mehta, Professors Mira
Sinha Bhattacharjea, Madhu Bhalla, Riyaz Punjabi, Prem Shankar
Jha, Dr Bhashyam Kasturi and Brig Subhash Kapila.
I have benefited in many ways from my informal discussions
with Shri K. Subrahmanyam, Drs Ashis Nandy and P.K. Iyengar,
who have at various stages during the writing of this book helped
me focus on the role of nuclear weapons in the body politic and the
various nuances of nuclear deterrence. I had the good fortune of
taking guidance from the Late Giri Deshingkar who had helped
me prepare a framework for Chapter 4. I have also benefited in no
small measure from my long and fruitful discussions with Ambs
C. Dasgupta and Hamid Ansari.
Parts of this work have been presented in various seminars

around the world. My interactions at the Harvard Project, Indiana
University, Chicago University, APCSS (Hawaii), Wilton Park (UK),
University of St Gallen (Switzerland), Quaid-i-Azam University
and Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad have greatly enhanced
my understanding of the subject, and I have also benefited tre-
mendously while being grilled at Annual Pugwash Conferences
in Rustenburg (South Africa), Cambridge University and the
University of California at San Diego. I wish to express my thanks
also to the scholars and academics at various international univer-
sities and institutes whose intellectual inputs at different stages of
the project have been invaluable. Among them are Professors Joseph
Rotblat, David Holloway, Sumit Ganguly, Clifford Singer, John
Holdren, James Clad, Stephen Walt, Pervez Hoodbhoy, Pervaiz
Iqbal Cheema, David Cortwright, Steven Hoffmann, Steven Miller,
David Albright, Michael Krepon, Rasul-Baksh Rais, George
Rothgens, Drs Karen Hallberg, Kent Biringer, Carsten Rohr, George
Perkovich, Tanvir Ahmed Khan, Jeffrey Boutwell, Dingli Shen,
Peter Lavoy, Ruth Adams, Bruce G. Blair, Brian Winchester, Maj
Gen (Retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani, Gen (Retd) Jahangir Karamat,
Lt Gen (Retd) Talat Masood, Ejaz Haider, Najam Sethi and Sandra
Ionno Butcher.
A part of the research material was collected in my repeated
visits to the libraries of the University of California at San Diego,
Chicago University, Cambridge University, George Washington
University, Indiana University and Quaid-i-Azam University. I
have benefited tremendously from the databases of Center for
Nonproliferation Studies (CNS), Monterey, California. They house
perhaps the world’s finest database on proliferation issues. At the
CNS, I would like to thank Amy Sands and Gaurav Kampani for
their support. In India, the Institute of Defence Studies and Ana-
lyses (IDSA), the United Services Institution (USI), IPCS, Jawaharlal
Nehru University and the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
have been extremely useful. I would also like to thank the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace for the permission to use the
maps in chapters 4, 5 and 7 and the figure in chapter 4.
My colleagues at the IPCS, where majority of this study was
completed, have provided the stimulating environment for car-
rying out my research. I wish to record my gratitude to Sonika
Gupta who cheerfully held fort in my long absences from the office.
Acknowledgements 21
Additionally, I banked on her to fill some gaps in my arguments.

Furthermore, Aisha Sultanat, Prafulla Ketkar and R. Radhakrishan
have been very supportive in creating the congenial office environ-
ment for carrying out my research. I am also thankful to Mr S.L.
Vermani who has helped with the administrative work involved,
along with Sapna, Vijay Chauhan and Surinder Singh.
The people living around the author perhaps best appreciate
such occupational hazards. My little niece, Dristi, and nephews,
Dhruv, Anuj and Angad, who I hope grow up to see a different
world—a world that is free from the fear of conflict and full of
happiness. My parents, who were taken aback at my choice of
career in policy analysis, but like all parents have always wished
the best for me and remained a constant source of my inspiration.
Finally, Rakhee had to suffer my long abdication from my contri-
butions towards our house. She was kind and caring enough to
put up with my inattentiveness, restlessness and long hours of
working on the book. Without her love, forbearance and support,
I could not have devoted so much time and effort to this book.
The best parts of this endeavour are hers as much as mine. For the
many shortcomings that remain, the views expressed, the metho-
dology used and the conclusions reached in this book I am, needless
to add, solely responsible.
Arpit Rajain
April 2004
New Delhi
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
History has given us the gift of time. If we use it properly and rid the species
for good of nuclear danger we will secure the greatest of time’s gift:
assurance of a future.
—Jonathan Schell
T
his book examines the nuances of the much chanted mantra
of minimum nuclear deterrence and limited war in the
triangular relationship of China, India and Pakistan. The
fundamental purpose is to illustrate the complex interplay between
public opinion, domestic variables and various driving forces,
sometimes from outside this region, that influence the existence
of the nuclear bomb in times of conflict and peace in the region.
From the perspective of research, one of the many objectives of this
endeavour is to probe into the concealed fundamental dynamics
that are likely to govern the relationships between nuclear armed
neighbours during any crisis. The central premise remains the
assumption that knowledge of many of these variables and driving
forces might aid a decision maker in averting a future armed con-
flict from escalating in this volatile region. With deterrence theory,
this research seeks to investigate the present with a hope for a se-
cure and stable future.
The Southern Asian region1 provides a unique strategic triangle
comprising three declared nuclear weapons states which have been
involved in limited conflict. The other uniqueness of the three states
lies in their having different political systems, varying approaches
to arms control regimes and variable foreign policy preferences,
as they now labour with hitherto untackled issues of nuclear
weaponisation and deployment, command and control, military
1
By Southern Asia I mean the region encompassing South Asia and China.
strategy, and the one issue that is central to the existence of nuclear
weapons—deterrence.
Thus far, the discourse on nuclear deterrence has been domin-
ated by realist assumptions based on Western construction of
the threat and the strategy to cope with it. These assumptions have
underscored certain types of conflicts between states and certain
types of conflict-resolving mechanisms, much of which were per-
haps relevant in the Cold War paradigm of dyadic geo-strategic
relationships and which remain very different from the Southern
Asian setting. Thus, at the very outset, the research was left to canoe
through unchartered waters, compelling it to cover much more
ground, both theoretically and empirically, than originally set.
Ì SEARCHING FOR EXPLANATIONS:

PURPOSE AND PROPOSITIONS
Southern Asia has been faced with a new strategic reality post the
May 1998 nuclear tests by India and Pakistan. The interrelationship
of historical baggage, strategic capabilities and attitudes to the
nuclear equation of the three states in the triangle—China, India
and Pakistan—leaves a vacuum in the existing literature that this
book seeks to fill. The complexity of this trilateral stand-off cannot
be underestimated and historically there have been no parallels.2
When the research for this book began, a year after the nuclear
tests, it was believed that nuclear weapons would enhance the se-
curity of both Pakistan and India, deterrence would be stable and
that the region presented a ‘changed strategic environment’. The
highs of the Lahore Declaration, the talk of limited war, the lows
of Kargil and the attack on the Indian Parliament have provided a
policy analyst enough food for thought on the central premise of
the raison d’être of nuclear weapons—deterrence. The passage of
time and events have also helped to examine these issues with the
benefit of experience of current history.
This study has two main purposes and three supplementary
investigations. First and foremost, it is a conceptual investigation
2
Historically, the only other precedent was the triangle comprising USA, USSR
and China.
Introduction 25
of the notion of deterrence. Second, it looks at the theory and prac-

tice of limited war. The three country studies that follow ascertain
whether there are common features in their respective security
practices which have been evaluated on approximately similar
parameters, yet recognise domestic cultural variables to seek
answers on stability and deterrence in this triangle. The intention
is to deduce how past interactions and behaviour translate into
policy choices.
The question of the risk of war and the issue of strategic stability
in Southern Asia are complicated by the fact that India shares a
nuclear adversarial relationship with Pakistan and China. All the
three states are within 10 minutes of missile flight time from each
other, share long borders, which at many places are contested,
have fought wars in the past, possess nuclear weapons, have a
history of hostile political rhetoric, and have not just hotly debated
limited war but at some point in their recent history also fought a
limited war. History informs us that this is an unprecedented situ-
ation where a triangular nuclear competition has been constructed.
It is qualitatively different, has far more variables working simul-
taneously and remains geo-strategically more dangerous than the
bilateral nuclear rivalry that existed between the United States
and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. From the Indian per-
spective, its military calculations need to factor in a situation when
it might need to simultaneously deter Pakistan and China, and
cater for a conflictual rather than cooperative relationship with
the two neighbours in the next decade. The likelihood of Pakistan
continuing to receive support from China remains. From the
Pakistani point of view, India harbours hegemonic designs and
India’s vast conventional forces have to be deterred. Overt nuclear-
isation has proved to be the great balancer. From the Chinese point
of view, the US is the main concern. The three countries have differ-
ent governments—a practising democracy, an authoritarian regime
and a praetorian state. This in turn has implications for the main-
tenance of checks and balances on the political executive and the
military, which have great salience for the command and control
structures of these three states. This book explores nuclear stabil-
ity in Southern Asia through the prism of nuclear deterrence and
probes the various influences and pressures exerted on the bomb
in their totality. Existing literature on nuclear issues in Southern Asia
has dealt with the evolution and future of the nuclear programmes
of China, India and Pakistan, or at the most with bilateral nuclear
dyads.3 This is among the few attempts to analyse the triangle
comprising three declared nuclear weapons states which also have
engaged in limited conflict at some time in their history.
There has been a distinct lack of historical experience in dealing
with crisis in Southern Asia that risks escalation to the nuclear level.
The Ussuri river clashes provide the only case, apart from Kargil,
when two nuclear weapons states proceeded to armed conflict.
These armed conflicts highlight the fact that they entail elements
which cannot be anticipated. In Southern Asia, the added variable
is domestic opinion. The Kargil crisis had all these elements of
likely escalation and was a case in nuclear brinkmanship. While
Kargil was still being discussed, new geopolitical realities shaped
up post 9/11 with US presence in the region. The attack on the
Indian Parliament further increased the chill between India and
Pakistan as war clouds that had gathered took over 10 months to
disperse.
In 1946, the strategic analyst Bernard Brodie famously wrote,
‘Thus far the chief purpose of our military establishment has been
to win wars. From now on its chief purpose must be to avert them’.4
This sums up the basic premise of nuclear deterrence: nuclear
weapons must ensure that they prevent outbreak of military
3
See Abraham 1998; Ahmad 1957; Ahmad 1996a; Ahmed 1999; Ali 1999; Bajpai
and Mattoo 2000; Bajpai et al. 1995; Beg 1994; Bonds 1979; Brodie 1946; Chari
1995, 1999; Chari, Cheema and Cohen 2003; Cheema 1996, 2000; Chengappa 2000;
Chong-pin Lin 1988; Coats 1986; Ding 1991; Dingli Shen 1993; Durrani 2001;
Elliot 1995; Ganguly 1999a, 2002; Ganguly and Greenwood 1996; Garrett and
Glaser 1995/96; Amitav Ghosh 1999; Gupta 1995; Haass 1988; Hagerty 1993/94,
1998; Harrison et al. 1999; Hoffmann 1990; Hoodbhoy 1994; Hoyt 2001; Hua Di
1997; Jaspal 2001; Joeck 1997; Johnston 1996a; Kamal 1992a; Kapur 2001; Karnad
2002; Khalilzad 1985; Khan 1994; Kondapalli 1999; Krishna and Chari 2001; Lewis
and Litai 1988; Lewis et al. 1991; Liu Xuecheng 1994; Lodi 1999; Manning et al.
2000; Marwah and Shulz 1975; Mattoo 1999a; Maxwell 1970; Mazari 1991, 1999a,
1999b; Milholin and White 1991; Ming Zhang 1999; Moshaver 1991; Nizamani
2001; Perkovich 1993, 1999; Pollack 1988; Pollack and Yang 1998; Pye 1988;
Rahman 1998; Sattar 1994/95; Sawant 2000; Shambaugh and Yang 1997; Siddiqa-
Agha 2000a; Jasjit Singh 1998; Sundarji 1993b; Swami 2000; Tellis 2001, 2002a;
Ur-Rehman 1999; Weisman and Krosney 1981; Whiting 1975; Yan Xu 1993; Yang
et al. 1994; Yimin Song 1986; Zou Yunhua 1999.
4
Brodie 1946: 76.
Introduction 27
confrontation. Since the raison d’être of the nation-state is to survive

and enhance its power in a conflict-ridden international system,
military security acquires special significance. While compre-
hending the realist response to state security, this study takes into
account the societal aspect and historical influence that govern
the choices a state makes towards issues of security and war. It con-
siders Desmond Ball’s definition of strategic culture: ‘... different
countries and regions approach the key issues of war, peace and
strategy from perspectives which are both quite distinctive and
deeply rooted, reflecting their different geo-strategic situations,
resources, history, military experience and political beliefs.’5 These
factors, he says, ‘profoundly influence how a country perceives,
protects, and promotes its interests and values with respect to the
threat or use of force.’6
Perceptions and psychology play a major role in the logic,
structure and stability of deterrence. Deterrence attempts to create
risks strategically, militarily and psychologically to ensure that
the opponent does not pursue a certain action. This is premised
on the threat to use or to punitively retaliate with nuclear weapons
if those actions are undertaken. For deterrence to be stable, the
risk must be disproportionately higher than any conceivable gains
to be acquired. Nuclear weapons were not created to deter. It was
deterrence that was conceived in regard of nuclear weapons. All
countries have to address issues related to nuclear doctrines—al-
ternative response options, early warning, intelligence and alert
levels. If hostilities do break out, minimum deterrence says precious
little on how the war will then be shaped or when it may escalate
to a different level, given the complex variables at play, especially
in Southern Asia. Issues like these have to be thrashed out in peace-
time, as continuing to defer discussion only increases the risk of a
less than optimal decision, should a crisis occur.
Attempts to enhance a nation’s security by treading the nuclear
road can threaten the security perceptions of other states, thereby
reducing security all around. This security dilemma is an enduring
feature of an anarchic international order characterised by a pyr-
amidal nuclear structure, and its consequences are arms races,
5
Ball 1993: 44.
6
Ibid.: 44.
shifting alliances and altering balances of power. Nuclear weapons

are perceived as the instruments of power and as palliatives for
this dilemma.
Such instruments have produced four major changes in military
strategy. First, modern delivery systems ensure that there is no
foolproof defence against missiles. Second, nuclear weapons and
their deployment involve non-combatants, namely, the debate on
counter-value or counter-force strategies. It is possible to destroy
the adversary even before engaging its armed forces. Third, a nu-
clear war can be over within hours, leaving statesmen and leaders
no time to rethink their decisions. And finally, with the concept of
limited and decisive wars and quick retaliation, nuclear forces need
to be on high alert. This would require conventional force struc-
tures to be geared and deployed in a certain way. The challenge of
managing limited wars is huge when various forms of cognitive
closures handicap the political leadership on one or both sides.
This warrants a clearer understanding of the complex relationship
between limited aims wars, escalation dominance, control and the
breakdown of nuclear deterrence. The questions of escalation con-
trol, war termination and nuclear deterrence stability therefore
gain significance.
For the success of nuclear deterrence, several conditions need
to operate simultaneously, ranging from strategy and policy to an
effective mind game. First, a deterrent force (be it a triad or air
and land based) must be able to inflict intolerable damage on the
adversary (deterrence by punishment) with the added caveat
of an acceptable cost to itself, or deny the opponent (deterrence by
denial) the desired objective. It could also be a combination of the
two. An essential element of this policy is the safety of the nuclear
arsenal. The deterring nation must ensure that its deterrent force
is not destroyed in a pre-emptive strike. Second, the deterring
nation must have all the necessary plans in readiness to demon-
strate that it has the will and capability to deliver the ‘message’,
either covertly or overtly. Often, this posture can lead to a dilemma:
the deterring nation must also exhibit willingness to engage in the
war that it is trying to deter, or prevent crossing of the threshold
from deterring war to fighting war with nuclear weapons. Third,
the deterring nation has to ensure the survivability of the deterrent
force to absorb a first strike. The ‘retaliatory force’ must be pro-
tected against a ‘first strike’, but also inflict punitive retaliation in
Introduction 29
the ‘second strike’. This can be established by technical means, but

also through policy. Fourth, the deterrent message has to be con-
veyed with a high degree of credibility, meaning that the adver-
sary must believe that the deterring nation will exercise the nuclear
option. Both nations must also believe at the same time that a real
probability exists that the threatening nation will indeed retaliate
if required. Finally, the cost–benefit analysis: the deterring nation
must communicate to the opponent the price it will have to pay
for endeavouring to achieve its objective. This price has to outweigh
any possible gains from attempting to achieve the objective.
One of the consequences of the break-up of the Soviet Union
has been an unchecked fissile material trade and it is only a matter
of time before terrorists get a nuclear weapon. They are the most
likely ‘proliferators’, because nuclear blackmail is the ultimate
expression of fanaticism and terrorism. As deterrence is based on
the rational actor model, in the event of a terrorist outfit or an un-
deterrable leader acquiring these deadly weapons, one cannot
be certain that deterrence would work in the way it was origin-
ally planned. In the absence of an established deterrent relation-
ship, the threat may not be understood in the intended manner.
Would this have unpredictable and perhaps counter-productive
consequences? It is difficult to see deterrence operating against
non-state actors. The threat of nuclear annihilation just cannot be
used against these fidayeens (suicide attackers), since a ‘nuclear
deterrent relationship’ is not established with them. Even if they
are threatened, they may call the bluff as targeting them with even
a small nuclear weapon would be impossible without incurring
unacceptable collateral damage and provoking global outrage.
Indeed, with fidayeen attacks on the rise, the rationale of using
nuclear weapons for deterrence is becoming increasingly
problematic.
China has been a key player in Southern Asian nuclear dynamics
since the early 1960s. With nuclear tests in this region, a new source
of instability was brought into the security architecture of Asia.
This has led to further ‘triangularisation’ of the region. The three
nuclear weapons states of China, India and Pakistan with different
political systems and approaches to arms control regimes are now
continually emphasising the mantra of minimum nuclear de-
terrence. Their approach and the choices will have far-reaching
consequences for Asian security, since possessing nuclear weapons
alone does not imply having an effective deterrent force. The

current strategic asymmetry between India, China and Pakistan
that extends from conventional to nuclear weaponry reflects the
existing disparity in their correlation of nuclear and conventional
forces. Additionally, non-state actors are already at play in the
region, and in such a complex situation, simple dyadic behaviour
models of research are not sufficient. Given these parameters and
a dynamic strategic environment, it is not difficult to conjure up
scenarios that envisage the escalation of a local military engage-
ment from the subterranean level to a minor skirmish, a major
conventional conflict, and finally to crossing the nuclear threshold.
The role of non-state actors in precipitating such a crisis cannot be
ruled out.
Although China has an effective deterrent against India, the
same cannot be said about India vis-à-vis China. Both India and
Pakistan have rudimentary land- and air-based deterrent forces
as they continue their slow-motion deployment and refinement of
their arsenals. The open literature suggests that during the Kargil
crisis, both India and Pakistan had exhibited some ambiguity
regarding their intent to deploy nuclear missiles and nuclear armed
aircraft. Apart from this, the Kargil crisis also came to be termed
as ‘limited war’. Can future wars be limited under the nuclear
umbrella? Although Pakistan does not have a declared nuclear
doctrine, it is widely believed that nuclear weapons are its weapons
of ‘first strike and last resort’; India and China, on the other hand,
have a declared no-first-use (NFU) posture. Operationally, this
means that both China and India are prepared to absorb a first
strike, and since they do not have a launch on warning posture,
they are likely to adopt a launch after attack posture. But launch
after attack implies a failure of deterrence. In a crisis scenario, both
Pakistan and India have to consider each other’s threats as credible.
The message has to be effectively communicated either covertly
or overtly to each other to be perceived as credible. But will that
increase the stakes of the ‘nuclear flashpoint’? The gains accruing
from any nuclear adventure have to outweigh the price. There
could be horrendous military costs in terms of a counter-force strike
or collateral damage in a counter-value strike. This needs to be
well understood before any such an adventure is undertaken.
Introduction 31
Deterrence harbours a fundamental, perhaps unsolvable, con-

tradiction between its operational and political components. Can
the conditions for stable deterrence be maintained in times of
Southern Asian crises? The march of technology cannot be re-
stricted. Nuclear scientists will almost invariably push to acquire
longer-range missiles with better accuracy and miniaturised war-
heads. There will also be pressure to adopt strategies involving
counter-force, first strike, second strike and better delivery systems.
Deterrence is premised on the notion that decision makers are
rational, thinking individuals. Decision making in crisis, apart from
being influenced by the external strategic environment, is also the
function of the psychological attitudes of decision makers and re-
sults in a range of outcomes. But is this feature similar for decision
makers on either side? Do both sides to the conflict view each
other’s threats as credible? What role do personalities play in such
a scenario? The behavioural patterns of the actors involved in
decision making, the bargain initiated between adversaries, the
role of deterrence, compellance or coercion, the role of allies in crisis
management, the causal factors in the crisis, issues of grand strat-
egy, competing internal power structures, bureaucratic momen-
tum, scientific and technological imperatives, the extent to which
physical and psychological attributes of decision makers influence
their ability to take decisions in crisis, and power and status, all
influence possible outcomes. The manner in which decision makers
grapple with options before them in any crisis is therefore the
outcome of a complex interplay of key variables.
The military coup in Pakistan has been a setback to prospects of
formal civilian control over Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence. Armed
forces will anyway retain operational control over deterrence
under civilian rule, but a formal civilian filter in an institutional
setting can provide the necessary operational space in times of
crisis for stability. China already occupies an enviable position,
both in terms of attributes of power and negotiating strengths,
whilst continuing to modernise its nuclear forces. US ballistic
missile defence (BMD) in the region will further offset the security
architecture of Asia and have far-reaching impact on China, which
already has all the attributes of a great power. A qualitative and
quantitative improvement of Chinese nuclear forces would lead
to an increased threat perception in New Delhi. India is facing a
bumpy road ahead with regard to its reform process and challenges
to its secular fabric, and is faced with difficult choices regarding
weaponising and deploying its forces. Pakistan has to set its house
in order, reconsider its national priorities and involve the larger
population in the process of political development and partici-
pation once it is able to rein in the jihadi forces.
Decision makers in Beijing, Islamabad and New Delhi should
not lull themselves into thinking that a credible minimum deterrent
posture would prevent crisis and outbreak of hostilities. Continu-
ing to defer discussion would only increase the risk of a less than
optimal response, should a crisis occur. China, Pakistan and India
have to work out a restraint regime wherein nuclear weapons are
used as tools of war prevention and war deterrence, rather than
as weapons of fighting war. This study seeks answers to these
issues that will determine the security structure and the shape of
overt nuclearisation in the region.
Ì RATIONALE/STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY

This vast mandate required careful attention in meticulously
presenting the security perceptions of the three states using indi-
genous sources, respective government statements for each country
and facts, wherever needed, substantiated by American sources.
An effort to address the strategic, political and military dimensions
of the role of nuclear weapons, evolution of strategy and deterrence
can be found in chapter 2. Three cases were carefully chosen—the
Cuban missile crisis, the Ussuri river clashes and the Kargil crisis.
The Cuban missile crisis was widely perceived to be the first test
of the deterrent value of nuclear weapons, but fortunately not a
shot was fired. The Ussuri river clashes presented a rather inter-
esting case where two declared nuclear weapons states, Soviet
Union and China, went to a limited war. There were covert threats
of a ‘surgical strike’ by Soviet Union on the Chinese nuclear infra-
structure. The Kargil crisis was another case that tested deterrence
and has been termed by many as a limited war. In chapter 3, pre-
valent literature on the various influences on the decision maker,
the rational deterrence model, notion of deterrence and limited
war are discussed. Militarily, there is a fine balance between limited
Introduction 33
war and the inherent potential for escalation. To complete the

‘triangularisation’ of Southern Asia, three states that comprise this
triangle have been evaluated on similar parameters for stability
and outcomes for deterrence, with chapters on China, India and
Pakistan. Finally, there are some concluding observations for a
more stable Southern Asia.
The study was conducted in two parts. The first part involved
the collection of materials to enable a broad understanding of the
indigenous perceptions of national security. This was supported
by field visits, interviews and informal discussions with many
former chiefs of the armed forces, diplomats, key policy makers,
senior bureaucrats and academics. One of the principal challenges
has been to prioritise and encapsulate the various domestic view-
points that influence the existence of the nuclear weapon in the
security architecture of these countries. An additional challenge
has been to evaluate declared governmental positions with fol-
lowed practice in terms of policy. Ascertaining details of decision-
making processes and their nuances proved especially difficult to
uncover sometimes, and so the research had to rely on secondary
sources or on interviews of key government officials and senior
decision makers. Once the first drafts of these chapters were ready,
they were sent out to diplomats, strategists, academics and prac-
titioners to critique and sharpen the focus and strengthen or dilute
arguments. Some of the ideas contained in this book were first aired
at a number of seminars and conferences around the world and
the hypothesis tested. This proved to be another rewarding task
as not only were the co-panellists and participants in most occa-
sions members of highest decision-making bodies, but in many
cases former chiefs of the armed forces, ambassadors and senior
diplomats. The discussions in many of these seminars often brought
forward many interesting observations.
The present volume is the end result of this close to three-year
project. It is sincerely hoped that this offering will stimulate more
systematic efforts with additional research tools that lead to further
nuanced and informed debate to discover the fuller political dimen-
sions and strategic implications of the nuclearisation of the triangle
in Southern Asia. It is my expectation that further reflection on these
issues will deflect some attention away from the current fixation
in the region with the nuclear and military aspects of national
security, to other equally relevant non-military dimensions.
CHAPTER 2
NUCLEAR WEAPONS
AND INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
If we consider international agreement on total prevention of nuclear warfare as

the paramount objective...this kind of introduction of atomic weapons to the
world may easily destroy all our chances of success....[dropping an atomic bomb]
will mean a flying start toward an unlimited armaments race.
—Franck Committee, 1945
T
he tests of May 1998 did two things: first, they highlighted
the declared nuclear weapons posture of India and Pakistan;
and second, they alerted the world about China’s nuclear
weapons capability. All three countries comprising the strategic
triangle in Southern Asia are declared nuclear weapons states.
There are, moreover, two dyads in this triangle: the Sino-Indian
and Indo-Pak dyads. Conventional and nuclear policies in com-
petition with each other, past history of bilateral conflict, hostile
propaganda, rhetorical diplomacy and persisting tensions inform
us of the trilateral division of power in this region. The three coun-
tries now have to decide what strategic directions would best serve
their national and regional interests. The three states, governed
by different political systems, approach to arms control and foreign
policy, now have to find answers to issues of nuclear weaponisation
and deployment, command and control and military strategy in a
dynamic strategic environment.
Cold War literature on deterrence envisages a mix of reassurance
and accommodation that focuses exclusively on nuclear capabil-
ities. It is premised on the notion that decision makers are rational
thinking individuals. Questions of armed conflict, stability, risk
of war and deterrence in this region are compounded by the fact
that India features in both the dyads, and therefore the problem
Nuclear Weapons and International System 35
is far more complex than the Cold War nuclear rivalry. 1 This
chapter looks at the role of nuclear weapons and three crises—the
Cuban missile crisis between the US and USSR, the Ussuri river
clashes between USSR and China, and the Kargil War between
India and Pakistan—that reflect the larger role of nuclear weapons
in bilateral confrontations.
With the Soviet test in 1948 (which surprised Americans), the
notion of deterrence started dominating strategic planning. Motives,
interests, diplomacy and strategy were now in different compart-
ments with the bomb available and out of the closet, and the strategic
community had to figure out the most authoritative way to deliver
a bomb that could hurt the vital interests of the adversary to its
own maximum strategic benefit. Bernard Brodie believed that a
vital first blow might not finish off the adversary and there might
be enough energy in the adversary to retaliate.2 This gradually
brought the issue of targeting through strategic calculations to
the forefront. It was now a choice (and in some cases a no-choice)
between targeting cities and other ‘vital interests’. 3 Brodie re-
marked that the chief task of the military would thenceforth be
the prevention of war at all costs.4
Thus were set the parameters of the notion of deterrence: the
vulnerability of world capitals, a vital first blow to the interests of
a state, the helplessness of defence against intruding aircrafts
and the need to build a retaliation force. The concept, of course,
continued to be refined all through the Cold War years and many
new elements were added with the advent of new technologies.
In 1954, the then US Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, broadly
1
There was a triangle in the Cold War too: USSR, USA and China. But there
are many differences between these triangles. The most prominent of the
competitors, USSR and USA, had roughly similar powers. In Southern Asia,
China, India and Pakistan form an asymmetric triangle.
2
He noted that no victory is worth it if retaliation is expected. He argued for
a stable balance, since ‘a war in which atom bombs are not used is more likely to
occur if both sides have bombs in quantity from the beginning than if neither
side has it at the outset or if only one side has it’ (Brodie 1946: 74).
3
The term vital interests was to gain eminence in later years as its meaning
expanded to include defence industries, army cantonments, nuclear installations,
ammunition dumps, armoured formations and cities that were political or
economic capitals.
4
Brodie 1946: 76.
outlined the new doctrine of ‘massive retaliation’. The strategic

validity of mutually assured destruction (MAD) was premised on
the assumption that either side protects all or most of its large
population centres with anti-missile defences. 5 It is difficult to
imagine whether a MAD posture would ensure long-term peace
and stability, especially if one of the countries seeks to structure
forces in defensive rather than offensive mode. Later refinements
came in the form of ‘limited war’ and flexible response’.
In the initial years of the existence of nuclear weapons, theor-
ists had to begin conceptualising from scratch. The later nuclear
weapons states—China, India and Pakistan—can benefit from this
literature on nuclear weapons from the Cold War period. Where
can one locate the theory that best describes the nuclear posture
and accompanying doctrines of China, India and Pakistan? It is
unlikely that in the near future any of the states would configure
their force structures towards offensive MAD. It is also unlikely
that China, India or Pakistan would follow a flexible response
posture, although it is clear that all states can expect an assured
and punitive response, if the time comes.
The stakes were high in all the three ‘crises’ situations mentioned
earlier. But while in the Cuban missile crisis not a shot was fired, in
the Ussuri river clashes China and USSR went to armed conflict
and lives were lost. In the Kargil War, there were more than a
thousand causalties. In all the cases, there was the overarching
presence of nuclear weapons that determined the outcome of the
conflict. Often, before going to armed conflict, states pass through
a phase of action–reaction and high political rhetoric, paving way
for perceptions and misperceptions. This is a phase of ‘crisis’—a
5
The doctrine of assured destruction also attracted critics. President Nixon
underlined the drawbacks of the doctrine in 1970 when he questioned, ‘Should a
President in the event of a nuclear attack, be left with the single option of ordering
the mass destruction of enemy civilians in the face of the certainty that it would
be followed by the mass slaughter of Americans? Should the concept of assured
destruction be narrowly defined and should it be the only measure of our ability
to deter the variety of threats we may face?’ (US Congress 1974: 35). There were
inherent problems with MAD. The assessment of the capability and intention of
the adversary remained a function of complex variables, such as military,
technological, strategic and most important, political, that had to operate in a
dynamic strategic environment. In such an environment the maintenance of
assured destruction capability at all times was extremely difficult.
period characterised by three key elements: a threat, the prospect

of war and a sense of urgency.6
Ì CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS

On 15 October 1962, American intelligence agencies discovered
the first of six Soviet nuclear missiles bases under construction in
Cuba. After discussing this for a week with the executive committee
of the National Security Council, or the ‘Ex. Comm.’, President John
F. Kennedy in a televised address announced this discovery to the
world on 22 October 1962. He stressed that the deployment was a
flagrant violation of his own warnings. He demanded withdrawal
of these missiles and imposed a naval ‘quarantine’ on the shipment
of ‘offensive’ weapons to Cuba. He warned Soviet Chairman Nikita
Khrushchev that any missile launched from Cuban territory against
any Western nation would be considered an attack by the Soviet
Union on the US. Khrushchev immediately ordered construction
of missile sites to be accelerated and denounced the quarantine as
a violation of the Soviet Union’s right to freedom of navigation.
The quarantine took effect on 24 October, but Khrushchev ordered
his ships not to challenge the US blockade. An immediate
confrontation was thus avoided.
With the settlement of the dispute not in sight, the crisis dragged
on and continued to build pressure on both sides for decisive action.
While both the leaders were concerned about the outcomes of an
inadvertent accidental war, neither was willing to back off, since
the international and national stakes were high. A half-chance came
on 26 October in the form of a long letter from Khrushchev, where
he offered to withdraw in return for a US pledge not to invade Cuba
and in return for the withdrawal of the 15 US Jupiter missiles from
Turkey. The Ex. Comm. was against this, but President Kennedy
secretly instructed his secretary of state to lay the ground-work
for a contingency by which the secretary-general of the UN would
propose a Cuba–Turkey missile swap.7 On 28 October, Khrushchev
offered an agreement to withdraw missiles from Cuba in return
6
See in this context, Lebow 1981: 7–12.
7
Blight and Welch 1989. See also Abel 1966a; Allison and Zelikow 1999; and
Beggs 1971.
for a non-invasion pledge. However, Fidel Castro thought he was

not consulted, felt betrayed and refused inspections to the UN
inspectors. The other problem arose when Kennedy insisted that
Soviets also withdraw the nuclear capable IL-28 light bombers.
These bombers had been supplied to Cuba under an arrangement
independent of the crisis at hand. It took Khrushchev’s special
envoy, Anastas Mikoyan, three weeks to persuade Castro. On
19 November, Castro relented and the quarantine was lifted on
21 November.
The Cuban missile crisis has been interpreted by some as a bold
effort by Soviets to try and alter the unfavourable strategic environ-
ment in which the USSR found itself in 1962 as a result of the US
intercontinental arms build-up and collapse of the ‘missile gap’
myth. The other postulate regarding Soviet objectives is that Soviet
missiles and bombers deployed in Cuba were essentially bargain-
ing counters which could be exchanged for a desired political or
military (or both) concessions by the US. With these in the back-
ground, one can examine a public pledge by the US president not
to invade Cuba, while the Soviets withdrew their missiles from
Cuba in exchange of withdrawal of US missiles from Turkey.
It is doubtful that the Soviet Union merely sought to compel the
US to withdraw its missiles from Turkey in exchange for the with-
drawal of Soviet missiles from Cuba.8 Khrushchev explicitly pro-
posed a mutual missile withdrawal from Cuba and Turkey in his
27 October letter to President Kennedy. The fact that Khrushchev
proposed such an exchange after the US had demanded the
withdrawal of Soviet strategic weapons, does not prove that the
original objective was to extract a mere promise of President
Kennedy not to invade Cuba. Given geographical factors, and also
the fact that the US already possessed a huge advantage on inter-
continental nuclear delivery capabilities, a missile base in Cuba
8
Arnold L. Horelick and Myron Rush contend, ‘Since the US had only one
squadron of Jupiters deployed in Turkey no more than one third the number of
MRBMs [medium range ballistic missiles] with a 100 mile range known to have
been shipped to Cuba would have been necessary to make such a trade seem
quantitatively plausible. The costly and essentially unsalvageable fixed sites that
were being prepared to receive IRBMs [intermediate-range ballistic missiles] with
a 2200 mile range were altogether superfluous to any intended Cuba Turkey
missile base exchange since the US had no equivalent missiles in Turkey or any-
where else for that matter’ (Horelick and Rush 1966: 128).
would have been a greater military asset to the Soviet Union than
the base in Turkey was to the US. Moreover, Secretary McNamara
had already demanded replacing the Jupiter missiles as they had
become obsolete.
The discovery of Soviet strategic missiles in Cuba provoked a
US naval quarantine, a rapid build-up of tactical air force and army
and a worldwide alert of the Strategic Air Command. It was clear
that the crisis did reach a level where an all-out nuclear war seemed
a possibility. The 26 October letter by Khrushchev to Kennedy laid
the foundations for an amicable settlement.
MOTIVATIONS
Why were the missiles put in Cuba? Apparently, one of the causes
that led Khrushchev, who was guided only by a small group of
advisors, to take a hasty decision seems to have been to prevent
the American invasion of Cuba. The invasion inevitable, especially
after the US role in the Bay of Pigs and in the light of Operation
Mongoose. The Bay of Pigs invasion, launched on 17–19 April 1961,
was a serious attempt by the CIA to overthrow the Fidel Castro
regime in Cuba. Castro’s rise to power in Cuba upset a longstand-
ing hemispheric status quo built upon a US claim to an exclusive
sphere of influence in Latin America and a prohibition against the
spread of communism into the region. The CIA grossly under-
estimated Castro’s popularity, and the size, equipment and train-
ing of the invasion force proved wholly inadequate to the task at
hand. The superior Cuban forces quickly defeated the invaders.
Another cause was to counterbalance the massive US superiority
in strategic nuclear weapons in a theatre away from Europe. A
third was the desire to counterbalance the US deployment of Jupiter
missiles on Soviet periphery for reasons of prestige. The following
are a set of assumptions in understanding the motivations behind
placing the missiles in Cuba:
1. To improve the Soviet bargaining position in a nuclear weapons

balance: This was probably premised on ‘bargaining from a pos-
ition of strength’. Earlier, the US had been able to establish over-
seas bases all around the Soviet Union mainly because it was in a
position of strength; now the Soviet Union wanted to do the same.
2. To deter an attack on Cuba by making a Soviet response a cer-

tainty: Technically, the missiles in Omsk had the same deterrent
effect on the US as the Cuban missiles. But the Soviet Union tried
to project the idea that it would take a strong position for its
allies—Cuba, in this case.
3. To protect Cuba: Cuba was gradually becoming a significant ele-
ment in the power projection of the Soviet Union. This move
was also an extension of the socialist umbrella of USSR.
4. To improve the Soviet position in Europe, more specifically in
Berlin: The main motive of the USSR in Europe was to avail an
opportunity to harass West Germany.
The question that arises is, did the missiles serve their purpose?
1. The counter-bargaining strategy: It is still unclear if the Soviet

Union had planned a counter-bargaining strategy, necessitating
mutual concessions in the event of ‘discovery’. It seems unlikely
that brinkmanship could entertain the bargaining strategy even
as reserve position.
2. Strengthening a bargain over Cuba: Even if recognition of Cuba
and a non-aggression promise from USA was a pre-planned
motive in exchange of withdrawal of missiles, the motive was
only partially fulfilled as Cuba was very unhappy with the deal
and took some time before it would comply.
3. Improving the Soviet bargaining position in Europe, more so in
Berlin: There could have been other strategies than sending
missiles to Cuba, but the Soviet Union never availed easier oppor-
tunities to harass Berlin.
4. To reassert a Soviet leadership in the socialist world: The missiles,
in the first place, were not supposed to be discovered and certainly
not so soon.9 China was an emerging socialist power and pre-
sumably a Soviet victory in Cuba would have forced the Chinese
to accept Soviet leadership in the socialist world.10 With a not-
so-favourable Soviet deal over Cuba, this motive too was not
fulfilled.
9
There is a view that if the missiles had not been discovered till Khrushchev’s
planned trip of the US after the November elections, their presence would have
had to be disclosed privately in keeping with counter-bargaining strategy.
10
Indeed, Soviet historian Adam Ulam even speculated that Khrushchev hoped
to pressurise the Chinese into surrendering their rights to an independent nuclear
capacity.
The US acted as if the offer to withdraw missiles in return of a

Cuban recognition and a withdrawal of Jupiter missiles from
Turkey came from the Soviet Union. Although Fidel Castro was
left frustrated, Khrushchev and Kennedy settled for a tacit agree-
ment wherein (a) the missiles would be withdrawn; (b) the with-
drawal would be verified by independent reconnaissance; and
(c) Jupiter missiles would be withdrawn from Turkey. Not much
later, Kennedy was assassinated and Khrushchev was removed
from power. Both leaders feared loss of control over events and
both knew that any loss would far outweigh perceived gains. Both
were willing to pay a price to extricate themselves from the pre-
dicament they had come to see as intolerably hazardous. Despite
strong positions, both leaders could not afford to risk war. But
there was also a view that a nuclear world war was averted by a
narrow margin and deterrence was far from stable.11
Writers have used various theories of international relations to
explain various aspects of this crisis—balance of power, military
balance, the conviction that nuclear weapons would lead to stable
deterrence and the psychology of decision makers under stress.
In the legal sense, the crisis was never fully resolved. No treaty
was ever concluded governing the settlement of the dispute, nor
was the exchange of letters between Kennedy and Khrushchev
formalising their terms of agreement ever made public.12 The
Cuban missile crisis also sought to improve crisis stability.13
Some analysts are of the view that it was not deterrence but
God’s grace that prevented a nuclear conflict.14 The handling of
the crisis by the two leaders came in for criticism too. Kennedy’s
critics lamented his unwillingness to seize the opportunity
11
For instance, the title of Elie Abel’s book is The Missiles of October: Twelve
Days to World War Three (1966b).
12
Larson 1986.
13
In 1963 came the Hotline Agreement and the Limited Test Ban Treaty. Among
the more important outcomes, was that the US and Soviet Union worked out
rules of the game, limiting provocative initiatives in areas each regarded as being
within its sphere of vital interest.
14
They add that it was Kennedy and Khrushchev’s personal initiatives that
managed to prevent the conflict from escalating and eventually led to a solution
that was satisfactory to both. They did so by avoiding irreversible steps, curtailing
unwarranted bluster and refraining from giving ultimata. The Cuban missile
crisis went down in history as the time the world came closest to a nuclear war.
provided by the pretext of Soviet deployment to deal decisively

with Castro, even as the US enjoyed overwhelming conventional
and nuclear superiority. Khrushchev’s handling of the crisis has
been criticised largely as a betrayal of Cuba’s national interest and
as yielding to US pressure. But they do have admirers who credit
Kennedy for instructing Secretary of State Dean Rusk to lay the
groundwork for the secretary-general of the UN in proposing the
Cuba–Turkey missile swap. Khrushchev too is credited for his
cautious handling of the situation. Fortunately, not a shot was fired
and no lives were lost.
Ì USSURI RIVER CLASHES

The Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan in May–July 1999
was not the first instance of conflict (where lives were lost) between
two nuclear weapons states. In March 1969, China and the Soviet
Union, both nuclear weapons states, with China being the smaller
of the two, clashed with each other over the island of Chenpao,15
which led to about 100 casualties (60 on the Russian side and 33
dead and 21 wounded on the Chinese side).16
It is imperative to situate the conflict in the context of deterior-
ating Sino–Soviet relations, which in 1969 had reached their lowest
ebb. After defeating India in the 1962 war, China had consolidated
itself politically, militarily and economically. In March 1963, China
declared the Russo–Chinese border treaties of the 19th century to
be ‘unequal’. The Chinese premier, Mao Tse-tung, questioned the
treaties between Tsarist Russia and the Ching Dynasty, since after
that time Khabarovsk, Kamchatka and Vladivostok had been taken
from Chinese territory and added to the Soviet Union. China did
15
Chenpao is a small island about 22.5 km in length and about half a kilometre
wide. The Ussuri river at this point is broad with the Soviet bank being about
400 m from the island and the Chinese bank being 100 m. The river forms the
international boundary between China and the Soviet Union. At the centre of the
dispute is the island itself about which the two sides do not even agree on the
name (the Russians call it Damansky while it is called Chenpao by the Chinese).
The island has the occasional lumberjack and fisherman, but it is generally
uninhabited and covered by snow.
16
Maxwell 1973.
not want the territories back but wanted the treaties to be nego-
tiated again. China’s repeated references to the unequal treaties
and their rapid nuclear weapon modernisation persuaded Moscow
to rethink its priorities with China, as the area that China was re-
ferring to had two major cities of the Soviet Union. Moreover, the
Trans-Siberian rail link from Leningrad to Vladivostok ran within
20 miles of the Chinese border for almost 800 miles of the route.
Any disruption in the link could block Eastern Siberia and interrupt
the primary source of oil for the Pacific fleet. With the Cultural
Revolution of the 1960s, Moscow had begun to take Chinese state-
ments more seriously and military on the border was strengthened.
At the same time, Beijing began increasing its intimacy with
Washington. Both China and Washington had interest in con-
taining the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger said, ‘As for the Soviets
we considered the Chinese option useful to induce restraint; but
we had to take care not to pursue it so impetuously as to provoke
a Soviet pre-emptive attack on China.’17 After many years of
tension, China began to be termed as a long-term threat. Like its
two main adversaries, Germany and the US, China too had its
differences of opinion with the Soviet Union. What added to the
enmity was geographical proximity: a direct 2,000 mile border with
the Soviet Union and a large population base that was governed
authoritatively by a state that possessed nuclear weapons. Ideo-
logically too, there was a challenge as China followed a different
ideology within the communist movement.
The Soviet Union decided to take defensive steps against what
Kremlin saw as the ‘yellow peril’. A defence treaty with Mongolia
in January 1966 resulted in huge reinforcement (100,000 men with
surface-to-surface rockets) of the already large deployment in
positions east of Lake Baikal. Besides, the Russians sought to ‘take
advantage of the internal ferment caused by the Cultural Revo-
lution and strengthen forces in the leadership that were opposed
to Mao.’18 Another event that worsened mutual relations and
images was the Soviet Union’s invasion of Czechoslovakia which
the Chinese did not support. The Chinese had supported the Soviet
Union’s role in Hungary in 1956, but by 1968 many new develop-
ments had taken place. The Chinese started thinking about the
17
As cited in Steele 1983: 144.
18
Ibid.: 140.
Soviet Union’s self-proclaimed right to intervene in other socialist

countrsies by force if necessary.19
The Chinese had continued to use the Ussuri and Amur rivers
for fishing and navigational purposes. The change in Soviet
behaviour came following the summer of 1967 when the Soviet
frontier guards started using force. Between December 1967 and
February 1969, there were 16 occasions when patrols clashed on
or near the island.20 On 23 January 1969, a Chinese patrol on the
island was clubbed and most of the soldiers were beaten. Following
that the Chinese kept their distance. On 2 March, the Russians
attacked another patrol which was substantially reinforced. Nor-
mally, the Chinese were chased off by wooden clubs but this time
firepower was used. In a sustained battle in which both used small
and medium weapons, many were left dead and wounded on each
side.21 The Russians retreated and made additional preparations.
The Chinese too called for heavier armoury and firing began on
15 March. Accounts differ on who started the firing.22 The Russians
lost a tank, which got stuck in ice between the islands and the
Chinese shore, and the rest of the battle was centred for three days
on the prestige of recovering or retaining the tank. The Chinese
took the tank and the island, while Russians continued to use
artillery shelling and made attempts to recover and later destroy
the tank. Gunfire was sporadically exchanged till 21 March, when
the Chinese stopped firing.23 The Russians, although numerically
larger in number, made no more attempts take the islands. The
infantry, the tanks and artillery all contributed to the battle, which
lasted for about a week.
Given the technological advances and the geographical sprawl
(which helps dispersal, and by implication, credibility) of both coun-
tries, it was unlikely that either China or Russia could succeed in
a punishing first strike against the other. One also wonders what
role the other powers like the US would have played if they had
19
‘…clearly implied that Moscow might feel impelled to do the same against
China’ (Steele 1983: 140).
20
Maxwell 1973.
21
According to Maxwell (ibid.), on the Russian side about 70 were killed or
wounded and on the Chinese side 20 were killed and 34 wounded.
22
Although Maxwell’s account (ibid.) says the Russians began first, Steele
(1983), Ambroz (1972) and Hoffman and Fleron (1980) say the Chinese fired first.
23
This is according to Soviet accounts. See Maxwell 1973 and Robinson 1981.
been given the necessary negotiating space. The US probably did

not want to play a role. It has also been proposed that at the heart
of the conflict were political causes. Mao was probably trying to
divert attention from the Cultural Revolution chaos—there were
demonstrations against Russians—while Steele asserts, ‘only if
Brezhnev and his colleagues had been able to go against all their
inherited assumptions and show willingness to deal with Peking
as an equal could the conflict have been resolved.’24 Besides, in
the Chinese perception, ‘very large Soviet forces (were) stationed
along the borders and in Mongolia ... to influence the Chinese
negotiating position through coercion.’25
The incident at least helped the two sides to come to the nego-
tiating table. On 11 September 1969, the Russian Prime Minister
Kosygin flew to Peking on his way home from the funeral of Ho
Chi Minh, for a hastily arranged meeting with the Chinese Premier
Chou En-lai. The two agreed on negotiations which started on
20 October and dragged on for some years. The concession that the
Chinese gave was dropping their demand for Russian acknow-
ledgement of the treaties as ‘unequal’, as a precondition for negoti-
ations. These negotiations continued till China disengaged itself
from them in 1979 after the Soviet Union became engaged in
Afghanistan. These were subsequently restarted in 1982. Having
come so close to a full-scale war, the two sides consciously left some
channels of communications open until history took its own course.
Each claimed that the island was on its side. The Chinese stated
that according to international law, in the case of navigable bound-
ary rivers, the central line of the main channel should form the
boundary line that determines the ownership of the islands.
Chenpao and two other islands are situated on the Chinese side of
the central line of the main channel of the Ussuri river and come
under Chinese jurisdiction.26 The Russians contended that ac-
cording to the 1860 Peking Treaty, all land on the right side of the
Ussuri belonged to Russia, while the land on the left bank was
Chinese. A map appended to the treaty, they claimed, showed
Damansky and many other islands on their side of the Ussuri.27
24
Steele 1983: 143.
25
Gelman 1980: 619.
26
Ambroz 1972: 138.
27
Ibid.: 138.
The Soviets attempted to raise the issue with the Americans who
insisted that it was a bilateral problem. On 11 March, Ambassador
Dobrynin raised the Ussuri river incident in a meeting with Henry
Kissinger. Kissinger has written, ‘when I tried to change the subject
by suggesting that it was a Sino–Soviet problem, Dobrynin insisted
passionately that China was everybody’s problem.’28 Kissinger
further adds, that when he spoke to President Nixon, the latter re-
marked how unexpected events could have a major effect. The US
saw a role for itself and some communications exchanged on general
US–Soviet relations were based on ‘long-term’ considerations.29
There was repeated speculation that circumstances were just
right for a Soviet pre-emptive ‘surgical strike’ against Chinese
nuclear installations.30 At the same time, there was perhaps no
guarantee of a 100 per cent success, had a pre-emptive strike taken
place.31 Chinese nuclear installations were spread out geograph-
ically from Lop Nur (the test site) to Aksu, Urumchi and much
further eastwards to Haiyen, Lanchou and Paotou. Had the Soviets
decided to carry out the surgical strikes with a 75 per cent success
rate, China would have retaliated with whatever nuclear weapons
it had after the first strike, leading to escalation to the nuclear level.
In June 1969, when the talks opened, the Soviet premier openly
admitted that they had reached a stalemate.32 This was reflected
in military affairs. The Military Affairs Commission of the Chinese
Communist Party completed a report on military preparedness, ‘on
the basis of which some reinforcement of frontier areas may have
taken place.’33 The Soviets too had reinforced their deployments.
The year 1971 saw diplomatic openings for China when it became
a permanent member of the UN Security Council. An invitation
to President Nixon was another example of the changing position
of China in the international system. Diplomatic relations was
established with 13 countries. ‘All of this could be seen as a part of
China’s competition with the Soviet Union for ideological leader-
ship of the under developed countries, but was also portrayed by
28
Kissinger 1979: 172.
29
Ibid.: 173.
30
IISS 1969–71, here 1969.
31
Ibid.
32
IISS 1969–71, here 1970.
33
Ibid.
China as part of the struggle against the super powers trying to

divide the world.’34
Both the states played the brinkmanship game, fully realising
that neither could win a conventional war. Militarily, the Soviets
were much more powerful, and had delivery systems that could
project a warhead not just to any part of China but also to any part
of the world. Had Russia decided to go in for surgical strikes, much
of Chinese nuclear weapons complexes would have been damaged,
although perhaps a 100 per cent strike rate would not have been
possible. Military build-up by both the states continued. The nuclear
prowess too was enhanced. A clash that left a causalty figure of
about 100 in a week suggests that had battle continued for a longer
period, the figure could have been higher. Also, the border between
the two states being more than 2,000 miles long, had any other
sector opened, there could have been a problem of containing the
conflict or even de-escalating it once it reached a different level.
No external power played any role and the two sides continued
their military build-up. Channels of communication were opened
after the incident and talks rambled on without any result.
Eventually, China agreed to come to the negotiating table, signed
a one-year navigation agreement with respect to the disputed river,
and gave up its insistence that the unequalness of the old treaties
that had determined the Sino–Soviet border had rendered them
worthless. Up to a point, the Soviet strategy seems to have worked.
But in the long run, it did not. Once the crisis had been resolved,
the Chinese backed away from negotiations, as they had no in-
tention of carrying the Soviet terms to conclusion.35
According to international law, a boundary is not merely a line,
but a line in a borderland. Boundaries are one of the most signifi-
cant manifestations of territorial sovereignty.36 It seems that with
increasing claims of the Peaking Treaty being obsolete by China
34
IISS 1969–71, here 1971: 55.
35
Robinson 1981.
36
Exceptional instances of boundaries, as in the Chenpao case, are termed
‘voisinage’ in international law. ‘Where the borderland is of such character that,
notwithstanding the boundary line running through it, the territory itself and its
inhabitants are fused for all practical purposes, the two or more states concerned
may tolerate (either by treaty or conduct) the existence in the borderland of
administrative and other practices, for example the free movement of officials
throughout the borderland …’ (Starke 1989: 189). ‘In the case of a non-navigable
and the change in customary international law with a (by now)

wider acceptance of the principle of Thalweg, the Soviet Union
decided to forgo its claims on the islands: an inglorious exit no
superpower would want. Or perhaps, the Soviet Union did not
want to engage in a protracted conflict there.
Either way, just like the Cuban missile crisis, where shots were
not fired, this conflict brought forth the point that nuclear weapons
states do not necessarily deter each other and that there is always
the risk of escalation arising out of many factors, including mis-
perception, miscommunication and underestimating adversarial
capabilities.
Ì KARGIL CRISIS
In 1999, India and Pakistan battled over Kargil (Map 2.1) which
became the second instance after the 1969 Ussuri river clashes where
two overt nuclear weapons states went to war. The indisputable
facts of the Kargil War were that in the summer of 1999, just a few
months after the highs of the Lahore Declaration, Pakistani army
regulars and irregulars occupied high positions in the mountainous
Kargil sub-sector that was on the Indian side of the line of control.
India was taken by surprise, as intelligence agencies failed to de-
tect the presence of a large number of mujahideen intruders firmly
entrenched in the heights in Kargil, overlooking the strategic high-
way connecting Srinagar to Leh. The Kargil region is more than
15,000 feet high and the winter temperatures are below –20ºC. These
mujahideen forces numbering more than 3,000 men were equipped
with all kinds of weapons, including shoulder fired Stinger mis-
siles. They had rations that could last them six months and winter
clothing that helped them survive the sub-zero temperatures.
river the boundary line in the absence of contrary treaty provision runs down
the middle of the river ….’ This is called the ‘median line’ and it was adopted for
non-navigable rivers by the peace treaties of 1919–20. ‘Where the river is navigable
the boundary line as a rule runs through the middle line of the deepest navigable
channel, or as it was technically called the Thalweg.’ Only in exceptional cases,
one bank of the river is the boundary, while the whole bed is under the sovereignty
of the other country. ‘This is an exceptional case arising under treaty or by long
established peaceable occupation’ (ibid.: 189).
The mission was logistically supported by Pakistan, but perhaps

Pakistan had not thought out the political and strategic end clearly.37
Pakistan started raising the bogey of nuclear exchange—Kashmir
being a nuclear flashpoint at an early stage—and the element of
surprise gave the country the advantage.38 The Prime Minister of
Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, said, ‘last year’s nuclear tests have given
Pakistan the confidence to counter any enemy attack …. They
(people) are confident for the first time in their history that in the
eventuality of an armed attack they will be able to meet it on equal
terms.’39 Given the overt nuclearisation of Pakistan in May 1998,
this threat was perceived to have obvious connotations in India.
India started discovering these intrusions towards the end of
May 1999, by which time these intruders were well entrenched in
the mountains. The Indian options were limited to either crossing
the line of control to stop their supplies or continuing to bear losses
as the forces tried climbing the mountain tops. If India opened
up another front, there would have been tremendous domestic
political pressures within Pakistan to respond with an all-out war.
In an all-out war scenario, either side would have been prompted
to use nuclear weapons, incurring heavy losses. Escalation to a
nuclear level would not then have been ruled out. The issue of
crossing the line of control was seriously debated in India.40
37
The assumptions were probably: (a) The international community would
intervene or stop the war at an early stage; (b) the coalition government in India
was a mere caretaker government and would not be able to respond quickly, as
it was weak; (c) with the pressure on the Srinagar–Leh highway and the supplies
to Leh getting choked, India would respond by opening another front, whereby
the onus of escalation would lie on India; (d) a military operation under the garb
of mujahideens would focus the world’s attention on Kashmir and the issue would
be further internationalised. The nuclear status of the two countries would ring
an alarm for the world at large.
38
See Akram 1998. Also see The Times of India 1999a and The News International
1999b.
39
The News International 1999a. The Pakistani Foreign Secretary, Mr Shamshad
Ahmad, warned that Islamabad would use ‘any weapon’ in its arsenal to defend
the country’s territorial integrity. The Foreign Secretary told The News/Jang news-
paper: ‘We will not hesitate to use any weapon in our arsenal to defend our terri-
torial integrity.’ See The News International 1999a. Also see Baruah 1999a, 1999b;
Dutt 1999; The Asian Age 1999; The Indian Express 1999a; The Hindustan Times 1999;
The News International 1999b, 1999d; The Times of India, 1999a, 1999b; and Zafar 1999.
40
See Roy Chowdhury and Singh 1999. The issue was discussed many times
at the Cabinet Committee on Security as well.
It seems that India had taken a carefully considered decision

at the very beginning not to cross the LoC, in spite of voices being
raised in Pakistan questioning the LoC itself.41 The argument
perhaps was that the war could escalate with nuclear weapons in
both countries; it would be difficult to try to contain it. There were
voices in India that it was the nuclear weapons capability which
prevented India from crossing the LoC. It also became clear that
the bogey of Kashmir being a nuclear flashpoint was directed more
at the international community and did not have credibility. There-
fore, India did not cross the LoC and continued to pay a heavy
personnel and material price instead.
Map Ë 2.1
Jammu and Kashmir (inset Kargil)
Source: www.indianembassy.org/new/Kargil/J&K_Map.html.
41
This was surprising, as after the Simla Agreement in 1972, the LoC was
very clearly delineated by Lt Gen P.S. Bhagat and the then Director, Military
Operations, Maj Gen I.S. Gill from India, and from the Pakistani side by
Contrary to its expectations, Pakistan calculated that India’s con-

ventional advantage would be offset by mutual nuclear deterrence,
and that the former could increase the activities of mujahideens in
a calibrated manner without fear of conventional retaliation from
India.42 Despite warnings from eminent strategic thinkers over a
period of time, the BJP-led NDA (National Democratic Alliance)
government in India did not anticipate the emergence of such a
‘stability–instability paradox’.43 Pakistan trusted its ‘strategic ally’
China to provide material assistance. However, in spite of the
Pakistani Foreign Minister Sartaj Aziz personally visiting Beijing,
this did not happen as China distanced itself from the conflict,
asking India and Pakistan to bilaterally resolve it. Pakistan had to
then look towards Washington, and following the 4 July Dec-
laration,44 the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had to make a
Lt Gen Hameed Khan and the then Director, Military Operations, Brig S.M. Abbasi.
They were assisted by deputy directors of survey from India and with adequate
number of trained survey personnel and survey equipment from Pakistan. The
senior military commanders of the two sides were assisted by three sector com-
manders along the entire length of 740 km of the line of control which was divided
in three segments, namely, the southern, central and the northern sectors. In
turn, sector commanders were assisted by sub-sector commanders to do the
groundwork on the entire line of control. For example, in the northern sector
were included the four sub-sector commanders of Partapur, Kargil (including
Batalik), Shingo (Kaksar) and Drass, which are the areas of current conflict. Sector
and sub-sector commanders of the two countries worked in close cooperation.
In the whole exercise, two sets of maps each comprising 27 maps were prepared.
These marked maps were joined and 19 mosaics prepared, thus clearly delineating
the entire stretch of the line of control running through 740 km, starting from
Sangam and ending at Pt NJ-9842. Besides the maps, there were 19 annexures
consisting of 40 pages, giving the details of every feature, landmark and co-
ordinates of the line of control. After being signed by two senior military com-
manders, Lt Gen P.S. Bhagat and Lt Gen Hameed Khan, it was subsequently
accepted by the two governments, and on 20 December 1972, a joint statement
by the Indian and Pakistan governments was released to the media delineation
in conformity with the line of control in Jammu and Kashmir. There should be
absolutely no reason for any reservation in anyone’s mind in India or Pakistan
that there is anything vague or uncertain about the line of control in Jammu and
Kashmir. See Chibber 2003. Lt Gen M.L. Chibber was Deputy Director of Military
Operations after the 1971 war.
42
Siddiqa-Agha 2001: 178–83.
43
Krepon and Gagné 2001.
44
Observe the language of the Clinton–Sharif 4 July 1999 Washington Declar-
ation: ‘President Clinton and Prime Minister Sharif share the view that the current
fighting in the Kargil region of Kashmir is dangerous and contains the seeds of a
‘personal appeal’ to the intruders to withdraw. By this time, India,

using its army and air force (the air force had been used in a war-
time operation after 1971) had regained up to 80 per cent of the
territory from the intruders. Most of the capitals around the world
made strong appeals for respecting the line of control.
PAKISTANS STRATEGY
The strategy that Pakistan had chalked out is not difficult to under-
stand. Calling the mujahideens in Kashmir freedom fighters, Pakistan
thought that the population of the Kashmir valley might end up
supporting it, and India would find it extremely difficult to contain
the situation. Additionally, the international opinion would oscil-
late between the issue of Kashmir and nuclear weapons, and
Pakistan would not be blamed. Actually, Pakistani army regulars
masqueraded as mujahideens, although during the Kargil War
Pakistan denied the presence of its army regulars. Some months
later, however, the Pakistani government even gave gallantry
awards to these soldiers.45 Kashmir supported the Indian response
to the intrusion like the rest of the country and did not shelter the
intruders. Second, the intruders had occupied strategic heights
overlooking the Srinagar–Leh highway and could prevent the move-
ment of traffic and supplies to Leh (Map 2.2).46 There are reports
wider conflict. They also agreed that it was vital for the peace of South Asia that
the line of control in Kashmir be respected by both parties, in accordance with the
1972 Shimla accord. It was agreed between the President and the Prime Minister
that concrete steps will be taken for the restoration of the line of control in accord-
ance with the Shimla Agreement. The President urged an immediate cessation
of the hostilities once these steps are taken’ (Joint US–Pakistan statement 1999).
45
In a function some months after the war, these war heroes were decorated.
For instance, the country’s highest gallantry award, the Nishan-e-Haider, was given
to Capt Karnal Sher Khan and Havaldar Lalak Jan, both of the Northern Light
Infantry. A total of 95 officers and soldiers were given battle honours—out of
which 71 were posthumously awarded. ‘Captain Karnal Sher Khan’s valour was
seen first hand by the Indian Army and an Indian Army Captain insisted that
Karnal Sher Khan’s memory should be treated with due respect. The Indian
Captain said we are a professional army and respect another professional soldier
even when he is from the enemy side. And we would feel happy if a soldier like
Karnal Sher gets recognition for his bravery’ (Sawant 2000). For more details on
Pakistani war heroes, see PIADS 2001.
46
There is another route to Leh from Manali in Himachal Pradesh, via the
Rohtang Pass, Keylong and Sarchu.
that Pakistan had been planning such an operation and the

Pakistani army could thereafter move into the Siachen region. It is
also clear that Pakistan had spent money, energy and strategic
planning to execute an operation of this magnitude. A passage by
Altaf Gauhar, an information advisor to Field Marshal Mohammad
Ayub Khan, makes this point clear: ‘The occupation of the strategic
hilltops in Dras (sic), Kargil and Leh has been a major objective of
the Pakistan Army … in 1987 General Zia-ul-Haq authorised the
preparation of a war plan to occupy several positions in the Kargil
sector.’47 Following the political, diplomatic, and to some extent,
military loss, there began a blame game in Pakistan culminating
in the coup of October 1999. Many questions were raised, like ‘what
was this operation all about? Who was its real mastermind? When
were the operations planned and what kind of forces were used
to take control of the strategic heights and ridges in the Kargil–
Drass region? And, most importantly, were the diplomatic fallouts,
or for that matter the expected gains and losses, taken into account
before embarking on this adventure?48 There has always been a
delicate balance in Pakistan between civilian and military hier-
archies. These were put to test after its Kargil misadventure: both
the civilian and military leaderships indulged in the blame game,
covertly and publicly.49
If indeed nuclear weapons deter the use of nuclear weapons,
does that mean that states should be more than prepared for con-
ventional and sub-conventional conflicts? One wonders how the
states would have reacted if any of the following situations had
arisen—had Pakistan opened another front, or had India decided
to cross the line of control. Once domestic pressures begin to accu-
mulate, a definite result is what states look for; otherwise ‘backing
off’ without tangible results might be conceived as a sign of weak-
ness in a future crisis situation by the adversary. What is unclear
is the connection between nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan
and specific politico-military objectives in the event of outbreak
of hostilities.
47
Gauhar 1999.
48
Abbas 1999: 65.
49
See in this context, Jones 2002. Owen Bennett Jones was the then BBC World
correspondent in Islamabad.
Map Ë 2.2
Kargil Battle Region
Source: Available at http://www.rediff.com/news/kargil.htm, accessed on

10 March 2003.
It became clear that Pakistan’s expectation of international

mediation on Kashmir due to concern over nuclearisation in South
Asia was too optimistic. Though concerned about the situation,
the international community nevertheless wanted both countries
to exercise restraint and resolve the issue peacefully through bi-
lateral dialogue. The Indian assessment was that Pakistan had
resorted to adventurism, having failed to secure international
mediation on Kashmir. As The Kargil Review Committee Report notes,
‘It committed aggression in Kargil by crudely violating the LoC,
using its regular forces in civil dress along with some mujahideen.
It was able to re-focus international attention on Kashmir but, much
to its surprise, in a manner that was critical of its rash and unpro-
voked action in the wake of the Lahore Declaration.’50 Once the
scale of the intrusion was known, the Indian military forces handled
the situation effectively, though with considerable restraint, since
50
Kargil Review Committee 2000.
there were pressures to cross the LoC. Pakistan continued to project

Kashmir as being a nuclear flashpoint. The international com-
munity did not favour alteration of the status quo through overt
use of regular and irregular forces and covert nuclear blackmail.
The 1990 Gulf War had strengthened the foundation of the norm
against altering the status quo by use of force. Pakistan obviously
overlooked this factor. International pressure mounted on Pakistan
to withdraw its forces and respect the sanctity of the LoC. This
underlines the message that the international community is averse
to allowing nuclear blackmail to alter the long-established status
quo.
The Kargil Review Committee Report notes in one place:
what Pakistan attempted at Kargil was a typical case of salami slicing

[government security deletion]. Since India did not cross the LoC
and reacted strictly within its own territory, the effort to conjure up
escalation of a kind that could lead to nuclear war did not succeed.
Despite their best effort Pakistan was unable to link its Kargil caper
with a nuclear flashpoint, though some foreign observers believe it
was a near thing.51
After the Kargil War, the international community ‘insisted with

even greater vehemence than hitherto that the line of control was
inviolable and that Pakistan should respect its sanctity … Pakistan
had managed to enhance its image as an aggressive and unpre-
dictable state.’52 The belief that Pakistan was deliberately seeking
to introduce a nuclear element into the Kargil conflict should be a
cause for concern. The faith in the rationality of the Indo–Pak
leadership in the matter of nuclear weapons therefore seems
somewhat naïve, to say the least. The stakes involved in the failure
of deterrence, whatever the conventional response to such a crisis,
are enormous enough to occasion greater effort being made to
stabilise the fragile Indo–Pak nuclear stand-off.
51
Kargil Review Committee 1999: para 13.57. Although the Committee was
not constituted under the Commissions of Inquiry Act, it ‘was given the widest
possible access to all relevant documents, including those with the highest
classification and to officials of the Union and Jammu and Kashmir Governments.’
52
Jones 2002: 104.
Ì CONCLUSION
The deterrent value of nuclear weapons during the Cold War era
was premised on their ability to deter nuclear and large-scale
conventional conflict. Even as assumptions have been made that
they are basically unusable, there has existed a belief that they
could be used as a last resort option, a position that was also argued
by the P-5 in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In spite of a
growing norm against further proliferation and testing of these
weapons in the post-Cold War world, the United States has stressed
the deterrent value of nuclear weapons against biological or
chemical weapons attack as well. A stance like this by the world’s
superpower has served to enhance their military value and en-
courage the old beliefs that nuclear weapons are just another kind
of weaponry that are not to be abhorred. But the question remains,
do nuclear weapons ensure a long-lasting peace in the region?
After examining three cases that involved two nuclear weapons
states where direct confrontation was always in the offing, nuclear
weapons have neither stabilised the region, nor have they helped
in establishing lasting peace. Constant veiled threats were ex-
changed during all the cases examined. Even in the cases where
government reactions were calm, as was the case in the Ussuri
river clashes and the Kargil War, beneath the calm surface there
was always the reality that both sides had the capacity to annihilate
vast populations. Below the tranquil surface there were symptoms
of the volatile interplay between threat and fear. What was im-
portant was the intensity of perceived threat. This was a variable
independent of the military means available and led to increased
pressure on the governments to use the weapon of last resort.
Once armed hostilities break out, maintaining control over events
is a very complex task with uncertainty and misinformation inten-
sifying the threat perception. This can have a catastrophic feed-
back loop. One thread of influence on the government’s actions is
domestic pressure, which is not sensitive to possible outcomes.
The tension between internal and external policy is much more
noticeable in democracies than in authoritarian regimes. However,
depending on powerful decision-influencing sources that exist in
any state, even authoritarian regimes come under pressure.
In the Ussuri river clashes, once the Chinese knew that they
could match Soviet firepower, they were prepared to fight longer
battles. The earlier motive of retaining the control of the island
was no longer the ultimate aim. Even if the Soviets carried out a
surgical strike on Chinese nuclear facilities, there was every chance
of escalation as there could not have been a 100 per cent success
rate of a first strike. A Chinese retaliatory strike would then have
at least had the capability of knocking out a few Soviet cities. Again,
in the case of the Cuban missile crisis, one does not know of the
decision-making process and motivations of the Soviets.
Based on this assumption, can a similar conclusion be drawn
for the Kargil War as well? It is likely that Pakistan did not calculate
all possible outcomes of the high altitude adventure. The key figure
in planning and executing the operation, General Musharraf, may
have just informed the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif that he
would like to increase activity along the line of control but perhaps
not all details were shared.53 After initial gains which emboldened
the Pakistan backed intruders, the attention-seeking ploy turned
out to be a dangerous game in brinkmanship.54 Once Pakistan
started realising that winning was out of question and no state was
willing to intervene on its behalf, a face-saving formula was worked
out. Internationally, Pakistan stood isolated and it was only after
the 4 July 1999 Washington Agreement with US President Bill Clinton
that it could find a way out of the situation. The Chinese and West-
ern refusal to give countenance to the Pakistani operation was a
big disappointment to Islamabad. A bigger disappointment was
the fact that both countries being declared nuclear weapons states
and democracies at the same time went to a war that had all the
elements of escalation. Many Pakistanis now privately acknow-
ledge that not just this war, but even all the earlier ones that
Pakistan fought for Kashmir, never involved an assessment of all
possible outcomes and it is invariably prone to change strategies
midway.55 The conclusion of the Kargil conflict did not ensure any
moderation in Pakistan’s behaviour; on the contrary, incidents of
cross-border terrorism have only increased, as have the number
53
See the chapter on the 1999 coup in Jones 2002.
54
India lost two fighter jets and a helicopter in the first week.
55
Personal impressions gathered in a visit to Pakistan during March–April 2000.
of fidayeen attacks upon Indian military and paramilitary forces,

installations and administrative headquarters in Kashmir. The
irrationality of this strategy arises from the reality that, ‘allowing
the practice of cross-border terrorism to dictate policy effectively
legitimizes the behaviour, and Pakistan simply cannot afford to
support a policy in Kashmir that if applied within Pakistan’s bor-
ders would threaten the integrity of the state.’56
For years Pakistan believed that it could bleed India through
Kashmir. The May 1998 tests further encouraged it as Islamabad
thought that stability at the nuclear level makes sub-conventional
conflict safer without the risk of escalation.57 The Kargil conflict
demonstrated that Pakistan could be a reckless adventurist and
a risk-prone state that is capable of behaving astrategically and
irrationally. The possession of nuclear weapons has raised the
threshold for Pakistan to take risks. This was further proved by
the suicide attack on the Indian Parliament on 11 December 2001.
But in the post-Parliament attack phase, India decided to play
tough. This time, New Delhi decided that relentless military and
diplomatic pressure and war rhetoric with subtle threats of pati-
ence running out could alter the outcome of the crisis in its favour,
and it could also get the Western world to build pressure on
Pakistan. To be taken credibly, India had to ensure that its threat
of initiating an armed conflict was taken seriously. To some extent,
this strategy paid off. Indian and Western pressure resulted in
General Musharraf’s speech on 12 January 2002, wherein he made
tall promises of Pakistan officially stopping support to terrorists.
This was a change from Pakistan’s stance till recently that it could
manipulate the risks of a nuclear confrontation purely for political
reasons, and when India upped the ante it could cry nuclear wolf,
attract global attention to the Kashmir ‘flashpoint’ and get away
with it.
The conclusion that one can draw from the three cases is that
even though states want to acquire nuclear weapons to strengthen
their security and to augment their forces against their adversary,
this often leads to a nuclear dilemma, and the adversary too makes
all efforts to acquire similar capabilities. There remain chances that
56
Joeck 2000.
57
India has sought to counter this now by seriously debating escalation control
in a limited war scenario.
in any armed conflict between two adversaries, the losing state

would want to use all the weapons at its disposal to ensure political,
social, economic and regime survival. Often decision makers fail to
calculate all possible outcomes and mid-crisis motivations change.
Even against geographically small state surgical strikes, there can
be no guarantee that all the nuclear assets of the adversary would
be destroyed and that there would remain none to inflict a retali-
atory strike, while limited wars or salami slicing tactics always
have incentives for the loser to use all weapons at its disposal.
Further, escalation control in any conflict operates in a dynamic
strategic environment. Nuclear weapons do not prevent the out-
break of armed conflict; on the contrary, they increase the chances
of skirmishes that contain seeds of escalation to the nuclear level.
Moreover, nuclear weapons also encourage low intensity adven-
turism even if all outcomes have not been thought through, and
there is no exit strategy.
CHAPTER 3
REVISITING DETERRENCE
Escalation, while it conveys resolve, if premature or miscalculated,

risks provoking the outcome it was initiated to forestall ... military
passivity, on the other hand, is decidedly unprovocative
but may weaken or even undermine deterrence.
—Richard Ned Lebow
C
old War foes projected threats of sudden cold-blooded
attacks, whilst expressing their faith in deterrence. The idea
of deterrence is premised on the belief that rationally cal-
culating decision makers would refrain from a first strike, fearing
a massive retaliatory strike. Deterrence becomes the central theme
in military strategy once states acquire nuclear weapons. It is also
the most important issue in any armed confrontation. This chapter
investigates the nuances of deterrence in the triangular competition
between China, India and Pakistan.
After the Second World War, which ushered in the age of nuclear
strategy, two seminal works appeared—The Absolute Weapon by
Bernard Brodie and There Will be No Time: The Revolution in Strategy
by William Borden.1 These two books broadly set the parameters
of the utility and strategic culture of nuclear weapons. Strategic
culture may be defined, in Colin Gray’s words, as ‘the socially con-
structed and transmitted assumptions, habits of mind, traditions,
and preferred methods of operation—that is, behaviour—that are
more or less specific to a particular geographically based security
community.’2 Brodie argued that the use of nuclear weapons could
not have military objectives because of their awesome destructive
capability. Much later, the distinction between the actual use and
1
Brodie 1946; Borden 1946.
2
Gray 1999: 28.
Revisiting Deterrence 61
deterrent force of nuclear weapons began to be discussed as deter-

rence by punishment and deterrence by denial.3
Ì PUNISHMENT
Deterrence by punishment fundamentally seeks to prevent ag-
gression by threat of punishing retaliation. The 1950s American
strategies of massive retaliation and assured destruction are good
examples of deterrence by punishment.4 The central objective of
assured destruction was ‘to deter deliberate nuclear attack upon
the United States ….’5 Massive retaliation was no different from
this and was more explicit in its threat of punishment as the means
to deter the Soviet Union.6 The credibility of American massive
retaliation started getting questioned once Soviet forces began
growing. The fundamental concern of the American forces then
became the US ability to retaliate after surviving a Soviet ‘first
strike’. This added the term ‘second strike’ to the growing nuclear
literature. Credibility of the threat of a punishing retaliation, there-
fore, became a focal point.7 There was a big information gap and
American estimates of Soviet capability were way off the mark.
This lack of information only added to the threat perception. In
fact, Soviet forces were much weaker than what the US estimated.8
Even at the beginning of this century, US policy is based on using
nuclear weapons once deterrence has failed.9
3
Barry Buzan denies that any such distinction exists. He contends that the
only real difference is between deterrence and compellance. See Buzan 1987.
4
See Dulles 1973: 62–64.
5
See McNamara 1968: 52.
6
Dulles 1973. Massive retaliation was not just a military strategy but was also
used to deter Soviet ‘aggression’ in the 1970s and the 1980s.
7
In the context of vulnerability of the American forces, see Talbott 1989.
8
See in this context, Prados 1982.
9
See The US Air Force 1994: para 1.2.1. If deterrence does fail, the use of nuclear
weapons should have definite objectives. These objectives should: (a) forcibly
change the perceptions of enemy leaders about their ability to win; (b) demon-
strate to enemy leaders that if the conflict continues or escalates, certain loss
outweighs any potential gain; (c) encourage negotiations; (d) preclude the enemy
from achieving its objectives; (e) ensure the success of the attack by the US or its
allied forces. The purpose of using nuclear weapons can range from producing a
political decision at the strategic level of conflict to being used to directly support
The issue central to McNamara’s strategy of assured retaliation

was, what constitutes punishment? There was, for a long time, no
definite answer to this question. McNamara was of the view that
a level could be achieved by having the capacity to inflict damage
to 20 to 25 per cent of the Soviet population along with a capability
of destroying 50 per cent of the Soviet industry. The main question
remained unanswered in maintaining nuclear deterrence through
the threat of punishment—the amount of forces that can survive
an adverse attack and are able to retaliate punitively.
Ì DENIAL
As the term itself implies, deterrence by denial is a function of de-
fence. But as Glenn Snyder had originally suggested, the true dis-
tinction might not be between deterrence by punishment and
deterrence by denial but between deterrence and defence, as it is
defence that remains the true objective of strategists. 10 The central
logic of deterrence by denial is premised on the failure of deter-
rence. Denial strategists assume that deterrence can fail and they
prepare for that eventuality. They thereby try to prevent aggression
by the adversary by convincing the aggressor through defence pre-
parations that its aggression would face certain failure. Strategic-
ally preparing for deterrence by denial is a complex task. There have
to be strategic offensive forces, a command and control system11
that can survive nuclear exchange,12 strategic defensive forces, and
military operations in theatre warfare. All uses of nuclear weapons will have
strategic implications, regardless of the targets attacked, and in all circumstances
require presidential approval. Options for employing nuclear weapons may have
a greater impact on conflict than operations involving only conventional
weapons.
10
See Snyder 1961.
11
Shaun R. Gregory has given a working definition of command and control
as ‘an agreement of facilities, personnel, procedures and means of information
acquisition, processing, dissemination and decision-making used by national
command authorities and military commanders in planning, directing and
controlling military operations’ (Gregory 1996: 3–4).
12
One could also include the category of accidental nuclear exchange in this,
which, as Paul Bracken opines, results from the technical failure of individual
components of a system or from unpredictable human error. Inadvertent war is
the result of a process in which crises escape control for a variety of reasons.
a society that is prepared for nuclear war.13 Theoretically, surviving

a first strike and the capability of the force to go for retaliatory
strike are difficult questions and a matter of much debate.
Typically, deterrence seeks to clarify the actions of the adversary
that are to be deterred, that is, to specify the actions to which the
deferrer will respond by inflicting some form of punishment on
the aggressor. The other version that literature recognises is deny-
ing the adversary the actions it might want to take by an over-
whelming force capability. This also implies that it may just be
harder to make clear and credible deterrent threats that provide
an insurance against all possible adverse actions that one wishes
to prevent. Michael Howard has defined deterrence as a policy
that seeks to persuade an adversary, through the threat of military
retaliation, that the costs of using military force to resolve political
conflict will outweigh the benefits.14
Deterrence theory is based on the assumption that there is a
certain measure of transparency of intent and capability. In prin-
ciple, the party to be deterred should be in a position to calculate
the deterrer’s capability and willingness to use force. Also involved
in the calculation is the degree of accuracy, to determine whether
or not the adversary could proceed with its desired course of
action.15 On deterrence, Bernard Brodie once rued that there was
‘much dogmatism but little searching inquiry.’16 Ever since the
advent of nuclear weapons, the concept of nuclear deterrence has
become central to military strategy. However, although on the face
of it the concept of deterrence appears simple, it has proved ex-
tremely complicated to implement in practice. The challenge of
Inadvertent war ‘flows from an escalation process in which each side keeps
seeking an edge until the unintended eruption occurs’ (Bracken 1983: 129).
13
See in this context, Gray 1984. See also Jones and Thompson 1978.
14
Howard 1982/83: 315.
15
The other view on this is that there also has to be a degree of opacity and
uncertainty that strengthens the process of deterrence. Most states do not reveal
much beyond making a customary declaration that their command and control
structure is in place. India, for instance, in announcing its Nuclear Command
Authority, merely indicated that ‘The Government also mentions that it has
“reviewed and approved the arrangements for alternate chains of command for
retaliatory nuclear strikes in all eventualities.” This is a reference to a situation in
which the Prime Minister may be incapacitated during a crisis’ (Mohan 2003b).
16
Brodie 1970: 168.
maintaining stable deterrence is revealed as the challenge of

strategy. While this is true, neither deterrence nor strategy—to
which deterrence is a highly dependent variable—can be under-
stood to be a function of a single dominant factor. Writing in 1960,
Thomas Schelling had argued, ‘What is impressive is not how
complicated the idea of deterrence has become, and how carefully
it has been refined and developed, but how slow the process has
been, how vague the concepts still are, and how inelegant the cur-
rent theory of deterrence is.’17 This was more than four decades
ago. Although much has been written since then, as the world
changes, new alliances are being formed to counter unforeseen
enemies. Weapons of mass destruction have become linked to
irrational non-state actors which make all theories of rational
deterrence redundant.
The central premise of deterrence is rationality. It assumes that
under certain circumstances opponents will share similar value
structures. On this is premised the notion that adversaries will ne-
cessarily choose alternatives that will ensure their survival rather
than destruction. Therefore, at the core of deterrence theory is a
notion of rational deterrence premised on three assumptions: ade-
quate capabilities, a clearly communicated threat and a credible
willingness to carry out the threat.18 Many theorists stress strong
material cost–benefit logic to deterrence and a strong rationalism.19
But if one assumes that decision makers in states employing nuclear
weapons are rational, then self-interest naturally deters the state,
as retaliation would cause overwhelming devastation to the state
and society. Decision makers are not essentially dispersed along a
one-dimensional yardstick that extends from complete rationality
at one end to complete irrationality at the other. Thomas Schelling
is of the opinion that ‘[r]ationality is a collection of attributes, and
departures from complete rationality maybe in many different
directions.’20 Even the presence of overwhelming nuclear weapons
in a state and the prospect of completely annihilating the adversary
17
Schelling 1960. He goes on to say, ‘on strategic matters of which deterrence
is an example, those who have tried to devise policies to meet urgent problems
have had little or no help from an already existing body of theory, but have had
to create their own as they went along.’
18
Kaufmann 1956a: 19.
19
See Achen and Snidal 1989; Little 1991.
20
Schelling 1960.
do not provide deterrence; it is rationality that stops a nation from

deploying its nuclear forces. The US was perhaps facing such a di-
lemma during the Vietnam War, and yet it could not garner itself
to use nuclear weapons on Vietnam even though it was fighting a
losing battle.
The theory of nuclear deterrence assumes that before initiating
armed conflict, decision makers are going to perform a cost–benefit
analysis, which underlines de Mesquita’s expected utility theory.21
The literature on deterrence evolved in what Robert Jervis calls
‘waves’.22 It was only after the 1949 nuclear test by the Soviet Union
and the Korean War in the 1950s that a greater interest began to
be taken in the theoretical aspects of nuclear deterrence. The Korean
War also led to an increase in the volume of literature on limited
war. The ambiguous, costly and prolonged conflict in East Asia
proved to be highly frustrating for Americans. In opposition to
Gen Douglas MacArthur’s thesis that in war there is no substitute
for victory, the advocates of limited war argued that in the emerg-
ing nuclear era wars must be kept non-nuclear and the military
objectives of war have to be kept strictly non-nuclear.23 It was
essential, in their view, to devise ground rules for preventing war
from escalating, even if this meant an agonisingly bitter struggle
that resulted only in stalemate.24
21
He concedes the successful outcome of war to be a function of relative power
capabilities. Here power is taken in the most comprehensive sense. In any given
conflict, decision makers on both sides are likely to perceive possible outcomes
from the conflict differentially. Bueno de Mesquita constructs nine hypothetical
international systems with varying distributions of strong and weak states. He
has included varying risk-taking orientations among decision makers. He has
calculated the probability of success, the actors’ risk–security levels and their
expected utility of war. He concludes that no particular distribution of power
has exclusive claim as a predictor of peace or war. He supports this through the
empirical record of the period 1816–1965 (de Mesquita 1981, 1985).
22
Jervis 1979: 291.
23
The debate over nuclear deterrence gained impetus after the Eisenhower
administration enunciated the doctrine of ‘massive retaliation.’ No longer was
the US constrained to fight an indefinite number of costly and long militarily
engaged wars of the type of the Korean War, without resorting to nuclear
weapons. It was in this sense that deterrence was considered a self-fulfilling
prophecy.The US justification of huge arsenals for massive retaliation was that
these were only meant to achieve certain compromise decisions and so the sizes
of arsenals were not derived from meaningful military requirements.
24
George and Smoke 1974: 23–27.
Many theorists have concluded that it should not be assumed

that nuclear weapons would make conventional forces obsolete.
Barry Blechman, Stephen Kaplan, Laurence Martin, Klaus Knorr
and Robert Gilpin, besides many others, have concluded that states
might continue to maintain conventional forces and would use
them to influence political behaviour of the adversary.25 Authors
like Bernard Brodie, Robert Osgood, Donald G. Brennan, Thomas
C. Schelling, Henry Kissinger and Herman Kahn considered stable
deterrence and mutual deterrence in terms that were remarkably
reminiscent of theories of power. They saw the same unsustain-
ability to the theory of deterrence as that of balance of power. This
has put decision makers in a dilemma of whether deterrence is a
stable security situation that is best obtained as a consequence of
continued efforts of both sides in their attempts to attain military
technology, or if it is a policy that requires some degree of cooper-
ative behaviour between adversaries.
Ì DECISION MAKING IN CRISIS: BIOPOLITICS

If the analysis is limited to the strategic equation and moral issues
are kept aside, then the central premise is that all of us have a shared
stake in the survival of our respective national sovereignty. Robert
Jervis raises these questions: Are the psychological attitudes of
decision makers and the range of outcomes in a crisis similar on
either side? Do both sides to the conflict view each other’s threat
as credible? How are decision makers likely to respond if a situ-
ation unfavourable to their desired outcome arises? Jervis considers
decision makers as burdened with ‘unmotivated biases’—pre-
conceptions, images and belief systems. He opines that the fact
that people are not completely rational does not automatically
vitiate the rational deterrence approach.26
Much literature has emanated from the West on decision making
in a crisis. Perhaps the largest project undertaken towards a system-
atic study of international crisis behaviour was the International
Crisis Behaviour Project of Michael Brecher, Jonathan Wilkenfeld
25
See Blechman and Kaplan 1978; Martin 1979; Knorr 1966; and Gilpin 1981.
26
Jervis et al. 1985: chs 1 and 2.
and Sheila Moser, who collected data on 278 international crises

for a 50-year period between 1929 and 1979. It was a comparative
study based on quantitative research. The main goal of this project
was to bring out the dimensions of international crisis, behavioural
patterns of the actors, the bargain between adversaries, the role of
deterrence, the role of allies in crisis management, the causal factors
in the crisis, other possible outcomes, and issues of grand strategy,
power and status.27 The more authoritarian the regime, the greater
the possibility of resorting to violent crisis triggers, and lesser the
numbers of individuals in decision making in crisis.28
The manner in which decision makers grapple with options
before them in any crisis is the outcome of a complex interplay of
key variables. The ‘images of reality’ that are viewed by decision
makers are generally cognitive constructs of situations that may or
may not include all possible alternatives and outcomes involved.
Psychologists tend to agree that constructing these ‘images of
reality’, as well as constructing the relationship between images
and cognition—between the inputs and outputs—and converting
them into a response are complex processes.29
Michael P. Fischer Keller and Richard K. Herrmann have sug-
gested that it is essential to ascertain how decision makers mentally
represent the situation to understand stimulus and process their
choices.30 The variables include perceptions of the enemy, the per-
ceived power of the adversary, the behaviour and likely role of
other actors, the decision makers’ beliefs and preconceived notions
about international systems and global responses to drastic action
undertaken, and long-term implications of any of the outcomes.
27
According to them, it was essential to address crisis behaviour at the micro
level, from the perspective of the individual actors and their foreign policies.
Therefore, foreign policy is premised on two essential conditions that owe their
origins in the states’ external or international politics and strategic environment:
(a) a threat to core values, together with an awareness of finite time for an ade-
quate response to the threat; and (b) a very high probability that armed hostilities
are going to ensue. The authors reached the conclusion that in crisis, actors opted
for smaller, rather than larger, decision-making units. The basic decision-making
unit has more than 10 individuals if it is in existence for a long time (Brecher
et al. 1988).
28
Ibid.
29
See Tetlock and Levi 1982; Sharman et al. 1989; and Gardner 1985.
30
Keller and Herrmann 1995.
Examples of these implications are competing grand strategies

and power play among various departments in the government.
Decision making itself can come under various pressures, ranging
from internal (public opinion, a certain outcome favoured) to ex-
ternal (international actors and organisations) pressures. The
other important variables which are also in a position to influence
outcomes in a crisis include the structure (representations, com-
peting power structures), processing information, personalities
and perceptions of key decision makers, levels of stress, domestic
support, issues of coalition or party (in a multi-party democracy),
and the role of the opposition.
Keller and Herrmann assert that with such a wide range of causal
variables, it is difficult to precisely understand which perceptions
and factors from this list will prevail over others. Martha L. Cottam,
in her work on decision making, has focused on the effect of cog-
nitive patterns of policy makers on their images of international
politics.31 Richard Ned Lebow has suggested the importance of
cognitive and motivational processes as an essential foundation
for analysing decision-making behaviour under crisis.32 He con-
tends that decision makers are likely to interpret, incorporate,
get advised or discard information and maintain perceptions (of
the adversary) based on their existing assumption, perceptions
and predispositions (Figure 3.1).
Going a step further, Jonathan Roberts has even discussed the
implications of biological factors for political decision making in
crisis.33 However, it must highlighted that research in biopolitics
largely remains speculative for a lack of reliable empirical data.
The study of decision-making behaviour during crisis by using the
31
She criticises political scientists who do not differentiate between beliefs
and cognitions or between beliefs and motivations. She warns, ‘Psychology cannot
be blindly applied to political analysis … what psychology does have to offer are
very general guidelines for arguments about how people make political decisions’
(Cottam 1986).
32
Lebow 1981.
33
Like mental illness (depression, paranoia, hypomania, cerebral arterio-
sclerosis and schizophrenia), age factors (speech, understanding, vision, hearing,
memory), fatigue, sleeplessness. See Roberts 1988: ch. 9.
Figure Ë 3.1
Pressures and Forces Acting on the Decision-making
Group or Individual During Crisis
Source: Author’s own illustration.
tool of political psychophysiology is considered a sub-area of bio-

politics, where biological indicators are used to analyse political
behaviour.
From this discussion, a broad pattern of decision making under
stress and various related phenomena can be discerned. In Southern
Asia, like in many other countries, there are issues, such as inter-
bureaucracy competition, rationality of decision-making bodies
or individuals, which are likely to have similar contours.34 Only some
variables change.
34
Some theorists have stated other fundamental drawbacks. Robert Jervis
maintains that a rational strategy for the employment of nuclear weapons is a
contradiction in terms (Jervis 1984). Patrick Morgan has argued that ‘classic criti-
cisms of deterrence theory turn on the charge that governments simply lack the
necessary rationality to make it work, that they are particularly subject to irration-
ality to make it work, that they are particularly subject to irrationality in times of
intense crisis or actual attack’ (Morgan 1983: 13).
Ì IRRATIONALITY AND MISPERCEPTION

Many theorists stress a strong material cost–benefit logic and a
strong rationalism in the notion of deterrence.35 But if one assumes
that states employing nuclear weapons are completely rational,
then rational self-interest would naturally deter the state, as
retaliation would cause overwhelming destruction. Decision
makers are not dispersed along an axis extending from complete
rationality to complete irrationality. Thomas Schelling argues,
Irrationality can imply a disorderly and inconsistent value system,

faulty calculation, an inability to receive messages or to communicate
effectively; it can imply random or haphazard influences in the
reaching of decisions or the transmission of them, or in the receipt
or conveyance of information; and it sometimes merely reflects the
collective nature of a decision among individuals who do not have
identical value systems and whose organisational arrangements and
communication systems do not cause them to act like a single entity.36
Thomas Schelling believed that in deterrence there always exists

an element of unpredictability,37 and this unpredictability can
reinforce deterrence. There can be many causes for the breakdown
of deterrence. Purely in gaming terms, one party may take pre-
emptive action and in spite of threats of use of force decide to
35
Achen and Snidal 1989; and Little 1991.
36
Schelling 1960.
37
In his opinion ‘a response that carries some risk of war can be plausible,
even reasonable at a time when a final, ultimate decision to have general war
would be implausible or unreasonable’. See Schelling 1966: 37. Robert Jervis comes
close to Thomas Schelling’s central theme of the element of unpredictability when
he says, ‘There is an irreducible minimum of unpredictability that operates,
especially in situations which engage a state’s highest values. Thus, even though
there is no rational argument for a countercity response to a Soviet attack on the
United States or Western Europe, the mere possibility may be an effective
deterrent …. This policy makes sense when we consider threats that leave some-
thing to chance; it can be rational to threaten, and carry out, a move that increases
slightly the danger of an all out war, while it would be completely irrational to
launch an attack. Indeed, much of deterrence rests on the fact that both sides
know that events are not entirely under their control’. Jervis has admitted that
deterrence theorists ‘present reasonable arguments about why compellance is
usually more difficult than deterrence’, but he adds that ‘the state trying to change
stand firm, perceiving that the other is bound to retreat, while the
adversary may calculate that threats to retaliate will work and
expect the attacker to back off. A constant misperception about the
other, therefore, continues to build up in both states where each
expects the other to back off. But beyond the dangers that remain
on account of misperception and misjudgement of the potential
actions of the adversary, there are a set of variables that can oper-
ate at a different level and have the potential to alter the outcome.
There is always the danger of a local commander deciding to take
matters in his own hands and authorising a launch. As threats are
being exchanged, public opinion is built by the media and warrants
a favourable outcome. All the calculations done in peacetime can
suddenly go haywire. Rational deterrence is perceived to operate
between national leaderships that have vital interests to guard.
Local commanders or even scientists can potentially destabilise
the situation. Equally dangerous is any non-state actor who takes
charge of any weapon or facility and threatens to blow apart
carefully manipulated deterrence. Keith Payne is of the opinion
that there were several assumptions guiding the Cold War
superpower relationship that contributed to stability.38
It has often been pointed out that the US did contemplate using
nuclear weapons on many occasions, but it never used them after
the status quo is in a weaker bargaining position because it can drop its demand
without raising the danger that the status-quo power will raise new demands.
But it is hard for the latter to retreat without damaging its ability to stand firm
against demands for further changes; therefore, it should be able to prevail. There
is a difficulty with this argument however; one must look at what each side will
gain if it prevails. Here the very advantage just ascribed to the status-quo power
turns out to be a disadvantage. What the aggressor can gain is not limited to the
specific issue, but includes a psychological sense of bargaining in future attempts
to alter the status quo. The status-quo power, by contrast, gains only a temporary
respite’ (Jervis 1979: 299–300).
38
According to him, these Cold War assumptions were (a) rational leaderships,
both in the case of the US and the Soviet Union decision makers who were capable
of making the cost–benefit analysis and risk–bargain analysis; (b) the ability of
each side to communicate a threatened sanction effectively to an opponent that
was clearly understood and regarded as decisive in developing cost–benefit
calculations; (c) a level of mutual understanding and communication about the
responses that actions taken by one side would elicit from the other; and (d) that
threatened retaliatory action would have a level of plausibility sufficient to
influence the behaviour of the adversary in a desired fashion. See Payne 1992.
the Second World War. This cannot be attributed to deterrence,

because there was no deterrence operating against Vietnam, for
example. Then what prevented the use of nuclear weapons? Critics
may argue that it was not in the national interest to use a nuclear
weapon on Vietnam, or that the Vietnamese did not have enough
vital interests against which the threat could be premised. Further,
the Vietnamese may well have been willing to risk everything—
nothing could deter them. Richard Price and Nina Tannenwald
contend, ‘While a rationalist account may tell some of the nuclear
story, ignoring the question about identity ... [it] leaves rational
deterrence theory fundamentally unable to explain the criteria for
“deterrence”—that is, what goes into leaders’ calculations of
“unacceptable costs”’.39 It is for similar reasons, as Keohane argues,
that rationalist regime theory has little to say about the origins
and evolutions of norms and practices that cannot be conceived as
simply constituting the rational calculation of national interest.40
Even though the dilemma of using nuclear weapons may not have
come about either in the Gulf War or in the recent Afghan cam-
paign, clearly both Saddam Hussein and the Taliban were willing
to risk ‘unacceptable costs’, knowing well that they could lose all.
So the question remains, what deters them? A deterrent relation-
ship cannot be constructed with such leaders or even a non-state
actor.
Keith Payne has suggested that it is highly unlikely for leaders
to be totally irrational.41 Personality factors exist and indeed one
leader might choose to seek a certain set of outcomes from a given
strategic environment. This means that the preference of one leader
might be different from another. But the premise still is that de-
cision makers will choose to behave rationally. Hedley Bull points
out that stability is the result of balance of terror. The dimension of
stability which is deemed to be of greatest importance in the nuclear
balance of terror concerns the ability to preserve peace, which is
accorded a higher priority than the preservation of the component
states of the system in a political sense.42 Christopher Achen has
39
Price and Tannenwald 1996.
40
Keohane 1989.
41
Payne 1992.
42
Bull 1977: 123–24.
rejected deterrence theory as logically incoherent. 43 Ole Holsti has

also sounded a warning in this context:
[I]n most times the assumption of deterrence is valid but not the notion
of deterrence as it is unlikely to prove effective against a nation being
attacked led by a trigger-happy paranoid individual, or by someone
seeking personal or national self destruction or martyrdom … or
by those who regard the loss of most of their nation’s population and
resources as a reasonable cost for the achievement of foreign policy
goals.44
The study of nuclear deterrence purely in strategic or theoretical

terms without emphasis on any empirical evidence leaves the argu-
ment at the level of a half-truth. Raymond Aron has sought to fill
this gap,45 and Patrick Morgan has drawn a distinction between
general deterrence and immediate deterrence.46 Paul Huth and
Bruce M. Russett, refining Morgan’s definition, state that imme-
diate deterrence is ‘where at least one side is seriously considering
an attack while the other is mounting a threat of retaliation in order
43
Achen 1987. See also in this context, Achen and Snidal 1989. In a similar
fashion, Frank Zagare has tried to compartmentalise rational and irrational
decision making by distinguishing between ‘procedural’ and ‘instrumental’
rationality. According to Zagare, procedural rationality requires omniscience
and does not include misperceptions, psychological and emotional deficiencies.
He considers instrumental rationality as more limited and as having an order of
choices that confront an actor (Zagare 1990).
44
Holsti 1972: 8–9.
45
He opined that ‘there is no deterrent in a general or abstract sense, it is a
case of knowing who can deter whom, from what, in what circumstances, by what
means’. Thus, according to Aron, what deters one government in one situation
might not deter another. He maintained that comparing various conflict situations
and simplifying schemes would only oversimplify reality. Decision makers tend
to ‘over estimate the technical aspect of the diplomatic or political problems,
and underestimate the importance of the psychological, moral and political data
that is unique in each situation’. See Aron 1969: 69.
46
According to him, general deterrence in an adversarial relationship means
that the status quo would exist over a long period by maintaining the balance of
terror. Immediate deterrence, in contrast, implies a specific situation where one
side is preparing a threat of retaliation in order to prevent it, and both sides
realise what is going on. See Morgan 1983: 28–43.
to prevent it’.47 The question that still remains to be answered is

whether lasting peace is the result of deterrence. In other words,
does deterrence guarantee a definite time period of peace? Let us
examine why deterrence fails. The strategic cause is the stability–
instability relationship which is engendered by the presence of
nuclear weapons. Given the risk of escalation between adversaries,48
both sides may get involved in a proxy war. So deterrence at one
level may lead to the failure of deterrence at another level. The struc-
tural cause is the ‘security dilemma’ and the inability of opponents
to recognise each other’s force posture—to be defensive or offensive.
One antagonist’s defensive posture may be the other’s offensive
posture. So, fearing a strike, one side may decide to pre-empt before
being pre-empted.49 The third cause is cognitive. Deterrence can
fail because of misperception, misinterpretation and miscalcula-
tion between adversaries. Miscalculation of a first strike, absorbing
a first strike or maintaining C3I for a retaliatory strike may endanger
deterrence and lead to a pre-emptive strike. Another fundamental
flaw in the narrative of deterrence is that it is premised on the
psychology of the adversary. As Gen George Lee Butler has rightly
pointed out,
In the final analysis, it is not what you think deters, it is what your
opponent thinks. And we never know what he thought. So there is
an absolutely fundamental flaw in the psychology of deterrence.
47
They made a survey of 54 cases to identify under what circumstances ex-
tended deterrence is likely to be successful. They have found deterrence to be
successful in 31 (or 57 per cent) of the cases. They tested their hypothesis along
three parameters: (a) relative military capabilities; (b) the role of past behaviour
in signally current intentions; and (c) the nature and extent of the military, eco-
nomic and other ties of mutual interest between the adversaries. See Huth and
Russett 1984. Richard Ned Lebow and Janice Gross Stein have charged Huth
and Russett with improperly designating attacker and defender, incorrectly
identifying third parties as targets of attack or deterrence and confusing direct
with extended deterrence and deterrence with compellance—discrepancies, which
according to Lebow and Stein, ‘reveal alarmingly low levels of cross study
reliability between two teams of investigators classifying and coding precisely
the same set of cases’ (Lebow and Stein 1990). See also Lebow and Stein 1989. In
the final analysis, one can reach the conclusion that there might be different sets
of deterrence cases and each case might have its own peculiarity.
48
Jervis 1976.
49
Snyder 1971: 123–28.
And that is, you are not in charge of it, it is your enemy (who is in
charge).50
It is assumed that war can be prevented if all the actors involved

have nuclear weapons that can deter an attack. The possession of
nuclear weapons will help ensure that the opponent will not engage
in a conflict. Perceptions and psychology play the all-important
role in convincing an adversary that any aggression will lead to
annihilation. Stability would be ‘guaranteed’ since it is in neither
side’s interest to disturb the balance. Deterrence has in fact been
an ideological, strategic and political construct born in the early
phases of the Cold War, and has coexisted alongside abundant
empirical evidence that it could fail. Thus, deterrence, the language
of ‘balance of power’ and realpolitik leave behind the earlier notions
of international relations that were based on accommodation and
dialogue and enter into a world of assertiveness, which neverthe-
less fail to produce stability. If stability does not ensue, peace will
not follow.
Ì TRIANGULAR DETERRENT RELATIONSHIP

In a scenario where more than two states are engaged in trying to
deter each other, the calculations are complex. All have different
capabilities, weapons doctrines and intentions. This becomes
important from the point of view of this study where India has to
simultaneously deter China and Pakistan—two states that have
different capabilities from itself. An added variable that will im-
pact on the deterrent calculations of India is the non-state actor. It
would be naïve to believe that deterring more than one state is
simple, since a state may run the risk of a nuclear attack whose
initiator might not be clearly identifiable. At some point, either
through miscalculation or rational choice, a crisis is likely to escalate
to a level where nuclear threats are exchanged. Of the many out-
comes, at least one could be the breakdown of deterrence due to
political causes (especially when the domestic constituents are too
strong) or due to technical error that leads to the misinterpretation
of a technical snag as a first strike. Or it could be simply due to the
50
Butler 1999.
dangers inherent in the process of nuclear proliferation. Deterrence

works if the aggressor is persuaded that the risks of aggression
outweigh its benefits. If the costs of suffering retaliation are im-
mense, as in the case of nuclear attack, the probability of that retali-
ation need not be very high to render aggression a clearly bad
bargain for any plausible political gain. The challenge is to maintain
stable deterrence, given a certain set of norms. In the international
system, these norms have been identified and related assumptions
based essentially in the context of bilateral balance of terror. These
calculations become complex in the Southern Asian context as
norm setting does not last long, treaties are under stress, political
rhetoric is high and non-state actors play an important role.51
Often, the attention is limited to a superpower’s choice—disarm
or deter—between the basic alternatives of (a) unilateral nuclear
disarmament, or (b) practising some form of deterrence that
involves the threat of use of nuclear weapons against the adversary.
Reciprocity can help achieve cooperation among states in the sense
of refraining from an undesired action. This is the intent of the
strategy of deterrence, which is the threat to punish another actor
if it takes a certain negative action (such as attacking one’s own
state or one’s allies). 52 The slogan ‘peace through strength’ reflects
this approach. If deterrence works, its effects are almost invisible;
its success is measured by attacks that did not occur and not by a
phase of lasting peace. Nuclear deterrence is the threat to use nu-
clear weapons if another state does so. Generally, advocates of
deterrence believe that conflicts are more likely to escalate into
war when one party to the conflict is weak. In this view, building
up military capabilities usually convinces the stronger party that
a resort to military leverage would not succeed, so conflicts are
less likely to escalate into violence. Deterrence in the form of a
large-scale attack is viewed by the adversary leadership as capable
of inflicting such damage upon its military forces or population
and other economic assets, as to cripple the state completely. Deter-
rence assumes that an adversary’s political leadership will act in
the national interest, although this interest will be viewed through
differing cultural perspectives and the dictates of given situations.
51
For example, with a change in regime, there were voices in Pakistan that the
new regime may not acknowledge the previous bilateral agreements.
52
It is also true of limited war.
Each side in confrontation is also faced with the issue of decreas-

ing the vulnerability of its nuclear forces against a pre-emptive first
strike, while increasing its own capability, in such a scenario, to
strike with its remaining forces after absorbing the first strike.
The pursuit of credible and survivable second strike capability
can be misperceived by the adversary as preparations for a pre-
emptive strike. Often adversarial states have hostile relationships
and in the absence of communication and misperception could
end up making such calculations. A credible second strike cap-
ability also carries with it the inherent licence to take maximalist
positions for arming the state with large forces. It further hastens
the arms race. There are also incentives to strike pre-emptively.
After all, inherent to NFU is absorbing a first strike and the state
has to be alert against a penetrating first strike. Theoretically, states
that are on NFU could have huge strategic forces that survive even
after a decapitating first strike and which are able to launch a
retaliatory strike. The key factor in this regard would have to be a
robust command and control system. After detecting a first strike,
the command and control has to function to be able to serve a re-
taliatory strike. Crucial to this is the function of intelligence that
gathers such information. But this too has its problems. There have
been cases in the Cold War when intelligence gathering agencies
detected what they thought was a first strike. The problem of an
accidental launch or an unauthorised launch always exists (see
Figure 3.2 for stages in the escalation of conflict).
Figure Ë 3.2
Stages in the Escalation of Conflict
Source: Adapted from Huth 1988: 21.

Can a state know for certain that another state will use nuclear
weapons even when their use is considered irrational or there has
been an accidental launch? To an extent, this can be attributed to
the capability of risk taking. This could differ from state to state,
and within a state, from one political leader to another. We have
seen that Pakistan can attempt to take big risks to seek a change in
the status quo. In the traditional debate on nuclear deterrence, this
issue has received much attention.53 The assumption that nuclear
weapons promote peace was based on the single case of East–West
confrontation, where culturally distinct societies provided the di-
viding line. Future international conflicts may or may not bear any
resemblance to this situation. They may include diverse societies
with incomparable norms, values and perspectives. Perceptions
and analyses are influenced in a distinct way, with such diverse
societies creating patterns of behaviour that may differ completely
from what has been experienced so far. The risk-taking capability
and threat assessment of nuclear rivals in their conduct of any crisis
can differ substantially. The outcome may differ greatly; hence,
the chances of escalation from a conventional to a nuclear exchange
are greater.
In a potential mutual pre-emptive strike scenario, the opponents
tend to completely distrust each other. Thomas Schelling called
this ‘the reciprocal fear of surprise attack’, where there are cycles
of ‘he thinks, we think, he thinks, we think he’ll attack; so he thinks,
we shall; so he will; so we must.’54 Kenneth Waltz does not believe
that the entire nuclear arsenal of the opponent can be wiped out
in a pre-emptive strike scenario. He calls this Cold War reasoning
as representing ‘decades of fuzzy thinking’.55 ‘The solutions worked
out for anticipating pre-emptive strikes—delegation of decisions
and higher alert rates—paradoxically increase instability.56 A higher
alert rate would require a launch on warning posture. This creates
the risk for decision makers of less response time and accidental
launch. So, a preventive strike or pre-emptive strike each carries
with it the large risk of ‘deterrence’ failing. There is also the danger
of a situation being wrongly assessed, leading to the use of nuclear
weapons.
53
Particular reference must be made to Jervis (1976) and Singer (1962).
54
Schelling 1979: 207.
55
Sagan and Waltz 1995: 67.
56
Sauer 1998: 19.
Another dilemma is that of numbers. The question of ‘how much

is enough’ can perhaps never be effectively answered. For the threat
of retaliation to be credible, there has to be some transparency in
communicating the threat. But this has to guard against being
all-transparent, as the adversary may then start taking counter-
measures to reduce the effectiveness of the retaliation.
Consider the possibility of deterring. The number of warheads
needed to deter China with ‘A’ number of warheads and ‘A1’
number of vital interests may be different from the case than when
deterrence is required against Pakistan with ‘C’ number of war-
heads and ‘C3’ number of vital interests (Figure 3.3). Simply assign-
ing numerical probabilities to the possible outcomes of available
choices would require selecting an appropriate reference class of
past situations to provide data on the respective relative fre-
quencies of various outcomes. The respective outcomes will then
depend on the reference class selected.
Figure Ë 3.3
Strategic Complexity in a Triangle: Assets and Warheads
Based on the strategic planners and where they come from,

planning for a strategic force in the two cases against the two
adversaries can be very different (Figure 3.4).
Lasting stable deterrence is then the result of variables, none
of which remain constant over a given period of time. Leaving
Figure Ë 3.4
Strategic Complexity in a Bilateral Relationship: Assets and Warheads
Note: For India, the figure shows in- Note: For India, the figure shows in-
creasing number of warheads on creasing number of warheads on
Y axis based on perceived vital Y axis based on perceived vital
interests of Pakistan on the X axis. interests of China on the X axis.
Source: Author’s own illlustration.
mathematical permutations and combinations aside for reaching

definite outcomes over what constitutes stable deterrence, the past
behaviour and risk-taking capabilities of states may differ.
Threat is central to deterrence. It may have two outcomes—if a
state threatens its adversary from refraining to do something, this
threat may work under certain circumstances. If it does not have
the required influence over the adversary’s behaviour, then it
may lead the adversary to respond with a counter-threat or even
actual coercion. There could also be an element of bargaining in
the process. There could be situations when threats and counter-
threats culminate into war. Jervis has commented on the lack of
knowledge on this subject in international relations: ‘Two central
questions are still without answers. First, under what conditions
do threats and the use of force lead the other side to retreat and
when do they lead it to retaliation with threats and force of their
own? Second, when does a retreat or concession lead others to ex-
pect, and the state to make, other retreats?’57 There is a considerable
body of literature that has used both theoretical analysis and some
empirical study of the use of threat especially in the context of
deterrence.58
When a threat is issued to an adversary, the latter has
two choices—he can either comply with the threat or defy the
57
Jervis 1979: 292–320.
58
Snow 1979; Weede 1983; Huth and Russett 1984; and Jervis et al. 1985.
threatener.59 Obviously, demands will be made and a bargain

initiated. The responses could vary from being specific to the
strategic culture or to the individual or group taking such decisions
in the state. The variation in response could also extend to the form
of government, from the democratic to the totalitarian kind. An
individual in a democratic form of government cannot be seen as
‘backing out’ under domestic compulsions, when the state itself
has a culture of not ‘backing off’, as the weakness may then be ex-
ploited again. The Israeli government, for example, does not accede
to demands from any Arab country. But states do not normally
have uniform response policies—they may accede to a threat in
one situation and the response may be more defiant in another
situation.
This scenario is based on two powers that are more or less equal.
If the scenario involves three states—with China having powerful
military and economic capabilities, India being smaller than China
but still powerful enough to strive for equality with China, followed
by Pakistan, which is small, not powerful enough and striving for
capability comparable to that of India—clearly, stable deterrence
will be a big challenge (Figure 3.5).
Figure Ë 3.5
Strategic Complexity in a Triangle: Asymmetrical Power Structures
59
The defiance can be varied—an immediate defiance or a promise to comply
with the threatener at a later time or complying partially to the demand.
While practising nuclear deterrence, a state threatens the civilian

population of the adversary if the latter’s decision makers behave
in an inappropriate manner. In such cases, nuclear deterrence often
becomes a combination of declarative threat and risk imposition.
Again, the onus of maintaining stability falls on factors like the
actions of the decision makers. The outcome is a function of the de-
cision makers acting rationally when external pressures, domestic
constituency, information breakthrough about the adversary,
popular perception and past behaviour of the adversary may not
remain constant.
Must a state then rely on deterrence to adequately defend itself?
Is defence sufficient? At least one writer has suggested this on the
grounds that conventional arms alone would suffice to deter the
Soviets from attack or successful nuclear blackmail.60 If we push
the argument to the stage where the focus is on defence rather than
offence, so that an effective defence against intruding missiles such
as a national missile defence (NMD) is thought of, the cost factor
alone is so enormous that critics are up in arms against the world’s
lone superpower. How can lesser powers then attempt a defence
like NMD? Cost and technological factors apart, what if China
seeks to gear its force structure keeping in mind the US NMD, with
serious implications for India? Even the minimum deterrent that
may have been in place no longer retains its edge.61 Simply argued,
consider two states with one missile each, and one of the states
also with the advantage of a defence system that provides at least
90 per cent probability of intercepting the other state’s only missile
when fired. This leaves the state vulnerable and, therefore, fuels
another arms race.
Ì LIMITED WAR AND NUCLEAR RISKS

The concept of limited war originated during the Cold War.62 The
idea of limited war was based on the belief that a total and un-
limited war between the US and the former Soviet Union would
60
Lackey 1982. See also in the context of ‘moral dilemma’, Kavka 1987.
61
This is the Chinese response to American BMD and NMD.
62
See the following—Deitchman 1969; Osgood 1957, 1979; Halperin 1963: 107;
Clark 1982; Gacek 1994; Posen 1991.
never be fought, as it would be totally disastrous for both countries

in every term. The US believed that the presence of weapons of
mass destruction in the hands of both the countries would result
in Soviet leaders maintaining their expansionist designs, with ser-
ious implications for American security. So the idea of a short crisp
war limited in operational battlespace, men, machinery used and
geographical extent gained currency during the Cold War. After
the Kargil War, the Indian defence minister deemed fit to juxtapose
this concept in the South Asian context. In theory, maximum gain
with minimum losses translated into limiting conflicts in terms
of space or weaponry used or time constraints—factors that must
operate simultaneously. There emerged the belief that a limited
nuclear war could be fought, provided the bedrock of NATO’s
strategy of ‘flexible response’ evolved from its original conception
in the 1950s.63 The superpowers started to think beyond ‘unlimited’
or ‘absolute’ war leading to the genesis of the theory of limited war.
This also seemed to reflect against the realist construction of se-
curity, on the one hand, advocating an all-out war, and the utopian
attitude on the other, which desired abolition, and sought to locate
the debate in the middle, premising that while wars would still
occur there was a need to limit them.
Limited war is defined as:
one in which the belligerents restrict the purposes for which they
fight to concrete, well defined objectives that do not demand the
utmost military effort of which the belligerents are capable and that
can be accommodated in a negotiated settlement .... The battle is
confined to a local geographical area and directed against selected
targets—primarily those of direct military importance. It demands
of the belligerents only a fractional commitment of their human
and physical resources. It permits their economic, social and political
patterns of existence to continue without serious disruption.64
A limited war means that, ‘either the ends or means, or both, are
limited in the conflict.’65
63
This was considered necessary to stem the expected Warsaw Pact onslaught
on West Europe during the Cold War.
64
Osgood 1957: 1–2.
65
Gacek 1994: 16.
The Limited War Theorists

Capt Basil Liddell-Hart was one of the first to develop an alter-
native to the strategy of total war. He argued that a country which
is now called an enemy, might be needed as a friend in the future.
He said that wars were but an unpleasant episode in relations
between nations, and were usually avoidable.66 He called this the
‘indirect strategy’ where the aim is the dislocation of the enemy’s
‘psychological and physical balance’.67 He was of the view that
atomic weapons would make total wars unthinkable.68 What is
significant to note is that Liddell-Hart’s construction of the limited
war doctrine was made before the advent of the nuclear age and
has continued to inspire a whole range of strategic thinkers.
Bernard Brodie was one of those nuclear strategists who started
writing after the advent of the nuclear age and was among those
who were clearly influenced by Liddell-Hart.69 His book, The Ab-
solute Weapon, highlighted for the first time not just the destructive
potential of the bomb, but also the political role that comes with its
possession. His oft-quoted sentence sums up the essence of nuclear
strategy: ‘Thus far the chief purpose of our military establishment
has been to win wars. From now on the chief purpose must be to
avert them.’70
66
Freedman 1989: 98.
67
Liddell-Hart 1968: 25.
68
His theory can be located in the times he was writing, in the period between
the wars. One could also locate shades of risk-taking capability by an irrational
decision maker in this. He brought in the rational actor factor. He was sceptical
of the rational use of atomic weapons by an irrational decision maker. An element
of tension was introduced in his theories with the advent of the air force that
was so extensively used in the Second World War. After the world war, he became
convinced that ‘Total war implies that the aim, the effort and the degree of vio-
lence are unlimited … an unlimited war waged with atomic power would be worse
than nonsense; it would be mutually suicidal.’ See Liddell-Hart 1946: 99–102.
69
Brodie 1946. In fact, in a letter to Liddell-Hart in April 1957, Bernard Brodie
wrote, ‘you led all the rest of us in advocating the principle of limited war’.
Cited in Bond 1997: 97.
70
Brodie 1946: 76. Defining limited war, Brodie said, ‘If wars were limited in
ages past, the reason why they were so have little relevance for us today … wars
were kept limited by small margin of the national economic resources available
for mobilisation and by the small capability for destruction that could be pur-
chased with that narrow margin. Today, on the contrary, we speak of limited
war in a sense that connotes a deliberate hobbling of a tremendous power that is
already mobilised and that must in any case be maintained at a very high pitch
William Kaufmann, another nuclear strategist, edited a collec-

tion of essays which was critical of ‘massive retaliation’.71 It was
Kaufmann who introduced the concept of ‘nuclear threshold’.
In his second book, The McNamara Strategy, he arrived at the con-
clusion that perhaps ‘limited non-nuclear war’ was not the best
strategic–military option in the nuclear age.72 Robert Osgood was
another strategist, more in the mould of Bernard Brodie, who
believed that his analyses would be theoretically sustainable even
if nuclear weapons were never invented. He gave a comprehensive
definition of limited war.73 Osgood situated the ‘economy of force’
at the centre of his arguments when he opined that war should be
a means to a certain end and not an end in itself. At the same time,
he realised that ‘because of the imperfection of man, force is a moral
necessity.’74 Osgood was quick to realise that limited war was not
a uniform feature and that it could mean different things to dif-
ferent people. It could be limited in geographical terms and not in
terms of the weapons used. Besides, any armed conflict could be
of effectiveness for the sake of only inducing the enemy to hobble himself to the
like degree’ (p. 311).
71
In the opening chapter, Kaufmann emphasised the importance of
‘credibility’. He questioned the US position of massive retaliation and commented
that it would be ‘out of character’ for the US to respond in this manner, ‘If the
Communists should challenge our sincerity … we would either have to put up
or shut up. If we put up we would plunge into all the immeasurable horrors of
atomic war. If we shut up, we would suffer a serious loss of prestige ….’ Although
Kaufmann conceded that this may not substitute victory, he was pragmatic
enough to understand that this offered the best ‘strategic space and exit’
(Kaufmann 1956b: 25).
72
Kaufmann 1964: 16–18.
73
‘A limited war is one in which the belligerents restrict the purposes for
which they fight to concrete, well defined objectives that do not demand the
utmost military effort of which the belligerents are capable and that can be
accommodated in negotiated settlements. Generally speaking, a limited war
involves only two (or very few) major belligerents in the fighting. The battle is
confined to a local geographical area and directed against selected targets—
primarily those of direct military importance. It demands of the belligerents only
a factional commitment of their human and physical resources, it permits their
economies, social and political patterns of existence to continue without serious
duplication’ (Osgood 1957: 5). This definition came very close to Christopher M.
Gacek’s definition of limited war: ‘either the ends or means, or both, are limited
in the conflict’ (Gacek 1994: 16).
74
Osgood 1957: 16.
viewed as limited by one state and unlimited by another. 75 Osgood

premised the theory of limited war on the hypothesis that it ‘maxi-
mizes the opportunities for the effective use of military force as a
rational instrument of national policy.’76
Henry Kissinger’s book, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, im-
mediately followed Osgood’s book and was categorical in making
an appeal for espousing a limited war strategy.77 The dilemma in
contemporary strategy that presented itself was ‘how to establish
a relationship between a policy of deterrence and a strategy for
fighting war in the event of failure of deterrence.’78 Moving to the
operational requirements of a limited war, Kissinger concluded,
‘if we could develop forces capable of conducting limited war and
getting into position rapidly, we should be able to defeat the Soviet
Union or China in local engagements despite interior positions.’ 79
75
But after the American experience in Vietnam, Osgood wrote, ‘Actually there
have been two strands of the resurgence of limited war theories and doctrines
since World War II reflecting two different political perspectives in the Cold
War. One strand inspired by the concepts of Clausewitz and propounded by
Western political scientists and defense specialists has sought to make force, in
both war and deterrence, an effective instrument of containment …. The other
strand, inspired by Mao Tse-Tung and Third World nationalism and propounded
by revolutionary nationalists has sought to use guerrilla warfare to abolish
Western colonialism and hegemony and establish new nations ostensibly
dedicated to social justice’ (Osgood 1979: 2).
76
Osgood 1957: 27. According to him, during the Cold War a limited war was
considered ‘more compatible with a respect for human life and an aversion to
violence … liberal institutions and values do not thrive amid the social, economic
and political dislocations that inevitably follow in the wake of unlimited war’
(p. 27–28). Additionally, it was warranted, ‘that military power should be sub-
ordinate to national policy [and] that the only legitimate purpose of military
force is to serve the nation’s political objectives’ (p. 13).
77
Whereas Osgood made a semi-philosophical appeal, Kissinger made a
straightforward case for adopting a limited war strategy. Kissinger concluded
that the advent of nuclear weapons had made all traditional motivations of war
irrelevant with the awesome destructive potential of the nuclear weapon. Nuclear
weapons, he wrote, brought about a tacit non-aggression treaty: a recognition
that war is no longer a conceivable instrument of policy and that for this reason
international disputes can be settled only by means of diplomacy. Culling from
the American experience in the Korean War, Kissinger thought that American
nuclear capabilities might not be required in fighting with smaller states which
do not warrant the deployment and use of nuclear weapons. See Kissinger 1957.
78
Ibid.: 132.
79
He strongly felt that unnecessary destruction could be eliminated with the
strategy of limited war, as unlike an all-out war, where the targets are chosen
Klaus Knorr had contributed to Kaufmann’s Military Policy and

National Security 80 and held a belief that ‘limited strategic war is a
possible war; to fight and prepare for such a war is possible strategy.’81
Both the Korean and the American experience in the Vietnam War
were crucial in shaping the views of American strategists in de-
veloping the nuances of the theory of limited war. Deriving from
the American experience in Vietnam and developing his argument
further, Knorr concluded that the strategic role of nuclear weapons
had been greatly diminished with an increasing number of states
employing a level of conflict that was somewhere between trad-
itional war and a kind of war that Knorr termed ‘sub-limited’. 82
Herman Kahn also wrote on the operational aspects of limited
war and war gamed many scenarios. For instance, he thought
‘…even if the United States and the Soviet Union cannot wage all-out
war against each other this does not mean that the role of force will be
entirely eliminated. There will still be many disputes between the
two nations—disputes which may tempt one side to use force on a
small scale …. Therefore one needs limited war capabilities to meet
limited provocations’ (emphasis added).83 Kahn firmly believed
that a limited war capability enhances the credibility of deterrence
and decreases the overall chances of a war breaking out.84 In a
‘controlled general war’, Kahn conceptualised as many as 44 rungs
and the armed forces are geared to inflict maximum damage in the shortest
possible time, a limited war may be able to restrict collateral damage being limited
in objective, time and weaponry used (ibid.: 149–50, 152).
80
Kaufmann 1956b.
81
Knorr and Read 1962: 6.
82
He included many other ‘weapons’ like propaganda, terrorism, guerrilla
war, political organisation, money and key assassinations. Writing more in oper-
ational terms, he criticised the strategist’s obsession with over-playing the signifi-
cance of nuclear threshold in a war by invariably defining limited nuclear war
as a conflict involving exclusively nuclear weapons. He believed that ‘if escalation
could be controlled because the interest of both antagonists to avoid large scale
strategic war is overwhelming … why should the restriction of hostilities to non-
nuclear weapons be the crucial threshold?’ (Knorr 1966: 97).
83
Kahn 1961: 12.
84
This touches on another strategic debate on capabilities versus intentions.
The battle readiness of limited war capability might convey a different intention
to the adversary. The lack of credibility, he opined, ‘will itself make the defense seem
unreliable.’ In this context, he suggested that in the long run ‘the west will need
“safe looking” limited war forces to handle minor and moderate provocations’
(ibid.: 155).
of escalation ladder where, according to him, nuclear weapons

are first used at rung 15. He describes nearly 30 different stages
where a limited war will remain limited until it finally reaches the
stage of an all-out uncontrollable war.85 Operationally, he advocates
a counter-force strategy , since a counter-value strike carries more
seeds of escalation. Elsewhere, he has written that in any war that
involves the use of nuclear weapons, the first strikes would be for
demonstration purposes and would essentially be counter-force.
He writes, ‘the first use of nuclear weapons is likely to be less for
the purpose of destroying the other’s military forces or handi-
capping its operations, than for redress, warning, bargaining, puni-
tive, fining or deterrence purposes.’86
Thomas Schelling, whose book, The Strategy of Conflict, was es-
sentially motivated by the development of low-yield tactical nuclear
weapons, understood that limited war is premised on a tacit mutual
understanding between adversaries of the limits and uncertainties
that follow any potential escalation.87 Elsewhere, he has written,
‘we usually think of deterrence as having failed if a major war ever
occurs. And so it has; but it could fail worse if no efforts were
made to extend deterrence into war itself.’88 He, however, does
concede, ‘the principal inhibition on the use of atomic weapons
in limited war may disappear with their first use. It is difficult to
imagine that the tacit agreement that nuclear weapons are different
would be as powerfully present on the occasion of the … limited
85
Kahn 1962: 108–11.
86
Kahn 1965: 138.
87
He remained worried about the possible use of nuclear weapons in a limited
war. He said, ‘Whether limits on the use of atomic weapons other than the
particular limit of no use at all, can be defined in a plausible way is made more
dubious, not less so, by the increasing versatile character of atomic weapons ....’
He further added, ‘there seems consequently to be no “natural” break between
certain limited use and others.’ According to Schelling, the threat of limited war
has two parts: ‘one, the threat to inflict costs directly on the adversarial side in
the form of causalties, loss of territory etc. and second, the threat to expose the
adversaries to a heightened risk of general war.’ He considered the threshold to
be an important benchmark and said, ‘We can … not … ignore the distinction
and use nuclear weapons in a particular war where their use might be of ad-
vantage to us and subsequently reply on the distinction in the hope that we and
the enemy might both abstain. One potential limit of war will be substantially
discredited for all times’ (Schelling 1979: 259–66).
88
war after they had already been used in one.’89 The ‘tacit agreement’
between adversaries was the central premise of Schelling’s con-
ception of limited war.
Ian Clark raised the essential question of whether ‘any discussion
of limitation in war derives from the nature of the relationship of
war itself: does war entail the termination of all the rules, conven-
tions or constraints which characterise the relations of states in
peacetime?’90 He constructed his arguments around three models
of war limitation—‘limitation by championship, limitation by char-
ity, and limitation by city-swapping’.91 Morton Halperin is another
strategist who sought war limitation.92 In the 1960s, the central
premise of his thesis was how even an all-out war between the
East and the West could be kept limited and controlled. A decade
later he published a study, Defence Strategies for the Seventies,93 in
which he suggested that a counter-force strike could be a limited
factor.
In practice, the Korean War is considered limited as the US re-
stricted its objectives to restoring the status quo and did not use
weapons of mass destruction against China. The Falklands War
of 1982 is also considered limited, since the United Kingdom did
not fight to overthrow the Argentinean government, but only to
reassert its sovereignty over the Falklands.94 Ever since the end of
the Second World War, more than 40 military engagements have
taken place which could be defined as limited wars.95 Most of these
89
90
This took debate back to the philosophical level. He maintained, ‘the
modalities of war-limitation can best be conceived under two headings, limitation
by immunity and limitation by withholding of forces-in-being. The two are inter-
related, but can be distinguished in accordance with the perspective from which
they are viewed.’ See Clark 1982: 25.
91
For details of these see ibid.: 38.
92
He was of the opinion that ‘the existence of thermonuclear weapons and
the lack of any mechanism for guarenteering the absence of war makes it necessary
to take seriously the problem of how war, once it erupts, can be kept limited’
(Halperin 1963: 2).
93
He wrote, ‘even a large scale war might be limited in terms of the targets
attacked: each side might refrain from bombing each others’ major cities and
might concentrate instead on military targets’ (Halperin 1971: 12).
94
See Gacek 1994: 16.
95
For the complete list the various military engagements and their objectives
that could be classified into limited wars, see Deitchman 1969: 16–26.
limited wars have taken place ‘among the new nations establishing
their places in the scheme of post-World War II international
politics.’96
A limited war is likely to have the following key features:
1. It is likely to be limited in topographical extent, although in terms

of numbers of personnel involved, weapons used and duration
of conflict it might be unlimited.
2. It is also likely to be limited in terms of its scope and objectives.
3. It may be limited from the perspective of the initiator, though
this may not necessarily be the case with the defender.
Many analysts in India now believe that there is a strategic space

between initiating an armed conflict and an all-out war, that is, a
‘calibrated use of force’ below the level of a full-scale conventional
war. But any such operation always carries seeds of larger conflict,
as the losing side would be predisposed to use all its weapons to
avoid defeat. This could well include nuclear, biological and chem-
ical weapons.
It can be concluded on the basis of these theories, that the
objectives of limited war should be the following:
1. There has to be a very clear and concrete political objective.

2. Once the objective has been reached, the military operations must
cease.
3. The limited operation should not involve the whole range of
security forces and should be limited in their participation.
4. It should be limited in geographical space and its duration.
5. It should keep the social, economic and political institutions of
the defending state intact.
6. As far as possible, territory seized during any such operation must
be returned soon after the military operation ends.
National security is the social responsibility of the armed forces in

any country. With the induction of nuclear weapons in a country’s
security architecture, ‘total war’ becomes an unthinkable propos-
ition, although there will continue to be the view that a losing side
would want to use all weapons at its disposal to win the war. Yet,
if one takes the argument further, then the question arises that if
96
Ibid.: 27.
bigger, larger wars are not an option, is there a strategic space for
smaller ‘limited’ wars? There are two key drivers behind this mili-
tary construct of limited war. One, as in any service, there might
be a strong component of institutional interest; and second, in a
changed strategic environment, where sub-conventional conflict
has become the norm, moving away from the realm of strategic
literature to operational battlespace, it would appear that smaller
limited military engagement or limited war remains a possibility
under the nuclear umbrella, howsoever escalation prone that might
be. The Soviets are understood to have rejected the limited war
concept at the outset, terming it as unrealistic and as a ploy used
by the US to reassure its European allies.97 Since it was in every-
body’s interest to avoid an all-out nuclear exchange, critics of the
stalemate began calling for ‘limited war’.
As the discussion in the subsequent chapters shows, all three
states—China, India and Pakistan—have discussed limited war.
Theoretically, the biggest problem that confronts limited war theor-
ists is that of preventing the conflict from escalating. It is commonly
accepted that even a limited war would mean a lot in terms of col-
lateral damage. In fact, aspects like domestic politics and public
opinion themselves will raise the stakes which could lead to spiral-
ling of tensions. The horrors increase with the very first bomb that
wipes out a section of forces (if it is counter-force) or wipes out
large part of a major city (if it is counter-value). Once a war is ini-
tiated, both countries would want to come out of the conflict and
be seen domestically and internationally as victorious. States are
unlikely to leave weapons as potent as nuclear arms unutilised in
a struggle for vital political interests.
The second main problem for military strategists is that of reci-
procity. Even if one side in a conflict is ready and has geared up its
forces for limiting war, there is no guarantee that the adversary
has done the same. It may not be a wise military strategy going into
war with the assumption that the adversary would play an equal
part in keeping the war limited. Halperin, for instance, was of the
opinion that ‘limiting a central war may depend on both sides’
believing that limitation is possible and that the other is likely to
reciprocate restraint.’98 The Americans, for instance, could say with
97
Isby 1981: 209.
98
Halperin 1963: 107.
any level of certainty that the Soviets were as unenamoured of

limited war strategies as perhaps they themselves were.99 Critically
examining the limited war literature, Ian Clark suggested that
limitations could be introduced into nuclear warfare for purposes
of ‘(a) more effective deterrence, (b) signalling intent, (c) limiting
damage in war or (d) winning a nuclear war.’100 Even if ground rules
do get negotiated it would be poor tactical sense for any army
general not to break these norms if he feels his country is under
threat. Another strategist, B.S. Lambeth, highlighting the Soviet
disinterest in accepting artificial restrictions on war, wrote:
[O]nce the nuclear threshold is crossed, Soviet military doctrine

continues to posit—as it has throughout the past decade—that the
role of nuclear weapons is simple and unambiguous attainment of
military victory, a task to be achieved not by slow motion counter-
force targeting, selective attacks on vital military or economic re-
sources of the enemy, or any other limited schemes to influence his
strategic behaviour, but rather through the massive application of
nuclear force on all targets necessary to destroy his war waging
ability and his capacity for collective strategic action.101
The question that presents itself is why a losing state will want to
limit a conflict for some convention, when it can win the battle by
not adhering to any such convention. Another unresolved dilemma
is of implementing such a convention at the time of the crisis, when
communication between the two leaderships would anyway be
frozen. There are ways of keeping the conflict limited, but as Clark
asks, ‘can either of the parties successfully limit its own military
operations and would both do so simultaneously?’102
The third main problem lies in the difficulty of gathering and
interpreting the most relevant information about a conflict situation
in progress and using such information to control escalation and
orchestrate the conflict. Barry Posen writes that in the disarray of
the ‘fog of war’ and analysis under the intense pressure of conflict,
command, control, communications and intelligence (C4I) are
99
Clark 1982: 222.
100
Ibid.: 205.
101
Lambeth 1977: 87–88.
102
Clark 1982: 219.
likely to suffer, and there could occur, what he has called, ‘inad-
vertent escalation’.103
Ì THE NON-STATE THREAT

In some ways, 9/11 proved to be a watershed. It changed the way
the world looks at the phenomenon of terrorism, which changed
from being an intra-state law and order problem to becoming an
international concern. The Southern Asian region has for long en-
countered threats not just to the state, but also to the stability of
deterrence. This has led to deeper investigation of the growing
trend of suicide terrorism in the area. Popular perceptions of
terrorists being undeterrable fanatics, who are willing to kill
millions indiscriminately just to instil fear and chaos, belie the
reality that they are cold, rational killers who employ violence to
achieve specific political objectives. In suicide terrorism, the aim
of the psychologically and physically war-trained terrorist is to
die while destroying the ‘enemy’ target. It is different from the
often high-risk military operations where death is not certain and
the perpetrator may survive the operation. Suicide, as used in the
appellation ‘suicide terrorism’, does not imply a psychological or
pathological situation or condition. In the spectrum of political
violence, from the perspective of the perpetrator, suicide terrorism
is the most violent form of expression.104 Another threat that exists
is that of renegade army officers who might commandeer nuclear
103
Posen 1991: 20. He says, ‘analysis is difficult under the pressure of intense
conventional conflict. Communications to and from the theatre of operations
are likely to be uncertain and intermittent in any case.’ He adds, ‘critical links
are quite often deliberately jammed or destroyed, as each side tries to gain a
military advantage by reducing the others understanding of events and control
over its forces.’ He concludes that the fog of war ‘increases the likelihood of
inadvertent escalation because misperceptions, misunderstandings, poor
communication, and unauthorised or unrestrained offensive operations could
reduce the ability of civilian authorities to influence the course of the war.’ He
completes the argument by saying that ‘[i]t might also precipitate unexpected
but powerful escalatory pressures due to the ever higher levels of uncertainty
that would develop about the status of the other side’s strategic nuclear
capabilities as intense conventional conflict unfolds.’
104
See in the context of terrorist motivations, Stern 2000a.
weapons and use them either at the adversary or even in domestic

power struggles.105
While a section of mainstream nuclear proliferation literature
maintains that these are non-strategic causal factors, Kenneth
Waltz questions, ‘what is hard to comprehend is why, in an internal
struggle for power, any of the contenders should start using nuclear
weapons. Who would they aim at? How would they use them as
instruments for maintaining or gaining control?’ 106 Robert Art has
argued that this fear of nuclear terrorism is overstated, as even if
terrorists use nuclear arms to achieve their political objectives, they
can be deterred just like national governments.107 The attack on
the World Trade Center has proved, contrary to Art’s analysis,
that this may indeed be very difficult. The new challenge is the
concept of suicide terrorism.
With a lot of fissile material available and sub-national actors
willing to pay huge amounts for weapons, leading to a flourishing
nuclear black market, the nuclear threat would not work on ter-
rorists, since a ‘nuclear deterrent relationship’ is not established
with them. Even if they are threatened, they may call off the bluff,
since targeting them with even a small nuclear weapon would be
impossible without incurring unacceptable collateral damage
and provoking global outrage. The entire nuclear theology is based
on the mind game, and with a threat from a terrorist who claims
to have a nuclear device, even if its possession can be questioned,
decision makers face the dilemma of considering it as a valid threat
or repenting later. To be credible, deterrence must fulfil these basic
conditions: (a) the opponent must have vital interests; (b) the de-
clared nuclear threat must be credible; and (c) the opponent must
be susceptible to be deterred. It is imperative that the adversary
realises that the threat is authentic.
Most terrorist organisations actively study and use mind control
and cult control techniques to indoctrinate members into commit-
ting horrific acts of terrorism that shock our senses. The real cause
of much of today’s terrorism is not what terrorists claim to be their
motivation in their publicly stated agendas, rationalisations or
values, but how these agendas, rationalisations or values are
105
See Dunn 1982: 75.
106
Waltz 1981: 10.
107
Art 1991: 27.
implanted into the terrorists’ minds by their leaders. Trends in

terrorism over the past two decades indicate a definite shift from
political to religious motives. Today’s most fanatical terrorists are
not motivated by political ideology on the far left or right, but are
more likely to be extremists on the fringe of traditional religions
or idiosyncratic cults with an apocalyptic mindset. Since religion
acts as a legitimising force by subordinating individual respon-
sibility to divine will, groups motivated by religious extremism
experience fewer constraints on the use of violence to cause in-
discriminate harm. For example, a millenarian ideology that es-
pouses a belief in the imminence of Armageddon could justify
mass casualty attacks. Many of this so-called ‘new breed’ of ter-
rorists have an almost mystical fascination with nuclear, chemical
and biological agents because of the ability of toxic weapons to
instil a pervasive sense of dread and their similarity to biblical
plagues.
Over the past decade, there has been an upsurge of interest
by sub-state groups in acquiring weapons of mass destruction.
The best-known instance was in March 1995, when the Japanese
doomsday cult Aum Shinrikyo released sarin nerve gas in the
Tokyo subway. Despite an estimated net worth of roughly $1 bil-
lion and the active recruitment of chemists and biologists from
Japanese universities to create a chemical and biological weapons
arsenal, Aum was unable to achieve its deadly goals. Cult scientists
tried initially to produce and deliver biological agents, including
anthrax and botulinum toxin, but they failed, because of technical
problems, to cause genocide in nine attempted biological attacks.
At the national policy level, the concepts of deterrence and foreign
policy that were so useful during the Cold War do not apply in
their exact sense to the threat of terrorism. When the adversary is
an elusive network of enigmatic diehard operatives completely
dedicated to their cause, it is nearly impossible to design a response
strategy. It is, therefore, ‘a “complex terrorism” that threatens
modern, hi-tech societies in the world’s most developed nations.’108
Terrorists rarely have targetable assets, either financially or mili-
tarily. Efforts to freeze terrorist financial assets are hampered
by the vastness and the rigid secrecy laws of the international
108
Dixon 2002: 53.
banking system, and only in cases where states are supporting

terrorists is it possible to find a military target.
Dr Bashiruddin Mehmood, the former chief of Pakistan Atomic
Energy Commission (PAEC) and Chaudhury Abdul Majid are
both under investigation for their alleged links with the Al Qaida
network, as they had travelled many times to Afghanistan.109 In a
testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in
February 2002, Director of Central Intelligence, Mr George Tenet
said, Osama bin Laden had declared that acquiring unconven-
tional weapons was ‘a religious duty’. ‘We know that Al Qaida
was working to acquire some of the most dangerous chemical
agents and toxins’, Mr Tenet said. ‘Documents recovered from Al
Qaida facilities in Afghanistan show that bin Laden was pursuing
a sophisticated biological weapons research program. We also
believe that bin Laden was seeking to acquire or develop a nuclear
device. Al Qaida may be pursuing a radioactive dispersal device,
what some call a “dirty bomb”.’110
In the case of a terrorist outfit or an undeterrable leader acquiring
these deadly weapons, one cannot be certain that an intended de-
terrent would work in the way intended. In the absence of an estab-
lished deterrent relationship, would the threat be understood as
a deterrent, the way it was perceived, and might it have some un-
predictable and perhaps counter-productive consequence? It is
difficult to see deterrence operating securely against proliferators.
The threat of nuclear annihilation just cannot be used against
terrorists. The ease with which a terrorist group can have access to
fissile material and thereby construct a nuclear weapon has been
discussed in detail by J. Carson Mark and his colleagues.111
Ì
Deterrence does not emerge automatically with the possession of

nuclear weapons. Nuclear deterrence accrues from the threat of a
nuclear attack to prevent the opponent from using force against the
vital interests of the deterrer. So, to be credible, deterrence must ful-
fil these basic conditions: (a) the opponent must have vital interests;
109
Mufson 2001.
110
Shankar 2002.
111
Mark et al. 1987.
(b) the declared nuclear threat must be credible; and (c) the oppon-
ent must be susceptible to be deterred. It is imperative that the ad-
versary realises that the threat is authentic. Threat perception is of
vital importance to bring about the stabilising effect of nuclear
deterrence. A potential attacker should be in a position to estimate
that the probable costs of retaliation would outweigh the gains
from aggression. Deterrence is a combination of capability and
credibility: it succeeds if the expected costs of retaliation are added
to the estimated probability that a deterrent threat will be imple-
mented. Capability is a function of military hardware, the available
delivery systems, while credibility has the following variables: per-
ceived interests of the state, the general reputation of the state, the
estimated costs of counter-retaliation and the international legiti-
macy of the action. The strength of these variables has to be cal-
culated well in advance. Decision makers have to work out the
cost–benefit analysis of their decision at this stage.
Although this study firmly follows the argument that nuclear
weapons do not provide stability and that deterrence is a myth, it
contends that following the May 1998 tests, India and Pakistan
are now in a slow-motion deployment mode. Given the fact that
there would be no rollback and nuclear weapons are here to stay,
the only suggestions one can make are towards containing crises
and steps to help maintain stability. If the risk of nuclear war can
be reduced, attention has also to be paid to the ability of govern-
ments to stay in control of a crisis. Many factors determine if gov-
ernments can indeed contain such a crisis. These factors are tangible
or even quantifiable—such as the ability of technical intelligence,
or intangible—the systematic assessment, the soundness of policies,
the competence and idiosyncrasies of leaders in power and how
they struggle with ignorance, knowledge, intentions, misper-
ceptions and miscommunication. Given the peculiarities of any
crisis, the manner in which these variables interact with each other
normally determines the set of outcomes.
In the long and hostile history of the two dyadic relations, namely,
India–Pakistan and India–China, one often comes across the term
‘crisis’. Given the fact that China, India and Pakistan are nuclear
weapons states (irrespective of how various international regimes
define them), the escalation of any border military engagement to
the nuclear level will be a quick process. The term ‘crisis’ may
then fall short of explaining the situation.
All three states have the capability to engage in short wars or

‘limited war’, but by what yardstick and which regulation will
such an engagement remain ‘limited’? Even if one considers that
‘limited war’ between China and India is possible, what factors
will determine that conflict does not escalate? Despite profound
differences in political systems, domestic pressures will ultimately
keep playing in the minds of national leaders. There is no dearth
of counter-value targets in any of these countries. If indeed India
does try to deter China, Pakistan will certainly want delivery sys-
tems by which it can deliver nuclear weapons to any part of India.
Crisis often develops suddenly, but if any state has a higher risk-
taking capability (as Pakistan did in the Kargil War), then one can
pick up strands of brinkmanship, as there are long preparations
that go into it. Intelligence gathering activity normally picks up bits
and pieces of information about any such large-scale preparation.
Vast information and electronic networks notwithstanding, any
crisis essentially has a human element, because misinformation
and misperceptions impelled by fear and haste, amplified by media
campaigns and elitist thinking, and miscalculation of the outcomes
remain crucial to crisis.
CHAPTER 4
CHINA
The Chinese have always been a great, courageous and industrious nation;
it is only in modern time that they have fallen behind. And that was due
entirely to oppression and exploitation by foreign imperialism and
domestic reactionary governments ... ours will no longer be a nation
subject to insult and humiliation. We have stood up.
—Mao Tse-tung, 21 September 1949
P
ost 1949, there was a deep sense of vulnerability that
pervaded Chinese thinking on security matters, which can
be traced to the Chinese experience at the hands of Western
nations and Japan in the 18th century. China in general, and Chinese
strategic culture more specifically, was deeply affected by its ex-
periences with almost all imperialist powers through the 19th
and 20th centuries. Added to this was the feeling that China, even
though it had a large territory and population, was economically
and technologically very weak.1 Chinese security thinking was
dominated by its position in the global balance of power. China
felt uncomfortable in the international system that was domin-
ated by two superpowers, neither of whom it could challenge.
Since the 1950s, when it was engaged in direct military confront-
ation with the US in the Korean War, China has continued to face
American hostility in the form of diplomatic isolation, economic
sanctions and military pressure. In the 1960s, the US was again
engaged in Asia, this time in Vietnam.
In the new millennium, there are very few countries that will
have an impact on the international system the way China would.
China is fascinating, yet intriguing, and provides a challenge
for policy analysts to grapple with. While thinking about China,
different images come to mind—is it a superpower or is it not?
1
Mao Tse-tung 1994: 175, 193.
Will it turn revisionist or will it challenge the current unipolar

international system? Will economic reform and market forces
help improve Chinese relations with other states? Will commun-
ism survive the winds of globalisation? What will be the future of
China’s relations with its neighbours and other major powers in
the international system? How will China affect the Southern Asian
strategic balance of which it has become an integral part? How
will the US ballistic missile programme influence the strategic
choices faced by China? The present discussion will limit itself to
the Chinese perception of security, its strategic culture, calcula-
tions, doctrines, weapons, policies on major arms control regimes
and its neighbours.
China is and always has been influenced a great deal by its past.
Chinese strategists have thought differently through the ages on
questions of war and peace and different variables have deter-
mined their choices. These variables locate their roots in cultural,
philosophical, political and cognitive characteristics, which in
turn are shaped by history. In the case of China, it is culture that
shapes the outcome of many of its policies.
Ì CHINAS STRATEGIC CULTURE

Strategic culture encompasses the threat and use of force and a
country’s conduct in international relations. In any state, the ideo-
logical, institutional and individual moorings of the decision-
making process are often informed by its strategic culture. This
concept was first conceived during the Cold War, when Jack Snyder,
in a study done for the RAND Corporation, defined strategic
culture as the sum total of ‘ideas, conditioned emotional responses
and patterns of habitual behaviour that members of national strat-
egic community share with each other.’2 This, however, was per-
ceived to be a narrow definition that was limited primarily to
strategic decision making, as it did not take into consideration the
larger impact of strategic culture on the process of policy formu-
lation. Ken Booth gave a broader definition of strategic culture.3
2
Cited in Macmillan et al. 1994: 4.
3
He defined strategic culture as ‘a distinctive and lasting set of beliefs, values
and habits regarding the threat and use of force which have their roots in such
China 101
China has seemingly had a consistent strategic culture through

the ages. China’s status as a land power, its bitter experience of
foreign intervention and its traditional self-image of being at the
centre of the universe, dictate that the Chinese defence establish-
ment would focus on physical survival and national autonomy.4
In dynastic times, Chinese strategies of dealing with threats
from ‘barbarians’ included:5
l maintaining internal stability and thereby leaving outsiders no

opportunity to exploit;
l maintaining moral and cultural superiority over the barbarians
so as to draw their admiration, respect and loyalty;
l engaging in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, such as ‘playing bar-
barians against barbarians’ (yi yi zhi yi) and ‘associating with those
in the distance while attacking those in the vicinity’ (yuan jiao jin
gong); and
l giving carrots and sticks judiciously (en wei bing shi) so as to deter
barbarians from attempting to invade China.
Some of this ancient thinking still continues, although many

key variables have undergone a change due to changing security
environments. Chinese analysts often measure four sub-systems
of national power: (a) material or hard power (natural resources,
economics, scientific and technology, and national defence);
(b) spiritual or soft power (politics, foreign affairs, culture and
education); (c) coordinated power (leadership organisation, com-
mand, management and coordination of national development);
and (d) environmental power (natural, international and domestic).
This grand strategy, which Beijing defines as ‘national develop-
ment strategy’, can be located in Deng Xiaoping’s political thought
in the late 1970s and has further been reaffirmed by the post-Deng
collective leadership. This strategy of development is premised
on the assumption that economic power is the most essential factor
in a comprehensive national power, and such an approach can
fundamental influences as geo-political setting, history and political culture.

These beliefs, values and habits constitute a strategic culture which presents over
time, and exerts some influence on the formation and execution of strategy’ (Cited
in Macmillan et al. 1994: 4).
4
Shu Guang Zhang 1992: 273.
5
Wu Xinbo 1998: 123.
lead to ‘complex interdependence’, thereby avoiding conflict. At

the same time, Beijing also gives high priority to the development
of military power as a complement to policies of reform and open-
ing up, thereby ensuring that China’s economic power will rise;
for protecting important national interests; and for supporting a
policy of eventually playing the role of a great power and perhaps
emerging as the pre-eminent power in Asia. Nonetheless, Chinese
leaders since Deng have placed military modernisation as the
fourth in the priority order of the four modernisations.
In China, the state remains the key referrent of security, both in
domestic and international politics. Historically, the state has been
thought of as a protector, rather than as the oppressor of the people.
The Chinese term guojia (country) comprises two characters—guo
(state) and jia (family). The state is regarded as a protector of both.
‘This notion finds expression in such idioms as guo po jia wang (the
country is defeated and home lost), bao jia wei guo (to protect our
homes and defend our country), wang guo mie zhong (national
subjugation and genocide), and bao guo bao jiao (to defend our
country and protect our religion).’6
Sun Tzu’s Art of War lays the foundation of Chinese strategic
thinking. A reading of Sun Tzu would make one believe that the
Chinese are anti-militaristic and rely on concepts like ‘not fighting
and subduing the enemy’ and ‘attacking’ the enemy’s strategic
power, the worst being the attack of the enemy’s cities.7 Based on
the seven Chinese military classics, Alastair Iain Johnston, who
made a comprehensive study of Chinese strategic culture, con-
cludes that these texts accept ‘warfare and conflict as relatively
constant features of interstate tends towards zero-sum stakes,
and consequently ... violence is a highly efficacious means for
dealing with conflict.’8
China’s principal national goal is to become a strong, unified and
wealthy nation that is respected as a great power in the world and
as the pre-eminent power in Asia.9 The Chinese see their country
6
Ibid.
7
There is a rich tradition of strategic thought in Chinese language.
8
Johnston 1995: 61.
9
Observe the language of the 2002 National Defence white paper: ‘To enhance
mutual trust through dialogue, to promote common security through cooperation,
and to cultivate a new security concept featuring mutual trust, mutual benefit,
equality and cooperation, have become the requirements of the trend of our era.
China 103
as a developing power whose nuclear forces and the permanent

seat in the UN Security Council already bestow some of the attri-
butes of a great power. They look forward, however, to achieving
a status of parity in economic, political and military strength with
the world’s leading powers by the middle of the next century. This
also governs China’s grand strategy for achieving this national
goal to promote rapid and sustained economic growth; raise the
per capita income of its people to the global norm for advanced
nations; improve the social quality of life for its people, including
health and education, at par with the leading nations of the world;
raise technological levels in the sciences and industry; maintain
the political unity and stability of the nation; protect national sov-
ereignty and territorial integrity; secure China’s access to global
resources; and promote China’s role as one of the five or six major
poles in a new multipolar world.
Johnston acknowledges the lack of definition of the term ‘stra-
tegic culture’, but says that those who use it ‘explicitly or implicitly
tend to mean that there are consistent and persistent historical
patterns in the way particular states (or state elites) think about
the use of force for political ends.’10 He identifies the research on
strategic culture as belonging to three generations.11 According to
Johnston, China’s strategic culture has two characteristics: (a) a
set of assumptions on questions like nature of threats to natural
security, role of warfare in society, use of force in dealing with the
enemy; and (b) a set of objectives that logically flow from these
assumptions. The leit-motif in China’s strategic culture, Johnston
China is always a staunch force for safeguarding world peace and promoting
common development. China will unremittingly put the new security concept
into practice, oppose all kinds of hegemonism and power politics, and combat
terrorism in all forms and manifestations. China will strive, together with other
countries in the world, to create an international environment of long-term peace,
stability and security’ (State Council, PRC 2002).
10
Johnston 1995: 1.
11
The first generation are Soviet area specialists in the early 1980s, who located
the divergent behaviour of the US and Soviet Union in variations of their culture.
The second generation, from the mid-1980s, recognised the possibility of a dis-
junction between a symbolic strategic–cultural discourse and operational doctrines,
the former being used to reinforce the hegemony of strategic elites and their
authority to determine the latter. The third generation has studied the role of
organisational and cultural norms in strategic choice in an effort to explain choices
that do not fit with dominant neorealist explanations. Johnston concedes that
these generations are roughly temporal in sequence, and there is some overlap.
concludes, is the concept of absolute flexibility (quan bian) which

suggests that the offensive application of violence is likely to be
successful only if strategic conditions are ripe.12 He further adds,
‘the Chinese case suggests that strategic culture is not a trivial
variable in the description or explanation of strategic behaviour.’13
In the 1980s, Edward Boylan too reached a similar conclusion
that China had a distinctive ‘cultural style’ and that its strategy of
use of force had roots in Sun Tzu.14 Gerald Segal too, in his analysis
of Chinese strategic behaviour, located it in historical traditions,
but found that there were only a few patterns that carried the in-
fluence of ancient military thinking.15
Clearly, Sun Tzu’s Art of War, out of eight military classics, had
dominated China’s strategic discourse through the Middle Ages.
There does exist a debate where scholars have questioned the
authenticity of Sun Tzu’s writings—their accuracy, time in history,
or even existence. Sun Tzu offered his services to King Ho Lu of Wu
(514–496 BC) whose kingdom was close to the Yangtze River, and
later led Wu’s forces that defeated bigger states of Chu, Chi and
Tsin. Sun Tzu’s Art of War is therefore a must-read for scholars
aiming to understand contemporary strategic culture not just of
China but also of South-east Asia.16 Art of War has influenced
China’s contemporary security discourse. Mao Tse-tung’s two
essays, ‘On Protracted War’ and ‘Problems of Strategy in China’s
Revolutionary War’,17 have references to Sun Tzu’s Art of War. Mao,
of course, modified Sun Tzu’s work to suit his needs and meet the
requirements of the time. There is a debate about whether The
People’s War is a direct take on Art of War.
DECEPTION
If there is one single concept that has influenced contemporary

Chinese strategic behaviour, it has been that of deception. The
genesis of ‘deception’ can be partially located to Sun Tzu. For him,
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid.: 258.
14
Boylan 1982: 342.
15
Segal 1985c.
16
Griffith 1963.
17
These essays are part of Mao Tse-tung 1967.
China 105
‘All warfare is based on deception (bingz he guidao ye).18 The war

doctrines in China put an excessive emphasis on deception, which
is integral to China’s history and geography. According to Art of
War, ‘attack where they are unprepared, go forth where they will
not accept’ has been a guiding principle, not just for the military,
but for the citizens as well.19 After examining the classical military
texts, Johnston opined that conflict or war is the last policy option
in Chinese strategic thinking. He says that under the Confucian–
Mencian paradigm, it is assumed that ‘when force is used, it should
be applied defensively, minimally, only under unavoidable con-
ditions, and then only in the name of the righteous restoration of
a moral political order.’20 The ‘grand strategy’ here seems to be
defensive offence. He concludes that under the parabellum para-
digm, given that a zero–sum context of violence is preferred, ‘offen-
sive strategies [are] followed by progressively less coercive ones,
where accommodation is ranked last.’21 This is also where the
concept of absolute flexibility (quan bian) takes firm root. But
Johnston has also said that the Confucian–Mencian paradigm is
an idealised strategic discourse, whereas in reality China exhibits
a realpolitik parabellum strategic culture. He also points out that
while the Maoist–Leninist view propagates violent class struggle,
the Confucian–Mencian notion of ‘not fighting and subduing the
enemy’ can produce peace and security. 22 It is therefore argued
that ‘not fighting and subduing the enemy’ is at the heart of the
theory of deterrence ‘with Chinese characteristics.’23
LIMITED USE OF FORCE
Another strand in Chinese strategic culture has been the shift to-
wards minimum use of force if violence does become necessary.
Offensive wars of annihilation have not been resorted to in Chinese
history. This is linked to what is called ‘limited war’ in strategic
thought.24 China has had some degree of success in using limited
18
See Sun Tzu 1910.
19
Sawyer 1996: 43.
20
Johnston 1995: 249.
21
Ibid.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid.: 254.
24
This has been discussed elsewhere in the book at greater length.
force to achieve goals, in coordination with diplomatic tools to

achieve clearly defined limited political aims. Grand strategic be-
haviour post 1949 has therefore only gone marginally further than
what was planned as a non-zero–sum construction of conflict.25
One can locate international use of force by China from 1950–79
in these broad categories: to recover territories to which China
lays claim (Sino-Indian war), to deter a perceived superpower
attack (involvement in the Korean War), and to maintain regional
balance of power (Sino-Vietnam border war in 1979). Most of these
have been limited military engagements.
Having situated some elements of violence in Chinese historical
strategic discourse, it may come as a surprise to see how most ana-
lysts of Chinese military force present a rather benign picture of
China. Many writings (usually by Chinese scholars) begin by saying
that the Chinese are a peaceloving people; that China has never
invaded another country (with the exceptions being when it was
ruled by the ethnically non-Chinese, such as the Mongol Yuan dyn-
asty); that it has never occupied even an inch of another state’s
territory except to teach a lesson, and that the nation-state prefers
to use political, rather than military, means to resolve disputes.26
Gerald Segal has examined nine cases of Chinese use of force from
1949 to 1985 and concludes that there has been no set pattern.
Obviously, every Chinese response was governed by ‘absolute flex-
ibility’. He says that China demonstrated strategic and tactical
flexibility and a willingness to use whatever amount of force from
1949 to 1985, supplemented by wide variety of political inputs to
achieve set political ends.27 After studying China’s militarised inter-
state dispute behaviour from 1949 to 1992, Johnston concluded
that the growth in Chinese capabilities does not necessarily portend
a more aggressive use of Chinese power, as long as China’s ter-
ritorial integrity is not challenged and it is accorded appropriate
international status (involvement in international institutions,
etc).28 Johnston, however, concedes that ‘the findings do suggest
25
See Bobrow 1964; Godwin 1984; and Boorman 1973.
26
See, for instance, Fang Ning 1998 and Liu Huaqing 1998.
27
Segal 1985b.
28
Johnston 1998.
China 107
that once in a militarised dispute China will tend to escalate to a

relatively high level of force.’29
China has traditionally been surrounded by weak vassal states
and this has supplemented what has been called ‘limitation in
warfare’. Against these states only a small part of China’s military
power was enough. But this was not sufficient against bigger states
like the US and the UK and became one of the factors leading to
China’s colonisation. In chapter 3 of Sun Tzu’s Art of War on ‘Plan-
ning Offensive’, there are details of how energy (chi) constitutes a
basis for the kingdom’s forces (Li) and how extended operations
or battles reduce military forces.30 For instance, in Mao’s time, this
principle was much in practice: China’s civil war campaign at
Pingjin lasted for 56 days, the Sino-Indian war 1962 lasted for
20 days, Huaihao for 65 days and the Vietnam War in 1979 for
29 days.31 After the Cold War, China’s new leaders formally pro-
nounced limited war as a war-fighting doctrine.
Chapter 2 of Art of War, titled ‘Waging War’, has concentrated
on the idea that long, protracted war may be harmful for the state.
Sun Tzu suggests that short battles—‘blundering swiftness’—are
better than long ones.32
CENTRALITY OF THE ARMED FORCES
Another element of China’s strategic culture is that the armed

forces are considered central in the society and in national security
planning. Again, the roots can be traced to the military classics. In
the recent era, it was Mao Tse-tung who shouldered the respon-
sibility for shaping the military into a prominent national insti-
tution. This process began with Western containment policies and
Mao’s response. Sun Tzu also played a part in shaping Mao’s ideas.33
In fact, Sun Tzu laid special emphasis on the military as another
indicator of national power, a theme that continues in China’s con-
temporary strategic culture.34
29
Ibid.
30
Lau 1965.
31
The Japanese war in the late 1930s is an exception.
32
Griffith 1963: 73.
33
Bok 1984.
34
Raghvan 1998.
China has, since the 1960s, placed a good deal of emphasis on

developing and modernising its military. Nuclear weapons too
have played an important role in shaping critical choices in China’s
foreign relations. China’s doctrinal position on nuclear weapons
and its overall military doctrines of ‘defensive defence’ can be
located in its strategic culture. One may recall, among the Non-
Proliferation Treaty (NPT)-recognised, nuclear weapons states,
China is the only country that has offered an NFU. While the actual
influence of the modernisation of China’s forces and its enthusi-
astic upgradation of weapons over the region and the world remain
issues of concern, ancient scholarly traditions have remained the
reference point for the credibility of China’s tactical and strategic
positions and arguments about modern nuclear warfare.35 If an-
cient Chinese military doctrines were transplanted to China’s current
nuclear posture, Sun Tzu would consider counter-value targeting
as least desirable, counter-force only slightly better, counter-control
targeting, although it does not have exact correspondence, yet a
little better, with the highest form being counter-strategy.36 The
role of nuclear weapons, prominent but less than that in Western
countries, confirms these principles.
PRIMACY OF MEN OVER WEAPONS AND DEFENSIVE DEFENCE
Another major theme that dominates China’s contemporary stra-

tegic doctrines and can be traced to the ancient texts is the doctrine
of the primacy of man. The best instance is provided by Kong Ming
in Romance of the Three Kingdoms, where a rebel chieftain is not
punished but let off seven times. The strategy involved is akin to
mind over matter: ‘attacking the mind is superior to attacking for-
tifications.’37 Weiliao Zi, another of the ancient writers, wrote, ‘A
favourable weather counts less than an advantageous location,
which, in turn, counts less than an army in harmony (tianshi buru
dili; buru renhe).38 The principle of centrality of man has evolved
mainly from the Confucian–Mencian canons. The defensive
35
Chong-pin Lin 1988: 6.
36
Ibid.: 126.
37
Ibid.: 19.
38
Ibid.: 18.
China 109
defence thesis—‘luring the enemy deep’—too can be traced to China’s

ancient writing mainly from the Confucian–Mencian canons. Over
the last couple of decades, there has been a gradual shift in emphasis
from men to materials, and while the debate in the West is still on
about whether China has moved from ‘defensive defence’ to ‘offen-
sive defence’, the Chinese contend that the doctrines have remained
the same. In the late 1970s, China initiated comprehensive reorgan-
isation (zhengbian), a process that is still going on. This reorganisa-
tion was based on the principle, Suojian bujun youqi shi bubing yuan’s
jiaang gongjum, haijun, jige tezhing bing budai (reduce ground forces,
particularly infantry personnel, strengthen air force, navy as well
as special forces—nuclear, chemical and biological weapons). 39
Thus, China’s ancient strategic military thought has been instru-
mental in shaping much of China’s present postures and policies.
Some statesmen have carried out modifications not just to suit the
times, but sometimes to justify their actions. In the following discus-
sion, an attempt will be made to explain China’s securit posture
and policies, both from Chinese as well as regional perceptions.
NATIONAL SECURITY PERCEPTIONS: MILITARY MODERNISATION
The roots of China’s deep sense of insecurity can be located in its

historical experience over the last couple of centuries, beginning
with the entry of Western traders. There were little or no develop-
ments and the economy was drained by the constant pumping
out of opium. Besides constructing the political infrastructure of
the state, at independence China was also faced with the prospect
of constructing a defence system that could stand the test of
defending it against external threats.
China’s defence forces of about 6 to 7 million ground troops were
spread out and disorganised. Besides, internal politics played a
major role in shaping the orientation of the forces. The Great Leap
Forward and Cultural Revolution were full of radical elements
for a long time, which reflected on the forces. Added to this, leaders
like Mao Tse-tung and Deng Xiaoping believed that political power
flows out of the barrel of the gun. But after 1949, the communist
government was faced with the task of re-organising the military.
39
Cited in Kondapalli 1999: 56.
The army was disorganised and had been used largely for internal
societal purposes, and there was no navy or air force worth its
name. Overall, the military in 1949 hardly had any experience in
defending China, let alone in making power projections across
borders.
The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been studied by
scholars, both Chinese and Western, besides other Asians.40 The
Central Military Commission (Zhongguo Gongchandang Zhongyang
Junshi Weiyuanhui, CMC) monitors the functions, decision and
the role of the PLA which is under the direct control of the CPC.
The 1982 Constitution of China created another CMC. Structurally,
the PLA has the following organs: various general departments
(General Staff Department, General Political Department, General
Logistic Department, General Armaments Department), air force
(PLAAF), navy (PLAN), the Ministry of National Defence, the
Second Artillery Force, military regions, military districts, military
academies, colleges, etc. (under the umbrella organisation,
National Defence University), and the Commission for Science and
Technology and Industry for National Defence (COSTIND).
In a meeting of the CMC, Chinese Premier Deng Xiaoping said
that the PLA was guilty of ‘bloating, laxity, conceit, extravagance
and inertia.’41 After the shocks of the Tiananmen Square massacre,
addressing a meeting of the CMC on 10–12 November 1989, Deng
said the task of the armed forces was ‘revolutionisation, modern-
isation and regularisation.’42 One of the causes of this was the re-
sistance put up by the PLA rank and file. The white paper released
by the PRC43 has said that the issue of demobilisation of more than
1 million personnel is a positive action towards disarmament and
should be seen in terms of internal aspects rather than external
ones. The PLA has traditionally played an important role in the
political conditions of the PRC. The military has had represent-
ation in congress. In the fourteenth Congress in 1992, 41 out of 189
of the CPC Central Committee and 21 out of 130 alternate mem-
bers belonged to the PLA. In the fifteenth Congress, 42 out of 193
members belonged to the military.
40
Among others, Bonds 1979; Nelson 1977; Gittings 1967; Kondapalli 1999.
41
Deng Xiaoping 1984: 91.
42
Jencks 1990.
43
State Council, PRC 1995a: 6.
China 111
The changing international environment, the end of the Cold

War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emerging forces
of globalisation opened new windows of opportunities for China.
This reflected on the PLA. As Col Xu Xiaojun of the PLA’s Academy
of Military Science says, ‘China enjoys the best security environ-
ment since 1949. It is not facing any real military threats. There is
no obvious danger of a major attack by any adversary. And the
eruption of a world war or a major regional conflict which might
threaten China’s security, is a far away possibility.’44
There have been a number of reassuring moves by the PLA.
Besides downsizing the PLA from 4.2 million in 1987 to 3.2 mil-
lion in 1990, there were indications in the mid-1990s of another
15 per cent reduction.45 The Shanghai Accord that was signed on
26 April 1996 between Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and
Kyrgyzstan pledged all state members to a series of security assur-
ances: not to attack each other, not to carry out military exercises in
border regions, to give prior notification of planned military attack
within border regions, and increased military consultations and
exchange of military observes among parties.46 This effort in border
management or an exercise in confidence building reflected a serious
effort by China in solving border problems.47 China signed The
Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity along
the Line of Actual Control in the India–China Border Areas, in
September 1993 and again in 1996. China’s other border talks in-
cluded those with Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia;48 with
Russia, some 95 per cent of the 4,355 km long Sino-Russian border
has been agreed upon. The two countries have agreed not to target
each other with strategic nuclear weapons. They also have a bilat-
eral NFU between them. This is significant as the two countries
were involved in the Ussuri clashes in March 1969, when there were
reports of Russian ‘surgical strikes’ on Chinese nuclear installa-
tions.49 There was also speculation that there could have been a
Soviet pre-emptive strike against China’s nuclear installations.50
44
Cited in Cossa 1994.
45
International Herald Tribune 1996a.
46
Yu Lei 1996.
47
An approach that has been termed as ‘solving it or shelving it’.
48
See International Herald Tribune 1993, 1996b; Financial Times 1995a, 1995b.
49
IISS 1969–71. See the 1969 report, p. 72.
50
Ibid.
The Chinese nuclear installations were geographically spread out:

Lop Nur (the test site) Aksu, Urumchi and much further east Haiyen
Lanchou and Paotou. If the Soviets had decided to carry out the
surgical strikes even with a 75 to 90 per cent success rate, China
could still have retained some nuclear weapons that would then
have been used for a retaliatory second strike, thereby escalating
the border war to the nuclear level. Since then, there have been some
encouraging steps, but there is never any guarantee of a 100 per
cent success in such a pre-emptive strike.51 On the issue of the South
China Sea, China signed bilateral accords with the Philippines and
Malaysia to diffuse potential disputes. On 15 May 1996, China ac-
ceded to the UN Convention on the Law of Sea.
Before focusing on proliferation concerns and China’s arms
control policies, it is imperative to dwell on China’s perception of
national security and its national security paradigms.
NATIONAL SECURITY PARADIGMS
In China’s perception, national security involves a complex set of

variables. It is not just the military that is of consideration, but
political stability and unity as well, since historical facts state that
following the opium wars, China had been reduced to the status
of a semi-colony. In the subsequent period, for over 100 years, the
Chinese were exploited and there was no concept of security as
China was open to invaders, aggressors and economic exploiters.
Given this, the Chinese speak of issues like national security and
sovereignty as being influenced by history. From this perspective,
the following are the security objectives of China:52
l To build itself into a country that is economically prosperous,

politically stable and military sufficient in its own defence.53
l To lay particular stress on a good neighbour policy, with the
purpose of establishing friendly and cooperative relations with
neighbouring countries.54
51
Ibid.
52
Yimin Song 1986: 3.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
China 113
l To have interdependence between security and development,

striving for international economic security to strengthen inter-
national security as a whole, and thus to create a lasting and
peaceful environment for China’s people.55
The primary goal that China follows now is that of economic pro-
sperity to raise productivity, a policy of active defence, independ-
ence and peace, and a foreign policy based on five principles.56
The national security paradigms are discussed below.
Seeking Peace
With the thought of ‘early, total nuclear strike’ weighing on the
minds of Chinese leaders, a recent security paradigm of ‘seeking
peace’ has become the dominant theme. It was Mao who first saw
the difference between nuclear and conventional threats and pre-
sumed that China faced an ‘early total nuclear strike’, thus making
way for China’s open-ended military modernisation in the first
three decades after independence. While China constantly built
up arms, the leaders repeatedly emphasised eliminating weapons
of mass destruction, since they were viewed as the most drastic
means to achieve the ends of peace and security. China conducted
the first nuclear test at Lop Nur on 16 October 1964, and the state-
ment released that day conveyed the shape of Chinese nuclear de-
terrence and policies to come.57 The tests were to break US hegemony,
and the Chinese deterrent was a part of the ‘struggle to strengthen
55
Ibid.
56
These five principles are: (a) mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity; (b) mutual non-aggression; (c) non-interference in each other’s internal
affairs, equality and mutual benefit; (d)peaceful coexistence in developing diplo-
matic relations; and (e) economic and cultural exchange with other countries. These
are the same as the Panchsheel Agreement of 1954 between India and China.
57
The highlights of the statement were: ‘This is a major achievement of the
Chinese people in their struggle .… The atomic bomb is a paper tiger. This famous
statement by Chairman Mao Tse-tung is known to all. This was our view in the
past and this is still our view at present. China is developing nuclear weapons
not because it believes in their omnipotence or because it plans to use them. On
the contrary, in developing nuclear weapons, China’s aim is to break the nuclear
monopoly of the nuclear powers and to eliminate nuclear weapons …. The
Chinese Government hereby solemnly declares that China will never at any time
or under any circumstances be the first to use nuclear weapons’ (Government of
PRC 1964).
their national defence and oppose the US imperialist policy of nu-

clear blackmail and nuclear threats.’58 Although in its policy declar-
ations and statements, China has, since 1964, maintained that it is
against weapons of mass destruction, yet internally, force modern-
isation and a move towards winning a ‘limited war under high-
tech conditions’ reflects a ‘lean mean fighting force’ that is ready
for the 21st century. The force has indeed been downsized, but the
laid-off soldiers have been transferred to the People’s Armed Police
(PAP), the strength of which has increased from 0.5 million in 1983
to 1.8 million in 1996. Thus, to seek peace regionally, the approach
is to keep the borders settled, maintain a ‘lean mean’ force, keep
the special forces (read nuclear, chemical and biological weapons)
ready and updated and not engage the army in day-to-day law
and order problems for which the PAP has been readied.
Limited War
Yet again, it is Sun Tzu whose dictum of a short swift war dominates
and is considered better than long campaigns. ‘In war, then, let
your great object be victory, not lengthy campaigns.’59 In fact, if
the enemy can be defected even without fighting, it is considered
supreme excellence: ‘to fight and conquer in all your battles is not
supreme excellence, supreme excellence consists in breaking the
enemy’s resistance without fighting.’60 The chapter 2 of Art of War,
titled ‘Waging War’, has constant references to the idea of a short
war. Sun Tzu suggests protracted warfare can be inimical to state
resources and the morale of men. A blundering speed is considered
better than prolonged warfare: ‘though we have heard of stupid
haste in war, cleverness has never been associated with long
delays.’61 In fact, it has been clearly written that ‘there is no instance
of a country having benefited from prolonged warfare.’62 The
changing nature of the PLA and its transformation to a ‘lean mean
fighting machine’ has connotations for a move towards what
Sun Tzu had advised—short war. This has ably been modified to
suit the present environment, and hence, special weapons and
modernisation of the forces have been ordered.
58
Ibid.
59
See Sun Tzu 1910.
60
Ibid.
61
Ibid.
62
Ibid.
China 115
The armed forces get the latest in weapon systems and new
technologies, and coupled with new concepts in battle operations,
the PLA has increased its combat effectiveness manifold. This pro-
cess has been supplemented by necessary doctrinal changes.63 This
is a reflection of ‘force projection’ rather than occupation as the
priority of the PLA, which emphasises the limited war paradigm.
In the theory of conflict, an important role is played by ‘such sym-
bolic and exceptional phenomena as tradition, precedent, con-
vention and unwritten law ….’64 Limited war, Thomas Schelling
argues, ‘is not necessarily “irrational” for either party, if the alter-
native might have been a war that would have been less desirable
for both of them.’65 It is clear that to keep war limited there has to be
norm setting. In the case of China, if tradition lays the foundations
for such norms, then the adversary too should be at the same stra-
tegic wavelength to keep the conflict limited. But this may create
more problems. William Kaufmann has suggested that ‘any attempt
to formulate rigid rules of conduct for wars whose aegis and en-
vironment we cannot foresee may create as many problems as it
pretends to solve.’66 And of course the final criticism can be that a
losing state will want to use all the weapons at its disposal to con-
tinue to exist. When escalation takes place, soldiers and statesmen
coming under increasing domestic pressure will then be forced to
reach hasty decisions upsetting calculations that were made in
peacetime. Under these circumstances, a limited war may indeed
have a greater potential for escalation than a conventional conflict.67
Seen in this context, limited wars are not new to the literature
and inherently carry the risk of escalation. It is difficult to see a con-
cept like limited war being used to enhance stability in the region.
Indeed, if force capabilities are of any indication, then China is on
its way to force projection. Various strategists have been quick to
point out how certain new weapon systems emphasise precision,
lethality, surprise and target acquisition, thereby making space
for ‘limited war’.68 Gen Qin Jiwei, Minister of Defence, addressing
63
Joffe and Segal 1995.
64
Schelling 1960.
65
Ibid.
66
Kaufmann 1958.
67
See in this context, Jessup 1957; Brodie 1957; and Osgood 1957.
68
Godwin 1992: 191–92.
the National People’s Congress in 1994 said, ‘in the next ten years,
the international situation will be complicated and changeable.
Although major war is unlikely to take place, limited local wars
will be endless.’ 69 In an eight-volume series prepared by the
Academy of Military Science titled, ‘Studies on Campaigns and
Tactics in a High Tech War’, ‘limited high-tech’ war has been
described as
a contest in science and technology: in terms of the nature of high

tech limited warfare (sic) is an information contest; in terms of its
manifestation a high tech limited war is a system contest; in terms
of the mode of operations and the way it develops high tech limited
war is highly controllable and flexible; in terms of the requirements
of logistical support, high tech limited war is high on inputs and
high on consumption.70
China has been quick to differentiate its model of limited war

from Western constructs. It argues that it has still kept in mind the
concept of ‘people’s war’. Logically, this means that China is still
behind the times on weapons technologies. Second, the Chinese
version of limited war pertains only to China’s periphery and is
not for intercontinental purposes; and finally, the Chinese believe
that in a dynamic strategic environment, strategic breakthroughs
will further refine this concept.
Credible Minimum Nuclear Deterrent

According to the July 1998 white paper, ‘China’s National Defence’,
the official Chinese position on nuclear deterrence and nuclear
weapons is that it advocates total nuclear disarmament and com-
plete prohibition of nuclear weapons. As a nuclear weapons state,
China ‘vigorously supports and participates in the international
non-nuclear proliferation efforts, promotes the process of nuclear
disarmament and works hard for the realisation of the final goal
of the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear
weapons worldwide.’71 A couple of decades earlier, there was no
indication of the formulation of a definitive nuclear strategy.
69
Quoted in Shulong Chu 1994: 188.
70
Quoted in 1998/99. See also in this context, Johnston 1995/96.
71
State Council, PRC 1998.
China 117
It is apparent that Chinese leaders from the beginning realised

that Beijing had no chance of competing against the superpowers.
In the initial period in the 1960s, the Chinese strategy had major
loopholes. Their thinking about nuclear war was limited to defence
and survival. At that time, China had no real air defence. But since
then, much thinking has gone into these issues. The PLA now
understands that
before a war breaks out, a country will, by way of military deter-

rence, try to make the opposite side refrain from launching an attack
rashly, so as to provide a powerful backing for its own political,
economic and diplomatic activities. If deterrence does not work, it
will strive for a victory through actual combat, in order to remove
the obstacles to its political, economic and diplomatic activities.72
Ì THE ROAD TO LOP NUR AND AFTER

The reasons that led China to choose the nuclear path have been
fourfold: (a) its geo-strategic realities; (b) its historical experience;
(c) the perceptions and beliefs of its leadership; and (d) techno-
logical, organisational and economic capabilities and limitations.
The geo-strategic environment confronting the Chinese state has
to a great extent contributed to its approach to WMD, and parti-
cularly to nuclear weapons. The most noteworthy and enduring
features of this environment have been: (a) very long and at many
places extremely porous international frontiers; and (b) inter-
national borders being shared by states with strong and well-
maintained military forces, including the former Soviet Union and
India, both of which have had armed conflict with China in the
past.73 Viewed from a Chinese perspective, such a security environ-
ment requires the creation of a military force large enough not
just to protect the territorial sovereignty of China, but also to deter
large-scale conventional and nuclear threats.
The historical experience of China since the mid-19th century
has only increased its sense of insecurity and vulnerability. Western
interaction with China has led to armed intervention, subjugation
72
Wu Jianguo 1998: 144.
73
Lewis 1980: 148.
and humiliation by Western powers in the past. The experience

has generated various responses from the state. The statement re-
leased soon after the Lop Nur test talked of ‘nuclear blackmail’.
The beliefs and perceptions of the Chinese leadership have also
had a major bearing on China’s position, doctrines and force struc-
ture. Chinese leaders have nurtured a belief that the nuclear threat
has been held out by the United States to intimidate and blackmail
weaker, smaller powers and to continue its dominance of the inter-
national system.74 The United States levelled nuclear threats against
the Chinese in the early 1950s during the Korean War.
But perhaps the greatest influences on China’s viewpoint to-
wards WMD possession are fundamental technological, organisa-
tional and economic factors. The low industrial and technological
base and the early reliance on Soviet weapon designs and engin-
eering, ended up restricting the size and sophistication of China’s
nuclear estate. A level of indigenisation fuelled China’s desire to
be self-reliant, especially after the 1969 Ussuri river clashes.
China’s efforts to develop nuclear weapons came in response to
nuclear threats by the United States. Mao Tse-tung, with counsel
from Chou En-lai, set China on its quest for nuclear weapons in
January 1955.75 The United States was the most immediate cause.
The US had threatened China with nuclear weapons in the Korean
War (1950–53) and was now mobilising to exert military pressure
in the Taiwan Strait crisis. Chinese leaders feared that the US would
threaten or actually use nuclear weapons in this crisis.76 They also
felt that the genius of the Chinese nation and the communist system
would be impressed upon their citizens and the wider world by
the scientific prowess displayed in the acquisition of nuclear
weapons.77 In July 1950, at the very beginning of the Korean War,
President Truman ordered 10 nuclear configured B-29s to the
Pacific and ‘he warned China that the US would take “whatever
steps are necessary” to stop Chinese intervention and that the use
of nuclear weapons had been under active consideration.’78 In
1952, President-elect Eisenhower publicly hinted that he would
74
Lewis and Xue Litai 1988.
75
Ibid.: 38–39.
76
Ibid.: 37.
77
Ibid.: 231.
78
Nuclear Threat Initiative 2004.
China 119
authorise the use of nuclear weapons against China if the Korean

War armistice talks continued to stagnate. In 1954, the leader of
the US Strategic Air Command, Gen Curtis LeMay stated his
support for the use of nuclear weapons if China resumed fighting
in Korea. These threats prompted the Chinese to begin develop-
ing nuclear weapons in the winter of 1954–55, and the Ministry of
Nuclear Industry was established in 1955. With Soviet assistance,
nuclear research began at the Institute of Physics and Atomic
Energy in Beijing, and a gaseous diffusion uranium enrichment
plant in Lanzhou was constructed to produce weapons-grade
uranium. On 15 October 1957, the USSR agreed to provide China
with a sample atomic bomb and manufacturing data. However,
by 1960, the rift between the Soviet Union and China had become
so great that the former discontinued all assistance to China. After
1960, China was forced to continue alone.
The Beijing Nuclear Weapons Research Institute was established
in 1958 and served as a transitional research facility, until it was
replaced in 1962 by the Northwest Nuclear Weapons Research and
Design Academy in Qinghai. The Tongxian Uranium Mining and
Metallurgical Processing Institute was also established in 1958,
just a few miles east of Beijing (see Map 4.1).79 China conducted its
first nuclear test at Lop Nur on 16 October 1964.80 By the 1960s, China
had begun research and design of underground nuclear testing
facilities.81
The US was suspicious during the early 1960s that communist
China would tread the nuclear path very soon. In a memorandum to
Roger Hilsman, Director, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, John
M. Steeves confirmed, ‘it is no longer a question of whether Peking
is engaged in a nuclear weapons program, but only of when a de-
tonation may be expected.’82 More significantly, this memorandum
79
Ibid.: 90. See also Norris et al. 1994: 338, 340.
80
In a statement after its first nuclear weapon explosion, China stated that:
‘The Chinese Government pointed out long ago that the treaty on the partial
halting of nuclear tests signed in Moscow in July 1963 by the United States, Britain,
and the Soviet Union was a big fraud to fool the people of the world, that it was an
attempt to consolidate the nuclear monopoly of the three nuclear powers and tie
the hands of all peace-loving countries, and that it had increased, and not de-
creased, the nuclear threat of US imperialism against the people of China and of
the whole world’ (Government of PRC 1964).
81
Tang Hua 1996.
82
Steeves 1961.
sought to find out the impact of Chinese communist nuclear de-

tonation and of the subsequent acquisition of a nuclear military
capability, emphasising the impact in areas such as: (a) Sino-Soviet
relations; (b) Beijing’s policy towards disarmament and test ban
negotiations; and (c) policies and attitudes of non-communist Asian
countries, particularly Japan, India and free China towards the com-
munist bloc and the West.83 In fact, as William Burr and Jeffrey T.
Richelson point out, ‘The estimate that China could test a device
within a few years raised alarm at the White House, and President
Kennedy encouraged the CIA and other agencies to explore pos-
sibilities for preventive action against Chinese nuclear facilities.’84
The fact that President Kennedy and his administration had con-
sidered using force against Chinese nuclear facilities has been
documented by strategists.85
Earlier, in 1963, China had proposed a world summit to dis-
cuss nuclear disarmament. It suggested four steps towards dis-
armament:86
1. Dismantling all foreign bases and withdrawing all nuclear

weapons from abroad
2. Establishing nuclear-free zones in Asia and the Pacific, Central
Europe, Africa and Latin America
3. The non-export and non-import of nuclear weapons and the tech-
nical information for their production
4. A halt to all nuclear testing, including underground tests
Issues of dispersal, hardening and targets started being discussed,

and the Chinese considered long-range missiles or fighter aircrafts
from US or Russia as their main threats. The 1960s saw the Cuban
missile crisis and in 1969 China itself was engaged in the Ussuri
river clashes with the Soviet Union. Following these clashes, there
was the threat of a surgical strike by the Russians which made
China initiate ‘war preparations’. In the midst of charges and
counter-charges, a border truce was signed between the Soviet
83
Ibid.
84
Burr and Richelson 2000/2001.
85
Chang 1988.
86
Clemens 1993: 66.
China 121
Union and China in October 1969, but China continued to consider

the Soviets as the most immediate threat. By 1971, it was clear that
China wanted to become a major nuclear weapons power.
It is possible that China had deployed some DF(DongFeng)
MRBMs even as early as 1969. In 1971, China rejected a Soviet pro-
posal for the convening of a five-power conference to include the
US, USSR, UK, France and China to discuss the question of nuclear
disarmament. China re-emphasised its position that it would not
be the first to use nuclear weapons, and urged Washington and
Moscow to agree not to be the first to use them as well. Following
its admission in the UN, China again rejected a Soviet proposal
for a world disarmament conference placed under the twenty-sixth
United Nations General Assembly. There was an indication that
China would participate in the Conference of the Committee on
Disarmament. While it may be apparent that China has a benign
approach to the disarmament question, there has been no indi-
cation from Beijing to abandon any of its requirements of arma-
ments or nuclear weapons and delivery warhead modernisation.
Despite the overall ambiguity, there are some clear-cut attributes
of China’s nuclear doctrine:87
l China has repeatedly said that its weapons are for self-defence.
l Since 1964, China has said that it will not be the first to use nuclear
weapons. China, in fact, is the only member of the NPT that has
offered an NFU. It has applied NFU to Taiwan.
l China has also unconditionally said that it would not use or
threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons
states or nuclear weapon-free zones.
l Having offered a no-first-use, China apparently follows a counter-
value targeting, second strike deterrence strategy.
l China only wants to adhere to the principle of ‘we must have
what others have, and anyone who wants to destroy us will be
subject to retaliation.’
l China provides non-nuclear weapons states with unconditional
negative security assurances.
87
See in this context, Pollack 1994.
Some of the other key points of Chinese nuclear diplomacy are:88
l China has participated in several nuclear weapon-free zone

treaties in Latin America, the South Pacific, South-east Asia and
Africa; these commitments prohibit China from deploying, using
or threatening to use nuclear weapons in these regions.
l China has urged the United States and Russia to make deep cuts
in their nuclear forces and advocates the complete destruction of
nuclear weapons.
Johnston and other leading experts on this topic argue that for
nearly three decades after acquiring its first nuclear weapon, China
lacked a coherent nuclear doctrine.89 In a speech in 1997 to the US
Army war college, Lt Gen Li Jijun, Vice President of the PLA’s Acad-
emy of Military Science, described China’s nuclear strategy as:
China’s nuclear strategy is purely defensive in nature. The decision

to develop nuclear weapons was a choice China had to make in the
face of real nuclear threats. A small arsenal is retained only for the
purpose of self defence. China has unilaterally committed itself to
responsibilities not yet taken by other nuclear nations including
the declaration of a no-first-use policy, the commitment not to use
or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non nuclear zones.… In
short, China’s strategy is completely defensive, focused only on de-
terring the possibility of nuclear blackmail being used against China
by other nuclear powers.90
A reflection of this has been the strategic transition of the PLA

from ‘preparing for early, total and nuclear war to local and limited
war … to deter or fight is a medium-sized local war comparable
to a PLA war zone campaign.’91 There is a school of thought in China
that advocates adopting a nuclear doctrine of limited nature seek-
ing a capability to deter conventional, theatre and strategic nuclear
war, and to control escalation in the event of a nuclear confront-
ation. Under this doctrine, China may need to have counter-value
88
See in this context, Garrett and Glaser 1995/96; Jiang Zemin 1999; Li Daoyu
1993; Qian Qichen 1995; Sha Zukang 1995, 1997; and State Council, PRC 1995b,
2000a.
89
Johnston 1997: 288.
90
Li Jijun 1997: 7.
91
Nan Li 1999: 148.
Map Ë 4.1
China’s Nuclear Estate
Source: Spector et al. 1995.

targets. In 1996, Johnston said, ‘while the data on Chinese oper-

ational nuclear capabilities, targeting and launch doctrine are poor,
it is fairly safe to say that Chinese capabilities come nowhere near
the level required by the concept of limited deterrence.’92 (See Box
4.1 for Chinese nuclear R&D at Tuoli.) For years since it first enun-
ciated an NFU, China continued to enjoy a high moral ground and
kept urging all other nuclear weapons states to take steps in the
same direction. There are a couple of contradictions to the NFU, as
Chinese strategists no longer regard using nuclear weapons on
their own territory as a violation of the NFU doctrine.93 What comes
in sharp focus is which territories China considers its own. China
has not given up the option of using force for effecting a unification
of Taiwan. India also figures in these concerns. China continues to
claim parts of Arunachal Pradesh as its own.94 The confusion be-
comes compounded as China has not yet recognised India as a
nuclear weapons state. As Yan Xeutong, a foreign policy expert
in a think tank under China’s Ministry of State Security argues, if
there is ever a nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan, China
will naturally be dragged into it.95
Box Ë 4.1
Tuoli
China Institute of Atomic Energy (CIAE)
The China Institute of Atomic Energy (CIAE) at Tuoli, near Beijing,
is a comprehensive research and production base in the nuclear
research and development regime in China. Located in the south-
west of Beijing, about 40 km from the downtown city, it is quite
close to the famous Zhoukoudian site where the ancient Peking
man lived about 500,000 years ago. Facilities include a laboratory-
scale gaseous diffusion plant. Tuoli developed this enrichment
process which was later installed at Lanzhou. Waste Management
R&D includes HLW vitrification and waste form characterisation,
with pilot plants to be built. Main facilities currently include large
and medium-sized scientific research and production facilities:
(Box 4.1 Contd)
92
Johnston 1996a.
93
Tai Ming Cheng 1989.
94
Until recently, China used to claim Sikkim as an independent country. This
‘cartographic aggression’ was set right after the Indian prime minister’s visit to
China in September 2003.
95
The China Post 1998.
China 125
(Box 4.1 Contd)

research reactor, zero-power reactor, high- and low-energy
accelerators, large and medium-sized computers and network
systems, high activity cells, etc. The Department of Reactor
Engineering and Technology at CIAE is the premier reactor R&D
base in China. Under this are 15 research and design divisions
relating to reactor physics, reactor thermal hydraulics, reactor
material corrosion and protection, reactor material and radiation
performance, reactor fuels and irradiated material examination,
reactor fuel elements, general design of fast reactor, general design
of advanced research reactor, reactor structure design, reactor
loop design, reactor control and instrumentation design, sodium
technology, heavy water reactor research and operation, light
water reactor research and operation and miniature reactor,
covering all sectors relating to reactor engineering and technology
together with the necessary scientific research facilities. The
Chinese Nuclear Data Center located at CIAE is a participant in
the international Nuclear Energy Agency’s Nuclear Science Com-
mittee and its Working Party on International Nuclear Data
Evaluation Cooperation. The NEA Nuclear Science Committee
has set up a Working Party on International Measurement
Activities to coordinate differential nuclear data measurement
activities.
Source: http://www.fas.org/nuke/guide/china/facility/tuoli.htm.
Over the last few years, there has been a shift from a posture of
minimum deterrence to limited deterrence, wherein China acquires
the necessary components required for a limited war fighting cap-
ability—strategically a shift from counter-value to counter-force
targeting. In the words of Paul Godwin,
Minimum deterrence, which uses a single counter-value punitive

strike on cities to deter, is seen by many Chinese strategists as passive
and incompatible with … a future requirement for more flexible nu-
clear responses. Limited deterrence incorporates nuclear war fight-
ing, which provides China with the ability to respond to any level
of nuclear attack from tactical to strategic.96
While Chinese strategists are still strengthening their arguments

and defining the parameters of their debates that in many ways can
96
Godwin 1999: 261.
only be inferential, it is the Western debate that seems to be heating

up. In the words of Chinese analyst You Ji, ‘To the current PLA
commanders, minimum deterrence is an awkward strategy, it is
too defensive, concerned mainly with how to hide …. The doctrine
of minimum deterrence has total flaws but it is an unavoidable
transitional guide line for deterring an all out war.’ 97
Ambiguity from the Chinese government has led to estimates
and a careful use of terminology—it has been ‘reported’, ‘it is al-
leged by an adversary’, ‘it may be possible under this scenario’—
but what trajectory doctrines and their qualifying arguments will
take in the future cannot be clearly predicted. This view has been
reinforced by the fact that China has become more transparent in
many aspects of the PLA, but ambiguity still shrouds its nuclear
posture.98
KEY VARIABLES IN THE FUTURE
From 1964, when China first tested and articulated some of its
positions on nuclear issues, till the beginning of the 21st century,
the country has come a long way. Earlier, China’s nuclear posture,
external and internal policies were being located in the Cold War
paradigm, but a host of new features of the post-Cold War period
have recently been added. What then are these variables and how
will they determine China’s future policies?
In 1964, China justified the test in terms of threat from the Soviet
Union and the US and declared that it wanted to break US hegem-
ony. The following decades saw a systemic change—the collapse
of the Soviet Union, forces of globalisation and South Asian nuclear
tests. The collapse of the Soviet Union made the US the sole super-
power while forces of globalisation have strengthened China’s
position. When India tested in May 1998, followed by Pakistan,
Chinese strategic calculations were altered.
In May 1998, following its nuclear tests, India sent a letter to
President Clinton99 and clearly named China as a threat and, there-
fore, a motivation for testing. Following India’s tests, Pakistan also
97
You Ji 1999: 246.
98
The only government source in this regard are the white papers (State Council,
PRC 1995b, 2002).
99
The Hindu 1998.
China 127
tested nuclear devices. China ‘strongly condemned’ India’s tests

and expressed its ‘deep regret’ over the Pakistan tests. It imme-
diately urged both India and Pakistan to exercise utmost restraint
and to abandon at once all nuclear weapons programmes in order
to avoid worsening the situation and to ensure peace and stability
in the region. The Chinese said, ‘The South Asian region … [has]
ushered in the spectre of a nuclear arms race, bringing grave con-
sequences to world peace and security and to peace and security
in the region.’100
China has consistently advocated the complete elimination of
nuclear weapons and has argued for nuclear non-proliferation all
through the 1964 Lop Nur test to the 2002 white paper. Although
when China exports nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, it
demands that the facility be brought under IAEA safeguards, how
much of this is actually brought under the safeguards remains an
unanswered question. China also wants countries of the Indian
Ocean region to adopt practical measures to prevent the pro-
liferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass de-
struction.101 The obvious reference here is to India and Pakistan.
India has meanwhile continued to raise the issue of Chinese covert
assistance to the Pakistani missile and nuclear programme. How
the Sino-Pakistan relations shape up and how India reacts to that
relationship will determine the level of trust that is so crucial in a
trilateral relationship. How China responds to the US plans for a
national missile defence will have wide-ranging strategic impli-
cations for India. From an Indian point of view the size of the deter-
rent may influence its relations with China. Even a minimal number
will be a maximum number against Pakistan.
China articulated its nuclear policy in the white paper in July
1998, which, coming soon after the South Asian nuclear tests, was
significant. China distanced itself from the tests and yet kept its
original position secure: it gave some concrete proposals rather
than taking any moral position on nuclear disarmament. Sub-
sequently, in December 2002, China released another white paper
on national defence.
100
Government of PRC 1998.
101
Oin Huasun 1995.
Chinas Arms Control and Disarmament Policy

Given that states have adjusted to the post-Cold War security archi-
tecture with the Southern Asian states going overtly nuclear, what
has been China’s approach to arms control? Does China pursue
an arms control strategy? The international system too has under-
gone a change. When China first tested a nuclear device, there were
two blocs; by the late 1980s, one of the blocs had been dismembered
and although China kept insisting it was a bi-polar world, perhaps
it had not anticipated that it would find itself as the next great
power. Traditionally, the Chinese do not conceptualise China as a
big power that could play a role in the world. During the Cold War,
China saw arms control as one of the instruments that keeps the
weak states weak and the strong states strong. At the beginning of
the 21st century, it is China that is strong, and from an Indian point
of view, one of the five that are on top of the hegemonic pyramidal
structure (see Figure 4.1 for its arms control community).
There are several criteria, based on which one may judge a par-
ticular country’s penchant for arms control. The first is the degree
of self-restraint. To judge this, one needs to situate the arms build-
up in the context of defence needs, threat perceptions, intentions
and systemic changes. Historically, China has been a weak country
and the policy that it has followed from the beginning has, even
the Americans would agree, a good degree of self-restraint—at
least as far as policy pronouncements are concerned. Second, to
evaluate the arms control policy in China: it has nuclear weapons
and a modest stockpile, and presents itself as a threat to any
country. In terms of the Indian perspective, the 1962 war was lost,
in 1964 the Lop Nur test was conducted, and continued assistance
has been made to the Pakistan nuclear weapons programme to
the extent that the US had to use sanctions on these countries.
Besides, China continues to have a huge arsenal and deliverable
systems with reports of missile bases in Tibet. Third, does China
indeed make proposals that are concrete and substantial or does
it follow policies and norms that have been set by others? Theor-
etically, China has forwarded proposals that if adhered to can have
an effect on nuclear disarmament. For instance, on 31 July 1963,
China proposed a world summit to discuss nuclear disarmament.102
102
The steps that China proposed for disarmament included the dismantling
and withdrawing of foreign nuclear facilities, establishing nuclear weapon-free
China 129
But perhaps China realises that total nuclear disarmament is a

difficult game. Indeed, China was the first to enunciate the policy
of NFU. But there have been other models too. For instance, Japan,
due to its domestic compulsions, had given a call for a UN Register
for Conventional Arms Transfer and its non-nuclear policies too
prove that point. The efforts by India of constantly introducing
various proposals, like the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan and various
others, are also a case in point. Same is the case with efforts like
the New Agenda Coalition and Middle Powers Initiative.
But as Francois Godement has argued, most approaches to arms
control fall into a category ‘where tough bargaining compliance with
agreements, and verification are order of the day ... “Linkage” may
occur in the negotiating process, as each side hunts for concessions
in sometimes very different areas ... successful disarmament has
been based not so much on the switch from mutual deterrence to
mutual trust, but on the notion that mutual deterrence might be
preserved at lower levels of armaments, irrespective of trust.’103
On closer scrutiny, China has sought to maintain a fine balance
between, on the one hand, an idealism that is guided by high moral
posturing on nuclear disarmament, and on the other hand, by a
policy firmly grounded in the pragmatism of retaining and mod-
ernising the nuclear arsenal and the PLA. At the end of Cold War,
there was an opportunity and a global norm towards disarmament.
China has regularly sought a triad of nuclear forces, mobile deploy-
ment, multiple warheads, launch on warning, delivery vehicles of
all kinds, neutron bombs, and the like. Looking at the force struc-
ture and power projection, China seems to have a disparity between
policy pronouncements which look benign and forces accompanied
by domestic debates that come across as belligerent.
Godement has identified three stages in China’s attitude to
disarmament:104
l The first was the stage of denial until 1964 (when Mao claimed
that nuclear weapons were a ‘paper tiger’, while acquiring them).
zones, stopping the export and import of nuclear weapons and information
relating to techniques of their production, and bringing to an end all forms of
nuclear testing. Please see the discussion on p. 120.
103
Godement 1997: 91.
104
Ibid.: 97.
Figure Ë 4.1
China’s Arms Control Community
Notes: Other organisations involved in arms control and non-proliferation research are:
Beijing Institute of Nuclear Engineering; Beijing Institute of Systems Engineering; China Institute of Atomic Energy; China
Institute of Contemporary International Relations; Chinese People’s Association for Peace and Disarmament; Institute of
American Studies Program on Arms Control; Institute for World Economics and Politics; National Defence Science Technology
University; Program in Arms Control and Regional Security (Fudan University); Program in Arms Control and Disarmament
(Peking University); Scientists’ Group on Arms Control.
Source: © Center for Nonproliferation Studies.
l The second is the post-1964 contradiction between an all-out

disarmament policy targeted at other nuclear powers, while China
accepted no limitation.
l The third is the post-1979 situation. Now its defence doctrine
has outgrown the initial declaratory stage of no-first-use and
instead entered a phase where the deterrent value of nuclear
weapons implies more gradual, but also earlier, use of nuclear
arms, and is linked to conventional defence.
The post-Cold War environment has posed fresh challenges to

Chinese arms control policies. China is not a party to any of the
Russia–US arms control negotiations. Instead, it has continued to
develop and refine its nuclear and missile technologies. For over
20 years, China refused to accede to the NPT while Chinese officials
maintained that it was being a ‘responsible’ nuclear weapons state
and not assisting any state. These assurances came in the wake of
strong criticism of Chinese assistance to the Pakistan nuclear and
missile programme.105 China joined the IAEA in 1984. MTCR has
been a bone of contention with the United States. Although the
Chinese promised US Secretary of State, James Baker, in Novem-
ber 1991 that they would not violate MTCR guidelines, so strong
was the evidence of Chinese M-11 assistance to Pakistan that in
1993 the State Department announced a two-year sanction on
Chinese Ministries of Defence and Aerospace Industries and eight
commercial companies.
Technology, market forces and international security archi-
tecture will be some of the influences on China’s future policies.
Nuclear weapons will be retained due to the international strategic
environment. Indeed, large-scale production and deployments
‘would probably alarm China’s neighbours and others.’106 For its
larger missiles, China is working on developing multiple re-entry
vehicles (MRVs) or multiple independently targeted re-entry
vehicles (MIRVs).
Although China has praised the START I and II Agreements, it
has not agreed to be a member in any multilateral arms control or
arms reduction talks with other nuclear powers. In the Second
Special Session of the UN General Assembly on Disarmament,
105
See in this context, Sutter 1994 and Kan 1996.
106
Sutter 1994.
China 133
China proposed ‘three halts and one reduction.’107 This had been
altered in 1988 when China stated that the US and Soviet Union
would have to achieve ‘drastic’ or ‘substantial’ reductions in their
nuclear arsenals and not just reduce these by 50 per cent before
China would be willing to enter into multilateral arms reduction
negotiations. The official explanation was that the programme
would have its effect on Chinese deterrence.
Given this complex interplay of key variables, what can be China’s
probable future posture, considering the scope, scale and sophis-
tication of its strategic forces together with its doctrinal policies?
In a study by the Council on Foreign Relations in 2000,108 the following
five options were arrived at: (a) small but modern,109 (b) minimum
deterrence restored,110 (c) regional dominance, interim global ir-
relevance,111 (d) a force de frappe,112 (e) a parity force.113
107
These were: ‘cease all nuclear tests, stop the qualitative improvement and
manufacture of any kind of nuclear weapons, and reduce by 50 per cent their
existing nuclear arsenals, including all types of inter-continental, medium-range
and other tactical nuclear weapons as well as their means of delivery according
to a reasonable proportion and procedure to be agreed upon’ (Government of
PRC 1982).
108
Manning et al. 2000.
109
In this scenario, they suggest that China would be motivated to ‘stay in the
game’ but not make the investments to do anything more than a modest modern-
isation. Therefore, China will not build more nuclear warheads or substantially
increase its missile force. For the theatre force, there would be continued heavy
reliance on conventionally tipped missiles (ibid.).
110
In this scenario, China would be motivated to compete more effectively
with the deployment of defence by the United States. It would increase the number
of ICBMs and their effectiveness in penetrating defence with the goal of ensuring
that 20 warheads get through, whatever defence is deployed by the United States.
111
In this scenario, China would be motivated primarily by the desire to stay
ahead of India and other proliferators in Asia, real or potential, and move towards
more robust limited deterrence strategies at the theatre level with primary nuclear
forces. At the global level, China would remain committed to minimum deter-
rence, but would refrain from making substantial new investments in a more
robust force.
112
In this scenario, the strategy would be guided by the principle of limited
deterrence, but not extended nuclear war fighting. Broad enhancements to all
aspects of the force would be pursued and fielded, including further progress in
developing all legs of a triad, advanced penetration aids, an increase in the per-
centage of nuclear warheads in the overall force mix, and some MIRVing.
113
In this scenario, China would be motivated to field a very robust force as
part of a political strategy to signal its ascendance over Russia, its leading role in
Asia, and its equal footing with America in the world scene. This scenario sees a
In the next decade or so, China would take any of the options—
either only make modest investments in its nuclear force and con-
tinue a policy of minimum deterrence, or even try to fill the vacuum
left by the Soviet Union, and at least in warhead count try and
seek parity with the US. One of the key variables in Chinese be-
haviour in the next decade or so will be the US national missile
defence and theatre missile defence. As of now, China seems to
be investing modest amounts in its nuclear and conventional force
modernisation. At the same, it might maintain minimum deter-
rence as the doctrinal posture.
Whatever path China may take, it should keep in mind that even
a small increase in force levels or warheads will make India follow
suit. This will further give Pakistan a justification for increasing
its missiles and warheads. Thus, China can contribute to regional
stability by keeping its force levels at a minimum, not modernising
further and engaging the US and Russia in talks for warheads re-
duction. This would then have implications for the Indian nuclear
deterrent posture.
Ì DOCTRINE, STRATEGY AND FORCE MODERNISATION

China’s overarching security strategy in the 21st century is gov-
erned by its experiences during the ‘century of humiliation’. 114
Beijing’s political and military elites view the period between the
first Opium War and the communist victory over the Kuomintang
in 1949 as the time when China lost control of its own destiny to the
imperial powers of Britain, Japan, France, Germany, Russia and
the United States.115 This history has passed on to China’s political
and military elite a strategic view that enshrines freedom from
fear of domination by hostile powers as the core of national security
strategy.116 This period has also been analysed at the symptomatic
level, seeking institutional and technological changes in dealing
with foreigners to make China stronger.
substantial increase in the number of ICBMs, perhaps also an SLBM and nuclear
cruise missile force, and heavy emphasis on MIRVs. Presumably, the desire for
such a force may lead China to seek parity with the United States and Russia.
114
Godwin and Schulz 1994: 7.
115
Ibid.: 7.
116
Ibid.: 7.
China 135
Since 1949, one can locate two major changes in the Chinese
notion of security. The first was in 1949 itself, when Mao made a
break with the ‘feudal’ past in order to establish the People’s
Republic of China as the dictatorship of the proletariat. Deng
Xiaoping primarily affected the second change, the modernisation
project, marking a departure from the Maoist legacy. The major
national goal of China under Mao Tse-tung was the construction
of a socialist state that worked in close conformity with a Marxist–
Leninist ideology that was complemented by the practical ideology
of Mao Tse-tung. The post-Mao open door policy was mainly the
result of an ideological shift within the Communist Party of China
(CPC). Strategies of development were renamed in terms of eco-
nomic development and modernisation. There was a renewed
emphasis on modernisation, as political rigidity was tempered with
economic pragmatism. Politics was still very much in command
and the party firmly entrenched. This reflected the resistance to
alter the philosophical basis of society, while encouraging greater
economic and technological development to make China stronger.
Chinese nuclear and doctrinal strategic culture was influenced
a great deal by the wartime experience of the Chinese communist
leadership, especially during the Chinese civil war (1927–49),
as also by the war against the Japanese (1937–45). These, as Mao
Tse-tung said, were successes of ‘people’s war’ that emphasised
guerrilla tactics within an overall strategy of protracted war, the
importance of manpower over technology, the moral and physical
attrition of the enemy over time, and the importance of controlling
the strategic hinterland to surround the enemy’s base in the main
cities. On protracted war, Mao said,
Our strategy should be to employ our main forces to operate over

extended and fluid front[s]. To achieve success, the Chinese troops
must conduct their warfare with a high degree of mobility on
extensive battlefields, making swift advances and withdrawals,
swift concentrations and dispersals. This means large scale mobile
warfare, not positional warfare depending exclusively on defence
works with deep trenches, high fortresses and successive rows of
defensive positions. It does not mean the abandonment of all the
vital strategic points, which should be defended by positional war-
fare as long as profitable.117
117
Mao Tse-tung 1994.
In nuclear doctrinal terms, this translated into (a) opposition to

quick or pre-emptive military actions from a position of weakness;
(b) an appreciation for ‘strategic retreat’ and the primacy of defence
in the interest of eventual victory; (c) a subordination of a strictly
military viewpoint to the political-military goals of the revolution;
and (d) the ultimate superiority of man over weapons and
technology.118
As dismissed earlier, Mao was influenced to a very great extent
by Chinese classical texts on strategy, in particular, the work of
Sun Tzu (Art of War).119 Some of the more cited interpretations
of this has been the largely defensive and non-violent nature of
Chinese strategic thought: ‘To win one hundred victories in one
hundred battles is not the acme of skill. To subdue the enemy
without fighting is the acme of skill’. Psychological warfare and
deception are often considered cornerstones of traditional Chinese
strategic thinking.120 The larger context of Confucianism, the most
dominant philosophy of statecraft in Chinese history, stressing
abjuring violence and assuring order through moral—rather than
strictly military—strength, also influences strategic thought.
In keeping with Mao’s thoughts, the nature and role of the army
have been changing with new objective conditions. The Chinese
defence paper issued in 1998 states, ‘China unswervingly pursues
a national defence policy that is defensive in nature, keeps national
defence construction in a position subordinate to and in the service of the
nation’s economic reconstruction, strengthens international and
regional security and actively participates in the international arms
control and disarmament process’ (emphasis added).121 It states
that the PLA ‘strengthens itself by relying on science and technol-
ogy and strives to make the transition from a numerically superior
type to a qualitatively superior type and from manpower intensive
to technology intensive type.’122 The tasks of the army have been
identified as ‘being to consolidate national defence, resist aggres-
sion, defend the motherland, safeguard the people’s peaceful labor,
118
See Hsieh 1962: chs 1–2 and Chong-pin Lin 1988.
119
In particular, in ‘Strategic Problems of China’s Revolutionary War’, ‘On
Protracted War’, and ‘On Guerrilla Warfare’, there is a shadow of Sun on Mao’s
thought. See Mao Tse-tung 1967.
120
See in this context, Johnston 1995.
121
122
Ibid.
China 137
participate in national construction and strive to serve the people’

(emphasis added).123
Technology will remain a crucial element of the process of mod-
ernisation. If the PLA has to conduct war in the manner that it
desires, then effective joint operations, command and control, early
warning, surveillance and target acquisition that utilise advance
technologies will be needed.124 China realises that there will be no
external funding for this and that it has to raise the money in-
ternally. Paul Godwin contends that ‘defense industries could also
benefit in that, when integrated into operational requirements, high
priority weapon systems, such as tactical battlefield missiles,
multiple-role combat aircraft, cruise missiles, combat, support and
amphibious warfare ships, promise a steady production line.’125
Recent research has shown that ‘military involvement is evident
in all four security policy sub arenas,126 albeit to widely varying
degrees, ranging from near-total control over defence policy to
limited but significant influence over foreign policy.’127 James
Mulvenon says that the military is an important actor in all phases
of national security policy making, as well as including assessment,
planning and implementation.128 The overall impact of this military
involvement, he says, is ‘more indirect than direct: primarily the
military performs a critical “shaping role” in national security
policymaking with episodic attempts at intervention.’129
Since the Lop Nur test in 1964, when China became a declared
nuclear power, it has never publicly discussed its nuclear doctrine.
As Johnston put it, ‘for about 30 years after China exploded its
first nuclear weapon there was no coherent, publicly articulated
nuclear doctrine.’130 The only openly stated position then was that
these weapons were to prevent blackmail and coercion by the other
nuclear powers, principally, the US and then the Soviet Union.
China’s nuclear strategy has never been as explicitly stated as those
123
Ibid.
124
In this context, see Lilley and Shambaugh 1999.
125
Godwin 1999: 61. See also Yao Yunzhu 1995.
126
These are: national security objectives, foreign policy, intelligence, defence
policy and strategic research analysis.
127
Swaine 1996: x.
128
Mulvenon 2001: 325.
129
Ibid.: 325.
130
Johnston 1996a: 552.
of some other countries. But it is believed that China has the fol-
lowing five objectives for its nuclear strategy: (a) secure super-
power status; (b) preclude the possibility of intrusive diplomacy
through nuclear coercion; (c) deter other nuclear regimes (such as
breakaway states from the former Soviet Union); (d) retain a trump
card for the eventuality that Japan may rescind its current pacifist
policies for a military option; and (e) maintain political and moral
ascendancy over its regional rivals (such as India). The small num-
ber of nuclear weapons in the Chinese military limits the ability to
have a counter-force strategy. Consequently, the Chinese have
adopted a strategy of minimum deterrence. As the October 2000
white paper on national defence says:
From the first day it possessed nuclear weapons, China has solemnly
declared its determination not to be the first to use such weapons at
any time and in any circumstances, and later undertook uncon-
ditionally not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against
non-nuclear-weapon states or nuclear-weapon-free zones. 131
China did some moral posturing in the 2002 defence white paper:
‘China holds that countries having the largest nuclear arsenals bear
a special and primary responsibility toward nuclear disarmament,
and that they should take the lead in drastically reducing their
nuclear arsenals and destroy the reduced nuclear weapons.’132
Ever since the early 1990s, the main focus of Chinese military
strategy has been preparing for potential military contingencies
along China’s south-eastern flank, specifically the Taiwan Strait.
The PLA strategy has emphasised capabilities that counter re-
gional threats, and if required, cater to a global fallout. The PLA
has sought to prepare a strike capability to rapidly deploy and
win a regional war under high-tech conditions around China’s
periphery. This has been necessitated by the need to defend
against any regional adversary, maintain the credibility of
territorial claims, protect national interests, maintain internal
security, deter any moves by Taiwan toward de jure independence,
and deter aggression.
131
See State Council, PRC 2000a: ch. 5.
132
China 139
On the face of it, China is downsizing its armed forces, but the
manpower reduction is actually restructuring the PLA into a mili-
tary force that will comprise three main components, particularly
preparing for a local war under high-tech conditions: (a) a small
number of high technology forces for flexible use in localised
conflicts; (b) a larger number of forces that remain equipped with
medium technology weapons primarily for internal security; and
(c) a modest nuclear force that continues to maintain a viable deter-
rent against other nuclear powers.
This strategic shift in the PLA started taking place over a decade
ago, when the focus shifted from the protracted, large-scale land
warfare (Mao’s ‘people’s war’) to building capability to fight small-
scale, regional conflicts along China’s periphery. China’s ‘active
defence’ doctrine, christened ‘people’s war under modern con-
ditions’, is better portrayed as ‘local wars under hi-tech conditions’
with a strong component of the nuclear angle, and at its core being
nuclear deterrence.
The Chinese leadership had, by the mid-1980s, come to the con-
clusion that the risk of a major invasion had passed, and China’s
People’s Liberation Army was redirected towards preparations
for a smaller-scale ‘local war’. Unlike ‘people’s war’, the military
demands of a local war place a premium on the PLA’s ability to
gain the initiative at the earliest stage of the conflict, possibly through
pre-emption. China’s military strategy, therefore, is much more
suited now to diplomatic strategies that call for ‘the opportunistic
or demonstrative use of force to further Chinese foreign policy
interests.’133
This change has also been reflected in the white paper on China’s
national defence in 2002. It affirms,
In response to the profound changes in the world’s military field

and the requirements of the national development strategy, China
has formulated a military strategic guideline of active defence in
the new period. This guideline is based on winning local wars under
modern, especially high-tech conditions.134
133
Burles and Shulsky 2000: vii–viii.
134
It further said, ‘In view of the various factors threatening national security,
China has prepared for defensive operation under the most difficult and complex
circumstances. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA), in implementing the strategy
of building a strong military through science and technology, has accelerated
Paul Godwin and John J. Schulz point out that China’s overall
deterrence strategy is designed to preclude nuclear blackmail. The
idea is to create a counter-value (city-busting) deterrent of suffi-
cient size and range to guarantee that no enemy planner could
use nuclear force, or threaten to use it, without the certain know-
ledge of Chinese retaliation at a level sufficient to make the costs
too high.135 Recognising that their nuclear forces cannot compete
with the superpowers in either numerical or technological terms
(for instance accuracy), China must rely on raising the costs to a nu-
clear aggressor by ensuring that its own force has a survivable re-
taliatory capability. This deterrent strategy requires that the Chinese
give the perception, real or unreal, to potential nuclear aggressors
that they have the will to use nuclear force, the forces can survive
a first strike, a second strike is probable, and there is a command
and control apparatus in place for rapid retaliatory execution. This
nuclear deterrent is advertised, but the operational employment
of these nuclear forces is not. This is an important principle that
deserves to be emphasised: deterrence strategies need to be ad-
vertised, whereas strategy for use (or operational strategy) under
people’s war requirements depends on withholding intelligence
as to one’s true intentions and places a high value on deception.136
In an effort to improve credibility and a survivable retaliatory
capability of their nuclear arsenal, the Chinese emphasise mobility
and pre–launch survivability.137 The means to accomplish this goal
are rooted in Chinese military art of war. Sun Tzu put forth an aphor-
ism, well cited throughout Chinese military history: ‘The essence
of warfare is but the art of ambiguity.’138 Sun Tzu also stated that
‘Warfare is a matter of deception—of constantly creating false ap-
pearances, spreading disinformation, and employing trickery and
deceit.’139 To affect ambiguity in perception, routine concealment
the R&D of defense weaponry and equipment, trained high-quality military

personnel of a new type, established a scientific organizational structure,
developed theories for military operations with Chinese characteristics, and
strengthened its capability for joint, mobile and multi-purpose operations’ (State
Council, PRC 2002: ch. 7).
135
Godwin and Schulz 1993: 6.
136
Rosita 1990.
137
Lewis and Hua Di 1992.
138
139
Sawyer 1993: 155.
China 141
is punctuated with selective and deliberate revelation.140 China’s

land-based missile force is characterised by its mode of deploy-
ment: dispersal, concealment and mobility. The missiles are well
concealed in man-made and natural caves amidst high mountains
up to 15,000 feet above sea level, in deep gorges along the Yangtze
River, and under the cover of thick tropical forestry in careful
camouflage.141 Occasionally, missiles are deliberately exposed to
orbiting satellites or pictures are published in defence magazines.142
Ambiguity is also enhanced by redundant revelation. One example
is the PRC protection of its nuclear weapons testing base in Lop
Nur against the reconnaissance of superpower satellites by the
construction of six identical-looking bases in the area.143 Histor-
ically, China has called upon other nuclear weapons states to give
up their policy of nuclear deterrence. In June 1994, the Chinese
Foreign Ministry issued a statement calling for the ‘nuclear-weapon
States to give up their policy of nuclear deterrence and commit
themselves explicitly to the complete prohibition and total de-
struction of nuclear weapons.’144
Going by the limitations that China has imposed on itself, it is
likely to follow a retaliation strategy with a delayed second strike.
This implies that China will retaliate after absorbing a nuclear
strike, rather than a ‘launch under attack’ or a ‘launch on warning’
posture. Some of the recent research seems to suggest that Chinese
strategists are considering shifting their doctrine from minimum
to limited deterrence. It is likely that China possesses a more sophi-
sticated nuclear force structure capable of restricting nuclear escal-
ation during the early stages of a conflict. This reflects a change
from war-deterring capability to war-fighting capability. For this
to take place in the next decade or so, Chinese nuclear forces would
have to be geared up for such a role. This shift to limited deterrence
would require nuclear forces that are much more advanced.
‘Limited deterrence’ necessitates the capability to deter conven-
tional, theatre and strategic nuclear war, and to restrain escalation
in the event of a nuclear confrontation. PLA understands that ‘in
140
141
Ibid.: 52.
142
Ibid.: 69.
143
Ibid.: 62.
144
Foreign Ministry, Government of PRC 1994.
future high-tech local wars, the struggle between nuclear deter-

rence and counter nuclear deterrence will be even more complex.’145
China’s development of MRV and MIRV technology, and the
efforts to miniaturise its nuclear warheads, are clearly linked to
US ambitions of fielding a BMD in North-east Asia. China is also
developing penetration aids in addition to MRV/MIRV technol-
ogy. A classified National Air Intelligence Centre report revealed
that during the 1999 test of DF-31 missiles, an undetermined num-
ber of decoys decoupled from the primary warhead and ‘spread
out in different directions when the payload reached space.’146
A September 1999 National Intelligence Council document con-
cluded that ‘China has had the capability to develop and deploy a
multiple re-entry vehicle system for many years, including a MIRV
system.’147 China is modernising all legs of its nuclear triad: ballistic
and cruise missiles, ballistic missile submarines and strategic
bombers. A vast majority of China’s nuclear-capable missile force
remains land based. China has three ballistic missiles under de-
velopment: the land-based DF-31and the DF-41 and the sea
launched JL-2. The DF-31 and DF-41 are both road-mobile, solid-
fuelled missiles and have launch preparation times of less than 15
minutes and 5 minutes, respectively. Much of China’s nuclear
delivery system modernisation has been in this area. The DF-31,
DF-41 and JL-2 will also likely employ GPS for improved ac-
curacy.148 In addition to ballistic missiles, China is also developing
land attack cruise missiles for theatre war fighting and strategic
attack. China has been cooperating with Russia on the design and
construction of cruise missiles.149 It has stated that it has built two
Xia-class ship submersible ballistic nuclear (SSBN) propellors,
each of which can carry 12 JL-1 SLBMs. However, there are con-
tradicting reports on their actual deployment. The 1999 National
Intelligence Council report has estimated that the JL-2 is expected
145
Wu Jianguo 1998: 145.
146
Gertz 1999.
147
National Intelligence Council 1999: 11.
148
On 19 January 2000, Russian Deputy Prime Minister, Ilya Klebanov,
announced that Russia and China were close to reaching an agreement on the
bilateral use of Russia’s GLONASS satellite-based global positioning system (GPS).
This would enable China to be independent of the US GPS system, which is
likely to be turned off by the US in the event of any crisis. See Pomfret 2000: A17.
149
Aviation Week and Space Technology 1993.
China 143
to be tested within the next decade.150 China is also in the process

of developing its first indigenously produced fighter-bomber, the
H-7. The H-7 was flight tested in 1988 and has the capability to
deliver a 10 kT—3 MT nuclear bomb.151
C4I
Not much is known about China’s command and control, as infor-
mation continues to remain scarce. It is widely understood that
the final authority to use nuclear weapons in any given situation
rests with the chairman of the Central Military Commission, after
the top leaders have reached a consensus. Such a decision might
also require the Central Military Commission and other senior mili-
tary officials to reach a consensus.
The Second Artillery Corps (SAC) is tasked with implementing
the reliable and secure command and control of China’s nuclear
and conventional missile forces.152 The SAC was established on
1 July 1966 under the direction of Chou En-lai as a result of a merger
between the former headquarters of the Ministry of Public Security
and the Central Military Special Artillery Corps (CMSAC); it main-
tains control over China’s nuclear and conventional strategic missile
forces, consisting of short-, medium-, long- and intercontinental-range
ballistic missiles. One of the battalions of the CMSAC launched its
first missile in October 1963.153 The SAC as it exists now comprises
approximately 90,000 personnel and six ballistic missile bases, 154
and maintains control of over 100 nuclear warheads.155 It receives
12 to 15 per cent of the defence budget and about 20 per cent of
the total procurement budget. When the PLA cut 1 million per-
sonnel in the 1980s, SAC ranks actually increased. 156
The SAC happens to be a separate service arm, and it remains
distinct from the army, navy and air force. Xishan, in the hills west of
Beijing, where strategic operational orders originate, is the central
150
National Intelligence Council 1999.
151
See in this context, Norris 1996; Chong-pin Lin 1995; SIPRI 1990–2002, here
1995–2000; Godwin and Schulz 1993; Arnett 1996; Lennox 1996; Gupta 1994;
and Lewis and Xue Litai 1994.
152
This section relies on Stokes 1999.
153
Xu Zuzhi 1999.
154
Stokes 1999: 93.
155
Office of the Secretary of Defense 1997.
156
You Ji 1999.
command and control centre for all Chinese forces, including SAC.
A sort of direct communication that bypasses China’s military re-
gion commands and connects directly to base commands, is passed
through to the SAC headquarters and its communications regiment.
The base commands, in turn, communicate with their respective
launch brigades.
There is very little information available on the technical aspects
of Chinese nuclear C4I, as open source of information is scarce. In
recent years, however, reports have surfaced that describe various
new technologies and systems that have helped strengthen China’s
command and control system. These could be in the nature of ‘leaks’
or ‘technology revelations’. One such ‘leak’ has reportedly sug-
gested that the past level of command and control structures was
not particularly advanced.157 It further noted that the SAC ‘after
three years of arduous work’ developed a new digital microwave
communications system that allowed secure ‘all-weather’ com-
munication for missile launch.158 The Pentagon, however, continues
to believe that ‘China has made significant efforts to modernize
and improve its command, control, communications, computers,
and intelligence infrastructure.’159 Given the primacy of nuclear
weapons in the Chinese security calculus, one can safely assume
that similar advances in C4I modernisation have occurred in the
strategic rocket forces.
Force Modernisation
China continues a huge programme of modernisation of its nuclear
forces, including improved mobility, reliability, accuracy and fire-
power, leaving analysts compelled to understand the Second Artil-
lery more precisely, including its evolving doctrine, organisation
and hardware, and their implications for international security.
The white paper on national defence, 2002 says, ‘At the turn
of the century, an important historical period, China is devoting
itself to its modernization drive. China needs and cherishes dearly
an environment of long-term international peace, especially a fav-
ourable peripheral environment.’160 China is pursuing a long-term
157
People’s Liberation Army Daily 1998.
158
Ibid.
159
Department of Defense, US 1997a.
160
State Council, PRC 2002: ch. 7.
China 145
military modernisation strategy that develops a power projection

capability. Modernisation efforts are particularly strong towards
improving the PLAN and PLAAF. Of course, the main driving
force behind these modernisation efforts is the People’s Liberation
Army. There are many reasons for China’s force modernisation.
Primary among them is the desire of the PLA to address the prob-
lem of obsolete and antiquated military hardware. Among the
other concerns are China’s ability to cope with a variety of largely
post-Cold War threats, both in and around China’s periphery.
Michael Swaine and Ashley Tellis view this modernisation drive
as a part of its current ‘calculative’ strategy to sustain an expanded
level of political and operational objectives. 161 According to them,
these objectives include:
(a) securing the defence of Chinese sovereignty and national territory

against threat or attacks from all manner of opponents, including
highly sophisticated military forces; (b) acquiring the ability to coun-
ter or neutralise a range of potential short, medium and long term
security threat along China’s entire periphery, but especially in mari-
time areas; (c) acquiring the ability to use military power as a more
potent and versatile instrument of armed diplomacy and statecraft
in support of a complex set of regional and global policies; (d) even-
tually developing the power projection and extended territorial
defence capabilities commensurate with the true great power status
expected in the 21st century.162
It was during the 1970s and 1980s that China began developing
lower-yield nuclear weapons and also proceeded with multi-
megatonne warheads. This suggests that China was also developing
tactical nuclear weapons. The tests from September 1977 to October
1980 all produced yield less than 20 kT, and in 1983 the PLA pub-
lished a manual that explained the different types and functions
of tactical weapons.163 The nuclear tests that were conducted in
the late 1980s and the early 1990s were further geared towards
modernising China’s nuclear forces.
161
Swaine and Tellis 2000.
162
Ibid.: 121. See also in this regard, Shambaugh and Yang 1997.
163
From the online database of the Center for Nonproliferation Studies,
available at http://www.cns.miis.edu, accessed on 17 December 2002.
While China officially declared in 1994 that these tests were

for improving safety features on existing warheads, these were
also intended for the development of new, smaller warheads for
China’s next-generation solid-fuel ICBMs (like DF-31 and DF-41).164
The DF-31 has a range of 8,000 km, and was first tested on 2 August
1999 and again in November 2000. The DF-31 is likely to replace
the DF-4. Also under development is the Julang (JL)-2 sea-based
version of the DF-31, although that may not be deployed until 2010.
At this stage it is unclear whether China will have a new ballistic
missile submarine for these missiles.165 Additionally, it is possible
that China might use the Russian GLONASS satellite-based global
positioning system which would decrease the Chinese reliance on
the US GPS system.166 It is also likely that ‘Russia could provide or
China could develop, technology that would enable the missiles
to deliver a Chinese nuclear warhead.’167 A new nuclear submarine,
the 09-4, may also be under development, with deployment only
likely some time in the future. It has been reported that Russia is
providing China with assistance in building its second generation
of nuclear submarines.168 In an effort to strengthen the air force,
China’s first indigenously produced fighter-bomber, the H-7,
which was flight-tested in 1988 and has the capability to deliver a
10 kT–3 MT nuclear bomb, is also being developed. A modest num-
ber is being built, although production problems may delay early
deployment.169
China’s nuclear modernisation programme may be geared
towards developing the capability and capacity to move from a
minimum deterrence to a limited deterrence nuclear strategy. This
encompasses the capability to deter conventional, theatre and stra-
tegic nuclear war and escalation control, in the event of a nuclear
crisis. Theoretically, China would feel the need to have both counter-
value and counter-force targeting, which would require very exten-
sive deployment for credibility reasons. This may still be some
decades away. But this process is likely to be gaining momentum
164
The DF-31 and DF-41 are both expected to be road-mobile, solid-fuel missiles
and have short launch preparation times.
165
Lennox 1999; Walpole 2000.
166
Zhang Yihong 1999.
167
Lennox 1999: 23.
168
Norris 1996; Godwin and Schulz 1993.
169
Norris 1996.
China 147
with impact of the US insistence to go ahead with the BMD. The

PLA is becoming more concerned with protecting institutional inter-
ests and pushing for force modernisation issues, besides having
an increased mandate on the maintenance of domestic order. This
would have serious strategic implications for the Indian nuclear
deterrent posture. The Indian defence establishment has been
observing this development for a long time. The gradual process
of force modernisation is now also a feature of the Indian defence
forces and the Chinese force modernisation is one of the chief
drivers of this process.
Ì FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES

Mark Mancall places the interpretation of Chinese foreign relations
in context. According to him, China’s foreign relations continue
to remain an interaction ‘not between different powers but between
different worlds, each organised according to its own principles
and perceiving the other in terms of the only reality it can know,
itself.’ Elsewhere he says,
China’s sense of its own civilisation did not include an aggressive

mission to either civilise the rest of the world or to shoulder its bur-
dens; the Chinese did not feel the need to bring the blessings of
their technology, religious or governmental system to other peoples.
When other peoples adopted and adapted elements of Chinese cul-
ture, they did so for reasons of their own and the Chinese were always
welcoming to those who wished to transform themselves into
members of ‘civilisation’.170
John King Fairbank dismissed the Chinese world order as ‘trad-

itional’, thereby laying the foundation of similar theorising for an
entire generation of Western scholars.171 Taking Fairbank’s view
further, Samuel S. Kim posits that the traditional Chinese world
170
Mancall 1984.
171
He concluded that this was not useful in interpreting contemporary Chinese
foreign policy. Fairbank has argued that traditional Chinese world order can
hardly be called international, since ‘the participants in it did not use concepts
corresponding to the Western ideas of nation, sovereignty, or equality of states
each having equal sovereignty.’ See Fairbank 1968: 5–9.
order has suffered a disjoint between policy pronouncement and

policy performance.172 Culture has been one of the key influences
on the foreign policy choices that China makes. According to Jing
Dong-Yuan, ‘pre-modern Chinese history displays a blend of both
the ideational, non violent and the realpolitik, violent approaches
to external relations.’ 173 As Kim opines, China lacked a dynamic
and aggressive imperative to expand and impose its will upon re-
calcitrant non-Chinese states. 174
The Chinese worldview has not altered into military imperialism
from dynastic rule to communist times. China explicitly recog-
nises the concept of political sovereignty in the Five Principles of
Peaceful Coexistence which have remained the basis of Chinese
foreign policy. China has formally rejected seeking hegemony and
extending its security interests beyond its borders and has not
participated in creating any ‘strategic balance’ on the grounds that
the concepts lead to interference in the internal affairs of other
countries.175 Second, contrary to Western international relations
theory constructs, China does not essentially consider international
cooperation as the preferred approach to world peace.176 A reflec-
tion of this is the Chinese participation in international arms con-
trol and economic integration treaties. China did not endeavour
for global agreement on international norms and structures to
promote international interaction. In fact, the peculiarity of the
Chinese approach towards foreign relations has been not to solve
problems but to prevent problems from arising in the first place.
‘Consequently, unique institutions and practices were developed
to control what contact was deemed essential to implementing
this policy.’177 China has developed a system of conducting its
foreign relations that is the institutional expression of its social
ideology, with philosophical inputs from Confucius, Mencius and
the Legalists.
172
This phenomenon, according to him, may be explained with the help of the
Chinese image of the world which is more rich in cultural symbolism than in
political dynamics, more passive than active, believed to be more defensive than
imperialist and more rhetorical than real (Kim 1979).
173
Jing Dong-Yuan 1998.
174
Kim 1979: 45.
175
Yimin Song 1986.
176
It is possible that with the entry of China in the World Trade Organisation,
this view might have started changing.
177
Mancall 1984: xiii.
China 149
Even in the conduct of its foreign relations, China’s increasing

reliance on foreign markets, maritime trade routes and energy sup-
plies have contributed to a growing sense of strategic vulnerability,
as it takes the control of events beyond China’s borders. This im-
plies that the external environment, to a great extent, will determine
the degree to which China will be able to attain its key political
power goals and a sphere of strategic influence.
The Sixteenth Communist Party of China (CPC) Congress, adopt-
ing the report of the Fifteenth CPC Central Committee, passed a
resolution saying,
The Congress agrees with the report on its analysis of the inter-
national situation and all the principles it puts forth for the external
work, stressing the need to pursue the independent foreign policy
of peace and work with all nations to safeguard the common inter-
ests of mankind, boost world multipolarization, oppose all forms
of hegemonism and power politics, and advance the lofty cause of
world peace and development.178
Various factors like values, preferences, history and culture influ-

ence the crucial foreign policy choices that Chinese policy makers
make. Of course, Chinese communist leaders persist in proclaiming
‘Marxist–Leninist–Maoist thought’ as the ideological foundation
of their state, but this is by no means fixed or static. It is continu-
ously being reinterpreted by the CPC leadership to cater to its cur-
rent needs. Lucian Pye in his analysis of Chinese pragmatism says
that this is the anthropologist’s notion of culture as ideology.179
Chinese foreign policy is the praxis of ideological reinterpretation.
Although written in a different context, but quite applicable to China,
Michael Hunt has argued that informal ideology is a powerful
variable in deciding the choices in foreign policy. He says,
A foreign policy ideology that is carefully manufactured, neatly

packaged, widely advertised, and readily available off the shelf is
not necessarily more genuine or more influential. In fact the case
could be made that ideologies assume formal explicit, systematic
form precisely because there is resistance to them within the culture,
178
Communist Party of China 2002.
179
Pye 1988.
whereas ideology left implicit rests on a consensus and therefore

exercises a greater (if more subtle) power.180
But then not all authors have stated ideology to be one of the pillars
of Chinese foreign policy. For instance, Doak Barnett has ignored
ideology completely.181 On the other hand, there is a view that the
role of ideology is decreasing in the formulation of Chinese foreign
policy.
Soon after independence, the goals of Chinese foreign policy were
to support the national liberation struggle in the colonial world,
to oppose imperialism and to promote nuclear disarmament. This
clearly laid the foundation for ideology to play a dominating role
in foreign policy choices. Gradually, with changes in the inter-
national system, the non-aligned states also started playing a part,
thus proving that ideology is not the only important pillar on which
foreign policy can be based. As Steven Levine has perceptively
noted, ‘while its identity-defining dimension remained formal,
ideology gradually ceased functioning as a guide to action in the
foreign policy arena and was increasingly transformed into a set
of abstract principles and behavioural norms used to criticise the
conduct of other states.’182 In his conclusion, he notes, ‘the PRC
appears to acquire what might be called a “minimum ideological
framework” whose precise content varies considerably over time,
but which, to the satisfaction at least of the Chinese elite, integrates
the desperate strands of foreign policy.’183
There was a change in some of the principles that guided Chinese
foreign policy. Part of the change can be located in the interaction
of Nehru with Chou En-lai that led to the Panchsheel principles dis-
cussed earlier. The central premises of the Chinese foreign policy
are based on principles very similar to these. Besides, during the
Cold War, China realised that it should not have a close affinity
with either of the superpowers. A factor affecting this decision
was Moscow’s initial refusal to assist China in gaining control over
the Nationalist-held strongholds during the 1958 Taiwan Straits
crisis, when China began shelling the off-shore Nationalist-held
180
Hunt 1987: 14.
181
See Barnett 1985.
182
Levine 1994: 39.
183
Ibid.: 39.
China 151
islands of Jinmen and Matzu.184 The other factor was the Brezhnev
Doctrine, wherein Moscow reserved the right to use force against
‘recalcitrant socialist states.’185
What then is the role that China sees for itself in a world that has
remained bipolar for close to four decades and is arguably unipolar
and in transition now as well as increasingly interdependent and
interactive? As one of the permanent five, its voice cannot be ignored
in the process of conflict management, be it economic, military,
social or demographic concerns. For this study, China’s relations
with the US, India and Pakistan will be examined.
SINO-US RELATIONS
For nearly 20 years after 1949, no American politician dared to

speak openly about the relations between Washington and the
People’s Republic of China.186 The Korean War, McCarthyism, a
Sino-Soviet alliance, China’s development of an atomic bomb,
the war in Vietnam and the Cultural Revolution combined to make
American leaders distrust their own countrymen as well as the
Chinese.187
The 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia led to the Brezhnev
doctrine and the 1969 Sino-Soviet Ussuri river clashes, followed
by American presence in Vietnam, which prompted a period of
rapprochement in 1971–72.188 Henry Kissinger wrote about his
secret visit to China, ‘When we completed drafting the commu-
niqué announcing my secret visit to China in July 1971, Chou En-
lai remarked that the announcement would shake the world. He
was right.’189
However, US President Richard Nixon’s views on China had
always been more pragmatic than ideological.190 Nixon’s views
regarding China, much before his becoming the president can be
gathered from one of the most quoted articles that he wrote in
184
Tow 1994.
185
Ibid.
186
Schulzinger 1989.
187
cf. ibid.: 79.
188
Besides the Nixon and Kissinger memories, see in this context, Pollack 1992.
189
Kissinger 1979: 163.
190
Hersh 1983.
Foreign Affairs in 1967. In that article Nixon wrote, ‘Some counsel

conceding to China a “sphere of influence” embracing much of the
Asian mainland and extending even to the island nations beyond;
others urge that we eliminate the threat by pre-emptive war.’191
In the aftermath of the 1965 Indo-Pak war, the United States de-
cided to involve itself less in the South Asian region. Three factors
were mainly responsible for this shift. The first was the growing
détente between the US and the former Soviet Union. The second
was the deep American involvement in the Vietnam War. The third
factor was the result of the first two factors—the US found none of
its strategic interests at stake during this period in South Asia.
Whether or not China desired it, soon it came to be associated with
a global power status.192 In the early 1980s, leading Chinese think
tanks and experts began suggesting a shift in China’s strategic
distance from the US.193 After 1984, China started improving its
relations with the US. As David Shambaugh noted, ‘In the Chinese
estimation, genuine superpower détente could contribute posi-
tively to a peaceful environment in East Asia which in turn was
necessary for China’s development during the Seventh Five-year
plan period.’194 Both domestic factors—the Tiananmen Square—
and international factors—the break-up of the Soviet Union—led
to sharp downslide in China’s relations with the Western world.
More factors contributed to security challenges for China—the
break-up of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Treaty organisation, the
growing culture of Islamic fundamentalism in Central Asian
republics and the Arabic world, a resurgent US after the Gulf War,
and a large US military presence in Central Asia following the
Afghan campaign.195 Also at the systemic level was the process of
191
He further adds, ‘Clearly, neither of these courses would be acceptable to
the United States or to its Asian allies …. For the short run, then this means a
policy of firm restraint, of no reward, of a creative counter pressure designed to
persuade Peking that its interests can be served only by accepting the basic rules
of international civility. For the long run, it means pulling China back into the
world community—but as a great and progressing nation, not as the epicentre of
world revolution. In the long view, we can not afford to leave China forever
outside the family of nations, there to nurture its fantasies, cherish its hates and
threaten its neighbours’ (Nixon 1967).
192
Pollack 1980.
193
Ross 1991.
194
Shambaugh 1994: 204–5.
195
See in this context, Lampton 2001.
China 153
globalisation that was fast reducing economic borders between

states.
In the 1990s yet again, there were various discordant notes
between the two countries. The US condemned China for violating
arms limitation agreements, human rights and for engaging in
unfair trade practices. Policy makers in the US Congress in the
1990s consistently focused on suspected Chinese transfer of sen-
sitive technology to Pakistan and Iran. Since 1992, China, in view
of the change in world order that led to the emergence of the US
as the sole superpower, sought to alter its image. In 1992 it agreed
to abide by the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR); in
March 1992 it acceded to the NPT; in January 1993 came the signing
and subsequent ratification; in October 1994 there were statements
on MTCR and fissile material production; in November 1995 the
white paper on arms control and disarmament was written; in
May 1996 China made the statement on making only safeguarded
nuclear transfers; in July 1996 came the announcement on mora-
torium on nuclear testing; the CTBT signing followed this in 1996
September; in October 1997 China became a member of the
Zangger Committee; in August–October China released a series
of export control regulations on NBC materials; and in November
2002 China released another white paper on national defence.
Meanwhile, the US policy was shifting from that of containment
to engagement seeking to improve bilateral relations. As the US
was trying to engage China—trying to increase interaction—it was
also aware that China was not adhering to various global non-
proliferation norms. In June 1997, the director of central intelligence
submitted a report to Congress stating that during July–December
1996, ‘China was the most significant supplier of WMD-related
goods and technology to foreign countries ... there is no question
that China has contributed to WMD advances’ in Pakistan and
Iran.196 In early 1996, the Congress called for sanctions after there
were reports of Chinese sale of 5,000 ring magnets, apparently in
violation of the NPT and the US laws, including the Arms Export
Control Act and the Export Import Bank Act (as amended by the
Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act of 1994). The US imposed
sanction on the China National Nuclear Corporation. Sanctions
continue to be a ‘feel good’ policy and are toothless and have no
196
Kan 1998.
effect. Clandestine help to Pakistan’s nuclear and missile pro-

gramme continued. ‘The Defence Secretary’s Report’ of November
1997 stated that ‘China remains Pakistan’s principal supplier of
missile related technology and assistance.’197 The defence secre-
tary’s report further stated that in April 1996 Iranis purchased
an electro-magnetic isotope separation unit from China.198 Citing
the International Herald Tribune, the CRS report, further adds that
‘[t]he CIA reportedly found that China delivered dozens or per-
haps hundreds of missile guidelines systems and computerised
machine tools to Iran sometime between mid-1994 and 1995.’199
Core American interests of protecting the painstakingly crafted
non-proliferation regime have been damaged to some extent by
the Chinese. Yet, economic sense dictates American access to the
Chinese market. In the 1990s, the US followed a policy of engaging
China, trying to make it a member of as many international regimes
from Kyoto Protocol to NPT to WTO. But the fact remains that
China also participated in regimes where the costs of a unilateral
defection remained high, a case in point being the CTBT. The main
contemporary issues facing the two nations include Taiwan, WTO,
human rights and safeguarding against piracy. The US often cites
its commitments with Taiwan for an increased presence in the Asia-
Pacific. But the question still remains, will the US permit use of force
over the settlement of the Taiwan issue?
US plans to make a BMD or NMD have upset China and Beijing
considers these plans as threatening. The main US motive behind
these is defence for the whole US against a small number of ICBMs
that may be launched by a ‘rogue’ state.200 However, such a system
would also provide some residual capability against a small
accidental or unauthorised launch of strategic missiles from China
or Russia.201 The Chinese contend that with the deployment of an
NMD, China will lose the very limited capacity to deter the US
197
As cited in Kan 1998.
198
Ibid.
199
Cited in ibid.
200
The US had officially dropped the use of the term ‘rogue state’, as according
to a State Department spokesman, the term had outlived its use. A new coinage,
‘states of concern’, was used for a while in 2000 and 2001. However, George
Bush used the term ‘axis of evil’ in his State of the Union address in early 2002.
201
Cited in Zhu Minqnan (1999).
China 155
from inflicting a first strike on it. There are some American inten-
tions to extend the same over Taiwan as well and, therefore, accord-
ing to the Chinese this would then encroach on China’s sovereignty.
The Chinese Foreign Minister, Tang Jiaxuan, told a press conference
in March 1999 that ‘China is very much concerned about it.’202
It is in the interest of both Beijing and Washington to understand
better what China thinks on nuclear security and regional stability.
It is also in the interest of Washington to undertake policies that
promote regional stability rather than exacerbate regional tensions.
The US considers it in the interest of both the states to see that
there is a global adherence to various arms control treaties, the
CWC, NPT, BTWC and CTBT.203 In the event of any of these treaties
not being effective enough, the US may want to cooperate with
China on such issues. In October 2003, Presidents Bush and Hu
Jintao met to discuss ‘a new, if vague, American plan to offer North
Korea a five-nation commitment not to invade the country [North
Korea] if it froze and then dismantled its nuclear weapons pro-
gramme.’204 The US would want to see greater transparency on
nuclear issues. ‘China should bring its reporting into alignment
with the practices of the other de jure nuclear weapons states with
specific information on the number and types of warheads in its
arsenal and the number and general location of deployed sys-
tems.’205 It is possible that China may seek to employ its steadily
emergent military capabilities to solve local competition and estab-
lish a dominant strategic position in East Asia over the long term.
The nuclear tests by India and Pakistan highlighted the nuclear
reality that China is intricately woven into the security calculations
of South Asia. The US–China Joint Statement on South Asia of 27
June 1998 mentioned this categorically: ‘recent nuclear tests by
India and Pakistan, and the resulting increase in tension between
them, are a source of deep and lasting concern to both of us.’206
202
Beijing Review 1999: 9.
203
This is even when the NPT is severely being tested by both Iran and North
Korea.
204
See Sanger 2003.
205
Manning et al. 2000: 77.
206
It further said, ‘In view of the various factors threatening national security,
China has prepared for defensive operation under the most difficult and complex
circumstances. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA), in implementing the strategy
The current US policies seek to integrate China into a variety of

international regimes, attempting not to make an adversary of China
and to keep the country as friendly as possible. During the Jiang–
Clinton summit in Beijing in 1998, the two leaders also signed a
pledge not to target strategic nuclear weapons at each other. In
late July 1998, Foreign Minister Tang gave Madeleine Albright,
US Secretary of State, new assurances that his government would
follow through on this promise. Both sides also renewed their
commitment to press India and Pakistan to stop developing nuclear
armaments.207 On its part, China would be making pragmatic cal-
culations that will be based on the benefits and disadvantages of
participation and non-participation in these regimes.
After the allied forces’ successful operations in Kosovo, Afghan-
istan, and to some extent Iraq, Beijing has started to feel increasing
difficulty in managing a potential US meddling in internal Chinese
affairs and a potential conflict scenario that might involve China,
particularly in the Taiwan Strait or South China Sea. Fundamental
Chinese concerns involving US military intervention remain. From
Beijing’s perspective, the US might continue creating an international
environment that might ‘restrict’ its efforts to develop the political,
diplomatic and economic components of national power. China
believes that these trends indicate that it will be difficult for Beijing
to develop a special relationship with Washington that would
fundamentally moderate any US intent to ‘contain’ China or that
would encourage the United States to cooperate with China in
offsetting Japan’s growing power.
In its attempt to counterbalance a growing US influence in
Central Asia post 9/11, China continued to insist that the Afghan
campaign be carried out under the UN aegis. China did not want
any dramatic shift in the existing international order, but wanted
to counter an increasing US hegemony. To this effect, China ‘will
increasingly seek the support of Europe and Russia. Though the
European Union has a long partnership with the US, their differences
of building a strong military through science and technology, has accelerated

the R&D of defense weaponry and equipment, trained high-quality military
personnel of a new type, established a scientific organizational structure,
developed theories for military operations with Chinese characteristics, and
strengthened its capability for joint, mobile and multi-purpose operations’ (Joint
US–PRC Statement 1998).
207
Hong Kong Standard 1998.
China 157
on global issues are growing. Similarly, Russia, while seeking a

partnership with the US, will want to counterbalance its growing
influence.’208
The US may want to engage and cooperate with China to ensure
that the latter does not become an adversary, but helps improve
the international security environment. As Mr Bush makes good
on his pledge to unfurl a missile defence umbrella over the US,
Washington and Moscow would be entering an era of profound
disagreement about how to maintain global security against the
use of nuclear weapons, even as they continue to work to reduce
their number.
SINO-PAK RELATIONS
Diplomatic relations between Islamabad and Beijing began in the

1950s, from Bandung onwards, when Chou En-lai and Mohammad
Ali Bogra initiated a series of high-level contacts and visits in
scientific fields. Pakistan had recognised the People’s Republic of
China on 4 January 1950 and the two countries established diplo-
matic relations a year later. The end of the 1950s also saw a down-
turn from the upswing Hindi–Chini–bhai–bhai days of Sino-Indian
relations. After the 1962 Sino-Indian war, Pakistan realised that
China could be an ideal friend against India. A joint communiqué,
signed in February between Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Marshal Chen
Yi, urged that the Kashmir dispute should be solved according
to the plebiscite that had been pledged by India.209 Pakistan also
counted on China’s support during the 1965 war. It was as early
as the mid-1960s that Bhutto made strong overtures requesting
the Chinese to help Pakistan develop nuclear weapon capabilities
that could match the Indian programme. China did not oblige then,
but in 1976, following a subsequent intimation by Bhutto, the
Beijing government agreed to be more forthcoming. China re-
portedly supplied Pakistan with blueprints for a fission weapon
around or before 1983.210 Observers attribute this to the marked
warmth and upswing in Indian–Russian relations.211 Pakistan has
208
Gupta 2003a.
209
See Baksh-Rais 1977.
210
Department of State, US 1983.
211
Rizvi 1971.
till date stood by China on all issues important to the latter, espe-
cially those related to the question of China’s sovereignty, like
Hong Kong, Taiwan and Tibet, and other sensitive issues such as
human rights, at the UN Human Rights Commission. China often
acknowledges Pakistani support in the early 1970s, which helped
break the international isolation of Beijing.
In spite of this, Pakistan did have reasons to feel discontented
as the Chinese had a tendency to blame the British rather than India
for the Kashmir problem.212 China was critical of the Tashkent De-
claration after the 1965 war, when USSR’s role as a superpower to
further its sphere of influence in South Asia was seen as a threat
to Chinese power.213
Chinese support for Pakistan continued well after the 1971 war,
which has been documented elsewhere in the book. China was
quiet on India’s PNE of 1974. The Sikkim accession to India brought
the downslide in relations further. China refused to acknowledge
the Sikkim accession for a long time. It was only after the Indian
prime minister’s visit to China in June 2003, that a ‘Tibet for Sikkim’
deal ensured that Sikkim no longer remained ‘an independent
country’ on official Chinese websites.214 On the Kashmir issue, it
was only after Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the Indian External Affairs
Minister, visited China in 1979 that the latter finally gave up its
persistent demand of Kashmiri self-determination.
Nuclear and Missile Assistance to Pakistan

China kept insisting that the M-11 transfer (Box 4.2) which initially
it had denied for many years was within the MTCR guidelines.
But a Congressional Research Service Report said, ‘transfers of
Chinese M-11 short range ballistic missiles or related equipment
exceed MTCR guidelines, because the missile has the inherent cap-
ability to deliver a 500 kg warhead to 300 km.’215 In fact, there was
so much evidence of Chinese assistance to the Pakistani nuclear
programme (see Box 4.2) that the US decided to impose sanctions
on some Chinese companies that engaged in exports of super-
computers, missile technology and satellites. These sanctions were
affected in June 1991 and waived in March 1993. On reports of missile
212
Syed 1974: 69–71.
213
Rizvi 1971: 192.
214
See Baruah 2003.
215
Kan 1998.
China 159
transfer again, in August 1993 sanctions were imposed and were

waived only after a Chinese commitment to stop missile transfers
to Pakistan. A joint statement by the Secretary of State, Warren
Christopher and Foreign Minister, Qian Qichen on 4 October 1993
saw the lifting of the second sanctions.
Box Ë 4.2
China–Pakistan Nuclear and Missile Cooperation

l Chinese transfer of M-11 (M-11/DF-11/CSS-7) test missile and
launcher (1991).
l Direct transfers of 34 complete M-11s (1992).
l Chinese provision of M-11 components and technology (1992,
1995).
l Chinese missile technicians visited Pakistan M-11 sites (1994).
l Chinese training of Pakistani M-11 army units (1995).
l Reports of Chinese assistance with indigenous Pakistani M-11
production (1996–97).
l Continuing Chinese assistance, including a blueprint and a
construction equipment missile factory in Rawalpindi for
manufacture of medium-range ballistic missiles—most likely,
the M-11 or a similar missile (1996–97).
l Hatf-1/1A, possibly developed with some Chinese assistance.
l Hatf-2, possibly developed with some Chinese assistance.
l Ammonium perchlorate, a chemical used in rocket fuel: alleged
illegal Chinese shipment of 10 tonnes to Pakistan (1996).
l Anza surface-to-air missile: Pakistani version of that in PRC,
supplied by China.
l Arms materials, special metals and electronics used in the pro-
duction of Chinese-design anti-tank missiles (Pakistan’s Baktar
Shikhan is virtually identical to China’s Red Arrow guided
missile) and alleged Chinese shipment to Pakistan (1998).
l Suspicion persists regarding China’s continued missile cooper-
ation with Pakistan. It has been speculated that the Shaheen-1
IRBM, which Pakistan tested in April 1999, is actually modelled
on Chinese M-9 missiles. A 1999 CIA report stated that ‘Chinese
and North Korean entities continued to provide assistance to
Pakistan’s ballistic missile program during the first half of 1998.
Such assistance is critical for Islamabad’s efforts to produce
ballistic missiles ... China’s involvement with Pakistan will
continue to be monitored closely.’216
216
CIA 2000.
The transfer of M-11 missiles had led to greater tension between

the US and China as it was against core US interests of pursuing
non-proliferation. From a Pakistani point of view, these relations
have been good. As Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs claims,
[O]ur ties with China constitute a cornerstone of our foreign policy

and a fundamental element of our quest for regional peace and
stability .... The vast spectrum of bilateral co-operation between our
two countries ranges from political, economic and cultural spheres
to the fields of defence and security .... The relations with China have
served as a check on the hegemonistic tendencies of some other
countries in the region.217
This broadly outlines the essence of Sino-Pak relations, which are

based on mutuality of interests and cooperation in fields of defence
and security to serve as a check on possibly Indian hegemonic
designs. China is following the Kautilyan construction of assisting
the neighbour’s neighbours. This is a low cost positive sum game.
CHINAS NUCLEAR EXPORTS AND ASSISTANCE TO PAKISTAN218
The Sino-Pak strategic relationship has weathered many political

and diplomatic storms. Following are some of the highlights of
this relationship (also refer to Box 4.2):
Nuclear Materials
l Ring magnets: These are useful in gas centrifuges that can make
weapons-grade enriched uranium. Reportedly about 5,000 ring
magnets were sold by China Nuclear Energy Industry Corpor-
ation (CNEIC) to A.Q. Khan’s Research Lab. at Kahuta during
1994–95.
l Tritium: This is used to achieve fusion in hydrogen bombs and
boost the yield of atomic bombs and was reportedly sold to
Pakistan by China in 1986.
217
From the website of Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.
forisb.org/Pak-majorpowers.htm.
218
For a comprehensive coverage of this topic, see the online database of the
Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies,
available at http://www.cns.miis.edu.
China 161
l Heavy water (D2O): D2O is required to operate certain reactors

and some of it can be used in producing plutonium for nuclear
weapons. Routine transfers of D2O have occurred and Chinese
officials have insisted that the transfers have taken place to the
safeguarded KANUPP facility only.
l Special industrial furnace: This can be used to melt plutonium or
enriched uranium into the shape of a nuclear bomb core. It has
reportedly been sold by China to Pakistan at the Khushab facility
in 1996.
l Nuclear weapon design: Reportedly China has transferred the
complete design of a 25 kT nuclear bomb—possibly a Chic-4
design—to Pakistan way back in 1983. There have also been
reports of HEU being transferred around the same time.
Nuclear Infrastructure
l Kahuta lab is an unsafeguarded production facility for weapons

grade fissile material. The ring magnet transfer along with re-
ported presence of Chinese scientists has happened here.
l KANUPP pressurised heavy water reactor: This facility is under
safeguards and China supplies D2O to this facility.
l Khushab reactor (40–100 MW [?]) is unsafeguarded and can pos-
sibly produce weapons-grade plutonium. There were talks of
China supplying D2O here, which got delayed.
l Chashma pressurised water reactor (300 MW) under IAEA safe-
guards, fuelled by low-enriched uranium. It was sold by China
to Pakistan in 1991.
l PARR-2 research reactor (27 kW) at Rawalpindi, built with Chinese
help and design in 1989.
As Pakistan moves towards serial production of both intermediate-

range and long-range missile systems, there will be an element of
technological dependency on China and at least some more such
transfers can be expected in the future. However, the fact that
China has finally taken upon itself the responsibility to attempt
defusing the nuclear crisis in North Korea, indicates an enhanced
role that it sees for itself as a regional power, which could prove
to be a restraining factor in the structure of the Sino-Pak strategic
relationship.
Following the nuclear tests, China urged both India and Pakistan
to exercise utmost restraint and to abandon immediately all nuclear
weapons programmes in order to avoid a worsening situation and
to ensure peace and stability in the region. China also firmly be-
lieves the India holds the key to peace and stability in South Asia,
that it should take initiatives for peace, as it was India which initiated
the nuclear process by first testing a nuclear device, thereby forcing
Pakistan to conduct tests.
The Chinese nuclear and missile assistance to Pakistan has a
combination of commercial strategic and foreign policy rationales.
The steady supply of material and technology has helped the two
countries forge a close partnership on key defence issues. Both coun-
tries had respective defence needs—in China’s case, it was counter-
ing the Soviet Union, and in the case of Pakistan, the threat has
been India. The economic interests in this relationship were
primarily Chinese. In the early 1980s, Chinese defence industries
were under tremendous pressure to tap the international arms
bazaar and this resulted in locating Pakistan as a lucrative market.
Beijing’s assistance to Islamabad was fruitful in diplomatic terms,
as it became a bargaining chip in dealing against Washington’s
continued assistance to Taiwan and BMD deployment in East Asia.
US objections to this were based primarily on the core US policy
of non-proliferation which was being undermined. Also, the assist-
ance to Pakistan could trigger off a missile and arms race in South
Asia. The US has sought to compartmentalise non-proliferation
issues on their own merits, failing to recognise and delink regional
security issues from larger policy objectives. Even though India
made a hue and cry of the Sino-Pak relations, perhaps the US was
itself not in a position to wield the kind of authority India wanted
it to. Overall, Sino-Pak relations have been mutually beneficial
both in strategic and political terms and have stood the test of
time. Regional stability has thus been damaged. What matters in
building up an arsenal is not the intent or the morality, but the
capability. China has certainly helped Pakistan to a great extent.
SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS
Given the fact that the mighty Himalayas separate the two 5000-
year old civilisations, the last five decades have seen a lot of inter-
action and lots of tough times.
Following the signing of the Panchsheel Agreement on 29 April
1954, there were months of negotiations. For some years, there
was the usual bonhomie of Hindi–Chini–bhai–bhai, but it came as a
China 163
big surprise to India when in October–November 1962 there was

a conflict between India and China. The Chinese side was far better
equipped and prepared. The fact that India was taken by surprise
did not absolve India of the deficiencies in its threat assessment.
Within weeks of the outbreak of hostilities came the unilateral
ceasefire by China. China and Pakistan had finalised their border
settlements of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (or Azad Kashmir, as
Pakistan calls it) by December 1962. They reached a formal agree-
ment in March 1963.
The agreement did carry a clause which stated that it would be
renegotiated in the event of a final settlement of the Indo-Pak
dispute over this area, and this led to the transfer of these areas to
India. The chill in Sino-Indian relations continued for a few years.
The ice was broken in August 1970 when Sardar Swaran Singh (the
then Foreign Minister) made a statement in the Indian Parliament
expressing the Indian government’s desire to ‘settle all matters ...
peacefully through bilateral negotiation.’219 Ambassadorial ties
were restored in 1975 and the Indian government representatives
(February 1979), prime minister (December 1988 and June 2003)
and the president (May 1992 and June 2000) visited China. The
Chinese too reciprocated by sending their counterparts, and China
started endorsing almost all Indian positions, including bilateral-
ism on Kashmir.
The downswing in their relations began when India tested
nuclear devices in May 1998 and stated China to be one of the
rationales for the test. What alienated the Chinese was the accu-
sation against them. Most Chinese have said that it was India’s
right to test, but to cite the Chinese threat as justification was un-
necessary and insiduous. Following Vajpayee’s ‘famous’ letter,220
219
Singh 1972.
220
The Indian prime minister in his letter to President Clinton had written, ‘I
have been deeply concerned at the deteriorating security environment, faced by
India for some years past. We have an overt nuclear weapon state on our borders,
a state which committed armed aggression against India in 1962. Although our
relations with that country have improved in the last decade or so, an atmosphere
of distrust persists mainly due to the unresolved border problem. To add to the dis-
trust that country has materially helped another neighbour of ours to become a
covert nuclear weapons state. At the hands of this bitter neighbour we have suf-
fered three aggressions in the last 50 years’ (Vajpayee 1998a).
the Chinese became the most vociferous nation among the P-5,
calling for a cap and rollback of the Indian nuclear capability. The
Chinese were also instrumental in getting the UN Security Council
Resolution 1172 passed.221
Just like other nations, China too has members of the academia
who hold extreme views. Consider this: ‘what India is playing at
present seems to be the risky game that Germany, Japan and
Italy played in the 1980s and 1990s on the issue of India’s nuclear
test and hegemonic behaviour in South Asia ....’222 From a Chinese
point of view, it was bad enough that India should test, and it was
worse that China was named as the main threat.
The Chinese believe that India continues in vain to covertly assist
the Tibetan liberation struggle by sheltering the refugees who are
in different cities all over India. India has given refuge not only to
the Dalai Lama but also to the Karmapa. From the Chinese perspec-
tive, ‘India has maintained an aggressive drive toward its northern
boundary and has occupied some 90,000 square kilometres of
Chinese territory since its independence from Britain. In October
1962, New Delhi continued to pursue what the Chinese called a
policy of expansionism, which triggered an invasion of China.’223
Ming Zhang adds, ‘while China has assisted Pakistan’s nuclear
development and has provided short-range missiles to that coun-
try, a nuclear stand-off between Pakistan and India and the proli-
feration of nuclear weapons among Islamic countries are not
necessary to China’s goals.’224
While the nuclear tests disturbed the global non-proliferation
regimes, it also drew the limelight to China’s regional interests.
Chinese broader foreign policy objective remains the maintenance
of a strategic balance of power in Southern Asia in the post-Cold War
era. Policy makers and think tanks in the US realised that China
221
UN Security Council Resolution 1172 has been rejected by India as pre-
scriptive and sovereignty violation. See response by Minister of State for External
Affairs, Shri Ajit Kumar Panja, in Lok Sabha 2000f. The minister said, ‘India’s
views on that resolution have been conveyed to our interlocutors. India’s bilateral
dialogue with key interlocutors is based on the premise that India is a state
possessing nuclear weapons and will maintain a minimum credible nuclear de-
terrent in accordance with its own assessment of its national security requirements.’
222
Zhang Wenmu 1998.
223
Ming Zhang 1999: 15.
224
Ibid.: 17.
China 165
did have a role in altering the South Asian security environment.

As the Independent Task Force noted, ‘China bears responsibility
for the situation in South Asia, given its own nuclear and missile
programmes.’225 The Task Force also recommended a more con-
structive role for China: ‘It will be difficult ... to stabilise the situation
in South Asia without China’s constructive participation.’226 This
gives space to an increased role to China as a security manager in
South Asia. But is the US ready for China to take up such a role?
As Strobe Talbott says, ‘we ourselves have an ongoing strategic
dialogue with China, including about critical regions, and our de-
termination to foster peace and security in South Asia will con-
tinue very much a part of our agenda with Beijing.’227 This changed
somewhat with the visit of the Indian Prime Minister to China in
June 2003. It has been necessitated by an increasingly globalised
world economy and the need for both countries to promote a
mature and pragmatic relationship that emphasises multilater-
alism on crucial regional and global issues.
Based on a changed environment, where does one locate China’s
relations towards India and what variables influence crucial
outcomes that determine issues of stability and deterrence? One
of the factors that helped shape Chinese foreign relations for a
long time—ideology—no longer plays a singularly dominant role
in shaping foreign policy choices now. Second, China has realised
that in a world that is increasingly being influenced by forces of
globalisation, the best it can do is only partially open its door, there-
by staking its own claim as well. Third, on the threat perception,
as Kanti Bajpai has argued, ‘while the border dispute is unresolved
in a formal sense, Beijing got what it wanted out of the issue. If its
primary aim was to secure the route from Xinjing to Tibet, it long
established the goal.’ He further adds, ‘India has never figured in
China’s threat cosmology in any serious fashion unlike the Russian
expansionist, the American imperialist, and the Japanese upstart.’228
This paints quite a benign image of China and its future role, both
in the region and the international system. Fourth, if one were to
225
Independent Task Force 1998:11.
226
Ibid.: 11.
227
Talbott 1998: 3.
228
Bajpai 1999: 157.
situate the nuclear and missile assistance that China has provided
to Pakistan over the years in the overall strategic calculus, then
indeed China’s present posture cannot be viewed as benign. As
Johnston has pointed out, ‘in comparison with other major powers,
China was far more likely to use violence in a dispute over military
security questions as territory.’229 Fifth, the Chinese view presented
by Chinese scholars cannot be dismissed. Hua Han, project leader
of the Program on Arms Control and Disarmament at Beijing Uni-
versity, argues there are several reasons that China is indifferent
to nuclear developments in India. ‘First, even if relations soured,
conventional weapons better serve the cause of security given the
limited nature of the disagreements between China and India. In
any case, China perceives the probability of war with India to be
small. Finally, it might be inferred ... that China continues to enjoy
an advantage in nuclear capability over India, both in warheads
and in delivery systems.’230
What then is the Chinese image? According to Amitabh Mattoo,
‘the image of the mysterious, unfathomable, inscrutable Chinese
is probably the one which strikes a chord within most sections of
public opinion.’231 The Indian image in Beijing on the other hand
is that of a small country giving asylum to Tibetan refugees with
aspirations of big power. How seriously one takes the Chinese
threat as a legitimate threat in India and how that links to the Indian
nuclear tests is something that will take shape in the fullness of
time and depends on the time-scale one is willing to take into ac-
count. In the near future, it is unlikely that there is going to be any
outbreak of conflict leading to breakdown of nuclear deterrence.
However, in the long term, based on a number of other factors,
such as China’s continued nuclear warhead and delivery system
modernisation and continued assistance to Pakistan, India’s
strategic calculations are likely to be affected. In the short term, it
is possible that India would seek to solve the disputed boundary
question, although in its present form the dispute is unlikely to
escalate into a conventional war. India might also seek to counter-
balance the increasing ‘encirclement’ by China in the short and
229
Johnston 1996b.
230
Hua Han 1998: 47. It must, however, be kept in mind that this is before the
South Asian nuclear tests. For a view on this after the nuclear tests, see Garver
1999.
231
See Mattoo 2000: 24.
China 167
medium term.232 Ashley Tellis, putting the long-term competitive

relationship in perspective, has argued that the growth of China’s
economic power, its continued nuclear and conventional military
modernisation, and its increasing influence in various areas of
strategic relevance to South Asia, will all contribute to a serious
Indo-Chinese military–strategic competition in the short to medium
term. This, he says, places increased pressure on India to rejuvenate
its economy and modernise its defence capability to avoid being
at a disadvantage.233
In spite of the current Chinese view of India being that of a grand
pretender, Beijing has no alternative but to treat the latter warily,
even though it is by no means China’s principal long-term threat.
For all the dismissive condescension usually displayed in Beijing
towards New Delhi, the judgement advanced by one perceptive
analyst almost a decade ago still holds:
The Sino-Indian relationship is ... an uneasy one. India still regards

nuclear China as a major threat to its security. It sees China’s South
Asian policies as anti-Indian, divisive, opportunistic and interfering.
China for its part perceives India to be an ambitious, overconfident
yet militarily powerful neighbour with whom it may eventually
have to have a day of reckoning.234
The visit of the Chinese Premier, Zhu Rongji in January 2002 was
hailed as a new milestone in Sino-Indian relations. The visit was the
reflection of a new mindset, a new reality.235 On many occasions,
both countries have publicly announced that they do not view each
other as a security threat. The JWG on border issues also resumed
regular meetings, and in November 2001 it exchanged for the first
time maps on the middle sector of the line of actual control. A se-
curity dialogue has been initiated. There are other strands of a
232
India could forge closer diplomatic and military ties with other countries,
for instance, Vietnam.
233
Tellis 2000a.
234
Klintworth 1992: 96.
235
Apart from the progress made in the economic sphere, where the two
countries signed six major agreements, including the resumption of direct flights
between Beijing and New Delhi, and memoranda of understanding (MOU) on
tourism and cooperation in space, science and technology, some progress was
also visible on the boundary dispute. China and India agreed to join efforts in
combatting terrorism by setting up a joint working group (JWG).
changed Chinese perception of India that could be located in

the Zhu Rongji visit. First, China demonstrated neutrality in the
Kargil and the post-Parliament attack crisis. Second, a growing
consensus that China and India should expand areas of mutual
cooperation, particularly those in the economic sphere. The Zhu
Rongji visit also provided a rare opportunity that the two countries
need to build on. The two countries should seriously continue their
discussions on the boundary issue. Both India and China have to
realise that the line of actual control (LaC), with some minor
adjustments, does offer the best chance for a settlement of their
territorial issues. It is also unlikely that either side would press for
a military solution as the final way to settle the boundary question.
Second, while India continues to raise the issue of Sino-Pak nuclear
and missile cooperation, China needs to seriously address this con-
cern which has led to some source of instability in Southern Asia.
Third, there continues to be a greater need to enhance bilateral se-
curity dialogue, and while increased contacts at the governmental
level are welcome, there is need to reduce the four Ms: misunder-
standing, misperception, miscalculation and mistrust. Fourth, both
India and China can have a common understanding on the BMD
issue and the way it is likely to impact on Southern Asia.
On the nuclear issue, there could be a sustained dialogue which
could go a long way in warding off an arms race. This is particularly
necessary from an Indian point of view, as it has to build a ‘credible
minimum deterrent’ against its two immediate neighbours—
Pakistan and China. Although the US, recognising India’s need
for a minimum credible nuclear deterrent, has moved away from
UN resolution 1172, China sticks by it, at least publicly. Fifth, the
PLA has also held security consultations and meetings with the
Indian Ministry of Defence. There have also been anti-terrorism
consultations with the Government of India. Finally, the two
countries have to look ahead in their relations beyond the security
prism. There are genuine concerns regarding the future shape of
the international system. Both countries support the Five Principles
of the Peaceful Coexistence as the basis for building a post-Cold
War multipolar international order. Both oppose hegemonism
and interference in domestic affairs. Zhu Rongji’s visit provided
the foundation on which concrete measures can be taken. The chal-
lenge lies in not losing the current momentum on issues of mutual
China 169
convergence. The two countries could do well by sorting out their

differences and improving their relations.236
Given this milieu, one can speculate on three possible trajectories
of Sino-Indian relations. The first is open competition between
them for regional status and global power. This would translate
into continued and intensified rivalry in the political, military and
economic spheres. It is possible that the scenario would be marked
by a continued status quo on the territorial question or a marginal
improvement thereof, by arms race and competition for regional
hegemony. This is likely to occur if neither side is interested in
engaging with the other on any issue. The second scenario would
be of total cooperation between the two countries with India and
China as complementary poles in a multipolar world. The high-
lights in this scenario would be marked by a resolution of all out-
standing issues and reaching an understanding on regional issues,
which include China’s strategic relationship with Pakistan. This
is likely only if both sides take the bilateral relationship to its high-
est level and position it above any other bilateral considerations.
The third and perhaps most plausible relationship would be a com-
bination of competition and cooperation. In the post-Cold War era,
the policy of deliberate drift is not going to be adopted by either
side. The areas of mutual interest will be identified and worked
upon. The key to a successful relationship might well be their re-
spective bilateral relationships with the US.237 In a marked way,
this will impact on the structure and size of the nuclear deterrent
posture each country wishes to adopt in the given scenario.
BMD AND CHINAS RESPONSE
On 20 January 1999, the then US Secretary of Defense, William S.

Cohen, declared that the Department of Defense had planned to
allocate additional funds to NMD and BMD programmes. The
rationale given was that the US faces growing ballistic missile
threats from ‘rogue’ states (or states in the axis of evil) to the US
territory, US forces deployed overseas and allies.238 The new budget
236
Tellis 2000a.
237
See Jing Dong-Yuan and Sidhu 2002. Sidhu and Jing Dong-Yuan were among
the Panellists.
238
See The Statesman 2002. Also see Bumiller 2002. The State of the Union
address drew sharp responses from around the world.
will request $6.6 billion to the current NMD funding levels for a
total of $10.5 billion for NMD through the fiscal year 2005. The US
Senate on 17 March 1999 passed the NMD Act of 1999, saying that
‘it is the policy of the United States to deploy as soon as is techno-
logically possible an effective NMD system capable of defending
the territory of the United States against limited ballistic attack
(whether accidental, unauthorised or deliberate).’239
Apart from the domestic debates within the US, which have
strategic, military, domestic politics, foreign policy and theoretical
variables featuring in talks on the pros and cons of having an NMD,
such a policy has deep implications outside the US. Not only Russia
is deeply concerned about the situation, and there are strong per-
spectives even within the US urging it against pushing Russia too
far. Even China is deeply concerned and has been observing these
debates mid-1990s onwards. As Zhu Minqnan, a Chinese analyst,
sums up, ‘China has taken a very sceptical and vigilant attitude
on US NMD and BMD plans.’240 The Chinese stand on missile de-
fence is encapsulated in the white paper on China’s National
Defence 2002, where it says,
China is concerned about certain countries’ joint research and

development of theatre missile defence (BMD) systems with a view
to their deployment in the Northeast Asian region. This will lead to
the proliferation of advanced missile technology and be detrimental
to peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. China resolutely
opposes any country which provides Taiwan with BMD assistance
or protection in any form.241
Within the US, analysts have argued whether NMD and BMD are
technologically feasible, politically useful and financially tenable.242
The US at this point in time seems determined to position an NMD
and has sought to increase BMD cooperation with Taiwan and
Japan. The Chinese reaction to this can be supplemented by these
recent developments:
239
Associated Press 1999.
240
Zhu Minqnan 1999: 21.
241
242
See for instance, IFPA 2000 and CDI 2000.
China 171
1. The US–Japan Defence Cooperation Agreement of September 1997.

2. The US plans for extending a BMD to East Asia including Taiwan.
3. The allegations by US congressional reports of Chinese in nuclear
labs engaged in transferring nuclear secrets to China and the
consequent Cox Committee Report.
4. A US veto of the $450 million transfer satellite technologies pack-
age to the Singapore-based consortium on the basis that a PLA
owned company was involved with China threatening to cooper-
ate on missile technology with other Third World countries.
5. During the Taiwan president’s New York visit in winter 1995–96,
China conducted an unprecedented missile test across the Taiwan
Straits.243
China’s main objections to the proposed national missile defence

are premised on these factors:
l An NMD would seriously undermine the credibility, effectiveness

and posture of a Chinese strategic nuclear deterrent.
l An NMD would undermine Chinese capability of second strike
as doctrinally China is on a no-first-use posture.
l If Russia does not agree to the proposed US amendments to the
treaty, then since the US has already threatened to walk out of
the agreement, what will be the future of US–Russian strategic
arms reductions?
In the mid-1980s, when US President Ronald Reagan had initiated

the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), popularly called the star
wars, Chinese experts had opposed the SDI on the grounds that it
would accelerate an arms race between the USSR and the US.244
The Chinese concluded that there were three options for it to
respond to SDI: (a) expansion of offensive forces; (b) development
of countermeasures, such as shielding and spinning of ballistic
missiles to penetrate missile defences; and (c) deployment of anti-
satellite weapons to destroy US space-based missile defence
systems.245
243
In the middle of this crisis, some Chinese officials told former US Assistant
Secretary of Defense, Chas Freeman, that China could act militarily against
Taiwan without the fear of a US response because US leaders cared more about
Los Angeles than they did about Taiwan. See Tyler 1996.
244
Glaser and Garret 1986.
245
Ibid.: 33.
Just as there are many scholars in the US who believe that the
present NMD has technological roots in SDI, there are people who
believe that the present Chinese response is remarkably similar to
and consistent in its opposition to the SDI in the 1980s. The Chinese
believe that the threat to US from rogue states (or states of concern)
is vastly exaggerated and that this is another ploy to take Japanese
assistance in missile research to contain China. Indeed, within the
US, there are scholars who argue that as long as any state has the four
long characteristics—territory, government, sovereignty and popu-
lation—it can be deterred and there are various means to do so. 246
Chinas Opposition to BMD in Taiwan

The fundamental rationale for China’s opposition to the US pro-
vision of BMD for Taiwan is that would further assist Taiwanese
separatists who may declare independence. China, of course,
considers Taiwan as an inalienable part of China. As China’s
ambassador, Sha Zukang, said at the Carnegie Conference, ‘TMD
in Taiwan will give the pro-independence forces in Taiwan a sense
of security, which may incite them to reckless moves. This can only
lead to instability across the Taiwan Strait or even in the entire
Northeast Asian region.’247 Another reason Amb. Sha Zukang cited
was that the transfer of BMD technology will lead to increased
US–Taiwan military cooperation. Taiwan may then receive a large
number of early warning systems, ground support and other ad-
vanced weapon systems which ‘will lead to a de facto parliament-
ary relationship between the US and Taiwan.’248 A third Chinese
apprehension relates to missile proliferation. As Amb. Sha Zukang
noted, ‘transferring BMD systems to other countries or regions, or
jointly developing them with other countries, will inevitably result
in the proliferation missile technology. Missile and anti-missile
technologies are related. Many of the technologies used in anti-
missile systems are easily applicable in offensive missiles.’249 China
has also said that while the US opposes Chinese arms and nuclear
materials transfer to Iran, Syria and Pakistan, it is pursuing the
same policy with Taiwan and Japan. ‘China’s argument that missile
and antimissile technologies are intimately related has led to
246
Tellis 2001b.
247
Sha Zukang 1999: 2.
248
Ibid.: 3.
249
Ibid.: 3.
China 173
accusations that the United States is hypocritical in proposing to

sell BMD technology to Taiwan and Japan while denouncing
Chinese missile technology sales to Iran and Pakistan.’250
Taiwan currently has Patriot Air Defence Systems that have
limited anti-ballistic missile capability. On 10 February 1999, The
Financial Times reported (based on US government sources) that
China had planned increase the number of missiles in its south-
ern regions from 30 to 50 over the next several years.251 ‘According
to leaked DIA reports China was constructing two missile bases
on the coast of mainland China near Taiwan in late 1999. The bases
at Yongan and Xianyou, are located 220 miles and 135 miles from
Taiwan, respectively.’252 The US has linked Taiwan’s need for BMD
to China’s missile developments. The Chinese consider their mis-
sile developments as irrelevant, as the US should not be providing
BMD or any such assistance to Taiwan, the latter being China’s
internal affair.
Chinas Opposition to BMD in Japan

For years, Japanese response to collective defence rights has been
governed by Article 9 of their constitution that prevents Japan from
participating in a multinational global projection programme (at
the same time, a bilateral agreement with the US has been possible).
The Japanese Constitution has also debarred it from using space
for military purposes and the legal requirements of Japan specify
dual use technology can be exported only to the US.253
In February 1998, Japan and the US reached an agreement to
conduct joint research on lightweight exo-atmospheric projectile
(LEAP) technology.254 By August 1999, the US and Japan signed an
agreement for a five-year programme that focuses on the develop-
ment of an advanced missile sensor, advanced kinetic warhead
second stage propulsion and a lightweight nose cone design for
the navy’s theatre wide missile block 2 missile system (NTW).
This project is scheduled for deployment in 2011 within an esti-
mated cost of $500 million out of which Japan is expected to pay
more than half.255
250
Center for Nonproliferation Studies 2000.
251
Fidler and Walker 1999.
252
Ibid.
253
Pall 1993.
254
Nihon Keijai Shimbun 1999.
255
Wall 1999.
The Chinese are opposed to BMD for Japan mainly due to these
reasons: First, a Japan–US cooperation on BMD will also assist in
developing NMDs, since the two are closely related. Second, as of
now, the US protection of Japan restrains Japanese military ambi-
tions; a BMD cooperation will bring Japanese military on more
equal grounding. Also, ‘China points to the 1997 revisions of the
US–Japan defence guidelines which allow Japan to assist the US
military in conflicts around Japan as evidence of this trend.’256
Another contention is that a BMD equipped Japan may alter mili-
tary strategy from defensive defence to offensive defence. Finally,
China believes that if BMD in Japan is aimed at preventing North
Korea from a surprise attack, thought should also be given to a
possible Korean response. North Korea is already an international
pariah and no amount of weaponry will help lessen the tension;
only a constant process of dialogue may help. The profound
Chinese mistrust of Japan, which can be traced historically to the
Manchurian annexation of 1931, is at the heart of Chinese response
to BMDs for Japan.
Thus, the Chinese response to BMD and NMD can be located in
politico-military factors, which shape the broad contours of the
Chinese nuclear deterrent posture. There are political factors, be-
cause even within the US there is a school of thought that believes
as far as the threat comes from a state, it can be deterred,257 so an
NMD or BMD is not needed. The Chinese, therefore, believe that it
is aimed primarily to contain them; moreover, it has become an
issue in US domestic politics. Military factors are involved, because
while the US has all the military weapons needed to ward off a
threat, a BMD or NMD will only undermine a Chinese second
strike capability, thereby making China vulnerable to US nuclear
blackmail. As the white paper on national defence said, ‘no state
should develop or deploy outer space weapons or missile defence
systems, which harm strategic security and stability.’258 But it is
likely that by 2020 China will, going by the present force modern-
isation drive, possess several hundred short- and medium-range
ballistic missiles that will be in a position to deliver nuclear or con-
ventional warheads to most targets in Japan with a high level of
256
257
Based on traditional notions of deterrence.
258
China 175
accuracy. By 2020 it is unlikely, however, that Japan by itself or via

the US would be in a position to deploy an effective missile defence
system.259
Ì CTBT, NPT AND FMCT

CTBT
Although in 1986 China stated that it would participate in the work

of an ad hoc group on a CTBT, in 1990 the government abstained
from a UN resolution calling for the conclusion of a CTBT. At that
time it was seeking a move towards universal nuclear disarmament
and a no-first-use pledge from other nuclear powers. China signed
the CTBT on 24 September 1996 (the second country to do so after
the United States), but has not yet ratified it.260 After its last test in
July 1996, China has maintained a unilateral moratorium on test-
ing. As Johnston has said, China’s joining of the CTBT is its ‘first
instance where it sacrificed potential military capabilities for the
sake of formal multilateral arms control’,261 although China stated
its intention to revisit the issue at a review conference 10 years
after the CTBT had entered into force.
259
See Swaine and Tellis 2000.
260
The signature statement carried this voice of concern from the Chinese
government—‘the Chinese Government solemnly makes the following appeals:
(a) Major nuclear weapon states should abandon their policy of nuclear deter-
rence. States with huge nuclear arsenals should continue to drastically reduce
their nuclear stockpiles. (b) All countries that have deployed nuclear weapons
on foreign soil should withdraw all of them to their own land. All nuclear weapon
states should undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons at any time
and under any circumstances, commit themselves unconditionally to the non-
use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states or
nuclear weapon-free zones, and conclude, at an early date, international legal
instruments to this effect. (c) All nuclear weapon states should pledge their
support to proposals for the establishment of nuclear weapon-free zones, respect
their status as such and undertake corresponding obligations. (d) No country
should develop or deploy space weapon systems or missile defense systems
undermining strategic security or stability. (e) An international convention on
the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons should
be concluded through negotiations’ (Government of PRC 1996).
261
Johnston 1996a.
It was only in 1993 that China dropped these linkages and started
supporting the creation of an ad hoc committee in the Conference
on Disarmament for the negotiation of a CTBT. During negoti-
ations, China’s statements reflected two main concerns. First,
China consistently pushed for an exemption allowing peaceful
nuclear explosions under the final treaty. It was not until June
1996 that China dropped this demand.262 Second, China objected
to the use of national technical means, such as satellite recon-
naissance for CTBT verification. This was premised on two main
concerns: (a) Russian and US dominance in satellites; and (b) the
potential misuse of these satellites. Additionally, Chinese negoti-
ator Amb. Sha Zukang also sounded apprehensive about the use
of on-site inspections for treaty verification. He said, ‘China will
never allow legitimizing espionage, as it infringes upon national
sovereignty, in the CTBT or other future international arms control
and disarmament treaties.’263 The US and China both continued
to defer for a while before they finally agreed to allow on-site in-
spections as a part of the CTBT.
China accepted the final CTBT text even though there remained
some dissatisfaction. Following the adoption of the treaty, Sha
Zukang pointed out that the CTBT text representing the results of
the Conference on Disarmament (CD) negotiations over the pre-
ceding two and a half years ‘basically embodies’ the actual condi-
tions of the negotiations and ‘is balanced as a whole’.264
However, from the Chinese perspective several concerns re-
mained. First, the CTBT final text did not contain a commitment by
the nuclear weapons states not to be the first to use nuclear weapons
as well as not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against
non-nuclear weapons countries and nuclear-free zones. China held
that the preamble of the treaty should reflect, as much as possible,
the common desire of the international community and should
262
‘Although we still need to be convinced by the various counter-arguments,
we also recognize the fact that the CTBT negotiations have reached their final
stage, and in order to facilitate the conclusion of the treaty within the time-frame
as planned, the Chinese delegation is now ready to go along with a temporary
ban on PNEs; China can agree to a treaty provision that the possibility of per-
mitting the conduct of PNEs shall be considered by the review conference of the
States’ parties.’ See Sha Zukang 1996a.
263
Sha Zukang 1996b.
264
Ibid.
China 177
point out that the international community would continue to work

to realise those objectives after committing to the CTBT.265 Second,
on the issue of triggering on-site inspections, the CTBT puts the
international monitoring system at par with national technical
means, failing to make the necessary distinction between the pos-
itions of the two. That is to say, it fails to make a distinction between
the data and information acquired for verification from the inter-
national monitoring system and the first three from NTM.266 Third,
stipulations in the CTBT treaty text regarding the procedures for
examination and approval of an on-site inspection (OSI) are not
entirely rational. Because of its politically confrontational and
highly sensitive nature, the Chinese believe that OSI, as a last and
exceptional resort for verification of the treaty, is the CTBT’s most
substantial obligation.267
Since the signing of the CTBT in 1996, China has repeatedly
endorsed the treaty in public statements. At the October 1997 US–
China summit, the two countries issued a joint statement noting,
‘the United States and China agree to work to bring the Compre-
hensive Test Ban Treaty into force at the earliest possible date.’268
Another important endorsement of the treaty came from the
Chinese President, Jiang Zemin, in a speech at the CD in Geneva
in March 1999, where he reiterated China’s support for the CTBT
and pledged ratification. He said,
Efforts should be made for early entry into force of the CTBT accord-
ing to the CTBT provisions. The recent nuclear tests have made the
early entry into force of the treaty a more pressing task. As one of
the first countries to have signed the treaty, China will continue to
work for the early entry into force of the treaty. The Chinese Govern-
ment will soon officially submit the treaty to the National People’s
Congress for ratification.269
China has also completed its ‘domestic legal procedure for the entry
into force of the Additional Protocol to its Safeguards Agreement
265
Zou Yunhua 1998.
266
Ibid.
267
Ibid.
268
Joint US–PRC Statement 1997.
269
Jiang Zemin 1999.
with the International Atomic Energy Agency, thus becoming the

first among the five nuclear-weapon states that has done so.’270
In recent years, China has been affected by the US rejection of
the CTBT. Presently, the Chinese government has submitted the
treaty to the National People’s Congress for examination. ‘The NPC
will go through the necessary procedures for the ratification of
the treaty according to the relevant legal requirements.’271 Although
China officially maintains that ‘there is no change at all in China’s
stand on this treaty’,272 it is unlikely that unless the US modifies its
stance on the CTBT, any state, let alone China, will take any interest
in the treaty.
NPT
When the NPT was opened for signature on 1 July 1968, the United
States, United Kingdom, Soviet Union and 59 other countries
signed it. China and France did not sign the treaty at that point
in time.273 The treaty came into force with US ratification in March
1970. Initially, China deplored the treaty as a conspiracy concocted
by the USSR and the US to maintain their nuclear monopoly. China
continued to maintain that it was in favour of complete abolition
of nuclear weapons and it did not encourage nuclear proliferation.
This view remained consistent from the time China tested nuclear
devices in 1964. However, the Chinese position as well as behav-
iour towards nuclear proliferation started undergoing a change
during the 1980s. China began in a rather discreet way to aid and
assist Iran and Pakistan in building a nuclear estate. Although at
international fora China continued to maintain that the NPT was
imbalanced and discriminatory, it indicated that in principle it
accepted the norm of nuclear proliferation. In 1984, China also
became a member of the IAEA and agreed to place all of its nuclear-
related exports under international safeguards. China attended
the fourth review conference of the NPT and criticised the treaty
270
Sha Zukang 2002.
271
Foreign Ministry of PRC 2003.
272
Joseph 1999. The news report quotes Sha Zukang.
273
France states that it ‘would behave in the future in this field exactly as the
States adhering to the Treaty’, while China signed the NPT in 1992.
China 179
for not banning the deployment of nuclear weapons outside

national territories and for not including concrete provisions for
general nuclear disarmament. In 1991, France joined the NPT and
China also indicated its willingness to join the NPT, though it
maintained it consistent stance about the discriminatory nature of
the treaty. China acceded to the treaty in 1992 as a nuclear weapons
state.274
The non-proliferation community has continued to raise con-
cerns over China’s compliance with its obligations under the NPT.
Of specific reference has been China’s role in assisting Iran and
Pakistan. In Pakistan’s case, the US intelligence community be-
lieved that China’s nuclear assistance to Pakistan has helped it to
follow the plutonium or the HEU route to its nuclear weapons. With
Iran, the concern came more from the non-proliferation community
in the US.
China has maintained an extensive and a rather controversial
nuclear trade relationship with Iran. This has led to the US raising
the issue several times with China, as Iran happens to be a part of
the ‘axis of evil’. This relationship goes back to 1980s, when China
started training Irani nuclear technicians under a nuclear cooper-
ation agreement, which helped in constructing Iran’s primary
research facility located in Isfahan. Iran was also provided sub-
critical or zero-yield nuclear reactors under the IAEA safeguards.
When the US raised this issue with the Chinese, reports of these
agreements were declared ‘groundless’ and ‘preposterous’.
274
This is what China had to say in its statement of accession: ‘China maintains
that the prevention of proliferation of nuclear weapons is not an end in itself,
but a measure and step in the process towards the complete prohibition and
thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons
and nuclear disarmament should be mutually complementary. Only when
substantive progress is made in the field of nuclear disarmament can the pro-
liferation of nuclear weapons be checked most effectively and the authority of
the nuclear non-proliferation regime truly enhanced. At the same time, an effec-
tive nuclear non-proliferation regime is conducive to the goal of total elimination
of nuclear weapons.’ It further called upon all nuclear powers to issue un-
conditional no-first-use pledges, to issue negative and positive security assurances
to the non-nuclear weapons states, to support the development of nuclear
weapon-free zones, to withdraw all nuclear weapons deployed outside national
territories, and to halt the arms race in outer space (Center for Nonproliferation
Studies 1992).
The CNS website lists a total of eight agreements, two of which

stand out.275 In 1991, China and Iran announced China’s agreement
to supply Iran’s first 20 MW research nuclear reactors.276 The US
concern on the nature of research led to this deal being scrapped
as they were suspicious of Iran following a secret nuclear weapons
programme, and Iran’s heavy reliance on Chinese technology in
this regard. In September 1992, Iran and China signed another
nuclear agreement where China announced its intent to supply
two 300 MW pressurised water reactors to Iran which had to be
completed in 10 years time.277 The US continued to maintain pres-
sure on China, as it believed that Chinese assistance could help
Iran build nuclear weapons. This in spite of the fact that Iran is a
member of the NPT and it has put most of its nuclear facilities
under the IAEA inspections, as other countries continue to insist
that Iran sign the additional protocol.278 Among the many ‘failures’
that Iran has been docked for is the failure to declare the import of
3,960 lbs of uranium from China in 1991.279 The US continues to
put pressure on China and other potential suppliers to halt nuclear
cooperation programmes with Iran. In October 1997, at a press
briefing, the US National Security Advisor, Sandy Berger said, ‘We
have received assurances from the Chinese that they will not en-
gage in any new nuclear cooperation with Iran and that the existing
cooperation—there are two projects in particular—will end. That
is the assurance we have received.’280 China, however, continues
275
The agreement on 6 July 1993 included a protocol covering cooperation in
several areas, including the construction of a nuclear power reactor to be con-
structed by China. Iran stated that the reactor would be used for peaceful pur-
poses and would be under full IAEA safeguards. The other agreement on 19
September 1992 included a treaty on ‘nuclear energy cooperation’. The agreement
was intended to allow Iran to acquire two 300 MW power reactors from China. It
reportedly also included cooperation in the exploration for and extraction of
uranium ore. It called for the application of IAEA safeguards (Nuclear News 1993;
Matveyev 1995).
276
Hibbs 1992. However, under pressure from the US, China later cancelled
the deal.
277
Kan 1992, 1996, 1998.
278
The IAEA has docked Iran for non-compliance as fears mount that Iran is
on course to develop nuclear weapons capability within two years. See Coughlin
2003.
279
See Srivastava and Rajain 2003. Also see Du Preez and Scheinmen 2003.
280
Albright and Berger 1997.
China 181
to strengthen its ties with Iran. This is partially a function of China’s

rising energy needs, and expansion of Sino-Iranian relations is a
natural and key component of Chinese strategy in extending its
influence to the Central Asian region.281 Chinese role in prolifer-
ation of nuclear materials in spite of it being a member of the NPT
continues to have serious implications for the non-proliferation
regime.
The main thrust of US foreign policy in the post-Cold War de-
cades has been the proliferation of WMD, which impinges on US
strategic interests in many parts of the world. The US has under-
taken many measures, including strengthening the international
nuclear non-proliferation regime and threatening/applying sanc-
tions to punish/deter proliferation behaviour.
While differences with the US on nuclear non-proliferation re-
main and these concerns have been reinforced by the presence of
the North Korean bomb, the Chinese continue to emphasise the im-
portance of promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy. On the issue
of North Korea, China has come across as a country genuinely
interested in preserving peace in the region as its sustained involve-
ment in the tripartite talks with North Korea and the US suggest.
China understands that any destabilisation of the region could
lead to a potentially increased US involvement in the region.282 China
favours legitimate demands of developing counties meeting their
energy needs and developing peaceful use of nuclear energy and
technology transfers for economic development under the pretext
of preventing nuclear proliferation.
Speaking at the Conference on Disarmament in 1999, Chinese
President Jiang Zemin said, ‘The NPT is both the basis of the inter-
national nuclear non-proliferation regime and the prerequisite for
progress in the nuclear disarmament process. The NPT must be
observed in full and in good faith. Otherwise, international efforts
for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation would be seriously
harmed. Those countries which have not yet joined the NPT should
do so at the earliest possible date so as to make the treaty truly
universal.’283
281
See in this context, Gupta 2002c.
282
For a perceptive look in the Chinese involvement in the crisis, see Gupta
2003b.
283
Jiang Zemin 1999.
China also reiterated its position on the NPT in the recently

released defence white paper, where it said,
China has always been opposed to the proliferation of WMD and

their means of delivery. It supports the international community’s
active efforts of non-proliferation, and has made its own con-
tributions in this area. China maintains that the efforts of non-
proliferation should not be confined to non-proliferation itself and
should also include the identification and resolution of its root
causes. Establishing a fair and rational new international order and
realizing the universal improvement of international relations are
the fundamental way to eliminate the threat of WMD.284
FMCT
The Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), though not negotiated

so far, is about an agreement that might prohibit the production
of fissile material for nuclear explosives and the production of such
material outside of international safeguards. The proposed FMCT
might extend verification measures to fissile material production
facilities that are presently not under the international monitoring
regime. Such a ban, it is expected, would place a quantitative con-
straint on the amount of fissile material available for use in nuclear
weapons. In December 1993, the UN General Assembly passed a
resolution calling for negotiation of a ‘non-discriminatory, multi-
lateral and internationally and effectively verifiable treaty banning
the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other
nuclear explosive devices.’285 In March 1995, the CD by consensus
agreed to establish an ad hoc committee based on the mandate given
by the 1993 UN General Assembly Resolution to negotiate a cut-
off treaty. Despite various calls and widespread international sup-
port for the FMCT, negotiations are still at the preliminary stage
in the CD.
284
See State Council, PRC 2002: ch. 7.
285
See United Nations 1993.
China 183
China has long held the position that its nuclear weapons are
solely for self-defence. It has therefore practised restraint in its
nuclear weapons, as it has
unconditionally undertaken not to be the first to use nuclear weapons.

Also, without any condition, it has committed itself not to use or
threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states
or nuclear weapon-free zones. China has never evaded its respon-
sibilities and obligations for nuclear disarmament and has been
advocating the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of
nuclear weapons.286
China did not support the 1993 General Assembly Resolution cal-
ling for negotiation of an FMCT. This position was altered slightly
when China called the FMCT ‘an important step toward nuclear
disarmament’. On 4 October 1994, US Secretary of State Christopher
and Chinese Foreign Minister Qian issued a joint statement pro-
moting the ‘earliest possible achievement’ of an FMCT.287 During
the October 1997 US–China summit, both countries made a joint
statement that they would ‘agree to pursue at the UN Conference
on Disarmament the early start of the formal negotiations on the
Treaty on the Prohibition of the Production of Fissile Materials
Use in Nuclear Weapons and Other Nuclear Explosive Devices.’288
China believes that the FMCT has to be conducive to the preven-
tion of nuclear weapons proliferation and the promotion of nuclear
disarmament.289 To that end, China considers FMCT a means. China
maintains that CD should answer to the requests by the United
Nations General Assembly and follow the common wish and aspir-
ations of the international community by conducting negotiations
on Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space and nuclear disarm-
ament, and in this context, also negotiate the FMCT.290 Even at
other fora, China has maintained that negotiations on the proposed
FMCT should begin.291
286
State Council, PRC 2000a.
287
See Joint US–PRC Statement 1994a.
288
See Joint US–PRC Statement 1997.
289
Sha Zukang 2000.
290
Hu Xiaodi 2000.
291
See in this context, Government of PRC 2000; Shen Guofang 1999; Sha
Zukang 1998.
In January 1999, Sha Zukang stated China’s position on the FMCT

in the Carnegie International Nonproliferation Conference in
Washington, DC.292 A few days later, the Chinese held a two-day
bilateral negotiation with the US State Department concerning
the US and Chinese positions on the FMCT. During the meetings,
the Chinese reportedly voiced their existing concerns about the
scope and the verification provisions of the treaty. Both sides also
agreed that negotiations must move forward within the Geneva-
based CD. A month later, the Chinese ambassador said to the CD,
China maintains that a treaty banning the production of fissile

material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices
will be conducive to the prevention of nuclear proliferation and
promotion of nuclear disarmament. In 2002, the UN General Assem-
bly unanimously adopted the resolution on FMCT. The Chinese
delegation supports the re-establishment of an Ad-Hoc Committee
to negotiate, on the basis of the mandate contained in the ‘Shannon
Report’, a non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally and
effectively verifiable treaty banning the production of fissile material
for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices, as requested
by the UNGA Resolution 48/75L.293
In May 1999 Prep Com of the NPT, China made three suggestions:294
l Establish an ad hoc committee on the prevention of an arms race

in outer space and conduct negotiations.
l Establish an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament and
conduct negotiations.
l Establish an FMCT ad hoc committee on the basis of the Shannon
Report295 and the mandate contained therein and conduct nego-
tiations.
292
He said: ‘Negotiation should start as soon as possible. All states should
make the necessary efforts and demonstrate the necessary political will to con-
clude a good treaty at an early date, which guarantees the adherence of all states
capable of producing nuclear materials’ (Sha Zukang 1999).
293
Li Changhe 1999: 2.
294
Preparatory Committee 1999.
295
Amb. Gerald E. Shannon of Canada was asked by the CD in 1994 to seek
the views of members of the conference on the most appropriate arrangement to
negotiate a non-discriminatory, multilateral and internationally effective and
verifiable treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons
or other nuclear explosive devices.
China 185
China continues to believe that ‘all countries should strictly comply

with existing nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation treaty
obligations, and negotiate and conclude new treaties, including a
fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT).’296
Ì
China is an important state in the international system with all the

potentials of a great power: large territory, big population, large
military with nuclear weapons and vast amount of resources.
Having examined various factors and influences that determine
and seek to explain China’s strategic behaviour at present, what
is the future course of action that China might take? Any change
in China’s behaviour or its power attributes can alter the inter-
national system and seriously impact on the regional security en-
vironment. Often, historians point out that expanding power has
been the norm throughout history primarily due to the following
reasons. First, a rise in power invariably leads to increased interest
in international commitments and interests. Second, rising power
brings about a rise in ambitions. Finally, when rising powers gain
relative power they are more likely to try to advance their standing
in the international system.297 India’s relationship with China to
develop a more effective engagement policy would require a more
nuanced understanding of the medium- and long-term evolution
of China’s calculative strategy and China’s cooperative and as-
sertive behaviour over time. It is imperative on India’s part to
understand and predict when such an engagement might fail.
How will key variables shape China’s strategic behaviour in
the near and distant future?
DETERMINANTS OF CHINAS BEHAVIOUR
China’s primary national goal is to become a strong, unified and

wealthy nation that is respected as a great power in the world
with a pre-eminent role as a major power in Asia. China terms
this as comprehensive national power. The nuclear forces and the
seat on the UN Security Council already bestow some of the
296
Sha Zukang 2002.
297
See Gilpin 1981. See also Kennedy 1987.
attributes of a great power on China. The Chinese look forward to

achieving a status of parity in economic, political and military
strength with the world’s leading powers by the middle of this
century.
China’s grand strategy for achieving this national goal comprises
raising the per capita income of its people to the global norm for
advanced nations; promoting rapid and sustained economic
growth; maintaining the political unity and stability of the nation;
improving the social quality of life of the people (including health
and education that are on a par with the leading nations of the
world); raising technological levels; protecting national sovereignty
and territorial integrity; securing access to global resources and
markets; and promoting its role as one of the five or six major poles
in a new multipolar world.
The Structure of its Economic Capabilities

A marginal increase in GDP may contribute to a marked improve-
ment in the quality of life, which in turn may permit China to engage
itself more vigorously in the international system.298 Another vari-
able that can be factored in, is how fast China’s economy will shift
from focus on primary occupations to tertiary occupations. This
will further increase the flow of capital in the market. It may be
very difficult for China to sustain its target of 8 per cent growth,
and even if it can do a 5–6 per cent there may be a marked change
in the GDP. This could then generate additional resources required
for modernisation of the PLA. Even though China maintains a
steady growth rate, it still remains behind many Western countries
in terms of per capita GDP.299
Besides the economy, the nature of China’s military capabilities,
the modernisation of its forces and its ability to alter regional rela-
tionships will also be crucial in the future. The Chinese defence
industry has also proved to be inadequate to the task of narrowing
the gap between the country’s aspirations and its capabilities.300
298
Knorr termed this ‘two sides to nation power’, where on one side a state is
concerned with what it can do to other countries, while on the other is a state’s
ability to limit what other countries can do to it (Knorr 1973).
299
There are economists who maintain that Chinese growth rate may slow
down in the near future.
300
See in this context, National Defense Authorization Act 2001, where some
of the following points have been raised: (a)Developments in Chinese military
China 187
This has increasingly led China to turn to foreign sources for

weapons and weapons technologies. Further, it has not been suc-
cessful at reverse engineering. China’s forces have increasingly
demanded more advanced systems:
A review of the Chinese defence industrial press as well as China’s

wish list the Russians reveals a concentration of attention on next
generation force multipliers: C4I system cruise missile technology,
laser guided bombs, satellite based sensing and guidance systems,
advanced radar and jamming systems, fighter aircraft production
technologies, and advanced precision guidance capabilities.301
RMA and other future technologies will also increasingly drive

the military-industrial complex to seek more. At the same time
China may have to respond to changes in the neighbourhood. If
the US moves BMD in the region, China may be forced to respond.
This will have serious implications for the shape of the Indian nu-
clear deterrent posture.
A RAND study by Michael Swaine and Ashley Tellis suggests
that if the Chinese army wants to play a more dominating role, it
doctrine, focusing on (but not limited to) efforts to exploit the emerging Revo-
lution in Military Affairs or to conduct pre-emptive strikes. (b) Efforts by China
to enhance its capabilities in the area of nuclear weapons development. (c) Efforts
to develop long-range air-to-air or air defence missiles designed to target special
support aircraft, such as Airborne Warning and Control System aircraft, Joint
Surveillance and Target Attack Radar System aircraft, or other command and
control, intelligence, airborne early warning, or electronic aircraft. (d) Efforts by
the People’s Republic of China to develop a capability to conduct ‘information
warfare’ at the strategic, operational and tactical levels of war. (e) Trends that
would lead China towards the development of advanced intelligence, surveillance
and reconnaissance capabilities, including gaining access to commercial or third-
party systems with military significance. ( f ) Efforts by China to develop highly
accurate and stealthy ballistic and cruise missiles, including sea-launched cruise
missiles, particularly in numbers sufficient to conduct attacks capable of over-
whelming projected defence capabilities in the Asia-Pacific region. (g) Develop-
ment of command and control networks, particularly those capable of battle
management of long-range precision strikes. (h) Efforts in the area of tele-
communications, including common channel signalling and synchronous digital
hierarchy technologies. (i) Development of capabilities for denial of sea control,
including such systems as advanced sea mines, improved submarine capabilities,
or land-based sea-denial systems.
301
Gill (1998) sates this, based on his interviews with Chinese defence and
technology officials.
would need significant improvement along three levels of cap-

ability. First, it would need to develop a range of military capabil-
ities that would allow it to deny its adversaries the free use of a
given battlespace. Second, they argue that ‘China would move
beyond merely denial capabilities to something resembling posi-
tive control thereby allowing it to operate within a given battle
space without inordinate risks to its own forces’. Finally, they
suggest, ‘China would actually have the capability to exploit its
positive control over a given battle space to bring coercive power
to bear against the strategic centers of gravity valued by its adver-
saries.’302 The PLA does have a large and expanding force of short-
and intermediate-range cruise and ballistic missiles which can be
used for political gains also.303
Another factor that may influence the choices China makes will
be the level of communism. By this, it is implied that having opened
markets to foreign goods and already in talks with the WTO for
membership, a major issue is what remains of classical communism
in China. As always, one school of thought says that open markets
are a fair enough indicator of communism having become a thing
of the past, and Hong Kong needs to be considered as the epitome
of the growth of liberalism in China. The other school of thought
quickly points out the Tiananmen Square massacre as an example
of communist oppression. But will China make a move towards
more democratisation—a move that may be detrimental to the
future of the country itself? Mansfield and Snyder have argued,
Countries do not become democracies overnight ... they go through

a rocky transition period, where democratic control over foreign
policy is partial, where mass politics mixes in a volatile way with
authoritarian elite politics and where democratization suffers
reversals. In this transitional phase of democratization, countries
become more aggressive and war-prone, not less, and they do fight
wars with democratic states.304
These findings have since been challenged by Reinhold Wolf and

Erich Weede.305
302
Swaine and Tellis 2000: 160.
303
For PLA’s present ability for power projection, see Godwin 1997.
304
Mansfield and Snyder 1995.
305
Wolf 1996; Weede 1996.
China 189
Yet another factor influencing the foreign policy choices of China

in the struggle for resources is energy, which will be needed in
large amount to fuel China’s economic revolution. Only a modest
increase in China’s industrialisation would place a huge new strain
on global suppliers. China does have enough coal, oil and natural
gas and may meet the energy crunch, but over the next couple of
decades the requirements are only likely to increase.306 The next
problem is the threat to environment. A few billion tonnes of coal,
if burned without proper pollution control norms, may end up
being an environmental threat. The most polluted place in the
country may be Benxi, a Manchurian city with air like soot. It is
said that many times in the 1980s, the city of Benxi completely dis-
appeared from satellite photographs because of the haze. Another
concern is that of global warming. China ranks third in emissions
of greenhouse gases, behind US and Russia. But for the time being,
energy security and environmental debates may take some more
time before they can have an impact. As Bai Xianhong, a senior
government scientist said, ‘you can’t say that for the sake of lower-
ing carbon dioxide emissions, China shouldn’t burn coal anymore.
This is impossible.’307 This raises regional concerns for the compet-
ition for resources, particularly energy.
Other factors involved are governance and ethnic identities. The
Xinjiang–Uighur Autonomous Region in China is inhabited by
Uighurs, Wei Wuers, Sarts and Kashgarliks. The area they inhabit
is Xinjiang or Singkiang. Majority of Uighurs refer to this area as
Eastern Turkistan. The Chinese concern is that in the process of
development this ethnic group has retained its identity as in a
‘salad bowl’. China has continued to mix up the ethnic pattern by
infiltrating the majority Han in their society. The Chinese appre-
hension is that with the break-up of the Soviet Union, a ‘domino
effect’ may affect the aspirations of this group. This is often inter-
preted in Western analyses as a simmer of discontent with a poten-
tial to break-up China. Strategically located between Russia and
India, Xinjiang is a buffer zone between great powers. With the
presence of Wahabi groups, there has been a growth in the activity
of Islamic preachers. The government has sought to reduce their
influence by launching a large-scale propaganda and a simultaneous
306
See in the context of China’s energy needs, Lague 2002.
307
Quoted in Kristof and Wudunn 1994.
crackdown against forces of separatism. Besides, Xinjiang, which

was a relatively underdeveloped area, has of late seen a fast pace,
of development. The capital city, Urumqi, has had constructions of
more than 80 new skyscrapers in the last 15 years. China is looking
after Xinjiang with twin policies of raising living standards and
lowering the levels of discontent.308 In spite of the various efforts
by the separatists, it is highly unlikely that China will relinquish
the control of this province that produces one-third of China’s cot-
ton, the country’s largest oil and gas reserves in the Tarim Basin
and houses more than 18 million people. It borders Mongolia, many
of the Central Asian republics, Pakistan, India and Russia, and is
a useful springboard for projecting Chinese influence abroad.
Further, any movement towards independence by the Uighurs will
only embolden the separatists in Tibet and Taiwan.309
Xinjiang, along with Tibet, presents challenges to China in keeping
together a large country that has different ethnic identities. As
Mishra concludes,
[W]hether Xinjian separatism is about religion or nationalism,

whether it is a real threat or not, Beijing is taking no chances. The
regime is not about to loosen its grip on the autonomous region
even if that hard line pushes many Uighurs to separatism, the very
outcome Beijing seeks to avoid.310
China’s internal challenges, domestic politics and institutions will

be critical inputs to the foreign policy choices that it makes.
Although there is a lack of social homogeneity, even the 94 per
cent Han population vary greatly in terms of their language, belief
systems, political culture and traditions.311 A variety of cultural,
economic and political conditions that exist across the Chinese
provinces obscure more than they reveal. There is likely to be an
inherent variability in provincial leaders’ responses to these dif-
ferent levels of liberalisation, levels of development, social attitudes
and variety of political institutions.312 The Hainan province appears
308
Harris 1993.
309
Chien-peng Chung 2002.
310
Mishra 2000: 348. Also see Chien-peng Chung 2002.
311
Mosen 1985; Goodman 2003.
312
In this context, see Minxin Pei 2002.
China 191
to be perhaps the most open part of China. There is significant

foreign investment, and the area has a reputation of being China’s
‘wild west’ where anything goes. Besides, it is a part of a special
economic zone and is awarded preferential policy settings by
Beijing. In Hainan province, the major proponent of social and
political change was Liao Xun, who coined the term ‘small govern-
ment, big society’ to characterise his desire to see governments
withdraw from many areas of activity under state socialism, and
its replacement by both a provincial government organised along
new functional administrative lines, and by independent, auto-
nomous, self-governing social groups.313 On the other hand, one
can look at Shanxi, located more inland in North China and a less
open province. There is very little foreign investment which is
matched by the dominating position of the state. Few small-scale
initiatives, and that too in the retail sector, have increased the role
of the local government, as is also the case with collective sector
enterprises. The main economic strength of Shanxi is coal, but even
that has not been developed very well due to lack of access to mar-
kets, which in turn depends on an increased government control.
Neither has the service sector developed very much. However,
‘[s]ince the beginning of 1994, there has been an observable and
increasing tendency for through co-operation with enterprises in
other provinces seeking to invest in Shanxi.’314 Though neither
Hainan nor Shanxi can be taken up as true and complete repre-
sentations of China’s liberalisation, they do present some idea of
relative economic development. As Gerald Segal has argued,
The fault lines of the Chinese Empires are myriad, and history too
replete with Chinas of different configurations. Today one can
distinguish between China’s inner and outer empires. The outer
empire includes Tibet, Xingjian, Mongolia and other fringe terri-
tories, most of which have strong cases for ethnically based inde-
pendence but have reaped relatively little benefit from economic
decentralisation. Dialect and important cultural fault lines divide
even the inner empire, which consists of areas such as Southern
China, Shanghai and its hinterland and Shandong.315
313
Liao Xun’s ideas are discussed in Brodsgaard 1998.
314
Quoted in Goodman 1997: 42.
315
Segal 1994: 56.
And we have not touched upon the biggest ‘window to the world’,
SAR Hong Kong. If China can manage to have an equitable dis-
tribution of foreign investment which may lead to the ‘trickle-
down’ effect, it may help in economic development of China. Such
availability of resources will naturally hasten the process of mod-
ernisation of forces.
Chinese communist leaders still believe in the two Karls—Karl
Marx and Karl Von Clausewitz—in that economy is the base and
politics is the superstructure, while military is the continuation of
politics. The Chinese contend that the threat to the nation’s survival
disappeared long ago—in the 1940s with the end of the Second
World War when China ended up on the winning side, and with
the subsequent tide of decolonisation.316 China does not foresee a
war from any of the major powers. The end of the Cold War ‘has
terminated the antagonistic struggle between two systems of
ideology and political economy.’317 A more real threat that China
faces is from within. As a party document said, ‘keep a good gov-
ernment and carry out the anti corruption struggle and this is a
prerequisite … for maintaining social stability.318 Economic devel-
opment is considered most fundamental and effective as it helps
improve living standards of the people, making them less rebellious
and in the process increasing the international prestige of the
country.319 As Jiang Zemin also noted,
There exists an inseparable inner link among reform, development

and stability. Development is the hard core of all principles ... and
is indispensable in maintaining stability and withstanding the pres-
sures of hegemonism and power politics ... and fundamentally shaking
off economic backwardness and ranking China among the world’s
modernised countries. 320
It is for some of these reasons that China continues to insist to

Pakistan that it should solve the Kashmir dispute with India on a
316
Hua Di 1997.
317
Ibid.: 3.
318
China Daily 1995a.
319
Hua Di 1997.
320
China Daily 1995b.
China 193
bilateral basis. But these are some of the challenges that China has
to address internally. How China addresses such issues will impact
on its aspirations as a ‘great power’.
China’s primary national goal is to become a strong, modernised,
unified and wealthy nation. It views its national standing in relation
to the position of other ‘great powers’. China considers itself a de-
veloping power whose natural resources, manpower, nuclear-
capable forces, seat on the UN Security Council and growing econ-
omy give it most of the attributes of a great power. If present trends
continue, Beijing believes it will achieve the status of a ‘medium-
sized’ great power by 2050 at a minimum. Beijing clearly wants to
be recognised as a full-fledged great power. It wants to achieve
‘parity’ in political, economic and military strength with other great
powers. China also wants to become the pre-eminent Asian power
by generating enough ‘strength’ so that no major action will be
taken by any other international actor in Asia without first con-
sidering Chinese interests.
In pursuit of ‘comprehensive national power’, what then will be
the China of 2010 or 2015? Based on the earlier analysis, some esti-
mates can be made. Internally, there will be an overall increase in
standard of living. While pursuing modernisation, the leadership
has tended to relax internal controls over the population. At the
same time, the PLA is marching ahead in perfect synchronisation
with time and technology. Externally, China has ‘solved or shelved’
its border problems with its neighbours. Its disarmament diplo-
macy has been realistic as opposed to more idealistic Indian
policies. The economy has now sustained a high rate of growth
for a long time—what will then be the challenges to the inter-
national system from the rising dragon?
Optimists opine that an ever-increasing web of international
interdependence will moderate the sustained growth of China’s
military and economic power. The pessimists point out that a
growth in relative power terms may encourage Beijing to be more
assertive in territorial, trade and other demands, where some other
powers in the system are following a policy of appeasement. While
China does calculate the relative benefits of remaining in a treaty
regime, it also does a cost–benefit analysis of what other states
pay in terms of remaining in the treaty. This implies, other variables
being equal, that China could ‘unilaterally’ defect on some treaty.321

That being so, the regional states have to cater for such an eventuality.
The sole superpower, the US, may continue to use its limited
influence over China to make it conform to international norms,
which over a period of time will foster changes in political, eco-
nomic and military spheres that are compatible to US interests. 322
All these variables will impact on China’s nuclear deterrent
posture. This, in turn, will impinge on Indian strategic calculations
both in the near and far term. China is pursuing an assertive, world-
wide diplomatic campaign aimed at promoting Beijing’s positions
on such issues as Taiwan, human rights, proliferation and trade.
In recent years, China’s goals have turned increasingly to the sup-
port of economic and commercial interests, as exemplified by
China’s participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
forum and its efforts to join the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
On the core issues of nuclear and missile systems and force mod-
ernisation, the following can be suggested:
1. Realise the role of nuclear weapons in the post-Cold War period.

Are these weapons of offence or defence—first strike or last
resort? The answers to these questions will be clear in due course
and will be a reflection of the grand strategy of China.
2. What strength of force is sufficient to deter? If the US has the
capability to deter, then it should not thrust a BMD that may
spiral a new arms race.
3. Multilaterally work out a framework for determining the end
of tactical nuclear weapons. With all other members of NPT
gradually decreasing their nuclear warhead count, China should
be encouraged to qualitatively refine its nuclear forces.
4. At least on the declaratory policy, China is way ahead of the
other NPT members—it has a no-first-use policy; it will not at-
tack a non-nuclear state with nuclear weapons, and will not
use nuclear weapons in nuclear weapon-free zones. Thus, the
operational battlespace of Chinese nuclear weapons is con-
siderably limited.
5. The other big powers should, at least declaratorily, shift the
role of nuclear weapons from fighting war to deterring it.
321
In this context, see Johnston 1996a.
322
See in this regard, Sutter 1995b.
China 195
6. The US has already launched an ‘engage China’ programme.

China has been made a member of various regimes. The web of
regimes has now to be strengthened, so that even potential nu-
clear states are engaged to contain the spread of nuclear weapons.
A world with few nuclear arms is in the interest of all.
7. States look up to the US and its actions. Until the process begins
from the superpower, other states will not take non-proliferation
initiatives seriously.
8. The US has to realise that BMD has consequences of ‘trickle
down effect’. Even Pakistan may be affected. Any US action will
become a rationalisation for Chinese actions. India will in-
variably get linked to the Chinese threat, with Pakistan left to
justify an increase in its missile and nuclear force because India
is its main threat.
9. The force modernisation will continue regardless of what
Washington may do. On issues where China disagrees and is
pushed to a corner, it may offer to sell technology, thereby mak-
ing the NPT irrelevant. China has sold technology and delivery
systems before.
10. All the major arms control relationships are bipolar—this could
be modified to include China, as the bipolar vision has obscured
the emerging strategic offence/defence relationship among the
US, Russia and China.
11. China may have the capability to make its missiles MIRVs. The
CTBT which has been dead for a while has to be revived—but
that initiative has to come from the US. Until it comes into force,
even the principles of pacta sunt suvanda (treaties are supreme)
do not apply.
12. Chinese efforts to promote credibility of its forces are often inter-
preted as using deception and a marked lack of transparency.
This now is becoming an inseparable part of their nuclear
strategy.
13. Internally, China has the ability to take care of itself. It may not
break-up, and the strength of the economy will keep improving
the standard of living.
14. Externally, the forces of globalisation can assist China to build
up a strong nation. The capital generated from trade surplus
can be used to spread economic equality internally.
15. China has to realise that there are many intended consequences
of its actions—Chinese actions give legitimate strategic space
to India for furthering the Chinese threat bogey.
16. Whenever political will permits, China, Pakistan and India
should enter into a security dialogue. Building a credible deter-
rence against each other will be very difficult.
17. The American presence in Central Asia will have implications

for China’s military modernisation. This, coupled with the pro-
posed national missile defence, makes the US almost impreg-
nable and impinges on the Chinese ability to construct a credible
military deterrent against growing US power. It is likely that
China will increase the pace of its military modernisation.
CHAPTER 5
INDIA
Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we
shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.
At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to
life and freedom.
—Jawaharlal Nehru
Discovery of India
I
ndia conjures up images vast and varied—intermingling of
civilisations, cultures, religions, ethnicities, languages, a large
population, a huge market, advanced science and technology,
democracy down to the grassroots and a state that is now also a
nuclear power. To quote Jawaharlal Nehru, ‘I feel that anything
that had the power to mould hundreds of generations without a
break, must have drawn its vitality from some deep well of strength,
and have had the capacity to renew that vitality from age to age.’1
This chapter examines India’s strategic culture, nuclear doc-
trines, weapons, policies on major arms control regimes and foreign
relations to make conclusions about conflict and stability in the re-
gion and see in which direction these policies will take the country.
Indian culture has been marked by diversity from the ancient
ages. History has witnessed many different groups, with divergent
customs, languages and religions, gaining control over and settling
down in various parts of the subcontinent. This diversity is reflected
in the strategic cultures of states through the ages, forming part
of the preservation of territory and people that broadly covers the
term security. The determinants of security of the state have grown
through the ages from mere territory, to include culture, history
and population. Through the ages, India has faced many external
invasions—some external rulers came for resources, while others
1
Nehru 1946.
led conquests for prestige. The geo-strategic importance of India

has been key to these conquests—while it beckoned invaders for
its ‘golden sparrow’ image, there were also the resources of the
Indo-Gangetic plain and the Bengal plain.
Among the ancient rulers, while Samudragupta used military
force, Ashoka had a change of heart after using brute military force
in the battle of Kalinga (269 BC). Thereafter, he used dhamma
(peaceful methods) to win over enemies. Kautilya outlined various
forms of foreign policy, historically the most comprehensive:
1. Samdhi or entering into an agreement with specific conditions,

that is, concluding a treaty.
2. Vigratha or three kinds of war—open war, a battle in the normal
sense; secret war, attacking the enemy in a variety of ways; and
undeclared war.
3. Asana or staying quiet.
4. Yana or preparing for war.
5. Samsraya or seeking the protection, when threatened, of a stronger
king or taking refuge in a fort.
6. Dvaidhibhava or the policy of making peace with neighbouring
king in order to pursue, with his help, the policy of hostility to-
wards another.2
On the growth of Indian civilisation, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote,
It seems absurd and presumptuous to talk of an impulse, or an idea

of life, underlying the growth of Indian civilisation. Even the life
of an individual draws sustenance from a hundred sources; much
more complicated is the life of a nation or of a civilisation. There
are myriad ideas that float about like flotsam and jetsam on the
surface of India, and many of them are mutually antagonistic. It is
easy to pick out any group of them to justify a particular thesis;
equally easy to choose another group to demolish it.3
Therefore, varied cultural ethos, geography and histories have

resulted in the absence of ‘a territorial consciousness, and a stra-
tegic sense about the protection of the territory of residence.’4
2
See Rangarajan 1987: 548.
3
Nehru 1946: 143.
4
Singh 1999: 16.
India 199
The India that emerged after August 1947 was a nation that had
borne 200 years of British exploitation and the painful experience
of partition. India as a developing nation, whose core national
security interests include the preservation of sovereignty, territorial
integrity and the well-being of the population, is still in the process
of identifying its interests and values. This brings us to the de-
finition of national security. Robert McNamara has provided an
illustrative starting point: ‘Security means development into a
modernising society, security is not just military hardware, though
it may include it; security is not just military force though it may
involve it, security is not traditional activity though it may
encompass it.’5
Ì STRATEGIC THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

This brings us to the questions of strategic culture and whether
India has a culture of strategic thinking at all. Colin Gray has de-
fined strategic culture as ‘the socially constructed and transmitted
assumptions, habits of mind, traditions, and preferred methods
of operation—that is, behaviour—that are more or less specific to a
particular geographically based security community.’6 Writing on
the issue of strategic thought and practice, George Tanham says
that military matters in India have been marked routinely by a
passive, or at best a reactive approach, that is further located in
the hierarchical nature of the society, agricultural economy and
the traditional civilian bureaucracy.7 Further, Stephen Rosen has
argued,
above all else, India is Hindu, and Hindus think differently from
non-Hindus. This statement of course, acknowledges the presence
of non-Hindus in India and has been modified to take into account
the existence in India today of an elite that is relatively less trad-
itional in its religious outlook .... But accepting that qualification, is
it important that India is Hindu? If it is important, that could form
one basis for arguing that there is a Hindu strategic culture. 8
5
McNamara 1968: 4.
6
Gray 1999: 28.
7
Tanham 1992.
8
Rosen 1996: 33.
This is nowhere close to being true. Jawaharlal Nehru had written,
Hinduism as a faith, is vague, amorphous, many sided, all things

to all men. It is hardly possible to define it, or indeed to say definitely
whether it is a religion or not, in the usual sense of the word. In its
present form, and even in the past, it embraces many beliefs and
practices, from the highest to the lowest, often opposed to or contra-
dicting each other. Its essential spirit seems to be live and let live.9
He further adds, ‘It is, therefore incorrect and undesirable to use

“Hindu” or “Hinduism” for Indian culture, even with reference
to the distant past, although the various aspects of thought, as
embodied in the ancient writings, were dominant expression of
that culture.’10 However, going beyond these debates, if we simply
consider the pre-Sultanate period, that is, the time before 1200 AD,
we find that although there is no dearth of texts that mention
actions of men, princes and kings in the past, of social systems and
religious beliefs delineating right and wrong, there is an absence
of these ideals in political institutions, unlike later. Ancient law-
givers and their commentators have written on laws of warfare,
threat or use of weapons of mass destruction, and policies to be
followed against an adversary.11 There are references to calling the
elements—fire or rain—against the enemy, and instances in Indian
Vedic and post-Vedic literature of righteousness of the king. There
was, however, a general abhorrence against using extreme
weapons and in formulating laws of warfare that had to be abided
by and had the consent of the warring armies. With the invention
of gunpowder, military tactics changed in the 15th century. So
did techniques of assault, durg (fort) building, deployment of
garrisons and communications. Both defensive and offensive
techniques altered radically in the 18th and 19th centuries with
the coming of the rifle and European strategies of warfare. On the
other hand, Shri Aurobindo said, ‘India’s central conception is that
of the Eternal, the Spirit ... [it is] her urge towards the spiritual
and the external that constitute[s] the distinct value of her civil-
isation.’ 12 Even Dr S. Radhakrishnan, a great philosopher and
9
Nehru 1946: 75.
10
Ibid.: 75.
11
See for instance, Oppert 1967 [1880]: 32.
12
Shri Aurobindo 1959: 2–3.
India 201
India’s second president, conceded, ‘India has failed to give pol-

itical expression to its ideals. The importance to wealth and power
though theoretically recognised was not practically realised.’13
Does this mean that India has no strategic culture or does India
have a culture in which state power is benign? A contemporary
Indian writer offers an explanation: ‘The authors of the Indian
state were crippled by ... often an excessive, and at times ersatz
pacifism, both internal and external, [which] has twisted India’s
strategic culture into all kinds of absurdities.’14 Alternatively, a
civilisation 5000 years old would pass through periodic heightened
activity. In some sense, India strategic culture was shaped and in-
fluenced by its history. Many influences have contributed to this:
an accommodating and forgiving Hindu populace, successive Jain,
Buddhist and later Vaishnav–Bhakti influences resulting in excessive
piety, and much later, in the 20th century, ahimsa or non-violence.
An unintended consequence of all these influences, spread over
many centuries, has been a near total emasculation of the concept
of state power and its proper employment as an instrument of
state policy. In the service of national interest, war was shunned—
a linear consequence of both Jain and Buddhist logic and a belief
of non-injury.15 However, within the overall canvas of shunning
violence and finding a peaceful solution before taking up the route
of armed conflict, there were militant cultures which privileged
defending the land beyond all else. The Rajputs, Jats, Marathas,
Dogras, the Sikh Khalsa, Gurkhas and various tribes have their
names in history precisely because they took up arms for the cause
of the state. This again has neither been a consistent pattern nor
the dominant thinking. The Rajputs took up arms because some
of them, the most prominent being Maharana Pratap, refused to
enter into alliance with Akbar. The Jats of Bharatpur and parts of
modern-day Haryana in North India took up arms because they
could not pay the high taxes to the later Mughal rulers. The Dogras
had a similar problem in Kashmir, while the Gurkhas, though
fiercely loyal, could take up arms when mobilised properly. The
Khalsa order came into being after nine Sikh gurus had preached
peace and two of them had to pay a heavy price for not converting.
13
Radhakrishnan 1974: 378.
14
Singh 1999: 13.
15
Ibid.
The British laid the foundations of the Indian Army (then British
Army) with the Jat Regiment, Sikh Regiment, Maratha Regiment,
Rajputana Regiment and Gorkha Rifles, among other martial
segments.
So, while Indians in the past have written and commented on
every conceivable subject on military science, the most detailed is
as ancient as the Arthashastra. Contemporary India, which is the
world’s largest democracy, with the fourth largest standing army
and a force that includes missiles bombers, submarines and nuclear
capability, reflects this lack—it has no formal national defence policy
document. If India does have a strategic culture that has not been
clearly articulated, what is stopping the Parliament from doing
so, as the state enters the 21st century?
One can attempt to pick up threads from what little is available
of government articulated positions on the shape of India’s national
security interests and policy. One standard source is the Ministry
of Defence (MoD) annual reports and another is the Standing
Committee on Defence in the Parliament. According to the Stand-
ing Committee on Defence, ‘although there has been no specifically
written document called India’s National Defence Policy, yet it
has been articulated clearly and unambiguously through various
policy statements over the years.’ 16 The annual report of the
Ministry of Defence (1998–99) also highlights ‘national security
interests’. 17
16
The report further says, ‘our military capability is to be so directed to en-
suring the defence of national territory over land, sea and air encompassing
among others the inviolability of our land borders, island territories, offshore
assets and our maritime trade routes. Government have (sic) repeatedly made it
clear that it is not our objective to influence/interfere/dominate [the] region on
the basis of military strength’ (Standing Committee on Defence 1996a).
17
It includes: ‘(a) Defence of national territory over land, sea and air, encom-
passing among others the inviolability of our land borders, island territories,
offshore assets and our maritime trade routes; (b) To secure an internal environ-
ment whereby our Nation State is insured against any threat to its unity or pro-
gress on the basis of religion, language, ethnicity or socio-economic dissonance;
(c) To enable our country to exercise a degree of influence over the nations in our
immediate neighbourhood to promote harmonious relationship in tune with our
national interests; (d) To be able to effectively contribute towards regional and
international stability; (e) To possess an effective out-of-the-country contingency
capability to prevent destabilisation of the small nations in our immediate neigh-
bourhood that could have adverse security implications for us.’ See section on
India 203
It is essential to realise that in 1947, while scientists and national

leaders were aware of the potential of the atom, the strategic en-
vironment did not warrant effective decision making, although
ambiguity in this area can also be attributed to the towering per-
sonalities of that time—primarily, Jawaharlal Nehru.18 The choices
India made at global fora were largely articulated by a moralistic
brand of politics. It can also be argued that for a state that had just
attained independence and chose to remain non-aligned in an
international environment characterised by Cold War alliances,
the options that presented themselves could not have altered the
course of India drastically. To this effect, the use and harnessing
of atomic energy was left for peaceful purposes. 19 To some extent,
India’s strategic and foreign policy choices can also be located in
the process of political development of a state that had just rid
itself of more than 200 years of colonial rule.
The official version on the absence of any written document on
strategic environment is that it is the result of a conscious decision.
In December 1996, the Parliament Standing Committee on Defence
suggested that a national defence policy be published. The re-
sponse of the Defence Ministry was that
India has a comprehensive policy on strategic and security issues

based inter alia on our threat perception and the global and regional
security environment. The policy is constantly under review ... the
absence of such a written document should not be construed to
imply ... non existence of such a policy.20
Does this mean that there is a disjoint between the self-image of

India as a great benign power in the making and the security con-
struct based on a declared security posture of defending the terri-
torial integrity of the state? Perhaps yes. Gandhi wanted ‘India to
practise non-violence being conscious of her strength and power.’21
‘National Security Environment’ in Ministry of Defence, GOI 1985–2002, here

1998–99.
18
‘Nuclear ambiguity’ has been taken as the condition where the nuclear option
is ‘kept open but in a state of suspended animation.’ For a good discussion on
nuclear ambiguity, see Chari 1995.
19
Ganguly 1983.
20
Standing Committee on Defence 1996b.
21
Gandhi 1920.
Elsewhere, he did concede, ‘non-violence affords the fullest pro-

tection to one’s self respect and sense of honour, but not always to
possession of land or movable property, though its habitual prac-
tice does prove a better bulwark than the possession of arms to
defend them.’22 India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, said,
The peace of one country cannot be assured unless there is peace

elsewhere also. In this narrow and contracting world, war and peace
and freedom are becoming indivisible. Therefore, it is not enough
for one country to secure peace within its own borders but it is also
necessary that it should endeavour, to its utmost capacity, to help
in the maintenance of peace all over the world.23
The Nehruvian legacy, primarily based on coercion-based power

politics, found itself somewhat in disharmony with the earlier and
older Gandhian moral blend, that emphasised community over
state and non-violence over coercion.24 However, it is apt to note
that although both Nehru and Gandhi were not pro-nuclear by any
means, there was an ambivalence in their outlook about the kind
of weaponry that India might require in the post-Second World
War phase.25
Successive parliamentary standing committees may be held
responsible for not providing any document on the security plan-
ning of the country. In February 2001, the government released the
Recommendations of the Group of Ministers on Reforming the National
Security System.26 This report covered broadly four major areas of
national security: intelligence, international security, border man-
agement and management of defence.27 The Group of Ministers
22
Gandhi 1936.
23
Nehru 1988a: 24–25.
24
Jain 1994.
25
In the context of Nehru’s ambivalence, see Kapur 1976 and Perkovich 1999.
26
The Group of Ministers included Mr L.K. Advani (Minister of Home Affairs),
Mr George Fernandes (Minister of Defence), Mr Jaswant Singh (Minister of
External Affairs), Mr Yashwant Sinha (Minister of Finance). This group was con-
stituted in April 2000 with the approval of the prime minister ‘to review the
national security system in its entirety and, in particular, to consider the recom-
mendations of the Kargil Review Committee and formulate specific proposals
for implementation.’ Apart from the four ministers, Brajesh Mishra, the National
Security Advisor, was a special invitee for the meetings of the group. See Group
of Ministers, GOI 2001.
27
Ibid.: 118.
India 205
further suggested national security management systems be re-

examined periodically every five years.28 ‘This exercise’, the group
suggested, ‘should take stock of the progress achieved in the imple-
mentation of the recommendations approved, address areas of
difficulty and chart out a plan of action for the future.’29 The group
was assisted by four task forces: (a) Task Force on Intelligence
Apparatus,30 (b) Task Force on Internal Security,31 (c) Task Force
on Border Management,32 and (d) Task Force on Management of
Defence.33 A transparency in policy not just makes it possible to
analyse or modify security positions, but also to communicate
likely security responses to the adversary. This helps stabilise the
security environment in a given region.
The British institutionalised decision making on national security
issues in governmental bureaucratic structures operating in
London and New Delhi. The secretary of state in conjunction with
the office of the governor-general took decisions on national se-
curity issues. The commander-in-chief along with the war member
in the Viceroy’s Council analysed threats and responses. The ne-
cessary domestic inputs came from the Indian Civil Service. Thus
was established civilian control over the armed forces—a tradition
that continued post independence. After independence, with the
firming up of the parliamentary form of government, institutions
like these became more powerful. Some other institutions also
emerged. The Prime Minister’s Office, the Planning Commission,
the Scientific Advisor, the Principal Secretary, and according to
the needs of the time, Department of Atomic Energy, Department
of Space, and lately, the National Security Advisor and a National
Security Council. Minor alterations like dropping the title of the
commander-in-chief in 1955 to merge with chiefs of staff continued.
The Joint Intelligence Committee (which has now become the
National Security Council Secretariat) too gained in importance
28
Ibid.: 119.
29
Ibid.: 119.
30
Chairperson G.C. Saxena, former RAW Chief and Governor of Jammu and
Kashmir.
31
Chairperson N.N. Vohra, former Home Secretary, Defence Secretary and
Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister.
32
Chairperson Dr Madhav Godbole, former Union Home Secretary.
33
Chairperson Arun Singh, Advisor (Security) in the Ministry of External
Affairs and former Minister of State for Defence.
after 1962. The other agencies on intelligence gathering, the

Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Research and Analysis Wing (RAW),
too began to be taken seriously. The choices of foreign policy were
formulated in the Policy Planning Division of the Ministry of Ex-
ternal Affairs with inputs from Ministry of Defence and sometimes
RAW.
Whatever policies were made, they always carried the reflection
of the prime minister’s persona. In the initial years, the towering
personality of Pandit Nehru was clearly evident in the choices of
Indian foreign policy. Krishna Menon, B.N. Mullick, Lal Bahadur
Shastri, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Atal Behari Vajpayee
have been other prime ministers who influenced the course of
foreign policy. Nehru was strongly opposed to an Indian nuclear
weapons programme, although he did not foreclose the possibility
of the ‘option’ strategy.
Given the fact that India, a developing Third World country,
had seen the towering personality of Mahatma Gandhi, the initial
policies were firmly based on the ideals of peace and non-violence.
This saw a reflection in India’s foreign policy and various Indian
positions and initiatives in international fora. India’s unflinching
faith in international organisations, particularly the UN, policies
of non-alignment, Panchsheel and decolonisation, all have a re-
flection of these ideals. It might be easy to criticise such positions
living in a different century with a vastly different international
system, but when contextualised in the immediate period follow-
ing independence, one may appreciate that the choices were apt
for their time.
While India was talking peace and gaining moral leadership of
the Third World after Suez, Korea and Bandung, it was also realistic
for it to debate the uses and potential of atomic energy.34 Externally,
India continued to maintain an idealistic and moralistic position
on various issues relating to war and peace, while internally Nehru’s
vision of using transformative science was aided by Homi J.
Bhabha. Nehru realised the thin line between using science for
peaceful and destructive purposes.35 Nehru had a vision for India—
that of a self-reliant, modern and peace-loving nation. He wanted
34
See in this context, Abraham 1998 and Perkovich 1999.
35
As he once said, ‘This great force—atomic energy—that has suddenly come
about through scientific research may be used for war or may be used for peace.
India 207
India to make use of atomic energy, as it was modern, and yet

apply it only to peaceful production. He said in the Parliament, ‘I
should like the House to remember that the use of atomic energy
for peaceful purposes is far more important for a country like India
whose power resources are limited.’36 India started taking up ideal-
istic and moralistic positions on the question of disarmament from
the very beginning.37
Given such moorings, the Indian nuclear disarmament policy
can be located in this context. A defensive orientation of the military,
with greater reliance on international institutions for inter-state
dispute resolution, also made available larger resources for political
and economic development. Additionally, as Verghese Koithara
argues, ‘in modern India the concept of security ought to be located
in the interstice of human welfare and national power.’38
Over the years, India continued to campaign tirelessly for abo-
lition of nuclear weapons. Various leaders in different capacities
spoke about the problem of nuclear weapons in different fora.
The problem was addressed from all conceivable angles of logic—
philosophy, balance of power, peace, and, of course, state security.
While India may not have great transparency today, there is greater
talk of defence in the foreign policies followed by the country. There
is also a proliferation of a body of scholars who are examining the
statements by the government. With the help of archives in the UK
and USA, many books on various aspects of decision making in
the past and interactions with great powers have highlighted the
case for a freedom of information act in India. This new body of
academics is not just New Delhi-centric, but has of late spread to
various parts of the country. There now exist think tanks in many
We cannot neglect it because it may be used for war .... We shall develop it, I
hope in cooperation with the rest of the world and for peaceful purposes.’ Cited
in Abraham 1998: 47.
36
To quote from a Nehru speech in the United Nations General Assembly,
‘No manner of disarmament can make a weak country strong or a non-industrial
country the equal of an industrial country. Nor can it make a country which is
not scientifically advanced the equal of a country which is. We can, however,
lessen the chances of war and the fear of war through disarmament. Ultimately,
the entire question is a question of confidence and of lessening the fear of one
another. Disarmament helps that purpose, although it does not equalise con-
ditions. The dangers remain’ (Nehru 1988b).
37
Nehru 1988c: 67.
38
Koithara 1999: 21.
cities across the country, scholars are busy analysing every state-
ment and the electronic media is full of experts who are high-
lighting every nuance or lack of it in foreign policy. Some view this
to be an increased cacophony of voices and ill-trained scholars
who do not possess the requisite research tools and are often pres-
surising the government. While this may be unfortunate, this pro-
liferation has helped in the larger sense of taking the debate from
a handful few in Delhi to many parts of the country.
THE NUCLEAR PROGRAMME
Indian nuclear research began in 1944 and an Indian Atomic Energy

Commission was created in 1948. From 1954, steady funding started
flowing into nuclear research and development under the aegis of
the Department of Atomic Energy.39 By the early 1950s, Homi J.
Bhabha led a consensus among a core group in New Delhi on the
right to develop nuclear energy. India’s defeat in the 1962 war with
China and the subsequent nuclear test by China in 1964 intensified
the debate within India over the nuclear option. The Indian belief
was that, while nuclear science and technology was common intel-
lectual property, the end use of atomic energy was purely a state’s
sovereign prerogative.40 While India continued to champion the
cause of global nuclear disarmament at various international fora,
it was also aware of the tremendous potential capability of the
atom. The shift from idealism to realism came after the 1962 Sino-
Indian war. This was perhaps Nehru’s biggest failure, as ‘the
possibility of the Chinese launching a very carefully controlled
limited operation, with very limited political objectives, appears
to have been over looked altogether, both in the services and pol-
itical circles, and by the prime minister.’41 Itty Abraham and George
Perkovich42 have stated that similar arguments had been raised at
that time even in the debates of the Constituent Assembly.
39
Marwah 1977.
40
See Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s note of 18 April 1955 on international
control of atomic energy for B.K. Nehru, member of Indian delegation to the
Asian-African Conference in Bandung, opposing the creation of International
Atomic Energy Agency as mooted by the US, in Kumar and Prasad 1955.
41
Subrahmanyam 1990a.
42
Abraham 1998; Perkovich 1999.
India 209
There are enough reports to indicate that the US was aware as

far back as 1961 that India’s nuclear programme had the potential
to produce nuclear weapons.43 The Trombay plutonium reproces-
sing plant was the essential facility required for an atomic bomb.44
The construction of this facility went under way in April 1961.
Systemic causes undermined the US focus on non-proliferation
efforts at that point in time. There were even suggestions that the
US should actively aid India to become a nuclear power to counter
the communist threat. This is evident from a recently declassified
memorandum of 13 September 1961 from George McGhee, Head,
State Departments’ Policy Planning Council, to the then Secretary
of State, Dean Rusk.45 Expecting that China would ‘detonate a nu-
clear device as early as 1962’, the McGhee memo suggested that
‘it would be desirable if a friendly Asian power beat Communist
China to the punch’ and for this there was ‘no likelier candidate
than India.’46 This proposal was rejected outright by Rusk, as he
was not ‘convinced we (the US) should depart from our stated
policy that we are opposed to further extension of national nuclear
weapons capability.’ 47 It augments another perspective of US
policy, which was to promote India’s nuclear capabilities to counter
communist influence in South Asia. There were also the ‘possibilities
of providing nuclear weapons under US Custody’48 to some of the
‘friendly’ Asian countries, in case there was an attack from China
or a threat of an attack. The main rationale behind such an ap-
proach was to provide low-yield tactical nuclear weapons to select
friendly Asian countries, such as Japan, India, Australia, New
Zealand, the Philippines, Taiwan, Pakistan, Thailand and South
Korea.49 However, the US was aware of India’s capability to ac-
quire nuclear weapons even in the 1950s.50 According to George
Perkovich, in the late 1950s, ‘although the American experts recog-
nised India’s capacity to divert its nuclear programme into military
applications, non proliferation was a secondary consideration to
43
Cited in Foran 1992.
44
Perkovich 1999: 52.
45
McGhee 1961.
46
Ibid.
47
Quoted in Perkovich 1999: 53.
48
Quoted in ibid.: 91.
49
Ibid.: 91–92.
50
Ibid.: 49.
winning nuclear industry “markets” and containing communist

influence in South Asia.’51 The space programme, the nuclear pro-
gramme, and various other dual-use technologies were all assumed
to be cost effective. However, when various Western states denied
a number of technologies, as in the case of the second US super-
computer, India put in enhanced effort into developing indigenous
technologies that would presumably make the country that much
stronger, because it was forced to be self-reliant. This has since
become an important rallying point for nationalist groups, since
India is often portrayed as defying the combined might of the West
in this regard.
The ENDC (Eighteen Nation Disarmament Committee) nego-
tiated the NPT in the late 1960s. While this was happening, India
was looking for a security guarantee. Soon after taking over the reins
of prime ministership, Lal Bahadur Shastri despatched Sardar
Swaran Singh, his Foreign Minister, to ascertain the views of the US,
USSR and UK on India’s request for a nuclear guarantee. Shastri
was facing increasing pressure on the domestic front, especially
after the Chinese nuclear test in 1964. India failed to get a security
guarantee from the major powers, especially the United States and
the then Soviet Union.52 Following this failure, India decided to
militarise its nuclear programme.53 The debate in 1964–65 centred
primarily on the threat from China. After the loss in the war with
China in 1962, the Chinese nuclear test was seen as a grave strategic
challenge. US President Nixon’s visit to China in 1971 and the US
‘tilt’ towards Pakistan in the 1971 war with India (the US des-
patched an aircraft carrier, USS Enterprise, to the Bay of Bengal)
also upset Indian calculations.
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri sanctioned a Subterranean
Nuclear Explosion Project (SNEP), in which, ‘once the go-ahead
was given, it would take three months to have an explosion.’54
The post-Shimla phase saw India exploding a nuclear device in
Pokhran on 18 May 1974, which was termed a peaceful nuclear
explosion (PNE) and was a signal to the world that India had nu-
clear capability. Although other Western counties condemned
51
Ibid.: 49.
52
Noorani 1967.
53
Chari 1995.
54
Kapur 1976: 194.
India 211
India for the tests, the American reaction to the Pokhran tests was
mild. According to a state department release, ‘It was only a matter
of Indian leaders making up their minds and devoting the neces-
sary resources.’55 Kissinger felt public castigation would not undo
the event, and it would only add to US–Indian bilateral problems
and reduce the influence Washington might have on India’s future
nuclear policy.56 As Indo-US relations were already on a low ebb,
the US decided not to highlight proliferation issues at this time.
This could be observed from the fact that the United States, in the
aftermath of the test, agreed to reschedule Indian debts amounting
to more than $29 million, and in June 1974 decided to ship an
instalment of previously approved uranium fuel to India’s Tarapur
reactor.57
Kissinger went on to testify at a hearing before the Senate Com-
mittee that the Indian test did not violate any US agreement. He
said, ‘We (the US) objected (to the Pokhran test by India) strongly,
but since there was no violation of US agreements involved, we
had no specific leverage on which to bring our objections to bear.’58
However, the US did pressurise the Indian government not to pur-
sue a vigorous nuclear policy.
Pakistan now faced the same dilemma that India faced in the
1960s. After a war with India in 1962, China had tested a nuclear
device at Lop Nur in 1964, while after a war with Pakistan in 1971,
India tested a nuclear device in 1974. This became the semi-official
rationale for Pakistan to tread the nuclear path. But as proved else-
where in this study, Pakistan had ambitions of going nuclear even
before 1974. The 1970s saw Pakistan speeding up the clandestine
search for nuclear materials and the unwillingness or inability of
the international community to impede Pakistan’s nuclear ambi-
tions. China became Pakistan’s trusted ally in furthering these am-
bitions, a fact which did not go unnoticed in India. The annual report
of the Ministry of Defence for 1985–86 mentioned, ‘China is widely
believed to be involved in Pakistan’s nuclear programme.’59
When India carried out the 15 kT PNE in 1974, Defence Minister
Shri Jagjivan Ram ruled out military use and simply stated that it
55
Quoted in Perkovich 1999: 183.
56
Kux 1993.
57
Perkovich, 1999: 184.
58
Quoted in ibid.: 523–24.
59
Ministry of Defence, GOI 1985–2002, here 1985–86: 2.
was a part of India’s ongoing attempts to tap nuclear energy. The

two scientists involved directly with the tests, Dr Raja Ramanna
and Dr R. Chidambaram, maintained the same line. In October
1997, Raja Ramanna admitted that the 1974 test was that of a nuclear
weapon.60 Gradually, the nuclear programme progressed, although
at a slow pace. Domestic problems at this time, mainly the ‘emer-
gency’ of 1975–77 declared by Indira Gandhi, and her subsequent
defeat in the national elections of 1977, led to a change of stance
related to nuclear development. After the emergency, when fresh
elections were called, Morarji Desai, a long-time opponent of nu-
clear weapons, publicly promised that India under his regime
would not conduct nuclear tests.61 With Indira Gandhi coming to
power again in 1980 and with continued reports of Pakistan’s clan-
destine nuclear programme, the Indian programme was back on
track. In 1983, the funding of the DRDO (Defence Research and
Development Organisation) was increased and the Integrated
Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP) was instituted.62
As reports of further Chinese assistance to Pakistan came in, the
small pro-bomb lobby of the domestic constituency increased its
pressure.63 Dr A. P. J. Abdul Kalam, a space scientist, was moved
from ISRO (Indian Space Research Organisation) and placed in
charge of IGMDP.64
After the assassination of Mrs Gandhi in 1984, her son Rajiv
Gandhi came to power with a thumping majority. He followed,
what one school of thought calls, contradictory policies on the nu-
clear question. On the one hand, it has been argued that he con-
tinued to support the nuclear programme, while on the other hand,
he presented the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan for Disarmament to
the UN. This plan called for step-by-step, time-bound elimination
of all nuclear arsenals by the year 2010. It can be argued that Rajiv
Gandhi’s views on declaratory policy were influenced by Nehruvian
policies.65 Subrahmanyam argues that it was under Rajiv Gandhi
60
See Sengupta 1998.
61
Desai 1978.
62
See Chengappa 2000.
63
Subrahmanyam 1986b.
64
See Chengappa 2000; also see Smith 1994.
65
For the contradictions, see Sen Gupta 1985. Also in this context, see
Subrahmanyam 1998b.
India 213
that India made the decision to acquire more missiles to form an

effective deterrent.66 It was also during Rajiv Gandhi’s time that
India and Pakistan reached an accord not to attack each other’s
nuclear installations—a CSBM (confidence and security building
measure) that has ever since been honoured.67
The earlier discussion highlights the fact that over a period of
time the Indian nuclear programme has been active, except for a
brief period in the 1970s when the Congress was not in power. It
further illustrates that in the coming years, both the new Congress-
led UPA government and the BJP and its allies will support the
nuclear programme. From India’s point of view, the slow but steady
pace of weaponisation and deployment will continue well into
the next decade. The only factor that might slow down this process
will be a change in the international security environment and
progress towards nuclear disarmament. This is unlikely to happen
in the near and medium term, and so India will probably continue
with ‘creeping’ weaponisation, irrespective of alliances in the gov-
ernment. It is also unlikely that any pressure from the West, parti-
cularly the US, will have any impact on this process.
Nuclear Crisis
Michael Brecher and Jonathan Wilkenfeld have described an inter-
national crisis as ‘a situational change characterized by an increase
in the intensity of disruptive interactions between two or more ad-
versaries with a high probability of military hostilities in peace time
(and, during a war, an adverse change in the military balance).’68
India and Pakistan underwent a couple of serious crises before
going overtly nuclear. Some lessons and broad contours can be
drawn from these past interactions as they provided a foundation
to the overt nuclearisation that was to follow.
Brasstacks Crisis, 198687

Towards the closing months of 1986, a crisis associated with the
so-called military exercise emerged that had a potential for escal-
ation into a full-fledged war. This military exercise was the largest
conducted by India that included 10 divisions on the Indian side,
66
Ibid.
67
This agreement was ratified as late as in 1991.
68
Brecher and Wilkenfeld 1989: 5.
including two strike units. The exercise location chosen was North-
ern Rajasthan, which was perceived in Pakistan as the most likely
launch area for an attack across Pakistan.69 Failure of communi-
cation fuelled fears in Pakistan that India was striking a belligerent
pose. This led to Pakistan deploying troops and moving them closer
to the international border. This manoeuvre was seen as having
belligerent overtures in India, as it could have disrupted communi-
cations between Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of the country,
and/or even led to salami slicing in Punjab. A series of miscom-
munications led to misperceptions and soon the two sides were
preparing for war. India undertook a massive airlift and quickly
mobilised ground troops along the international border. The sur-
charged atmosphere also drew the attention of the Soviet Union
and the United States. The US President, Ronald Reagan appar-
ently spoke to the Indian Prime Minister, Mrs Indira Gandhi to
cool down tempers, and perhaps emphasised the role of com-
munications being maintained at all times between the highest
leaderships in both countries.70
Soon negotiations were held between official delegations from
the two sides, and they were able to work out a timetable for with-
drawal of troops from the border to their peacetime locations.71
The nuclear dimension of this crisis surfaced from a rather dra-
matic interview that was given by Pakistan’s chief nuclear scientist
and ‘father’ of Pakistan’s nuclear bomb, Dr A.Q. Khan to an Indian
journalist, Kuldip Nayyar, during the crisis, wherein a nuclear threat
was purportedly conveyed to India. Nayyar was accompanied by
a Pakistani journalist, Mushahid Hussain, to the residence of Dr
Khan. It was during the course of this interview that Pakistan held
out an overt nuclear threat when Dr Khan informed his visitors
that Pakistan had succeeded in enriching uranium to weapons
grade and affirmed that a nuclear device could be tested by simu-
lation techniques and in a laboratory. Khan further added rather
significantly, ‘Nobody can undo Pakistan or take us for granted.
We are here to stay and let it be clear that we shall use the bomb if
our existence is threatened.’72 Gen Mirza Aslam Beg, the then
69
See Hoon 1999: 104.
70
Bajpai et al. 1995: 42.
71
Chari 1995.
72
Nayyar 1987.
India 215
Pakistani Chief of Army Staff, confirmed this assessment in an

October 1989 interview and again in 1993.73 Although this inter-
view was conducted on 28 January 1987, it appeared in the media
only on 1 March for reasons that remain shrouded in mystery.
On 26 January, Pakistan agreed to send an official delegation to
New Delhi for negotiating the withdrawal of troops from the border.74
Dr Khan made it clear that Pakistan had succeeded in making
weapons-grade uranium. Scholars in Pakistan think that he had
delivered a veiled warning and thereby strengthened deterrence.75
But the country’s initial attempts at nuclear signalling failed in its
purpose of stopping India from proceeding with its exercise.
Perhaps the timing of the threat did not work to Pakistan’s ad-
vantage. Had it been conveyed during the crisis, it could have
escalated tensions between the two countries, since India would
have felt compelled to respond by issuing a counter-threat to as-
suage domestic public opinion; thereby leading to action–reaction
verbal pyrotechnics. What effect this warning would have had on
the Indian government, had it been conveyed immediately after
the interview, remains unsurmisable. Incidentally, serious doubts
persist regarding the interview’s contents, since ‘much of the inter-
view, though not its most provocative passages, was an unattri-
buted, nearly verbatim repetition of an article Khan had written
six months earlier in the Karachi English newspaper, Dawn.’76 What
then were the lessons one could draw with the benefit of hindsight
from this episode?
l First, inherent dangers lie in large-scale military exercises, espe-

cially in the traditional Indian exercise ranges in Khetolai, Lathi
and Pokhran areas in Rajasthan, close to the international border,
and more so if there is a breakdown in communications between
the military and political leaderships. Significantly, one of the
CBMs established after this crisis was the Agreement on Advance
Notice of Military Exercises, Manoeuvres and Troop Movements.77
73
See Hussain 1989. Also see in this context, The New York Times 1993.
74
Bajpai et al. 1995. Also Rikhye 1988; Hagerty 1993/94.
75
See Shahi et al. 1999.
76
Spector 1988: 134.
77
The text of this agreement, signed on 6 April 1991, may be seen in Krepon and
Sevak 1996.
l Second, the ‘hotline’ that was established between the two mili-
tary operations directorates (DGMOs) was of little use to defuse
the crisis: ‘when the possibility of war loomed large, CBMs were
distrusted or misused by one or both sides: at crucial moments,
India resisted giving information that might somehow be used
to its disadvantage, and both sides stopped using the DGMO
hotlines after December 8.’78 Hence, paradoxically, CBMs in the
Indo-Pak context build confidence well during peacetime but are
a complete failure during times of crisis. A procedure was estab-
lished thereafter, whereby the ‘hotline’ would be used at least
once a week, and the two sides would call each other on alternate
weeks.
The 1990 Crisis: How Real?

From the Indian perspective, the origins of this crisis lay in the
noticeable increase in Pakistan’s support to cross-border terrorism
in Punjab, and in the latter half of 1989, to the insurgency in Kashmir.
This increase in militancy also strangely coincided with the Pakistani
army not withdrawing to its peacetime locations at Zarb-e-Momin
after its major military exercise in the winter of 1989. Its strike corps
moved into areas that were seen by India as threatening its security.
India reacted by deploying its troops in Kashmir and Punjab.79 From
Pakistan’s perspective, these Indian troop movements seemed
offensive and reminiscent of Brasstacks crisis.80 Unlike the Bras-
stacks exercise, which started essentially as a military exercise, the
1990 event was fuelled by the outbreak of ethno-religious insurgency
in Jammu and Kashmir. As the crisis precipitated, Pakistani infiltra-
tors began crossing porous borders and joined forces with Kashmiri
secessionists.81 New Delhi accused Pakistan of waging an uncon-
ventional war with India, by arming and training Kashmiri Muslim
youth. From the Indian perspective, Pakistan had developed a low-
cost strategy to de-stabilise its larger and stronger neighbour with-
out risking the near-certain prospect of defeat in a conventional
military encounter. The dramatic rise in incidents of violence led
78
Bajpai et al. 1995: 110.
79
The then serving Army Chief, V.N. Sharma, has described these events in
an interview to The Economic Times. See V.N. Sharma 1993.
80
For an excellent analysis of the 1990 crisis from the Indian, US and Pakistani
viewpoints, see Chari 2003.
81
For Pakistan’s involvement in fuelling the insurgency, see The Hindustan
Times 2003. For an older perspective on the same issue, see Desmond 1991.
India 217
the Indian decision makers to contemplate deep strikes on terrorist

training camps in Pakistan-administered Kashmir which made
Pakistan put forces on alert.
The nuclear dimension entered into the crisis at this time when
Pakistan placed ‘its nuclear weapons arsenal on alert.’82 It is not clear
if Pakistan had planned to use nuclear weapons in the crisis, but
the two states were close to a conflict.83 As the crisis developed, US
intelligence, picking up signals of a looming conflict, despatched
Robert Gates, the Deputy National Security Advisor, accompanied
by Richard Haass and John Kelly.84 In New Delhi, the Gates team
counselled restraint while in Islamabad, joined by Amb. Robert
Oakley, they explained that in every war game scenario that the
Pentagon had developed, Pakistan emerged a loser. Gates told
General Beg, ‘Our military has war gamed every conceivable scen-
ario between you and the Indians and there isn’t a single way you
win.’85 Robert Oakley also made it clear that in the event of war, the
US would not come to the rescue of Pakistan and this was a further
sobering thought.86 It was explained to the Pakistani decision
makers that in the event of outbreak of hostilities, Pakistan was
likely to lose diplomatically and militarily. The Pakistani President,
Ghulam Ishaq Khan, also ‘assured him (Gates) that Pakistan would
close the training camps for Kashmiris in Azad Kashmir.’87 The
Gates mission also explained to the Indian decision makers that if
Indians carried out any strikes on the training camps, then Pakistan
would be forced to respond due to domestic compulsions, and then
82
Hersh 1993: 65.
83
Other aspects of these sensational disclosures are: Some time in ‘early spring’
General Beg authorised technicians in Kahuta to ‘put together nuclear weapons’;
some time in May, as conditions in Kashmir worsened, American satellite
photographs noticed ‘the evacuation of thousands of workers from Kahuta’; again
in May, satellite intelligence showed ‘signs of a truck convoy moving from the
suspected nuclear-storage site in Balochistan to a nearby Air force base’;
‘eventually,’ intelligence picked up ‘F-16s pre-positioned and armed delivery—
on full alert, with pilots in the aircraft’ (Ibid.: 56–73).
84
The US wanted a senior KGB officer to accompany them, which they thought
would have greater impact on the region. But Secretary of State, James Baker was
unable to convince the Soviet Foreign Minister, Eduard Sherardnadze. See Reiss
1995: ch. 5.
85
86
87
Hersh 1993: 68.
de-escalation would be a difficult proposition. What role nuclear

weapons played in this crisis is yet unclear. A collaborative study
by an Indian, an American and a Pakistani scholar has come to
the conclusion that
the dominant American interpretation was that the crisis was made
worse by the existence of nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan, and
that 1990 was largely, if not entirely, a nuclear crisis …. On the other
hand, Indians and Pakistanis seem to concur that nuclear weapons
may have limited the risks of war, but did not inhibit the opportunity
to pursue their conflict ‘by other means’ in Kashmir and elsewhere.88
It is widely understood that some sort of nuclear threat was con-

veyed by Gates, who visited Pakistan and India at this time as a
special emissary of President Bush; his Indian interlocutors have
expressly denied this.89 Indeed, Indian officialdom did not believe
that Pakistan possessed a deliverable nuclear weapon at that time.
For instance, General Sharma was specifically asked in his inter-
view to The Economic Times whether he apprehended a nuclear
threat from Pakistan during this crisis. He replied:
No, I don’t think so. There is a lot of bluff and bluster from Pakistan.
It is different to talk about something and totally different to do
something …. In hard military terms your capacity is not judged by
the bluff and bluster, but what you have in your pocket and what
you can do with it.90
Proponents of deterrence will argue that India and Pakistan were

deterred from war in 1990 by the existence of opaque nuclear
weapon capabilities on both sides, and no matter what Indian and
Pakistani decision makers said or did, any military clash never
had the potential for escalation to the nuclear level.91 The case for
nuclear deterrence is admittedly circumstantial, since deterrence
88
Chari, Cheema and Cohen 2003: 134–35.
89
See V.N. Sharma 1993; Deshmukh 1994. Deshmukh was the then Secretary
to the Indian Prime Minister.
90
Deshmukh 1994: 62.
91
Many Indian and Pakistani generals maintain such a position, and after the
Kargil War, senior government officials too have endorsed this point of view.
See in this context, Hagerty 1998.
India 219
theory, crisis stability and nuclear signalling make tracing the

causality of non-events a practically impossible task. In this in-
stance, one would have to get authoritative Indian and/or Pakistani
officials to admit that they were planning to go to war, but were
dissuaded from doing so by the possibility that conventional con-
flict might have escalated to a nuclear exchange. But this is difficult
mainly for two reasons: First, such an admission would reveal that
the country was actually planning to start a war, which would make
it lose face internationally; second, backing down from such plans
would imply national weakness. No leader would do this. A recent
study has revealed that ‘despite the almost daily issue of bellicose
speeches from both sides, the danger of war was never regarded
as realistic.’92
Many Indian scholars and former military personnel maintain
that the story of the nuclear crisis was sensationalist, and are often
dismissive of it. It is possible that there was no truth in the reve-
lations. Why then did Seymour Hersh write it?93 It could be that
the story was planted and the US wanted to play a role. Given the
level of confidence that both India and Pakistan would have on
US intelligence, the story was widely accepted. This led to an in-
creased US role in the region. The nuclear angle of the crisis was
highlighted by the US. Years later, during the Kargil crisis, when
the Pakistani Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif went to meet US
President, Bill Clinton, he was informed that the Pakistan Army
was busy readying missiles.
The NPT Extension and After

In 1995, the NPT came up for its 25-year review and was extended
indefinitely. India decided to stay outside the proceedings and
did not seek even an observer status.94 The indefinite extension of
the NPT, along with continued Chinese assistance to Pakistan, per-
haps became the main motivations for India to prepare for another
92
Chari, Cheema and Cohen 2003: 142.
93
Hersh wrote the story on the nuclear dimension of the crisis in The New York
Times. See Hersh 1993.
94
For an official view on Indian objections to the NPT, see Sood 1993. He
discusses the possibility of expanding the scope of the regime to address Indian
concerns. Sood was the Joint Secretary in the Disarmament and International
Security Division of the Ministry of External Affairs, and later, India’s Permanent
Ambassador to the CD in Geneva.
test in December 1995. The other motivation was the CTBT negoti-
ations in the CD that were nearing finalisation. US satellites picked
up increased activity at Pokhran and US Ambassador to India,
Frank Wisner, prevailed upon Narasimha Rao to resist testing.95
The Congress-led Narasimha Rao government was still following
the declaratory Congress position of global nuclear disarmament,
although years of work had gone into the nuclear programme. In
fact, the Congress Party, during the visit of US President Bill Clinton
in 2000, seemed unable to resolve the dilemma of maintaining its
historical position of global nuclear disarmament or accepting the
official Indian position of credible minimum nuclear deterrent.96
The disjoint between the work of the MEA (Ministry of External
Affairs) and the DAE (Department of Atomic Energy) may never
be fully resolved. As Bhashyam Kasturi argues, ‘The divergence
of policy statements by the MEA and the actual work of the DAE
will remain until a more open form of interdepartmental co-
operation is instituted in the case of the nuclear program.’97
By the mid-1980s and early 1990s, the domestic public opinion
was shifting from the idealistic positions of that had been nurtured
from the time of Nehru and maintained with subtle shifts till Rajiv
Gandhi’s government. This is reflected in a public opinion survey
where just 8 per cent (N = 83) of those interviewed favoured the
renunciation of nuclear weapons.98 While 581 favoured a time-
bound plan for global nuclear disarmament, 15 per cent linked
Indian renunciation of nuclear weapons to a final boundary settle-
ment with China and the removal of Chinese nuclear weapons
from Tibet, and another 26 per cent to a verifiable renunciation of
Pakistan’s nuclear option.99 To the question of why India should
develop nuclear weapons, 57 per cent located the rationale to
threats from nuclear Pakistan, while 20 per cent felt threats from
China.100 In an answer to the same question, an overwhelming
49 per cent felt India should develop nuclear weapons to improve
95
Ganguly 1999a.
96
See The Statesman 2000b; The Hindu 2000a; The Asian Age 2000a, 2000b; and
The Times of India 2000c.
97
Kasturi 1999: 128.
98
Cortright and Mattoo 1994.
99
Ibid.: Table 7.
100
Ibid.: Table 9.
India 221
India’s bargaining power in world affairs.101 The opposition to NPT

had begun to develop, as 49 per cent supporters of official policy
and 52 per cent nuclear advocates said under no circumstances
should India sign the NPT.102 Forty per cent of the respondents of
this survey said information on nuclear issues is not easy to get.103
Of nuclear advocates who had to vote for the extent of developing
nuclear weapons, 34 per cent voted for the development of all com-
ponents but not the actual assembling of any nuclear weapon.104
Kashmir plays a central role in determining the decision to use
nuclear weapons: 33 per cent respondents said India could use
nuclear weapons if Pakistan were about to overwhelm India
militarily.105 An overwhelming 83 per cent of all respondents totally
support an international agreement eliminating nuclear weapons.
This gives a sense that overall the population in the mid-1990s sup-
ported an international agreement to eliminate nuclear weapons.
These linkages make one point clear, that there needs to be greater
international cooperation on disarmament that might reduce the
tendency of elites to accept nuclear weapons development as a
policy option. Another inference that can be drawn is the influence
of regional security issues and their overall impact on Indian deci-
sion making. Another significant finding was, nuclear issues were
ranked seventh, with communalism, poverty, economic stability,
terrorism, Kashmir and GATT being ranked higher in importance
than the nuclear issue.
What then motivated the government to prepare for a test in 1995?
Three factors were crucial. The indefinite extension of the NPT,
the passage of the Brown Amendment, leading to renewal of up to
$368 million in US military assistance to Pakistan, and the impend-
ing CTBT negotiations that were gathering steam in the Conference
on Disarmament in Geneva which would lead to the closing of the
option of further tests. Although India had been one of the chief
supporters of the treaty, when the final document came up for
negotiation, it raised objections finding no link to universal nuclear
disarmament at the moral plane, while at the realistic plane it was
able to buy itself some time to retain its nuclear option.
101
Ibid.
102
Ibid.: Table 8.
103
Ibid.: Table 3.
104
Ibid.: Table 13.
105
Ibid.: Table 14.
EXPLAINING INDIAS NUCLEAR BEHAVIOUR
Over the last five decades, there has been continuity in India’s
development of a civilian nuclear programme, although this pro-
cess has been rather haphazard, has had inconsistent support and
has been at times incongruent with policy pronouncements. The
logical conclusion of any civilian nuclear programme can be a
simultaneous military programme, if need be. The nuclear pro-
gramme had received government funding all through the 1980s.
In December 1995, the Congress government tried to test a nuclear
device, but was pressurised by the US not to do so.
India’s motivations to test were a combination of international
and domestic factors. First, to discuss the international factors,
India has constantly argued—and continues to do so—for total
disarmament, but has never been taken seriously. Various inter-
national treaties, such as the CTBT, were closing India’s options.
Second, China, with whom India went to war in 1962 and has a
longstanding border dispute (albeit a dormant one), has had a track
record of proliferation of not merely small arms, but also sensitive
nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan.106 China as a nuclear
weapons power was probably the first motivation for India. Third,
India thought of possessing the nuclear weapons as a ticket to a
seat in the Security Council (ironically, at this moment the P-5 are
also the five nuclear weapons states). Finally, since the dilution of
ties between New Delhi and Moscow, there were genuine security
concerns that New Delhi had to address. The South Asian security
environment had deteriorated to a very great extent.
In terms of national factors, the official explanations for the May
1998 nuclear tests were threats from China and Pakistan.107 This is
at best an unconvincing justification. The motivations to test were
a combination of factors. Domestic politics was a key force behind
the tests. The Vajpayee-led coalition government (of the twelfth
Lok Sabha) was shaky—it was constantly receiving threats from
one of the coalition partners, the AIADMK led by Jayalalitha, to
pull down the government. The government needed to accom-
modate the unreasonable demands of its other alliance partners
106
Mahmood 1999.
107
Vajpayee 1998a.
India 223
as well, which made governance almost impossible. Second, on

6 April 1998, Pakistan tested the Ghauri, and if reports are to be
believed, a decision to test a nuclear weapon in India was taken
two days later. Third, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which had
clearly mentioned induction of the nuclear option in its manifesto,
had the groundwork done to conduct the tests. Fourth, the dis-
memberment of the USSR—India’s chief military partner—had
made India rethink its policy options. Fifth, the scientific–bureau-
cratic establishment, which is always active in any country, was
pushing for the tests. With the BJP coming to power, the pressure
became stronger. Even when the BJP government came to power
for 13 days in its first term, there were reports that it may have
ordered the scientists to test. Sixth, the domestic constituency,
which had gathered momentum post NPT’s indefinite extension,
would also have been pleased. As Brahma Chellaney says, ‘India’s
main strategic gain from the tests was that the detonations—and
the subsequent “provocative” Indian statements—successfully
enticed Islamabad to come out of its nuclear closet.’108 As Stephen
Cohen explains it,
India’s strategic environment grew both more complex and dan-

gerous after 1990 with the renewal of the threat of war with Pakistan,
Islamabad’s nuclearisation, strong evidence of Chinese support for
Pakistan (despite the apparent improvement of India–Chinese
relations), and the rise of serious domestic insurrections in Punjab,
the Northeast, and Kashmir; while objectively India’s security pos-
ition was manageable, the sense of insecurity grew in New Delhi.109
A related school of thought says that though sanctions were

imminent after the tests, India could endure these and Pakistan
could not. The military establishment in Pakistan was fully aware
that it ‘lacks the economic and technological means for a full scale
weaponisation and deployment. Both would require additional
expenditures—for example, for the establishment of an adequate
command, control and communications infrastructure—which the
country’s strained economy could not possibly sustain.’110
108
Chellaney 1999b: 147.
109
Cohen 1998.
110
Ahmed 1999.
The rise of BJP to power in New Delhi led to the culmination of

the various pressures on the government to conduct nuclear tests.111
Carrying a huge swadeshi baggage, the BJP was heir to years of
work on the nuclear programme—all it had to do was provide the
green signal. When the BJP made this clear in its election manifesto,
most Western analysts called it a bluff. When the tests happened,
there were loud noises of it being a Hindu bomb, and sands of the
Shakti tests were to be distributed. A year later, the diplomatic re-
sponse to Kargil proved that harsh decisions have to be supported
by well-oiled diplomatic machinery.
Ì DOCTRINAL ISSUES
Perhaps no other country has laboured so much on the nuclear
question as India has, yet doctrinal aspects seem to find much less
resonance in debates on India’s nuclear future. The military dimen-
sions of the Indian nuclear programme only marginally figured in
the debates. After a couple of decades of being under the towering
personalities and ideals of Gandhi and Nehru, the country was
ill-equipped to handle technical and operational aspects of nuclear
weapons. Terms such as war, deterrence, compellance and hard-
ened silos had to be imported from the West but needed an Indian
flavour.
In an attempt to locate the role that nuclear weapons might play
in the overall security calculus in India, it is imperative to view
nuclear doctrine as a set of beliefs that identifies the role of nuclear
weapons and the purpose for which these weapons have been ac-
quired by India. Attempts were made in the early 1980s to develop
a nuclear doctrine. Leading the strategists was K. Subrahmanyam,
who is widely considered to be the ‘father of Indian strategic
thought’.112 Former Chief of Army Staff, Gen K. Sundarji, was among
the very few Indian Army officers who gave a serious thought to the
issue of nuclear weapons.113 He organised a quasi-official study of
111
In this context, see Cherian 1998; Partha S. Ghosh 1999; and Graham 1990.
112
See in this context, Subrahmanyam 1998a, 1998b.
113
Gen K. Sundarji had spent considerable time writing an unpublished
monograph, ‘Strategy in the Age of Nuclear Deterrence and Its Application to
Developing Countries’ (1984). He later authored a novel, Blind Men of Hindoostan,
Indo-Pak Nuclear War (1993b). See also Sundarji 1981b, 1990; On the triangle, see
Sundarji 1994a, 1994b.
India 225
nuclear doctrine in 1981. In this study, civilian and military per-

sonnel of the government (including serving officers) were asked
to comment on a scenario involving three states, A, B and C, thinly
disguised as India, Pakistan and China. Many contributors
favoured a limited nuclear programme.114 Sundarji himself was of
the opinion that nuclear deterrence ‘will add to stability and peace
and that the only salvation is for both countries to follow policies
of cooperation and not confrontation … a mutual minimum nu-
clear deterrence will act as a stabilising factor … the chances of
conventional war between the two will be less likely than before.’115
The most frequently cited argument in the strategic community
in India about a role for nuclear weapons is that nuclear weapons
are purely political instruments.116 Air Cmde Jasjit Singh, building
on this argument, says that over a period of time it has become ob-
vious that a ‘nuclear war cannot be won and therefore must never
be fought.’117 Elaborating further, Singh says, ‘nuclear weapons
[are] more an instrument of politics … than military instrument of
war fighting.’118 Taking this argument further, K. Subrahmanyam
says that ‘India does not subscribe to the outmoded war-fighting
doctrine and the Indian nuclear weapons are meant solely for deter-
rence.’119 This is a reiteration of what the Chinese have termed ‘nuclear
blackmail’. Speaking at an earlier occasion, K. Subrahmanyam had
said, ‘the main purpose of a third world arsenal is deterrence
against blackmail.’120 As another leading strategic commentator,
C. Raja Mohan, has also observed,
India has taken too long to come to terms with the nuclear revolution
and its impact on world military affairs … Nuclear weapons are
114
Sundarji 1981b. Arun Singh and Brig Vijai K. Nair were among the many
members of this project. Arun Singh later became the Minister of State for Defence
in the late 1980s and almost a decade later an Officer on Special Duty in the
Ministry of External Affairs.
115
Sundarji 1995: 59.
116
Former President, K.R. Narayanan, addressing the nation on the occasion
of the golden jubilee of India’s independence said, ‘nuclear weapons are useful
only when they are not used. They can only be a deterrent in the hands of the nation’
(Narayanan 1998).
117
Jasjit Singh 1998: 11.
118
Ibid.: 11.
119
Subrahmanyam 1998c.
120
Subrahmanyam 1993a.
certainly important. And India’s decision to acquire them was long

overdue. But in the flush of becoming an atomic power, India could
easily overstate the significance of nuclear weapons. They can only
serve a limited purpose for India—of preventing the use or threat
of use of nuclear weapons by its adversaries against it. There is
little else that nuclear weapons can do.121
Over the last couple of decades, ambiguity and recessed deterrence

remained the hallmark of the Indian nuclear posture. In its present
avatar, India’s nuclear doctrine can be located in the BJP’s election
manifesto, in a run-up to the March 1998 general elections.122 This
manifesto promised that if the BJP was elected, it would establish
a National Security Council that would ‘undertake India’s first-ever
Strategic Defence Review to study and analyze the security envir-
onment and make appropriate recommendations …. Re-evaluate
the country’s nuclear policy and exercise the option to induct nu-
clear weapons.’123 This ambition was reiterated in its National
Agenda for Governance.124 When the BJP government was elected
for the second time in March 1998, a three-man task force was ap-
pointed to advise on the constitution of the council. The basic
problems were related to the structure of the council, the position
of the national security advisor, and whether the council should
have a statutory or an advisory body. The National Security Council
(NSC) was to be headed by the prime minister, which included
the ministers for defence, home, external affairs and finance, but
also the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission (Jaswant
Singh at that time). A three-tier structure was evolved under it. 125
One of the divisions was the National Security Advisory Board
121
Mohan 1999c.
122
This election brought the BJP government to power for 13 days.
123
Full text of the BJP manifesto is available at http://bjp.org/manifes/
chap8.htm, accessed on 16 July 2000.
124
Text of National Agenda for Governance can be found at http://bjp.org/
nagenda.htm, accessed on 16 July 2000.
125
This included a Strategic Policy Group with serving civil and military offi-
cials and a 22-member National Security Advisory Board consisting of former
civil and military officials, academics, scientists and journalists ‘with expertise in
Foreign Affairs, External Security, Defence, Strategic Analysis, Economics, Science
and Technology, Internal Security and Armed Forces.’ Information on the com-
position, structure and objectives of the National Security Council can be obtained
from http://www.ipcs.org/new/nsc.htm, accessed on 25 November 1998.
India 227
(NSAB).126 Five sub-groups of the NSAB were constituted to deal

with issues relating to nuclear, internal, external, technological and
economic security. The nuclear sub-group drafted a nuclear doc-
trine. The National Security Advisor, Brajesh Mishra and Convenor
of the National Security Advisory Board, K. Subrahmanyam pre-
sided over its release (in August 1999), giving it an official char-
acter.127 The true status of this doctrine was authoritatively declared
by Foreign Minister, Jaswant Singh some three months later. The
Minister in an interview given to a national daily replied, ‘The
National Security Advisory Board is a group of non-official stra-
tegic experts and analysts. It was tasked by the National Security
Council to prepare a number of papers, including one on a possible
“Indian Nuclear Doctrine”’.128 This it prepared and submitted to
the national security advisor, also releasing it publicly for a larger
debate. Subsequently, in January 2003, the Government of India
clarified this further when it adopted the draft doctrine as an
official policy document and added another caveat, thereby
increasing the operational battlespace of nuclear weapons. The
draft doctrine stated, ‘In the event of a major attack against India
or Indian forces anywhere, by biological or chemical weapons,
India will retain the option of retaliating with nuclear weapons.’129
The mere possession of the nuclear bomb does not constitute
minimum deterrence, and the possession of a minimum deterrent
should essentially be used to negotiate a better strategic balance.
A stable strategic balance is required not only for India but also
for the Southern Asian region, as it serves India’s national interest
better. It requires conveying to the world in general, and China and
Pakistan in particular, that for India nuclear weapons are purely
political instruments. Important and central to this role will be
situating nuclear weapons in the Indian security architecture. A
credible combination of arms control negotiations, a restrained
articulation of the Indian interest and willingness to integrate with
a global economy would do more for India than minimum deter-
rence. To this end, in the initial couple of years after May 1998,
it was required for India to show the world its intent in being a
responsible nuclear weapons state.
126
The other was the National Security Council Secretariat.
127
See The Hindu 1999c.
128
See Mohan 1999d.
129
Mohan 2003b.
On doctrinal issues, India announced a unilateral moratorium

on testing, although there were demands from some quarters that
India should have conducted more tests. India has also announced
an unconditional no-first-use posture and brought out a draft
report of the nuclear doctrine.130 On the face of it, one could argue
that the doctrine is a mere fleshing out of Vajpayee’s statement
in Parliament on 15 December 1998, where he spelt out the princi-
pal elements of minimum nuclear deterrence: no-first-use, no use
against non-nuclear powers, and commitment to the elimination
of nuclear weapons. But the draft report transcends the prime
minister’s statement and does some moral posturing. It makes clear
that nuclear deterrence can range from a mere declaratory posture
with covert demonstration of capabilities—a form of existential
deterrence—to deterrence based on a near total certainty—an elab-
orate nuclear arsenal based on the ‘triadic’ nature of the deterrent:
air, mobile land-based and sea assets with command and control
systems, leaving no doubt about the certainty of retaliatory strike.131
It has announced the country’s intention to maintain a credible
minimum nuclear deterrent. This raises the important issue of
‘nuclear sufficiency’, which requires an explanation about how
many weapons would be required to achieve this state of deter-
rence. According to the draft report, deterrence requires that India
maintains:132
l sufficient, survivable and operationally prepared nuclear forces;

l a robust command and control system;
l effective intelligence and early warning capabilities;
l comprehensive planning and training for operations in line with
the strategy; and
l the will to employ nuclear forces and weapons.
There were four main elements of the nuclear doctrine, some

inherent contradictions and tensions.
l No-First-Use: India’s position on no-first-use has been explicitly

dealt with in paras 1.5, 2.3, 2.4 and 8.2 of the nuclear doctrine.
130
NSAB 1999.
131
See The Times of India 1999c, 1999d, 1999e; The Indian Express 1999b; Mattoo
1999b; Sheth 1999; The Pioneer 1999; Rajagopalan 1999.
132
NSAB 1999: para 2.6.
India 229
It suggests measures being taken, like de-mating of warheads

and delivery systems. This would assure others that a first strike
is not possible. However, this position becomes ambiguous on
read-ing paras 2.5 and 3.2., especially the latter, wherein the
doctrine ‘envisages assured capability to shift from peacetime
deployment to fully employable forces in the shortest possible
time ….’ Operationally, this could translate into higher rate of alert
level, but it is common knowledge that India maintains de-alert,
de-mated status of its nuclear arsenal. This further strengthens
the NFU posture, as it is not just a political statement but also an
operational commitment.133
l Minimum Nuclear Deterrent: In attempting to increase the
credibility and effectiveness of the deterrent, the doctrine refrains
from limiting itself to ‘minimum nuclear deterrence’. How the
stated maximum credibility can be achieved without becoming a
maximum deterrent is left unclear.
l Command and Control: Whilst a greater focus on command and
control structures would have been desirable, the doctrine’s men-
tion of ‘an integrated operational plan, or a series of sequential
plans’ adds to the ambiguity.
l Survivability: Tactical nuclear weapons form an integral part of
flexible response in nuclear war fighting. This has been left
unmentioned, which points to an ‘open option.’ Left unexplained
also are the types of command and control arrangements with re-
spect to different forces.
In an interview with The Hindu on 29 November 1999, the then Indian

Foreign Minister, Jaswant Singh discussed India’s position on arms
control issues and addressed international concerns about its
nuclear doctrine being generated from the draft doctrine. Most
notably, Singh downplayed the significance of the draft report,
stressing that it is not an official policy document and that the talk
of an Indian nuclear triad is ‘premature.’134
133
Draft Nuclear Doctrine 1999. See the point highlighted by Dr Amitabh
Mattoo, one of the panelists. Dr Mattoo later became a member of the third and
fourth National Security Advisory Board.
134
Mohan 1999d. He further said, India would maintain a credible, but mini-
mum nuclear deterrent; India would continue its declared moratorium on under-
ground nuclear testing, but would pursue computer simulation and sub-critical
tests, if necessary; an extended-range Agni missile would be developed and flight-
India has made it clear that ‘the fundamental purpose of Indian

nuclear weapons is to deter the use and threat of use of nuclear
weapons by any State or entity against India and its forces’ (Clause
2.4). There is, however, a growing global apprehension about ter-
rorists gaining access to fissile materials.135 How could such an
‘entity’ be deterred without threatening or attacking the country
where it is located? The doctrine remains silent on this problem.
India will not be the first to initiate a nuclear strike, but will respond
with punitive retaliation if deterrence fails.136 This implies that
India should adopt a ‘launch on attack’, not a ‘launch on warning’,
nuclear posture.
The draft report of the NSAB has stated that India shall ‘pursue
a doctrine of credible minimum nuclear deterrence’ (para 2.3). In
this policy of ‘retaliation only’ (para 2.3) the survivability of India’s
arsenal is critical.137 Mr Vajpayee assured the public that the Indian
nuclear capability would be defensive in nature.138 India has also
declared that it ‘will not resort to the use or threat of use of nuclear
weapons against States which do not possess nuclear weapons, or
are not aligned with nuclear weapon powers.’139 This further re-
duces operational battlespace of India’s nuclear forces.
The draft report is not clear on the size and shape of the mini-
mum nuclear deterrent and conforms to traditional nuclear deter-
rence found in the Western narrative. In fact, in reply to a question
in the Rajya Sabha, the Indian external affairs minister stated,
India’s minimum deterrent can not be elaborated in terms of a fixed

quantification; it is a policy approach dictated and determined in
the context of our security environment. Government has also con-
veyed that matters relating to defence postures are sovereign func-
tions and, therefore, not subjects to negotiations. 140
tested in a non-provocative and transparent manner; in pursuance of its no-first-

use declaration, India would not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states;
a deployment posture would be adopted that ensures the survivability of assets;
India would not engage in any arms race; and that India’s commitment to global
nuclear disarmament remains undiluted.
135
See, for example, The Indian Express 2001.
136
NSAB 1999.
137
Ibid.
138
See Mr Vajpayee’s statement in Vajpayee 1998c. This has further been refined
by the draft report.
139
140
Rajya Sabha 1999.
India 231
The real tension in the draft is between minimum deterrence and

maximum credibility. India may also need to specify the size of its
deterrent, a demand that the United States has often been raising.141
Answering a question in the Indian Parliament, the minister of
state for external affairs also made it clear that
India and the US are engaged in an ongoing dialogue on security,

non-proliferation and disarmament issues. This dialogue is pre-
dicted on India maintaining a minimum credible nuclear deterrent.
India’s minimum deterrent is not a fixed quantification, it is a policy
approach dictated and determined in the context of our security
environment. 142
What is not clear is whether the Indian government is talking in

terms of quantity or quality of the proposed Indian deterrent. This
becomes complicated because China figures in India’s security
calculus, despite Beijing’s declared no-first-use policy. The draft
report is also not clear on whether the naval deterrent would be
submarine or ship based. Another flaw in the draft report is that
there is no mention of the costs involved or the time-frame that
would be needed for implementing the many concepts that have
been mentioned. For instance, the report mentions that: ‘The Indian
defence forces shall be in a position to execute operations in an
NBC environment with minimal degradation; and Space based
and other assets shall be created to provide early warning, com-
munications, damage/detonation assessment.’143
Deterrence cannot be quantified. If India tries to build a minimal
deterrent against China it exceeds the maximum limit against
Pakistan. Some estimates in India suggest that minimum deter-
rence is based on targeting five Pakistani cities and 20 Chinese
cities.144 Nuclearisation in the Indian context will be an expensive
process and will involve the following:
l Developing a reasonable number of weapon cores and mating

them with credible delivery means.
141
The Hindu 1999b.
142
Lok Sabha 2000e.
143
144
Point made by a participant in IPCS 1998. See also in this context, Karnad 2002.
l Developing a command and control arrangement.145

l Developing an effective communications network that can sur-
vive a first strike.146
l Keeping these weapon cores and delivery means dispersed to
ensure survivability against adversary first strike.
l Organising forces to handle and use nuclear weapons and ensure
their training for delivery as part of the national security doctrine.
l Structuring conventional forces to deal with the altered security
environment.
l Ensuring an effective and instantaneous communication system
linking various key institutions.
All these requirements are based on the assumption of establishing

a ‘credible minimum nuclear deterrent’. Added to this is the cost
factor, which the draft nuclear doctrine does not consider. The
scenario envisaged in the draft doctrine is many years and mil-
lions of dollars away. If the aim is to built a ‘credible minimum
nuclear deterrent’ and if the minimum is what the draft doctrine
states, then the government of the day will have to think many
times over before launching such an expensive programme which
will include not only economic costs—appreciating that the
possession of nuclear weapons will not prevent proxy wars, drug
trafficking and proliferation of small arms—nor prevent inimical
neighbours from abetting various insurgencies. The rhetorical
statements made by people in power after the nuclear tests in May
1998 serve no purpose. The need is for India to eschew such incen-
diary rhetoric and develop a non-aggressive force posture that
could assure international anxieties regarding the future of nuclear
South Asia.147
At the time of the release of the draft report, there was no mention
of who would control the nuclear button, except that there was
common understanding that the Cabinet Committee on Security
(CCS) with the prime minister as the head would have the final
145
India has drafted a Rs 3.75 billion dollar five-year plan for creating a nuclear
command, control, communications and intelligence infrastructure. See The
Hindustan Times 2000a. Details of the Nuclear Command Authority were fleshed
out in January 2003.
146
Ibid.
147
One such initiative calls for force reduction along the China border. In the
foreseeable future, there seems to be no likelihood of a large-scale conflict with
China.
India 233
say on such matters. Regarding the command and control struc-

tures, the draft report does mention that after nuclear weapons
are inducted into the armed forces it would be the elected head of
the country, that is, the prime minister, who would have the author-
ity to release them for use. This was fleshed out in January 2003,
when the government announced the Nuclear Command Authority
(NCA) and made a two-tier system of command.
Through the last decade, India followed what came to be termed
as existential deterrence. The draft suggests that deterrence will
be based on certainty. On one hand, the doctrine declares pursuing
the path of minimum nuclear deterrence; on the other hand, it has
emphasised that the retaliatory capability has to be high after
clearly defining the pillars on which this would be based—surviv-
ability, safety, effectiveness, security and a targeting policy. There
are also recommendations on C4I2 (command, control, commu-
nications, computing, intelligence and information).
Supporting Infrastructure
Delivery systems, fissile stocks and nuclear weapons alone do not
make the Indian nuclear arsenal credible as a projected nuclear
deterrent; a minimal infrastructure is needed to ‘stitch up’ all this
together. There has been a demand, not just domestically but also
internationally, for India to set up a nuclear command and control
authority.148
On 5 January 2003, India declared a set of political principles
and administrative arrangements to manage its nuclear arsenal.
This reflects another step in the evolution of India’s gradual, yet
firm process of nuclearisation. It is also a step towards the deploy-
ment of what Ashley Tellis has called India’s nuclear ‘force-in-
being’.149 This institutionalises the final decision to use nuclear
weapons, exhibits an absolute political control over decision making
and incorporates effective interface between civilian and military
leaders in the final decision on nuclear weapons. The announce-
ment was made after the India’s highest decision-making body
on matters of national security, the Cabinet Committee on Security,
148
See Nair 1992; Menon 2000a; Kanwal 2001, 2003; Kak 1998; and Bajpai 1999.
149
Tellis has used this term in his monumental work, India’s Emerging Nuclear
Posture (2002a).
met to review progress in implementing India’s nuclear doctrine,

the state of readiness of its strategic forces and the procedures for
their command and control. This demand has been raised many
a time. The Group of Ministers in their report, Reforming the National
Security System, had suggested in February 2001,
Given India’s nuclear status, there is a pressing need to establish a

Strategic Forces Command, to manage all strategic forces. While the
operational control of the strategic forces should unambiguously
vest in the highest political authority, the CDS [Chief of Defence
Staff] should, as stated earlier, exercise administrative control over
these forces and also be the channel of communication between the
government and the Strategic Forces Commander.150
This report further went on to suggest that ‘the highest importance

must be attached to the creation of appropriate structures for the
management and control of our nuclear weapons and strategic
forces. The CDS should exercise administrative, as distinct from
operational military control, over these strategic forces.’151
The establishment of the NCA reflects the maximum restraint
in the final decision to use nuclear weapons, exhibits an absolute
political control over decision making. It incorporates an effective
interface between civilian and military leaders regarding the final
decision on nuclear weapons. The NCA comprises the Political
Council (presumably the prime minister, the deputy prime min-
ister, the external affairs minister, the home minister, the finance
minister, the national security advisor, the three service chiefs and
the cabinet secretary) and the Executive Council (presumably com-
prising the chiefs of defence services, chairman, the convener of
the National Security Advisory Board, the cabinet secretary, heads
of intelligence agencies and secretaries of ministries represented
in the CCS). The government stated that the NCA, chaired by the
prime minister, ‘is the sole body which can authorize the use of
nuclear weapons.’152 The Executive Council, chaired by the national
security advisor to the prime minister, ‘provides inputs for decision
making by the NCA and executes the directives given to it by the
150
Group of Ministers, GOI 2001.
151
Ibid.
152
Mohan 2003b.
India 235
Political Council.’153 The CCS also approved the appointment of a

‘Commander-in-Chief, Strategic Forces Command,’ who would
be responsible for the administration of the nuclear forces.154 The
National Security Council Secretariat aids the National Security
Advisory Board. Air Chief Marshal T.M. Asthana has been made
the first Head of the Strategic Forces Command. These admin-
istrative arrangements form the crucial link between the civilian
and military leadership on nuclear decisions and their execution.
The CCS accepted certain recommendations of the draft nuclear
doctrine.155
Since India has a declared NFU posture, theoretically it is ex-
pected that India will absorb a first strike, which is likely to hit the
command structure, perhaps a few counter-force and counter-
value targets. India has made it clear that credible alternative lines
of command at the political and military levels have been fully
worked out.156 If there is a nuclear attack that targets the nation’s
leadership, ‘the alternative nuclear command authority will be in
a position to take charge’ and ensure massive retaliation against
the adversary.157 The NDA government said that ‘there could be
more than one alternative command structure’ to make certain
that an Indian nuclear riposte would inevitably follow an atomic
attack on the nation.158 This also means that ‘it is unnecessary to
delegate powers in a manner which is required if one’s nuclear
strategy embraced procedures for launch-on-warning or launch-
on-attack or to delegate them specifically to military commanders
in the field.’159 The Indian NFU policy and consequent punitive
retaliation strategy require delicate balancing between the impera-
tives of ensuring the survivability of the retaliatory forces by means
153
Ibid.
154
Ibid.
155
These were: commitment to no-first-use (which has now been qualified by
the assertion that the ‘option of nuclear weapon use will be retained’ if India or the
Indian armed forces are attacked by chemical or biological weapons); acceptance
of the need for building and maintaining a credible minimum deterrent; non-
use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states; moratorium on
further nuclear tests; and agreement to join the negotiations on the Fissile Material
Cut-off Treaty.
156
Mohan 2003b.
157
Doctrinally, the term used is punitive retaliation.
158
Ibid.
159
The Hindu 2003a.
of deception, camouflage, mobility and redundancy in strike capabil-

ities. As the father of Indian strategic thought K. Subrahmanyam
says, ‘The alternative chain of command and arrangements to con-
tinue the vital institutions of the republic without interruption in
case of a decapitation attack and the capability for punitive retali-
ation should be impressed on the adversary and should be credible
to our own people.’160 But nagging questions remain: There are no
indications as to what shape this would take or as to its interfaces
with the three defence forces. A Strategic Forces Command has
been established under a separate commander-in-chief. The de-
fence services have already worked the Tri-service Command in
the Andaman and Nicobar islands. Where would the Strategic
Forces Command fit in? Would it be under the prime minister,
the NSA or the Chiefs of Staff Committee? Will the Strategic Forces
Command have its own forces, or will its strategic regiments and
squadrons remain under their respective service headquarters as
they are now? Will it build, train and sustain its own corpus of
leadership and human resources? In other words, will it be a special
entity, as it ought to be, or will it need to hang on the apron strings
of the three services?’161 Additionally, it is also not clear,
if an adversary were to launch an attack on its nuclear forces using

conventional means, would New Delhi regard this as a first use,
thus giving India the right to retaliate with its second-strike nuclear
capability? In which case, would it not be a violation of the no-first-
use posture? Or would India confine itself to a conventional response
and try to take out the nuclear assets of the adversary even at the
risk that such retaliation might lead to a nuclear escalation?162
A few questions continue to warrant attention:163
1. The CCS announcement is silent on the composition and the man-

ner in which the alternative command structure envisaged would
function, should a first strike ‘decapitate’ the first line of leader-
ship. Will greater transparency in identifying the chain of political
and military succession in this contingency enhance or detract
from the credibility of the deterrent?
160
Subrahmanyam 2003.
161
Raghvan 2003.
162
Sidhu 2003.
163
Chari 2003a. See, also in this context, Chari and Rajain 2003.
India 237
2. A pivotal role has been assigned to the national security advisor

(NSA) in these arrangements. He will head the Executive Council,
but will also be the conduit between the political and military
adjuncts of the NCA. The present incumbent is also the principal
secretary to the prime minister who has to handle many domestic
and international crises. Is it wise to invest so much authority
and responsibility in one single individual?
3. How the Strategic Forces Command would function within the
NCA hierarchy is not clear. Will the Executive Council, which
will have the chiefs of staff in its fold, exercise direct operational
control over the Strategic Forces Command or exercise control
through the Chiefs of Command Committee?164
4. The issue of who will control the strategic forces in peacetime
has been left vague. It is widely believed that the Indian nuclear
arsenal has not been not deployed. The Atomic Energy Commis-
sion is believed to have the nuclear cores; the nuclear assemblies
are believed to be with the Defence Research and Development
Organisation (DRDO), while the delivery systems are with the
services. How these three assets are going to work together in a
crisis scenario without giving the message of preparing for a
pre-emptive strike, is unclear.
Although the debate may continue on the state of readiness of

nuclear weapons deployment for sake of absolute credibility of
deterrence, as a small step towards the future, the fundamental
structure of the nuclear command has been put in place. Its rough
edges can be subjected to refinement and revision depending on
strategic need and to some extent political will.
India has always believed that global disarmament is in the
interest of all nations. The doctrine has enunciated, ‘global, verifi-
able and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament is a national
security objective. India shall continue its efforts to achieve the goal
of a nuclear weapon-free world at an early date.’165 After the tests,
India gave a call for negotiating a gradual and progressive elim-
ination of all nuclear weapons within a time-bound framework.166
At the first committee of the United Nations General Assembly,
164
The Group of Ministers, GOI (2001) had recommended the creation of the
Chief of Defence Staff to ‘administer the Strategic Forces.’
165
NSAB 1999.
166
At the NAM Summit meet in Durban in September 1998.
India proposed global nuclear de-alerting.167 This initiative was

intended to urge countries to retreat from the nuclear hair-trigger
postures adopted during the Cold War. Mr Vajpayee said that if
such initiatives were accepted in a multilateral forum like the
United Nations, they would reflect the Indian position too.168
It remains to be seen what value such initiatives hold, coming
from a state that has gatecrashed into the nuclear regime. Indian
diplomacy will continually have to project idealism at multilateral
fora and realism in the region with same delicate balance. At the
United Nations or any other multilateral forum, India needs to spell
out clearly what it means by minimum deterrence and whether it
is tactical, thermonuclear, de-mated, or inducted and deployed.
This would also reflect the kind of nuclear weapons state that India
wants to be—whether it wants to be a nuclear weapons state with
rudimentary weapons or whether it wants to have a sophisticated
thermonuclear deterrent.
What one sees is a slow motion nuclear arms race evolving in
South Asia. India detonated nuclear devices, followed by Pakistan
in May 1998. Next came the missile tests. A draft nuclear doctrine
has been spelt out and a command structure put in place. Gradually
the armed forces are getting the arsenal. A slow motion induction
and deployment process is on. There are provisions in the doctrine
about building a credible nuclear deterrent and for having a cred-
ible and survivable arsenal, apart from the land- air- and sea-based
delivery systems. While on the realistic plane, these processes are
on, on the idealistic plane, India has to continue mak-ing parallel
diplomatic efforts towards global disarmament and continue to
engage in various arms control negotiations, depending on the
regional strategic environment and the dynamics of multi-lateral
arms control environment.
Ì MILITARY ISSUES
In terms of military issues, it becomes imperative to understand
what India possesses and what it is likely to have over the next
167
Pawar 1998. India tabled the resolution ‘Reducing Nuclear Danger’, and
this was passed. For a fine commentary on this, see Chari 1999b.
168
Vajpayee 1998c.
India 239
couple of decades in terms of fissile stocks (see Map 5.1). Addition-

ally, what are the delivery systems that are available to India and
what are in the pipeline?
A RAND analysis by Gregory Jones has suggested that India,
at the most, ‘could currently produce ... only 19 kg of HEU per year.’
Jones also believes that India might have produced ‘kilogram quan-
titative of U-233 by irradiating thorium in its power reactors.’169 In
1998, David Albright estimated that
India has about 370 kilograms of weapons-grade plutonium, or the

equivalent of about 74 nuclear weapons. India relies principally on
the Dhruva reactor for weapons-grade plutonium at a rate of about
20 kilograms per year. This amount corresponds to roughly four
nuclear weapons per year. At this rate in 2005 India is estimated to
have enough weapons-grade plutonium for over 100 nuclear weapons.
India could produce significant weapons-grade plutonium by using
its CANDU [Canada Deuterium Uranium] power reactors, although
it may not have sufficient facilities to separate significant quantities
of plutonium from the irradiated CANDU fuel.170
Meanwhile, R. Ramachandran has argued that the fissile material

inventory available for weapon production from India’s two
research reactors, CANDU and Dhruva, could not exceed 280 kg
of PU239 in 1998.171 It is his assumption that 8 kgs are required per
critical mass and this is sufficient for 35 nuclear weapons.172 This
issue gains significance, as it directly relates to the size of the
arsenal. In 1994, K. Subrahmanyam estimated that 60 nuclear
warheads would be sufficient.173 Subrahmanyam, however, had
to revise his estimate and concede that perhaps 150 odd nuclear
warheads might be essential to build a credible nuclear deterrent.174
Brig Vijai K. Nair has suggested that a force strength of 132 war-
heads/weapons would be suitable,175 while Rear Admiral Raja
Menon believes that 200 nuclear warheads/weapons would meet
169
Jones 2000: 9.
170
Albright 1999.
171
Ramachandran 1999.
172
Ibid.
173
Subrahmanyam 1994.
174
Subrahmanyam 1999.
175
Nair 1992.
the requirement of ‘credible minimum deterrent’. 176 From the

viewpoint of building the ‘credible minimum deterrent’, it is
essential to know what India is capable of. The need arises due
to the debatable notion that a state’s nuclear arsenal affects the
durability and quality of deterrence it can attain.177 Developing
the argument of quality further, Bharat Karnad is of the opinion,
and this reflects the maximalist position, that a thermonuclear de-
terrent is essential.178 But on the quantity he does concede,
depending on what figures one assigns to how much of the deterrent

survives the enemy first strike and how much of the retaliatory strike
will get through, braving the mid course hazards, like warhead and
missile malfunction, boost phase and terminal phase interception
by ballistic missile defences and coast phase interdiction by satellite
based killer technologies under development, there is simply no
way to alight on any right figure for the size of one’s national nuclear
force.179
This debate ultimately raises the question central to the calcu-

lations of numbers. If India is determined to go down the nuclear
path and having reiterated that it would not strike first, it needs to
have retaliatory capability. The draft report of the National Security
Advisory Board on the Indian nuclear doctrine has outlined that
‘these (nuclear) forces will be based on a triad of aircraft, mobile
land-based missiles and sea-based assets. Survivability of the forces
will be enhanced by a combination of multiple redundant systems,
mobility, dispersion and deception.’180 Let us assess the current
capabilities of the Indian armed forces.
LAND
The land-based deterrent and its ability to safely deliver payloads

deep into adversary territory have made the development of the
Indian missile system the mainstay of credible minimum deter-
rence: Prithvi (tested in 1988) and the Agni (tested in 1989) are
176
Menon 2000a.
177
Hagerty 1998.
178
Karnad 2002.
179
Ibid.: 620.
180
India 241
Map Ë 5.1
India’s Nuclear Estate

nuclear-capable missiles. The liquid-fuel, single-stage Prithvi

comes in three versions: SS-150 with 150 km range (designed for
the army), the SS-250 (range of 250 km, designed for the air force),
and the SS-350 (still under development). Prithvi has been cleared
for serial production, with the air force placing an order for 25 and
the army an order for 50 missiles. The problem, as Ashley Tellis
sees with the Prithvi missile, is that it does not add muscle to the
Indian short-range strike capabilities. India has Pakistan already
covered very well with aircraft.181 The Agni I has a range of 1,400 km.
A solid-fuel staged Agni II that has a range of 2,500 km has also
been test fired.182 Another test was conducted in January 2003.183
Finally, in August 2004, an Agni III two-stage solid propellant
missile was test fired. It has a range of 2,000 to 2,500 km with a
capacity to carry conventional and nuclear warheads. As of now,
there are no orders from any of the forces. Bharat Karnad, however,
maintains that India has an operational ICBM capability and all
that he says is required is ‘for the satellite payload to be replaced
with a megaton thermonuclear warhead atop the ISRO rockets,
and a redoubtable Indian ICBM force is ready.’184 This, he thinks,
would not just offer range and accuracy advantages over missiles
like Prithvi and Agni but also provide India with political power
and clout. However, Ashley Tellis has dismissed the theory that
satellite launch vehicles can be converted into ICBMs at a whim.185
AIR
The Jaguar was the first Indian aircraft that was geared to deliver
deep into adversary territory. Later, the Mirage 2000 and the MiGs
were acquired. The most recent acquisition has been the Russian
Su-30. While the earlier aircrafts have the capability to cover
Pakistan, only the Su-30 has the range to cover China and that too
on a one-way mission. The critical decision that India will have to
make is, which of these aircrafts will be modified to perform the
role of carrying a nuclear warhead. It is unlikely that the MiGs
181
Tellis 2002a.
182
See The Hindu 2001.
183
The Hindu 2003b.
184
Karnad 1999: 139.
185
See Tellis 2002a.
India 243
will have this role, given their popular perception of being ‘flying
coffins’.186 Ashley Tellis believes that in the short term, only a few
aircrafts will be configured for the role of building deterrence
against Pakistan. But over a longer period of time, China will also
figure in these calculations.187 The Su-30s can be configured to carry
nuclear warheads. They would also need mid-air refuelling if a
long distance is to be covered, which is possible only after India
buys the IL-78 flight tankers. The then Defence Minister, George
Fernandes of the NDA cleared the purchase of these.188 A question
that still needs consideration in operational terms is, how many
aircrafts can be airborne in a crisis scenario after a first strike and
are to able to deliver a retaliatory strike.189
NAVY
As far as the navy goes, it does not have a nuclear-tipped submarine.

There are voices that India should acquire one soon,190 and the main
argument given is that of the credibility and survivability of the
arsenal. The Indian navy chief at a press conference said, ‘any coun-
try that espouses a no-first-use policy (as India does) must have
an assured second strike capability. All such countries have a triad
of weapons, one of them at sea.’191 It is significant that the Standing
186
Answering a question in the Parliament on frequent MiG crashes, George
Fernandes said, ‘110 numbers of MiG-21 jets had been crashed since 1992–93. Of
these, 44 were due to technical defects, 43 due to human error and 13 due to bird
hits’ (The Pioneer 2002b).
187
With the C-in-C of the Strategic Forces Command being Air Marshal T.M.
Asthana, it is more likely that a greater emphasis will be laid on getting these
‘precious’ strategic assets ready. This would involve withholding them from
conventional operations, isolating them from the rest of the forces, and securing
them in special sanctuaries. See Tellis 2002a.
188
See The Statesman 2000c. Mr George Fernandes ‘assured the Indian Air Force
that there will be no shortage of funds for the long-awaited acquisition of
necessary equipment, including the advanced jet trainer, the airborne warning
and control system and air to air refuelling aircraft as well as addition warfare
and modern command and control system.’
189
In such a scenario, the flight path seriously affects the range of the aircraft.
A low-low-low flight path might endanger the aircraft to ground air defences
while a high-high-low flight path or a dog path only reduces the flying radii.
190
Bhaskar 2000.
191
See The Hindustan Times 2002.
Committee on Defence of the twelfth Lok Sabha had advised the

government ‘to review and accelerate its nuclear policy for fabri-
cating or for acquiring nuclear submarines to add to the (nation’s)
deterrent potential.’192 The Sagarika, if reports are to be believed,
is likely to be India’s first such submarine. India has the technology
that can deliver signals to a submarine from the shore. The Prithvi
is also being designed for the navy and is likely to have a range of
330 km. This would then complete India’s nuclear triad, although
such a scenario is many years and millions of dollars away. India’s
first missile firing submarine, INS Sindhushastra, was commis-
sioned at St Petersburg in July 2000.193 The question that remains
unresolved is, in spite of the credibility of the deterrent, if in a crisis
situation the single submarine is located in a counter-force first strike
and is sunk, what impact would it have on nuclear deterrence? Such
a situation reflects an unhealthy and rather heavy concentration
of nuclear arsenal in one submarine.194
After examining India’s current force structures, one does reach
a conclusion that India has the capability to deliver a warhead to
Pakistan convincingly but not quite everywhere in China. But if
‘credible minimum deterrence’ means anything, one can expect
this gap to be filled up soon. P.R. Chari thinks, and rightly so, that the
Indian process of deployment would continue.195 Gurmeet Kanwal
is of the opinion that ‘since India’s targeting philosophy is not pre-
mised on ‘’proportionate deterrence’’ or ‘’flexible response’’, India
does not need tactical or battlefield nuclear weapons.’196 On the feasi-
bility of such a triad, at least one Indian analyst, G. Balachandran,
argues that ‘in all available estimates of the cost … the bulk of the
192
Lok Sabha 1995–2002, here 1999.
193
Radyuhin 2000.
194
See Stefanick 1987.
195
Chari 2001b.
196
Kanwal 2001: 208. Kanwal further says that ‘tactical nuclear weapons are
essentially weapons of warfighting and their availability in the battlefield is likely
to lower the nuclear threshold and cause a proclivity to use them during adverse
military situations. Also inherent disadvantages of tactical nuclear weapons
(primarily, the lower threshold of use, the need for “launch on warning” and
“launch through attack” strategies of complex command and control and sur-
veillance challenges, the increased cost of manufacture and maintenance, the
problems of storage, transportation and handling in the field and the greater
risk of accidental and even unauthorised use) should preclude the use of these
weapons for deterrence.’
India 245
cost, nearly two-thirds of the total cost, goes towards the provision
of a viable safe nuclear submarine force.’197 Balachandran says,
‘the cost of 20 additional [land-based] missiles will be far less than
that of a nuclear ballistic missile submarine.’198 On 5 January 2003,
India sought to fill the void of a formal Nuclear Command Author-
ity and Strategic Forces Command to create greater integration of
the forces.
Ashley Tellis reckons that with the currently favoured posture,
that of a ‘force-in-being’ with limited size, separated components
and centralised control, two alternatives can be envisaged:
[A]t the one end, India could continue to settle for a force-in-being
but one that is not limited in size. This posture, a robust force-in-
being would continue to be defined by separated components and
centralised control, but it would seek to incorporate the largest and
the most capable nuclear force India could produce before it is con-
strained either by bilateral agreements or by multilateral treaties.
At the other end, India could opt for a modest ready arsenal—that
is, a force defined by highly integrated weapons ready for prompt
operations as well as by a centralised but rapidly devolving command
and control system, yet one that is nonetheless small at least in terms
of the number and perhaps types of nuclear weapons it involves.199

For some time after the tests, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs
worked overtime to explain to the world the rationale behind
choosing to test. Soon after the tests senior diplomats and ministers
were sent to various parts of the world. India’s relations with its
neighbours and the US had their highs and lows. Prominent land-
marks that influenced crucial foreign policy choices that India
made included the Kargil crisis, the 11 September 2001 attack on
the World Trade Center and the 13 December 2001 attack on the
Indian Parliament.
197
Balachandran 1999.
198
Ibid. India has faced enormous difficulties in constructing even diesel-
electric submarines. For an overview with regard to the Indian submarine con-
struction programme, see Gorwitz 1996.
199
Tellis 2002a: 722.
SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS
India damaged its relations with China to a great extent after the
nuclear tests when in a letter to the US President, Mr Vajpayee wrote,
We have an overt nuclear weapon state on our borders, a state which

committed armed aggression against India in 1962. Although our
relations with that country have improved in the last decade or so, an
atmosphere of distrust persists mainly due to the unresolved border
problem. To add to the distrust that country has materially helped
another neighbour of ours to become a covert nuclear weapons
state.200
After a couple of years of coolness, relations started improving

between India and China. Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh’s visit
to Beijing in June 1999 was the first by an Indian minister in many
years. Jaswant Singh’s trip was preceded by the JWG meeting in
Beijing in April 1999, and by some Indian political parties sending
their teams to China. President K.R. Narayanan also visited China
in June 2000 and there was warmth in Sino-Indian relations.201
During the president’s visit, the Indo-Chinese Joint Working Group
(JWG) on the boundary question and related issues met, there were
indications that Sino-Indian economic relations should be brought
back on track and a general agreement was reached to have insti-
tutionalised security dialogue with China.202 However, by early 1999,
it was clear that the two powers would restore the status quo ante,
and at the height of the Kargil War (May–July 1999) between India
and Pakistan, the JWG met and the Chinese also proposed the insti-
tution of a security dialogue.203 In January 2002, the Chinese Premier,
Zhu Rongji, paid a visit to India with a primary interest in economic
cooperation.204 The Indian defence minister’s visit to China in April
2003 further strengthened bilateral ties. While there has been no
dilution of China’s critical stance on India’s nuclear weaponisation,
200
See the text of Mr Vajpayee’s letter in Vajpayee 1998a.
201
Mohan 2000.
202
The Times of India 2001b.
203
Bajpai 2000.
204
In this visit an MoU was signed on exchanging hydrological data on the
Brahmaputra river’s flow through India and China. The highlight of this visit
was the Chinese premier’s visit to Infosys Technologies Ltd. Gupta 2002a.
India 247
its stridency has abated because of non-ratification of the CTBT

by the USA. After the US pushed for a NMD cover in South-east
Asia, Indians also voiced concerns similar as the Chinese. Later
India did a volte-face on its position and has supported the US on
the NMD.205 In November 2000, China pledged imposing strict
export control measures against missile proliferation.206 This has
given hope to India that the China–Pakistan defence relationship
may be weakening. Speaking of transfers to countries that are de-
veloping ballistic missiles, China says that it will exercise special
scrutiny and caution. Beijing has now implicitly addressed New
Delhi’s authoritative belief that it was China that had all along
been masterminding Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programme.
The stated Chinese aim is to ‘prevent significant contributions’ to
unspecified countries. Till now, China has continually denied the
issue of missile technology transfer to Pakistan and Iran. Declaring
that it will impose restrictions over the export of this technology
implies admitting of its earlier violations of the Missile Technology
Control Regime (MTCR). There are concerns in India over the
recent Chinese pledge of imposing strict export control measures
against missile proliferation, as this declaration does not imply
an end to the China–Pakistan military and nuclear cooperation.
Pakistan may still remain dependent on China for spares.207
China and India had signed a treaty to maintain peace and tran-
quillity on their disputed borders.208 It has put in place a series of
confidence-building measures (CBMs) which have worked success-
fully. With China, India has worked hard to ‘untie the knot’ without
sounding apologetic. Sino-Indian relations witnessed a further
forward movement, with both countries exchanging maps for the
first time on the 545 km line of actual control delineating a chunk
of the boundary.209 The ghosts of the past were buried.210 A Chinese
scholar has argued that ‘there is the need to further enhance the
bilateral security dialogue and develop other, more regular
contacts between the two militaries to reduce the four “M”s:
205
Rajagopalan 2001.
206
The Hindu 2000b.
207
See in this context, Gupta 2002b.
208
See India–PRC Agreement (1993, 1996), discussed in chapter 4.
209
The Hindustan Times 2001.
210
The Pioneer 2002a. Also see the editorial in The Hindu 2002a.
misunderstanding, misperception, misgiving and miscalculation.

The two sides must express their strategic intentions in clear
terms.’211 Observing the developing relationship between India
and the US, the author argues that
India should be forthright with its rationale for endorsing U.S. mis-
sile defence plans and its growing ties with the U.S. New Delhi
needs to dispel misgivings in Beijing that it is playing the ’democracy’
and ‘market’ cards to gain U.S. support for a greater role in global
and regional affairs and that it is a potential junior partner in a U.S.
global strategy to contain China.212
In 1998, the former ambassador to China and now the convenor

of the NSAB, C.V. Ranganathan, described the world as having
‘witnessed exponential changes in the last decade, brought about
by a technological revolution in communications and by internal
flows of investment, trade and services .…’213 Ranganathan sees
these changes leading
[f]or the world at large, as well as China and India, to an incremental

increase in what China calls ‘comprehensives national strength’.
[This] will cause restructuring in global resource allocations, invest-
ment decisions, financial inflows, technology development and may
even affect the hitherto established power balance … [up to now]
geo-political compulsions have prevailed at the cost of geo-economic
objectives. In recent years, China has set up diverse trans-border
linkages across China’s borders in all directions; the time has come
to explore possibilities of such globalised linkages between India
and China as well.’214
For all the attention India has received for its missile and nuclear
tests, it has yet to achieve the sort of deterrent capabilities that other
nuclear weapons states possess, namely, the ability to respond with
a second strike if subjected to a nuclear attack. For India to pursue
a ‘realistic deterrence’ against China, some strategists have argued
that it will have to demonstrate its ability to target Chinese cities.215
211
Jing-Dong Yuan 2002.
212
Ibid.
213
Ranganathan 1998: 113.
214
Ibid.
215
Kanwal 1999; Chellaney 1999c.
India 249
There is a need for the two Asian giants to cooperate bilaterally

and globally, looking beyond the prism of security. Perhaps a better
approach toward seeking convergent behaviour between India and
China lies in tracing the issues where a Sino-Indian commonality
of interests impels both states to seek similar outcomes from the
deliberations of large multilateral groupings.
INDO-PAK RELATIONS
With a huge baggage of conflictual history, normalising Indo-Pak

relations presents a very difficult situation for any decision maker.
The countries have fought four wars: 1947, 1965, 1971 and the 1999
Kargil War. Indo-Pak relations have had their usual crests and
troughs, but since the nuclear tests, there have been more troughs
than crests. With both India and Pakistan having come out of the
nuclear closet, each state has realised that it now possesses weapons
that could annihilate entire societies. Therefore, it becomes imper-
ative for them to figure out a framework that governs their strategic
relationship. Soon after the tests, the idea of a subcontinental ‘arms
race’ and ‘nuclear flashpoint’ caused anxiety in Western diplomatic
circles. It would certainly be in the interest of the two countries to
enter into a set of confidence- and security-building measures, pro-
vided the appropriate strategic environment presents itself. By
declaring themselves as nuclear weapons states, both India and
Pakistan have started talking the language of arms control, deter-
rence and military confidence-building measures. It is essential
for these two countries to undertake nuclear risk reduction meas-
ures. Prominent landmarks include the much-touted Lahore
Declaration followed by the Kargil crisis and the Parliament attack.
The report of the Group of Ministers aptly sums up the point of
view of the Government of India:
Pakistan’s weapons acquisitions from the West and China and its
close collaboration with China and North Korea on nuclear and mis-
sile matters, will continue to be of grave concern to India. Pakistan
will continue to seek further enhancement in the quality of its
weapons to attempt to offset its conventional quantitative military
inferiority vis-à-vis India.216
216
Group of Ministers, GOI 2001: 10.
The report concludes,
Pakistan believes that nuclear weapons can compensate for con-

ventional military inferiority; its leaders have not concealed their
desire to use nuclear weapons .... General Musharraf’s proclaimed
desire to talk to India rings hollow against the backdrop of con-
tinuing Pakistani support for militants and his unremitting obses-
sion with Kashmir. Pakistan is following the policy of ‘bleeding
India through a thousand cuts’.217
Given this background, what can be the central premise of Indo-

Pak relations? India and Pakistan have cooperated on nuclear issues
in the past.218 The nuclear facilities list has been exchanged punc-
tually every year.219 Since this was ratified in 1991, when as some
argue220 there existed non-weaponised deterrence, the argument
can be made that both states might have suspected each other’s
adherence to it. This model of cooperative security would urge
the countries to go further towards nuclear issues. Mr Vajpayee’s
much publicised bus diplomacy and the subsequent Lahore
Declaration in February 1999 proved to be a major landmark in
improving relations between the two neighbours.221 One significant
aspect of the Lahore Declaration were the nuclear CBMs which
were intended to create a climate where further progress was
possible. A relevant clause of the Lahore Declaration was that
‘respective Governments … shall take immediate steps for reduc-
ing the risk of accidental or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons
and discuss concepts and doctrines with a view to elaborating
measures for confidence building in the nuclear and conventional
fields, aimed at prevention of conflict.’222 Unfortunately, the Kargil
War which followed the Lahore Declaration served to reverse any
progress made.
217
Ibid.: 10.
218
See India–Pakistan Agreement 1988.
219
There are those who argue that the lists are not comprehensive. The latest
exchange of lists took place on 1 January 2004. See Dawn 2004.
220
The more prominent among these scholars is George Perkovich. See
Perkovich 1993.
221
The Lahore Declaration was signed between the Indian and the Pakistani
prime ministers following the much publicised bus trip by the Indian prime
minister. The text of the Lahore Declaration can be seen in The Hindu 1999a.
222
Ibid. Also see http://www.ipcs.org/documents/1999/1-jan-mar.htm,
accessed on 15 July 2000.
India 251
India came through the Kargil crisis with the following gains: it
expelled intruders from Indian soil, all the while maintaining the
sanctity of the LoC, forged an equation with China—which decided
to remain neutral, won international acclaim for choosing to re-
spect the LoC and saw a new high in its relationship with the
United States.
On 10 August 1999, while the Kargil conflict was winding up,
an Indian Air Force MiG 21 shot down a Pakistani surveillance
aircraft, Breguet Atlantique, killing all 16 Pakistan personnel on
board, for intruding 10 km into Indian territory in the Kori Creek
region in Gujarat. According to the Indian version, the MiG 21s
tried to force the Atlantique to land in India, but the intruder air-
craft turned in towards the MiG 21 in an attack position. The
Pakistani official version, however, was that the Atlantique was
unarmed and in a routine training within its territorial limits when
it was shot without any warning. It was precisely to avoid such
incidents that the countries had entered into the Agreement
between Pakistan and India on Prevention of Air Space Violation
in 1991.223 Later, Pakistan took the case to the International Court
of Justice and lost the case.
Against the backdrop of these events, an Indian Airlines flight
from Kathmandu to New Delhi, IC-814, was hijacked and after a
couple of halts at Amritsar (India), Lahore (Pakistan) and Dubai,
the plane finally came to a halt in Kandahar for seven days. In re-
turn for the safety of the passengers, the Government of India
had to release three terrorists—Masood Azhar, Mushtaq Zargar
and Omar Sheikh. Soon after their release in Kandahar, the three
terrorists reached Quetta in Baluchistan (Pakistan)—they did not
travel in a clandestine manner, but started spitting anti-Indian and
US venom in public rallies. India had long suspected a Pakistani
hand in the hijacking, and the presence of the three terrorists in
Pakistan after their release only confirmed India’s suspicions.224
223
Article 2 of the agreement states, ‘the following restrictions are to be
observed by military aircraft of both the forces: (a) Combat aircraft (to include
fighter, bomber, reconnaissance, jet military trainer and armed helicopter aircraft)
will not fly within 10 kms of each other’s airspace including ADIZ. No aircraft
of any side will enter the airspace over the territorial waters of the other country,
except by prior permission’ (India–Pakistan Agreement 1991).
224
See in this context, Dixit 2002: ch. 1.
The Kargil conflict and the issue of cross-border terrorism lend

credibility to the argument that nuclear weapons do not prevent
armed conflict, and depending on the actors involved, in this case
India and Pakistan, an irrational or unauthorised use of these
weapons cannot be totally ruled out if such a conflict escalates.225
Although there has been a guarded response from India and both
sides have expressed confidence that they can keep such conflicts
from escalating, the risks that emanate from a miscalculation are
unacceptably high. There has been some concern over the change
of guard in Pakistan with Gen Pervez Musharraf having seized
power, but in his address to the nation on 17 October 1999, he took
two reassuring steps.226 He has also welcomed the offer of talks
with India. India will find it difficult to talk business with a person
who is widely believed to have carried out the Kargil operations.
Still, it is in India’s interest to talk, depending on the political envir-
onment. The violence in Kashmir intensified in July–August 2000
when terrorists killed more than 100 people in a week. Officially,
India has put the cessation of hostilities in Kashmir as the pre-
condition of talks.
The Agra Summit

On 24 May 2001, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee took the rather bold
decision of inviting the Pakistani chief executive (who had by now
donned the mantle of president) to begin the process ‘of engaging
in productive dialogue’227 for talks in the Indian city of Agra. This
took place on 14–16 July 2001, and ended inconclusively. The three
225
At the 4 July 1999 Blair House meeting of the US President Bill Clinton and
Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, President Clinton asked Sharif if he ‘knew
how advanced the threat of nuclear war really was: ‘Did Sharif know his military
was preparing their nuclear tipped missiles? ... Did Sharif order the Pakistani
nuclear missile force to prepare for action?’ At this information, ‘Sharif seemed
taken aback’ (See Riedel 2002: 7).
226
‘I take this opportunity to announce a unilateral military de-escalation on
our international borders with India and initiate the return of all our forces moved
to the borders in the recent past. I hope this step would serve as a meaningful
confidence building measure. And Pakistan will continue to pursue a policy of
nuclear and missile restraint and sensitivity to global non-proliferation and dis-
armament objectives.’ For the full text of the address, see Musharraf 1999b.
227
The text of the letter can be seen in Vajpayee 2001.
India 253
points that came in the way of signing a joint declaration (an Agra
Declaration was on the cards) were Pakistan’s insistence on des-
cribing the Kashmir issue as a ‘dispute’, although India had at one
point agreed to make it the ‘first point’ in the eight points to be in-
cluded in the declaration that was being drafted on the second
day of the summit talks, on 16 July. That flexibility shown by India
came to a nought, for Pakistan in the end insisted on adding a clause
to say that the entire declaration should be ‘subject to’ and ‘depend-
ent on’ movement on the Jammu and Kashmir issue (on the ground,
in terms of finding a solution). ‘India was not going to accept that’,
it was said, for India was against holding the entire bilateral
relationship hostage to the Kashmir question. The second issue on
which no headway could be made was that of cross-border terror-
ism. ‘Pakistan President, General Pervez Musharraf, did not want
anything at all on this issue, he insisted it was a freedom struggle
in Kashmir, and this was not acceptable to us.’228 Finally, it was
candidly admitted that the live telecast of General Musharraf’s
breakfast meeting with 35 editors on the morning of 16 July after
the talks were under way, and even as the delicate and complex
negotiations had started, was completely unacceptable. As already
stated by the External Affairs Minister, Mr Jaswant Singh, it was
to have been an off-the-record exchange of views which the govern-
ment had felicitated. The controversy involving the Hurriyat
leaders earlier was bad, but the telecast of the breakfast meeting
was what finally vitiated the atmosphere completely.
The morning after the exhausting summit with the leadership
of Pakistan ended inconclusively, India signalled its determination
to stay on course and seek peace and reconciliation with Pakistan.
Seeking to dispel the widespread perception of the failure of the
Agra summit, Mr Jaswant Singh said the two nations had covered
considerable ground in Agra in finding a framework to deal with
their bilateral differences. Similar sentiments were expressed by
Abdul Sattar in Pakistan. Fundamental differences over Kashmir
and cross-border terrorism turned out to be too strong to let both
countries reach a broad accommodation of each other’s core pol-
itical concerns. As a result, the attempts to craft an ‘Agra Declar-
ation’ that would have helped India and Pakistan embark on ‘the
high road to peace and prosperity’ collapsed. The absence of a
228
Vyas 2001.
codified declaration at the inconclusive end of their meeting at

Agra may indeed have much to do with the qualitative asymmetry
of a different kind, that could be traced to the conflicting expect-
ations the two sides had of the summit. Both sides at the end of
the two days of hard bargaining agreed on the belief that ‘the ex-
isting goodwill on both side’ would at some stage lead to ‘mutually
desired results’ in the future. Islamabad and New Delhi were un-
willing to call the talks a failure, choosing instead to term the delib-
erations at Agra ‘inconclusive’ in serving as the ‘foundation’ for
future parleys.
The Attack on the Parliament and the Rise of Compellance Strategy

The report of the Group of Ministers concluded that
notwithstanding the deterrence provided by India’s nuclear tests,

the possibility of a conventional war between two nuclear power
states cannot be ruled out. This was amply demonstrated by the
Kargil War of 1999. The battlefield of the future, however, will be
vastly different from [that of] the past—it would be non-linear in
nature, with real-time surveillance, integrated Command, Control,
Communications, Computer, Intelligence and Information (C4I2) as-
sets, target acquisition, and highly lethal precision weapon systems.’229
The daring attack on the Parliament of India on 13 December

2001 led to the downward spiral of Indo-Pak relations. Immedi-
ately after the attack, the Government of India blamed Pakistan-
based militant groups for the attack and placed a set of demands
on Pakistan.230 In the months that followed, India had to decide
whether to go to war or exhaust all other options first. The military
standoff was independent India’s largest mobilisation that lasted
more than 10 months. As the crisis between India and Pakistan de-
escalated, questions were being asked regarding whether it was
coercive diplomacy at its best or nuclear brinkmanship at its worst.231
India threatened to take military action but never initiated it as it
was testing the limits of coercive diplomacy—threatening to go to
war but not actually doing so. The US shuttle diplomacy managed
229
Group of Ministers GOI 2001.
230
Mohan 2001b.
231
See Rajain 2002a.
India 255
to obtain an assurance from Pakistani President, Gen Pervez

Musharraf that the infiltration into India by Muslim radicals had
been ended permanently. That seemed sufficient for India to de-
escalate.
What were India’s other options? There were primarily three
options before India in handling the 13 December attacks and the
subsequent attacks in Jammu: diplomatic, economic and military.
India’s immediate response was on the diplomatic front, when in
December the government snapped road, rail and air links and
asked Pakistan to recall its High Commissioner Ashraf Jahangir
Qazi, while appealing to the Western world to step up the pressure
on Pakistan. Additionally, visa restrictions, consulate facilities and
reduction of the Pakistani high commission staff followed. As India
grew impatient with the Western coalition against terrorism and
on the domestic front, the NDA, faced with a growing ‘adequate
response’ sentiment, considered a ‘go at it alone’ approach. Among
the very few diplomatic successes between the two countries was
the 1960 Indus Water Treaty, and India had been scrupulous in
keeping the terms of the treaty. If India had chosen to abrogate
the treaty, the impact of the denial of the water would have been
felt in Pakistan, both economically and socially. But this could have
proved to be politically disastrous for India, as this would have
left the door open for Pakistan to walk out of the 1972 Simla Agree-
ment that emphasised the Indian mantra of bilateralism.232
If India wanted to hurt Pakistan economically, there was the
need to halt the illegal parallel trade that runs across the border
into Pakistan and the impact of that would have been immediate
and widespread. But that would also have had an impact on some
of Indian states that share the international border with Pakistan.
India also toyed with the idea of withdrawing the most favoured
nation status of Pakistan.233 But this was at best a blunt weapon, as
there is very little official trade between the two countries. Perhaps
last in the line of options was the military option, and going by the
large military mobilisation, it seemed clear that India was going
to press the advantage. This, however, required very clear political
objectives. High on the scale of the escalation ladder of the military
options was the use of air power on terrorist training camps, which
232
Text of the Simla Agreement may be seen in Krepon and Sevak 1996.
233
The argument here is that Pakistan has anyway not given India this status.
at best would have been few tents, with trainee terrorists probably
dispersed deep inside Pakistan. The second option was the use of
Indian special forces and air-dropping paracommandos close to
where these camps are. Most of these camps, like Oghi village,
Ojheri camp, Para Chinar, Saidgali and Sargodha, had quickly
shut down operations. A third option was ‘hot pursuit’. India,
however, had to be clear on politico-military objectives—would
India retain administrative control of the territories that the Indian
army ran over in its hot pursuit? In an answer to this question,
Gen V.P. Malik, the Chief of the Army Staff during the Kargil War
said, ‘Yes! There is space for such an armed action. But the politico
military objective must be very clear.’234 Was India en-visaging
‘salami slicing’ of Pakistan occupied Kashmir? India had to
consider whether it was willing to occupy and retain territory, or
whether closing down training camps would be its only object-
ive. Obviously, these camps could be quickly established else-
where. A fourth option could have been an all-out war involving
regular armies. In response to these questions, General Malik
said, ‘the important point is what is our politico-military objective
and what would be the final outcome of such an action.’235
Even if the final political objectives had been thought through,
each of the three options carried the risk of escalation to a nuclear
level. If indeed India had decided to cross the line of control or the
international border, and Pakistan had decided to issue an implicit
or even explicit warning that it was feeling ‘threatened’ enough
for it to contemplate the use of the nuclear option (better used early
enough to deter)—what then would have been India’s options?236
Would India have stopped the air strikes, recalled its troops and
called off the operation? Or would it have gone ahead and con-
tinued to hope that Pakistan would not make good on its nuclear
threats? An element of strategic uncertainty remains here. It is pre-
cisely this kind of uncertainty that could breed misperceptions
which might lead to miscalculations. It seems both India and
Pakistan are still learning the nuances of the nuclear deterrence
game. Hence, there remains a likelihood of miscalculation in
234
Malik 2002.
235
Ibid.
236
In any such crisis situation, the role of increasing pro-war public sentiment
cannot be underestimated.
India 257
correctly reading and interpreting each other’s ‘red lines’, especially

in a crisis situation. This calls for adopting more reliable methods
of signalling their intent and developing sustainable channels of
communication. Additionally, if one were to see the trajectory of
Indian response to a future similar situation, it seems fairly clear
that India will not cross the LoC, a norm that it seems to have set,
and Pakistan may continue to test the Indian threshold on this.
As the crisis wound down, there were a spate of statements from
both sides about nuclear weapons and their role in managing the
crisis.237 Artillery exchanges continued as did war rhetoric. Constant
nuclear sabre rattling by Pakistan drew the attention of the Western
world, particularly the direct intervention of the United States. One
positive outcome of the stand-off was the 12 January 2002 speech
by President Musharraf, wherein he pledged the cessation of overt
support to terrorism. He later promised to ‘permanently’ end cross-
border terrorism.238 This verbal commitment should translate into
closure of training camps and the accompanying infrastructure
associated with infiltration, and this could be monitored credibly
by the United States, India, or both. The use of monitoring technol-
ogy would go a long way towards restoring trust. Once this issue
is settled, there are chances of an increased stability in the region.
This would mean a loss for Pakistan in terms of trying to find
‘strategic depth’.239 It is also possible that Pakistan will not stop
cross-border terrorism and only increase or decrease it according
to the pressure applied on the country. India has to be prepared
for such an eventuality.
Diplomatic success could mean gains for both countries. First,
war is never a positive sum game or to the advantage of either.
Second, any outbreak of large-scale armed hostilities always carries
the seeds of escalation. Third, Pakistan’s Kashmir policy, just like
237
See The Hindu 2002c, 2002d. Also see Dawn 2002.
238
The Times of India 2002. For the text of Musharraf’s speech, see Musharraf
2002. The Pakistan Foreign Office initially issued a notice that no such promise had
been made, but under pressure from the US, it later conceded the truth. See The
News International 2002. There were concerns not just in India but also in the United
States that Pakistan was not complying. See International Herald Tribune 2002.
239
Pakistan’s search for ‘strategic depth’ has often made it follow dangerous
and destabilising policies both in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Both these policies
have backfired and have shown to the world that Pakistan is a formentor of
terrorism in the region.
its Afghan policy, has failed the country. Fourth, a war would be
detrimental to US interests in the region as it would destabilise
the entire region.
For the fear of escalation, perhaps no country wanted an armed
conflict, as the situation could easily spiral, owing to factors that
might be beyond the control of either. In the meantime, each side
seems determined to convince the other that it is not blustering,
maintaining the threat of actual war. Howsoever ‘victorious’ either
side may feel from the stand-off, one thing is clear: one unresolved
Kashmir issue always carries the risk of another such crisis. While
Indians continue to point out that the United States has the author-
ity and the leverage to coerce Pakistan into making substantial in-
ternal policy changes, questions continue to be raised about the
credibility of Washington’s role as a peacemaker and the leader of
the international coalition against terrorism. From an Indian point
of view, the main concern is that the US chooses to turn a blind
eye to terrorist training camps in Pakistan.240 After the attack on
the Indian Parliament, the US seems to be exerting some pressure
on Pakistan to stop terrorist infiltration, but from the Indian per-
spective much more needs to be done. And some charge that
Pakistan has now realised that it can get away with testing India’s
patience at a threshold higher than ever before. In such a context,
issues like crisis management and escalation control acquire new
significance. If armed conflict is not initiated, it is probably due to
either side not wanting to escalate it to the ‘point of no return’,
and choosing to come out of the crisis with ‘something to show’
from the crisis bargaining as opposed to ‘backing off’.241
l If Pakistan decided that it would comply with any of the Indian

demands—stopping cross-border terrorism and handing over
India’s 20 most wanted criminals who have taken refuge there, it
would have immediately lost out on the domestic constituency.
If Pakistan had gamed that India was unlikely to attack given
(a) international pressure, and (b) India’s established norm of not
crossing the LoC, one outcome was certain. The stand-off would
remain for a while, but international pressure would slowly ensure
240
See in this context, the CIA’s briefings and statements over a period of
time, notably DCI 2003. The US has also been aware of bin Laden and Pakistan’s
support to militant activity in Kashmir. See DCI 2000, 2002.
241
Rajain 2002a.
India 259
that India withdrew its troops in a phased manner from its battle
positions to peacetime locations.
l Another outcome could have been that the stand-off would con-
tinue for a while, and Pakistan would hand over some of the people
named in the 20 most-wanted list (perhaps beginning with the
Punjab militants and not given away anything on the Kashmir
issue), and a process of de-escalation would be initiated.
l A third outcome could have been no compliance, no bargaining,
no punishment—with the US ensuring that the stand-off ends
peacefully. In either case, Indian demands would only have been
partially met. Pakistan realised that it could get away after testing
India’s patience at a threshold that is substantially higher than
before. Where does this leave India? After the present stand-off,
India would realise that a military build-up and making demands
does not work. Since this threshold did not work, India would
have to raise the threshold in the next crisis to just short of an
armed conflict.
At least on one occasion Pakistan made it clear, rather overtly, that

it had the right to use any weapon at its disposal in the case of an
Indian attack.242 Perhaps Pakistan calculated that India may not
attack due to Pakistan’s nuclear capability.243 There were far too
many factors at play to fathom even complex war gaming scen-
arios. While Pakistan might have viewed escalation on a vertical
trajectory with move ‘a’ leading to ‘b’ and then to ‘c’ and so on, it
was likely that it may not have been the case. What if the escalation
trajectory was horizontal with move ‘a’ followed by ‘d’, or to an-
other point higher in the escalation ladder?244 What if the adver-
sary chose to escalate tension through the use of non-conventional
military or other means?245 Moreover, given the external influence
on South Asian deterrence, playing out a nuclear conflict scenario
does not appear realistic. Besides, how can success be determined
at this stage, when the deterrence calculation has not changed
drastically?246
This is what some scholars imply when they say that the threat
of war was effective in creating international pressure on Pakistan,
242
Dawn 2002.
243
Siddiqa-Agha 2002.
244
Ibid.
245
Ibid.
246
Ibid.
but maintain that the execution of any such threat would be danger-
ous and could lead to a breakdown of deterrence. There is a delicate
balance between nuclear capability acting as a deterrent and it
being the cause for breakdown of deterrence. The appropriate
diplomatic response lies in adopting the stance of nuclear brink-
manship: threaten to cross the brink and hope your enemy gives
in first.247 The risk that hostility between India and Pakistan may
escalate was affirmed by several factors that ranged from the
diplomatic to the politico-strategic. Despite this, it is widely be-
lieved that India’s ‘experimentation with coercive diplomacy
involved an important shift to the notion of containing Pakistan’
from the notion of engaging it.248
Where does this leave India? After the present stand-off, India
should realise that a military build-up, coupled with far-reaching
political demands, does not work each time. The next time around,
India must exercise better judgement about the probability of
various pay-offs, including its own ability to execute a threatened
course of action.249 There has to be an exit strategy in place before
India decides to take a certain course of action.
C. Raja Mohan concludes that while there has been no formal
articulation of India’s policy of containing Pakistan, the policy has
acquired the characteristics of containment. 250 Both India and
Pakistan have to realise that many of these impediments in their
relationship will not be resolved with the aid of the nuclear weapon.
Neither does the world today approve of altering the status quo
with use of force and tacit nuclear blackmail.
INDO-US RELATIONS
Following the nuclear tests, the US imposed sanctions on India

under the Glenn Amendment. The Glenn Amendment refers to an
amendment to the Arms Export Control Act (Section 102) which stipu-
lates that if the president determines that a non-nuclear weapons
247
Rajain 2002a.
248
Mohan 2003a: 202. In fact, Mohan suggests that the policy of containment
has emerged as India’s only option in dealing with Pakistan.
249
Rajain 2002a.
250
He suggests that ‘the objective of a containment policy towards Pakistan is
to engineer, through external pressures, an internal transformation of Pakistan
that puts an end to the sources of compulsive hostility towards India’ (Mohan
2003a: 202).
India 261
state, as defined by the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),

detonates a nuclear explosive device, certain sanctions can be
applied. The sanctions would impose broad-ranging restrictions
on various types of assistance, loans and trade.251 It was believed
that following the various rounds of Strobe Talbott–Jaswant Singh
dialogue, India might bargain for sanction removal in exchange
of signing the CTBT. Answering a question in the Parliament on
his talks with US Deputy Secretary of State, Strobe Talbott, the
Minister for External Affairs, Jaswant Singh said,
In addition to security, non-proliferation and disarmament issues,

the two sides discussed bilateral relations and regional develop-
ments … the two sides also agreed to hold the first meeting of the
Joint Working Group on Counter-Terrorism … the two sides are also
in the process of setting up a Joint Working Group to intensify co-
operation in the fields of energy and environment sector.252
Answering another question in the Parliament on the bilateral

relations between India and the US, Jaswant Singh said, ‘The two
governments have also agreed to work purposefully, towards
developing a broad-based relationship and intensifying mutually
beneficial co-operation in trade and investment, energy and envir-
onment, science and technology, education and culture, counter
terrorism and narcotics control etc.’253 India also raised the issue of
missile proliferation in the neighbourhood in its talks with the US:
[T]he issue of missile proliferation in our neighbourhood, including

co-operation between China and Pakistan, has been discussed on
several occasions with the United States as a part of the ongoing
dialogue between India and the United States on security, prolifer-
ation, disarmament and related issues ....254
251
The Glenn Amendment to the Arms Export Control Act of 1994 requires the
president to impose these seven sanctions: (a) suspend foreign aid (except for
humanitarian assistance or food and other agricultural commodities); (b) termin-
ate sales of any military items; (c) terminate other military assistance; (d) stop
credits or guarantees to the country by US government agencies; (e) vote against
credits or assistance by international financial institutions; ( f ) prohibit US banks
from making loans to the foreign government concerned; and (g) prohibit exports
of specific goods and technology (as specified in the Export Administration Act
of 1979) with civilian and military nuclear applications.
252
Lok Sabha 2000b.
253
Lok Sabha 2000c.
254
Lok Sabha 2000g.
Certain sanctions were waived in October 1999, while the rest were
removed in 2002. A positive aspect of the tests has been that India
and the US has engaged in a serious dialogue covering nuclear
issues. The Strobe Talbott–Jaswant Singh talks have had 12
rounds.255 The talks had been
conducted on the basis of the comprehensive proposals that India

has put forward on disarmament and non-proliferation matters,
our unilateral moratorium on explosive nuclear tests, willingness
to discuss converting this moratorium into a de jure obligation, our
(India’s) offer to enter into constructive negotiations on the FMCT
and reaffirming our (India’s) policies on stringent control on export
of sensitive technologies.256
The US seems to believe that ‘either India or Pakistan will give up

this (nuclear) capability or that any conceivable external pressure
(from Western countries, particularly the US) will be sufficient to
convince them to alter their positions.’257 This long dialogue also
meant that for the first time India was able to place its regional
security apprehensions clearly on the table. It also translated into
a different and qualitatively better Indo-US relationship. For years,
the nuclear issue had been a major roadblock in India–US relations.
Now for once there were serious discussions on it between the
two countries.
The Kargil crisis ensured a new role for the US in the subcontin-
ent. In fact, the US was apprehensive of playing a role in the South
Asian crisis initially.258 It was only after the Clinton–Sharif meeting
followed by the joint statement on 4 July 1999 that led to the change
255
After 10 months of sustained dialogue with India and Pakistan following
their nuclear tests, Strobe Talbott has identified these five steps which the US
thinks will avoid a destabilising nuclear and missile competition in South Asia:
(a) moratorium on testing; (b) agree to join talks on FMCT; (c) exercise strategic
restraint; (d) follow tightened export controls on sensitive technologies; and
(e) continue a productive bilateral dialogue (Talbott 1999). Mr Vajpayee said in
the Parliament on 15 December 1998, that India was communicating with the
US as a nuclear weapons state. See Vajpayee 1998c.
256
The Americas section in the 1998 report of Ministry of External Affairs, GOI
(1990–2002).
257
Independent Task Force 1998.
258
The government stated, ‘We strongly support talks between India and
Pakistan to resolve this latest dispute and believe these talks should take place
India 263
of policy.259 The immediate reason was the recognition by President

Clinton that this was a very serious situation and was in danger of
wider escalation.260 According to Jaswant Singh, the US support
to India on Kargil was ‘both recognition of the correctness of India’s
case and the folly of Pakistan’s misadventure. It is recognition,
too, of the altering geo-strategic contours in the region.’261 Through-
out the crisis, the US continuously said that it had not played the
role of a mediator. The prominent interest that guided US
diplomacy in the Kargil conflict was eliminating the risk of a
nuclear face-off in South Asia. ‘The US realised that both India
and Pakistan did not want to escalate the conflict.’262
After the Kargil conflict, voices were being heard on the quid pro
quo of the ‘personal interest’ of President Bill Clinton.263 With India
having broken the norm against nuclear testing, an Indian accent
to CTBT would have proved to be the achievement glory of Bill
Clinton’s presidency. But the CTBT was shelved in the US and
put in a limbo. India has stepped into the new millennium with
continuity of the current warmth in the Indo-US ties. Even though
there were apprehensions that the US would put pressure on
as soon as possible. Ending the fighting in the Kargil area can only be accom-
plished through direct engagement by India and Pakistan. We remain in touch
with the Indian and Pakistani Governments to express our strong concern, to
urge them to show restraint and to prevent the fighting from spreading ...’
(Krishnaswami 1999).
259
According to the statement, the president and the prime minister agreed
that respecting the line of control in Kashmir in accordance with the Simla
agreement was vital for the peace of South Asia. To this end ‘concrete steps’
needed to be taken for the restoration of the LoC; immediate cessation of hostilities
was required; the Lahore process was the best forum for resolving all issues
dividing India and Pakistan, including Kashmir; the president of the US would
take US ‘personal interest’ in resumption of bilateral dialogues; and he would
pay an early visit to South Asia. See Joint US–Pakistan Statement 1999.
260
US Information Service 1999: 2.
261
Mohan 1999b.
262
Schaffer and Schaffer 1999.
263
The semantic jugglery necessitated by the phrase ‘personal interest’ of Bill
Clinton left space for the role that the US has played in diffusing the crisis. Prof.
Stephen Cohen said, ‘The US has a specific role between the two sides—facilitating.
There is such thing as a facilitator without being a mediator’, while Prof. Robert
Wirsing says, ‘This (the Kargil conflict) will be dragged out with a formal ad-
ditional participant in Washington. You may not call it mediation but facilitation
is mediation’ (Cited in Mitra and Sengupta 1999).
India to settle the Kashmir issue, these proved to unfounded as

the US continued to insist that the best way forward in India–
Pakistan relations was through dialogue. The US role and interest
in the region suddenly changed post 9/11. The worldview on ter-
rorism altered, much to India’s advantage. With an increased
US presence in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the spotlight turned to
Pakistan’s terrorist infrastructure. This helped India to a great
extent, as every attack on innocent civilians in Kashmir and else-
where in India was highlighted to India’s advantage and the pres-
sure on Pakistan to close down terrorist training infrastructure
increased. This role has continued and was most evident during
the military build-up after the Parliament attack phase. The
relationship with the US may never be equitable. The challenge
for Indian diplomacy now lies in utilising this new opportunity to
forge closer relations that usher in greater empathy regarding
issues of mutual concern.
The visit of US President, Bill Clinton to India in March 2000 laid
the foundation of a long-term relationship with India. His speech
in the Indian Parliament transformed the Indo-US relationship.
President Clinton’s visit to India gave added impetus to the US
effort to engage India in developing a qualitatively new and closer
relationship across a broad range of global, regional and bilateral
issues. It underscored the reality that although significant areas of
disagreement remain—including on non-proliferation—the dia-
logue between these two great nations, whose overall democratic
values and interests have so much in common, must move forward.
Informing the Parliament of India about the US president’s visit,
Jaswant Singh said that India and the US ‘agreed to enhance bi-
lateral co-operation in trade and commerce ….’264 The institutional
architecture for building a substantive relationship has been put
in place by a provision for regular summits, proposed frequent
interaction and the Joint Statement on Cooperation in Energy and
Environment.265 There are some key elements of the United States’
264
The other issues were, ‘finance and investment, information technology
and other knowledge-based industries, energy and environment, science and
technology, and health, and to work jointly for the promotion of peace and pro-
sperity in the world in the 21st Century …. An institutional framework for dialogue
on economic and commercial issues, counter-terrorism, energy and environment,
and science and technology’ (Lok Sabha 2000d).
265
In the context of the US President’s South Asia visit, see Joint US–India
Statement 2000a, 2000b and Jenniangs 2000.
India 265
South Asia policy: The US cannot and should not attempt to make
the rescue of Pakistan the centrepiece of its policy towards South
Asia. It does not see India as sympathetic to its interests,266 but
realises Indian concerns. India’s nuclear tests have added another
dimension to this undefined relationship. Hence, locating India in
the context of US policy in Southern Asia is going to be a critical
task. Another major challenge for the two countries is that of re-
defining current Indo-US relations to reconcile the divergent ex-
pectations of the two states from an enhanced bilateral relationship
that seeks to keep the nuclear issue on the backburner.
After the Bush administration took over Capitol Hill, it not just
consolidated the pillars of the foundation of bilateral relations laid
by Bill Clinton, but its emphasis on realpolitik led to some ideo-
logical repositioning by India on contentious issues (like missile
defence), which consequently endeared India to the US. This indi-
cated to the US administration that India was unwilling to carry
past baggage even when the Russians were strong opponents of
the US position.
At this time, some studies urged an accommodating atti-
tude towards Indian proliferation, while some others felt that the
US–India relationship should be at the core of America’s Southern
Asian policy. Still others called for a more balanced approach to
India and Pakistan. Perhaps the most significant aspect of these
studies was what they did not advocate: none felt that the United
States should play a major role in settling the Kashmir problem or
providing economic or military assistance in the region. 267 For
India, specifically, the Council on Foreign Relations report sug-
gested, ‘The medium-term policy challenge is to complete the tran-
sition from past estrangement through constructive engagement
on to genuine partnership.’268
The events of 11 September 2001 led to a change in US policy
towards Southern Asia. There were concerns in India about the
US turning a blind eye to India’s offer of assistance in its war on
terrorism, post 9/11. The US chose Pakistan over India as an active
266
A case in point being the Indian Parliament passing a resolution against
the US-led war on Iraq.
267
Cohen 2001. Prominent among the reports are: Carnegie Task Force 1988;
The Asia Society 1994, 1995; and Independent Task Force 1997, 1998, 2003.
268
See Independent Task Force 2003: 1.
ally in its campaign in Afghanistan, and this raised concerns in

India that the US tilt towards Pakistan might end up against Indian
interests in Kashmir. Additionally, the US–Pakistan defence co-
operation would affect India. But there were many non-visible
benefits to India of the US–Pakistan relationship. The US coopted
Pakistan into the war against terrorism, and as such Pakistan
had to disassociate itself from the Taliban and Al Qaida. Pakistan
had to be coopted mainly because of geo-political reasons. As the
Taliban fled, India was moving into Afghanistan while Pakistan
was groping for answers on its Afghan policy. Musharraf removed
or transferred seven of the 11 senior army commanders who op-
posed his cooperation with the US.269 The established US position
on the ground, ‘the LoC to be respected’, remained unchanged.
Ever since, India has been able to highlight each and every terrorist
attack, raise the pitch of the rhetoric and highlight Pakistan as a
perpetrator of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
Although India remains reluctant to negotiate a nuclear arms
control agreement, the Government of India has begun cooperating
with the United States in a wide range of activities from informa-
tion technology to energy security, and from regional stability to
UN peacekeeping. The tenure of former US Ambassador Robert
Blackwill witnessed what he himself termed, ‘transforming Indo-
US Relations’. This has included, in the broadest terms, a never-
before witnessed Indo-US convergence of interests across a range
of issues, along with the hitherto untouched military technologies.
The groundwork for a closer Indo-US security relationship was
laid during Mr Vajpayee’s visit to Washington in November 2001.270
This opened the doors for increased Indo-US defence cooperation.271
But the central issues of Indo-US strategic relations continue to
remain Kashmir, non-proliferation and terrorism. Of late, however,
269
Of them, Generals Aziz and Mehmood Ahmed (the ISI chief) played a very
active role in fomenting terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
270
Eight areas were identified as being central: Afghanistan, counter-terrorism,
defence, identifying a new strategic framework, civilian nuclear systems,
aerospace, intelligence and economic cooperation (Thapar 2001; Mohan 2001a).
271
It includes expediting India’s request for specific weapon systems and de-
fence procurement priorities that include multi-mission maritime patrol aircraft,
radars and components for jet trainers and high performance jet engines and
joint training and exercises. (Blackwill 2002a; The Hindu 2002b).
India 267
a large number of variables have started playing a greater role in

broadening the ambit of the bilateral relations.272 The report of the
Independent Core Group on India–US Relations has concluded,
‘India–US relations need not be characterized by permanent friend-
ship nor constrained within a strategic alliance or partnership.’273
Emergent bilateral relations between India and the US are a far
cry from the time when the nuclear issue and sanctions had
dominated their relationship soon after the nuclear tests. This also
reflects a sense of accommodation.
Additionally, India can use multilateral organisations to explain
its viewpoint and concerns—this was done in ASEAN and ARF,
apart from the Commonwealth and NAM.274 Globally, there seems
to be a greater recognition of India’s behaviour as a responsible
nuclear weapons state, especially after the post-Kargil phase and
the attack on the Parliament. India has also exhibited a greater sense
of assertiveness in tackling some issues where traditional foreign
policy principles have caught up with the present pragmatism.

CTBT
India was one of the original sponsors of the CTBT, but in 1996
when the treaty seemed imminent, India refused to sign. The then
Indian Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarma-
ment, Amb. Arundhati Ghose, said India would not sign, ‘not now
272
These include economic interaction, armed humanitarian intervention,
Islamic fundamentalism, narcotics control, energy security and the role played
by the vast Indian diaspora.
273
It further says, ‘They need not have permanent interests either, but rather
configure their bilateral relationship around a temporary identity of interests as,
for instance, the war against terrorism. The word “strategic” is greatly overused
anyway to convey a sense of long-term engagement with a hint of permanence;
this is wholly redundant and misleading. India and the United States could, at
different times, have converging interests; these could be advanced, but without
constituting the inhibitions and entanglement of an alliance or partnership’ (Inde-
pendent Core Group 2003: 69).
274
Ibid.
nor later.’275 The CTBT preamble does not contain any commitment
to disarmament and sub-critical testing is not banned. The treaty
was to come into force in September 1999. According to the drafting
of the treaty, 44 members have to sign and ratify it and only then
can the treaty come into force. Among them are India and Pakistan.
If India does not become a member of the CTBT, a Conference of
the States that have signed and ratified the treaty would explore
ways and means of getting the non-signatories on board.276 There
still remain many imponderables. Acceptance of the CTBT is con-
ditioned on so many factors that its finalisation does not seem likely
in the near future. In any case, with the US Senate, yielding to forces
of unilateralism, has rejected the CTBT.277 The American dumping
of the treaty delivers a body blow to the credibility of multilateral
negotiations in the age of American pre-eminence over world af-
fairs. With this, the chances of sub-continental approval of the
CTBT have been further reduced. India adheres to the treaty in
spirit as it has announced a unilateral ban on nuclear testing.
The decision to sign the CTBT at any future time should be evalu-
ated from the security perspective. It is imperative to ask whether
more tests would be required to deploy India’s credible minimum
nuclear deterrent. Central to this is the question of what would
constitute a credible minimum deterrent and what kind of nuclear
275
The reasons for the Indian rejection were: (a) that the nuclear weapons
states had failed to provide a commitment to eliminate their nuclear weapons
within a specified time-frame: India felt that in the absence of such a commitment
the treaty would be unequal, as it would ignore the security of some countries
while providing for the security of other countries; (b) the CTBT would not
contribute to non-proliferation: it bans explosive testing, but states can improve
the existing designs by sub-critical testing, which does not lead to disarmament;
(c) the entry into force clause, Article XIV, made Indian ratification of the treaty
compulsory for its coming into force. This would be contrary to international
law and would be unacceptable to India. See Ghose 1996.
276
India also refused to participate in the discussions on the CTBT in Vienna.
277
The Republican-controlled US Senate emphatically rejected the Compre-
hensive Test Ban Treaty, resisting a bipartisan effort to delay the vote, and delivered
a crushing blow to President Clinton’s major foreign policy goals. The margin of
the vote—51 to 48—along party lines may appear narrow, but it fell far short of
the two-thirds majority required to ratify a treaty that has evoked controversy
both within the US and internationally. This was the first time since 1920 that a
major international security pact had been rejected by the senate (Chandran 1999).
India 269
weapons state India would want to be. This remains linked to India’s
aspirations and to the larger issue of Indian grand strategy. Would
the Indian arsenal comprise unsophisticated first-generation fission
devices that are mounted on aircraft or short-range missiles, which
would probably be sufficient to establish a credible minimum
nuclear deterrent against Pakistan? If the nuclear arsenal has to be
further refined, as Bharat Karnad argues, it has to be based on
thermonuclear weapons.278 Optimally, India’s nuclear force should
be equipped with thermonuclear warheads as they require lesser
fissile stock. In that case, can one thermonuclear test be considered
sufficient for India to have gained its optimal and credible capacity?
Although Indian scientists have declared that the tests have given
the required results and that no further tests would be required,
many analysts still believe that signing the CTBT will forever bind
India to its present technological levels.279
India is already a signatory to the Biological and Toxin Weapons
Convention and has cooperated in its negotiations. Following the
US rejection of Draft Verification Protocol in the ad hoc Group on
Biological Weapons, India is playing a leading role in taking the
issue forward.
FMCT
Although the content and structure of the proposed FMCT are yet
to take shape, its ‘scope’ seems clear. The treaty seeks to establish
a non-discriminatory, multilateral and verifiable regime banning
production of fissile material for military purposes. India did de-
mand a link between the fissile material cut-off negotiations and
talks on nuclear disarmament, which was turned down. Atal Behari
Vajpayee reiterated India’s position on engaging in negotiations
on FMCT, undertaking stringent export controls on nuclear- and
missile-related technologies, apart from those relating to other
weapons of mass destruction.280 The broad contours of India’s
position on export controls can be gauged from the then PM’s
278
See Karnad 2002.
279
Menon 2000b. Also see in this context, Rasgotra 2000; Raghvan 2000;
Srinivasan 2000; and Jha 2000.
280
Kunadi 1998.
address to the UN General Assembly 281 and his statement to the

Parliament.282
NPT
India has, since the 1970s, sought to occupy a high moral ground
concerning ‘horizontal proliferation’ and ‘vertical proliferation’
as also is the case with time-bound disarmament. This has also
governed the Indian response to the NPT. An instance can be cited:
according to the NPT, in return for the non-nuclear weapons states
promising not to acquire nuclear weapons, the five nuclear weapons
states promised in Article VI of the NPT to pursue good faith nego-
tiations for cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and
for nuclear disarmament. The Indian position on the NPT has been
that any regime seeking to control the spread of nuclear tech-
nologies has to apply evenly to all countries. ‘Horizontal’ prolifer-
ation could not be given precedence over ‘vertical’ proliferation.
India also raised the point of equality for sovereign states under
international law. Nuclear weapons states were making a law that
was applicable to non-nuclear weapons states and would divide
the world into ‘nuclear haves’ and ‘nuclear have nots’. ‘[T]he re-
definition of the problem of proliferation and the elevation of
national sovereignty to foundational status—allowed the Indian
281
Addressing the United Nations General Assembly, the Indian Prime Minister
noted: ‘We have an effective system of export controls and shall make it more
stringent where necessary, including by expanding control lists of equipment
and technology to make them more contemporary and effective in the context of
a nuclear India’ (Vajpayee 1998b).
282
‘As the House would recollect, these proposals comprise: a voluntary
moratorium on underground nuclear test explosions; our willingness to move
towards a de jure formalisation of this commitment, a decision to join negotiations
on a treaty for a ban on future production of fissile material for weapons purposes;
and, our determination to make more stringent the existing system of export
controls over sensitive materials and technology …. We have expressed our
willingness to join the FMCT negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament at
Geneva. It is our understanding, as that of many other countries, who have
confirmed this to us, that the objective of these negotiations is to arrive at a non-
discriminatory treaty, that will end the future production of fissile material for
weapons purposes, in accordance with the 1993 consensus resolution of the UN
General Assembly’ (Vajpayee 1998c).
India 271
state to stake out a diplomatically singular and occasionally moral

high ground in the UN Conference of Disarmament .…’283
When the NPT was extended indefinitely in 1995, the nuclear
weapons states promised the ‘determined pursuit ... of systematic
and progressive efforts’ to achieve nuclear disarmament. For most
states in the world, also reflected in their voting patterns on issues
like nuclear disarmament in the UN, the efforts of the nuclear
weapons states in this regard have been far from satisfactory. The
NPT cannot recognise India as a nuclear weapons state.284 While
India considers this as objectionable, it is waiting for the inter-
national system to find some way of accommodating its new status
as a nuclear weapons state. It is for the international system to
find ways and means of accommodating India into the system.
For now, the NPT seems to be a victim of its own success. India has
remained outside the NPT and in the future too it may continue to
do so.
So, under the circumstances, the best chance of salvaging the
non-proliferation regime is to accommodate India and Pakistan
in the NPT. There is no provision in the present treaty to accom-
modate a new nuclear weapons state, but given the threat to the
regime, this seems to be the viable alternative. Such inclusion, it
has been argued,
will require all three new nuclear powers to shoulder the respon-
sibilities of the non-proliferation regime, and it would help get over
the current anomaly of three of the world’s nuclear powers, living in
very dangerous, and possibly unstable neighbourhoods, being out-
side the responsibilities and oversight of the regime.285
This is something that statesmen, policy researchers and academics

will have to grapple with.
To rectify these definitional problems as well as to maintain the
regime, three suggestions can be made: First, the NPT should be
amended to include the new entrants. Provision for amendment
283
Abraham 1998: 303.
284
Article IX (3) of the NPT states, ‘For the purposes of this Treaty, a nuclear-
weapon State is one which has manufactured and exploded a nuclear weapon or
other nuclear explosive device prior to January 1, 1967’ (NPT 1968).
285
See Rajagopalan and Rajain 2004.
to the NPT is available under Article VIII.286 An amendment process

to the NPT is likely to meet with resistance from nuclear weapons
states arguing that this would seem to be rewarding the states
that have threatened the regime. But in the long term the benefit
would be to the regime itself wherein all the declared nuclear
weapons states would be under obligation not to transfer nuclear
weapons or nuclear explosive devices to other states, and not to
assist in the manufacture or acquisition of such weapons and
devices.287 Second, a new nuclear weapons convention should be
negotiated which would then include the new entrants to the
nuclear club.288 The third suggestion is that just as France par-
ticipates in the NATO meetings ‘as if’ it is a member of NATO,
India and Pakistan too can participate in the NPT ‘as if’ they are
the members of the NPT.289
Ì***
India is undergoing considerable internal changes. There is, as

Stephen Cohen puts it, a process of ‘social churning’ in which ‘mid-
dle and low castes and social groups compete for power against
each other and against formerly dominant high castes.’290 The other
serious issue confronting the ideological mooring of the country
is a major debate over state and national identity.291 Many questions
confront the policy analyst: will India be able to sustain the high
286
The article states that if one-third or more of the parties submit a proposed
amendment to the depository governments, which include all the parties, then a
conference of all states would consider such an amendment. The article further
mentions that the amendment must be approved by the majority, including
nuclear weapons states and all other states which are members of the Board of
Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency. For details, see NPT 1968:
Art. VIII (1 and 2).
287
Ibid.: Art. I.
288
A model nuclear weapons convention that has been prepared by experts
and can be used for this purpose. It is available at http://www.pgs.ca./pages/
a2/ialannwc.htm, accessed on 16 April 1999.
289
I would like to thank Mr P.R. Chari for this point.
290
Cohen 1997. See in the context of these social transformations, Naipaul
1992.
291
Aptly summarising this debate, Stephen Cohen says that at one end of this
debate are Nehruvians (those who argue that India can achieve greatness, political
stability and moral grandeur only through continuation of a predominantly secular
India 273
economic rate of growth, which will be crucial in determining the

size of its arsenal? Can India aim to achieve international status
without internal peace? How will nuclear weapons help India stake
the claim at the ‘high table’? As Vice Admiral Koithara concludes,
‘only an India that is less attentive to its image and more awake to its
reality can make Indians, and thereby India, secure.’292 Nuclear-
isation, it seems, is one part of India’s grand strategy of projecting
itself as a great power in the years to come.
On the issue of nuclear weapons, India remains committed to
complete elimination within a specified time-frame as in the long
term this serves India’s national interest.293 India’s policy towards
nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear weapons can be discerned
from these schools of thought:
1. The ‘immoral’ argument that derives from Gandhian and

Nehruvian thought and explains India’s persistent demand for
global nuclear disarmament.
2. The ‘prestige’ argument, which stresses the prestige more than
the security value of the bomb.294
3. The ‘security’ argument which argues for possessing nuclear
weapons for their deterrence value. This school of thought devel-
oped mainly during the 1970s and 1980s.
India’s nuclear policy has oscillated between these three positions,

often sending confused signals to its neighbours in particular and
the world in general. Even when India conducted its ‘PNE’ in 1974,
the nuclear weapons policy was never articulated and there was a
clear lack of any nuclear strategic doctrine.295 But over the last couple
of years, a significant and distinguishing feature of India’s declared
nuclear position has emerged: that nuclear weapons are political
instruments rather than instruments of war fighting. However, to
put the operational component at par with the declaratory policy,
a slow process of weaponisation and deployment continues. Over
the last couple of years, there seems to have been a level of clarity
state), while at the other end are the Hindu revitalists who demand conformity
with Hindu norms from India’s non-Hindu population. (Cohen 1997).
292
Koithara 1999: 407.
293
Kunadi 1998.
294
Dixit 1996.
295
Karp 1998.
and consistency in this position as India continues to affirm an NFU

and a unilateral moratorium, and maintains a strong export control
regime.
The NFU reflects the traditional Indian position of operational
readiness where the dispersed components are not conducive to
rapid deployment and first strike. There are good reasons to believe
that India will follow its commitment to NFU, especially as it is con-
sistent with the operational component. Another striking feature
of the doctrine that is reflected at the operational level is that of
‘punitive retaliation’, with greater emphasis on certainty of retali-
ation than on speed of retaliation. This process is slowed down
because of the structure of the Nuclear Command Authority where
the Political Council will take time and communicate to the Ex-
ecutive Council the need for retaliation. Once again, from a distance
this may seem to be assuring, as it does re-emphasise complete
civilian control over nuclear assets and eliminates any room for
miscalculation or unauthorised launch.
In the true traditions of a democracy, there is a healthy debate
on the pros and cons of nuclear weapons and issues related to them
in India. While tests cannot be undone, India will have to tread
carefully, evaluating what suits its national interests better. In a
dynamic security environment, India will have to address issues
of refining the weapons, and the march of technology will certainly
dictate, to a great extent, the direction of the Indian nuclear weapons
programme. The Indian NFU policy and retaliation strategy do
require a delicate balancing among the imperatives of ensuring
the survivability of retaliatory forces by camouflage, deception,
mobility and redundancy of second strike forces, and transparency,
to ensure that the adversary will never use his own forces to con-
duct a pre-emptive strike. Much of India’s decisions will be borne
out of China’s response to an increasing US presence in the region
coupled with the BMD.296 This will only increase the dilemma of
the size of the nuclear arsenal. This would eventually have bearing
on the size of Pakistan’s arsenal. The mantra of ‘credible minimum
deterrent’ is likely to affect not just India’s strategic calculations,
but also those of China and Pakistan. If India tries to build an arsenal
that meets the minimum requirements of having a stable deterrence
against China, it runs the risk of being maximum against Pakistan.
296
See Rajain 2001c.
India 275
This could lead to an arms race in the subcontinent. Kargil proved

that India could act as a responsible nuclear weapons state. That
opportunity should not be frittered away. India should use the
present engagement wave to its favour.
It is also possible that on the foreign policy front, India will
continue to maintain some contours of the traditional idealism
and make a pitch for global nuclear disarmament. As India spends
more years as a nuclear weapons state, its nuclear doctrine will be
more refined, and the process of gradual weaponisation will
continue. Between the Sino-Indian and the Indo-Pak dyads, the
Indo-Pak dyad continues to be more conflictual and destabilising
to the region, primarily due to Pakistan’s anti-status quo orient-
ation. While Pakistan’s fear of Indian capabilities and intentions
may be misplaced even though understandable, all through the
1990s, India has consciously pursued a policy of looking beyond
South Asia.297 To this end, India does at times follow a policy of
‘ignoring’Pakistan, the 16-month long no-talk period after the
attack on the Parliament being a case in point. Such situation often
makes Pakistan’s security managers all the more resolute in their
attempts to push their nuclear and missile programmes. In the
given milieu, it is possible that competitive nuclearisation will
continue at feverish pace. It can be predicted that an arms race—
tit-for-tat missile tests—will be the feature of the Indo-Pak dyad.
Similar assumptions cannot be made of the other dyad in the tri-
angle, that is, the Sino-Indian one. This alone may not be the cause
of breakdown of deterrence. Also, in any future crisis it is unlikely,
given the force of US diplomacy in the region, that any state will
seek to settle ‘unfinished businesses’ with the use of nuclear
weapons. Mutual suspicion will continue, and unfortunately, so
will the low-cost high-return Pakistani support to terrorism.
Beijing’s response to this weaponisation in slow motion is not going
to be muted either. China will continue to closely monitor all moves
made by India and if necessary take preventive measures.
297
The Look East policy and a greater pro-active engagement with Europe
and Central Asia are only a couple of examples.
CHAPTER 6
PAKISTAN
You may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the
business of the state .... I shall always be guided by the principles of justice and
fair play without any, as is put in the political language, prejudice or ill will,
partiality or favouritism.
—Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Speeches of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah as Governor General of Pakistan
A
t the time of the British withdrawal from South Asia in
1947, a movement largely orchestrated by the All-India
Muslim League under Mohammed Ali Jinnah led to the
emergence of Pakistan out of the predominantly Muslim north-
western and eastern extremities of the subcontinent. The partition
in 1947 can be seen to be the logical conclusion of the Muslim League’s
intransigent championing of a sovereign Muslim state. A separate
Pakistan state was in the offing since the 1942 Cripps Mission.
Mahatma Gandhi, in fact, went a step further and in his talks with
Jinnah in 1944 accepted the right of self-determination.
Ever since its birth, Pakistan has been beset with internal con-
tradictions and has been an insecure and unsure state. As Ralph
Braibanti described it, no other new nation which gained inde-
pendence after 1947 has experienced the variety or the intensity
of traumas that Pakistan has suffered.1 Ensuring the survival of
the state has been a challenge for the policy makers. A narrow
‘survivalist model of national security has dominated the political
discourse of the country. India was, and continues to be, a major
external cause for Pakistan’s insecurity, but its demonisation at
the elite and popular level was also an instrument through which
1
Braibanti 1977.
Pakistan 277
domestic consolidation could be engineered to an extent.2 The pol-

itical elite has often explained the ‘India threat’ to the largely
illiterate population. It is this narrow militaristic framework of
national security that continues to be the central pillar in Pakistan’s
strategic calculations. Few other states have experienced, as the
political scientist Norman D. Palmer put it, ‘crises of identity; of
legitimacy; of integration; of participation; of penetration; and of
distribution’3 to the degree Pakistan has. The larger dimensions
of security, the precarious economic condition, the growing culture
of drugs, small arms proliferation, the breakdown of law and order
in Sind and Karachi, besides the challenges to governance neces-
sitated by the tardy development of political institutions do not
figure in mainstream national security discourse.
Some of this can be attributed to the contradictions that Pakistan
inherited at the time of the partition:
It is forgotten that Nehru, Patel and Gandhiji in 1947 were only ac-
cepting what had become inevitable because of the long term failure
of the Congress to draw in the Muslim masses into the national move-
ment and stem the surging waves of Muslim communalism, which,
especially since 1937, had been beating with increasing fury.4
Pakistan did not have a clear roadmap for a new state ready to
play a role in the comity of nations. The biggest contradiction was the
geographical challenge of administering East and West Pakistan,
separated by nearly 2,000 km of Indian territory. The demand for
a corridor through India was turned down. Political and social
integration in Pakistan has also proved to be a difficult and ex-
pensive process. As analyst Rounaq Jahan said, ‘only a small elite
can afford to have inter wing contact which means that the na-
tional elite tends to be narrowly oligarchic.’5 Another contradic-
tion was the raison d’être of Pakistan. The country was created to
be a separate homeland for Muslims, but Jinnah envisioned it as a
modern liberal democratic state. Jinnah was educated in Britain
and was personally not deeply religious. Speaking to Pakistan’s
Constituent Assembly, he said, ‘You may belong to any religion, caste
2
Mattoo 1999c.
3
See Palmer 1982.
4
Chandra et al. 1989: 500.
5
Jahan 1973: 10.
or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the state ....’6

These views of the founder of the state were soon overtaken by
the Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly in
March 1949. As Binder says, ‘The fact that the Jama’at-i-Islami
accepted the Objectives Resolution as the expression of intent of
the government to make Pakistan an Islamic state testified the fact
that it had departed from the vision of its founder, M.A. Jinnah.’7
Each of the four constitutions since then has contained Islamic
provisions, though there have always been powerful voices both
within Islamic circles and among liberals on the interpretation of
the Islamic content of the constitution. The early constitutional de-
bates had been conducted in the background of the battle between
Islamic fundamentalists and liberals. The first group were led by
the Ulema who had been demanding an Islamic state based on
Shariah and the second were those who wanted a parliamentary
form of government on the western model.8 Clearly, Pakistan had
a problem of identity right from the beginning. History created a
deep sense of victimisation that led to a sense of insecurity. This
sense of insecurity soon made India the bigger neighbour that could
some day attack Pakistan, and this provided the justification for
the acquisition of nuclear weapons. Finally, Pakistan was not clear
about what role it would play in the new changing international
system where more and more African and Asian nations were free-
ing themselves from colonial governments. This mindset, which
left a deep imprint on the people, perhaps strengthened the role
armed forces would play in shaping the destiny of the country.
Ì STRATEGIC CULTURE: NATIONAL SECURITY DISCOURSE

On the face of it, decision making on national security issues in
Pakistan seems a much more complex task than in India, but
actually, there being lesser number of individuals in the decision-
making loop in Pakistan, and the army taking almost all decisions
regarding issues of national security, the task is made easier. This,
6
Jinnah 1948: 10.
7
Binder 1961: 195.
8
Bahadur 1998: 16–17.
Pakistan 279
however, means that there is less filtration of decision-making

processes. In times of crisis, this could make the crucial difference.
The armed forces have dominated decision making on national
security issues either directly or indirectly. The dominant actor in
this has been the chief of army staff (COAS). Indeed, four of
Pakistan’s heads of state have been army chiefs. It was not that
military intervention in national security decision making and gov-
ernance was the result of an absence of institutions; rather it was
the result of the strength of the military, bureaucracy and judiciary,
and weakness of other representative bodies, political parties and
lack of mass mobilisation. The intelligence wing, ISI, has rarely
sought to compete with the COAS, and wherever it did appear to
wield power, it may well have had the implicit consent of the army.
This is often under debate in the political circles of the country.
Whenever the country is under democratic governance, the leaders
have tried, unsuccessfully, to reduce the leverage of the army and
democratically elected leaders, and the process itself has often
paid a heavy price for it. Regular consultations with the army on
key security issues were the norm, but the recent turn of events
proves that the army now informs political leaders of its plans.9
The army is a powerful institution and any change in policies on
India or Kashmir requires its endorsement. It is almost impossible
to engineer a change of opinion or a compromise solution for any
bilateral dispute without taking the army’s support.10
After the partition from India in 1947, many leaders had hoped
that the two countries would emerge as friendly neighbours. This
was not to be: within days of Pakistan’s creation it became clear
that some popular and elite groups would project India as the great
national security threat to Pakistan. The main argument put for-
ward by these groups was that the Indian National Congress had
never provided political space to Muslims during the freedom
struggle and had not reconciled to the partition. Consequently,
9
It is believed in India that Gen Pervez Musharraf did inform Nawaz Sharif
about the Kargil operations. But while the army had thought their plan through
tactically, it had not done so strategically and politically.
10
The army did not take kindly to Nawaz Sharif’s 4 July 1999 Washington
Agreement, since the Kargil operations were being sold to the Pakistani popu-
lation as a military victory bartered away by Sharif. A withdrawal, following
the agreement, led to verbal conflicts between Nawaz Sharif and the army.
India would use fair or foul means to dismember Pakistan or unite

it again with India. There were two factors that structured this
feeling. First, the issue of Kashmir. The Pakistani logic was that
since Kashmir is essentially Muslim populated, it should have been
a part of Pakistan. Second, the partition riots and the 1948 Indo-
Pak war left deep scars on the minds of thousands of people. An
estimated 500,000 people were killed on both sides; history con-
tinued to be violently written with the subsequent 1965 and 1971
wars. Within Pakistan these are explained as wars that had been
inflicted on Pakistan. In fact, the 1971 war left the deepest scar, as
it led to the creation of Bangladesh from erstwhile East Pakistan.
India continues to be central to Pakistani security calculations.
Weapons acquisitions through the Cold War years from the US
are explained as necessary for security against a possible Indian
attack. This narrow militaristic framework of security continues
to operate in Pakistan. There have been phases when it was not so
prominent, but it has always existed. Former Prime Minister,
Nawaz Sharif, laid much emphasis on economic stability, and with
the Gujral doctrine followed by Vajpayee’s bus trip to Lahore, things
seemed to be changing. But not for long. It was argued that the
nuclear tests conducted by both countries would tone down their
antagonism, and both countries would become responsible nuclear
powers. Pakistan has tended to link its nuclear policies and posture
with that of India. And the bomb is viewed as the great balancer
against India’s vast and superior conventional forces. The fore-
going establishes the strong public opinion in favour of the bomb.
PAKISTANS NUCLEAR POLICIES AND POSTURE
Four sets of arguments are normally advanced by threshold states

for exercising their nuclear option: political prestige, military secur-
ity, economic gains and domestic compulsions. Pakistan’s security
calculations involve India’s capabilities and intentions. India, being
geographically large and having more than 15,000 km of frontiers
and 6,000 km of coastline, has large conventional forces. But this
comes across as belligerence to a small neighbour that is grappling
with internal issues of identity and socio-economic and political
development. India’s intentions are explained to the people as
Pakistan 281
unfriendly and anti Muslim. This mindset has existed since

independence.11
Given this mindset it was natural for Pakistan to look for security
to outside alliances and agreements. But, unlike the rationale for
the Indian nuclear tests that were a combination of external threats
with internal domestic compulsions, Pakistan’s programme was,
is and perhaps will always remain entirely Indo-centric. A close
scrutiny of Pakistan’s nuclear programme reveals that it has been
reactive to India’s capabilities. There has been a marginal contri-
bution of other factors, such as prestige and domestic consider-
ations. But primarily, Pakistan’s nuclear programme has been to
strengthen its forces to be used as a diplomatic bargaining chip
and to reduce its dependence on military alliances. It is generally
believed that the 1974 PNE by India made Pakistan rush into a
nuclear weapons programme. But a close scrutiny reveals that
Pakistan was thinking on these lines much before 1974. Clearly,
Jinnah was the only national leader who could have initiated a
domestic debate on nuclear issues, as he was educated in the West
and knew how technology was playing a decisive role in conflicts.
But he was far too preoccupied with trying to lay the foundation
for a governmental infrastructure in a newly born Pakistan.
The nuclear programme of Pakistan began with the establish-
ment of the High Tension and Nuclear Research Laboratory in
1954, the main objective of which remained providing research
facilities to students.12 Pakistan, for the first time in October 1954,
announced its plan to establish an atomic research body, and in
January 1955 appointed the Atomic Energy Committee under
11
Consider this ‘complaint against India’ submitted to the UN Security Council
on 15 January 1948 in response to India’s complaint regarding Pakistan’s stance
on Kashmir—‘(iii) that the security, freedom, well being, religion, culture and
language of the Muslims in India are in serious danger; (iv) that Junagadh,
Manavadar, and some other states of Kathiawar, which have lawfully acceded
to Pakistan and form a part of Pakistani territory have been forcibly and
unlawfully occupied by the armed forces of the Indian Union and extensive
damage has been caused to the life and property of the Muslim inhabitants of
these states by the armed forces, officials and non-Muslim nationals of the Indian
Union … (ix) that India now threatens Pakistan with direct military attack; (x)
that the object of the various acts of aggression by India against Pakistan is the
de-struction of the State of Pakistan’ (Government of Pakistan 1948).
12
Burki 1960: 116.
Dr Nazir Ahmad, which recommended the appointment of an

atomic energy commission.13 In 1956, the Pakistan Atomic Energy
Commission (PAEC) was established.14 The real thrust in Pakistan’s
nuclear programme came with Dr I.H. Usmani becoming the chair-
man of PAEC in 1960. Though many identify Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
as the principal architect of Pakistan’s nuclear programme,15 it was
Usmani who set the direction of Pakistan’s nuclear programme.16
In August 1955, the US and Pakistan signed an agreement for co-
operation concerning civil uses of atomic energy.17
After the 1958 coup of Gen Ayub Khan, more interest grew in
nuclear energy. The Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science and
Technology (PINSTECH) was established in the early 1960s at
Nelore (near Islamabad) at a cost of 41.3 million Pakistani rupees,18
and the US agreed to supply enriched uranium and plutonium
for a research reactor at PINSTECH,19 which became operational
in December 1965.20 The Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP)
was established in 1968 with assistance from Canada. The proposal
13
Ahmad 1957.
14
The main objectives of the commission were: (a) to develop peaceful uses of
atomic energy; (b) to establish an atomic energy and nuclear research institute;
(c) to install research and power reactors; (d) to negotiate with international atomic
energy bodies; and (e) to select and train personnel (ibid.: 14).
15
According to P.B. Sinha and R.R. Subramanian, ‘Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s entry
into Gen Ayub Khan’s cabinet at the end of 1958 provided the essential impetus
to the country’s atomic energy programme which had been lacking so far’ (see
Sinha and Subramanian 1980).
16
According to Ashok Kapur, ‘there is no evidence of Z.A. Bhutto’s commitment
to develop the military use of nuclear energy in Pakistan during 1955–66. His
interest in the nuclear subject and his profile as the advocate of nuclear Pakistan,
blossomed after he left the government of President Ayub Khan in 1966. His
claim that he was always interested in the nuclearisation of Pakistan’s foreign
and military policies cannot be independently verified’ (Kapur 1987: 54).
17
According to Article I of the agreement, the US and Pakistan decided to ex-
change information in the following fields: (a) design, construction and oper-
ation of research reactors and their use as research, development and engineering
tools and in medical therapy; (b) health and safety problems related to the
operation and use of research reactors; and (c) the use of radioactive isotopes in
physical and biological research, medical therapy, agriculture and industry (R.K.
Jain 1983: 110).
18
Kaushik and Mehrotra 1980.
19
Sinha and Subramanian 1980: 33.
20
Ibid.: 33.
Pakistan 283
to purchase a nuclear reactor from Canada began in 1962 and an

agreement was reached in 1965.21 This reactor was formally in-
augurated in November 1972 at a cost of 480 million Pakistani
rupees.22 The nuclear programme of Pakistan, which had a moder-
ate commencement during the 1950s, was firmly established during
the 1960s. However, the main focus was on peaceful uses of nuclear
energy rather than for military purposes.
Dr Usmani wanted to explore these uses of nuclear energy. At
the same time, there was a small yet influential lobby that favoured
developing a nuclear capability which had the potential of acquiring
an eventual nuclear weapon option.23 This group had Z.A Bhutto
in the fore, who for the first time in 1965, echoed stated that Pakistan
would acquire nuclear weapons capability. ‘If India developed an
atomic bomb, we too will develop one “even if we have to eat grass
or leaves or to remain hungry” because there is no conventional alter-
native to the atomic bomb’ (emphasis added).24 Put in perspective,
this statement, which was endorsed by large sections of the society,
particularly the press, was a guarded response to the Indian Prime
Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri’s statement in the Lok Sabha in Nov-
ember 1964 that he favoured developing nuclear explosives for
peaceful purposes. The Indian statement in turn was a response
to the Chinese nuclear test of October 1964. In April 1965, Bhabha
set up a small group for a project called the Subterranean Nuclear
Explosion Project (SNEP). Bhutto was aware of these developments
and in a book published in 1969 predicted that India would follow
the Chinese test. Seen in this context, the statement ‘even if we have
to eat grass’ reflects a response to an emotionally charged domestic
debate ready to take on India’s nuclear programme. One of the
earliest systematic discussions on the nuclear question can be seen
in Z.A. Bhutto’s 1969 book, The Myth of Independence, where he
starts by locating the nature of threats to Pakistan, followed by
reasons behind such threats. It is as a remedy to these threats that
the nuclear narrative is introduced.25
21
Pande 1991.
22
Kaushik and Mehrotra 1980: 69.
23
Khalilzad 1985.
24
Bhutto 1970: 21.
25
See Bhutto 1969.
Pakistan rates the nuclear question higher than any other issue.26
In a survey undertaken by the Joan B. Kroc Institute for Inter-
national Peace Studies in 1996, 83 per cent of the respondents were
for the nuclear weapons, as against 6 per cent for yielding to IMF/
World Bank pressure for economic restructuring.27 In response to
the question of whether Pakistan could renounce nuclear weapons
under any circumstances, 71 per cent of the respondents said it
may be possible only after a final settlement of the Kashmir dis-
pute.28 This indicates how the two issues of nuclear weapons and
a solution to the Kashmir dispute are linked to each other. Another
100 per cent respondents linked Pakistan’s development of nuclear
weapons to direct threats from India,29 96 per cent of the respond-
ents said Pakistan should build an arsenal, capable of striking only
India.30 To a question of when Pakistan could use nuclear weapons,
98 per cent said, if India were about to attack Pakistan across the
international border, while 77 per cent said, nuclear weapons should
be used if India were to intervene militarily across Kashmir’s line
of control.31
Over the years, Jama’at-i-Islami has been at the forefront of the
bomb crusaders in Pakistan. In 1994, Khurshid Ahmed, a leading
ideologue of the Jama’at, claimed that ‘even a single person on the
streets of Pakistan would not say that we should abdicate our nu-
clear option.’32 Haider Nizamani thinks that Khurshid Ahmed’s
views manifest tensions that can be ‘expected in a narrative that
invokes such diverse strands as pan-Islamism, territoriality, denial
of domestic heterogeneity, and principles of modern realist theory
of international relations to validate a particular version of dis-
course about Pakistan’s security needs.’33 Some of this reflected in
writings on nuclear issues in the mid-1990s.34
26
See two surveys in this context: Ahmed and Cortright 1996 and Nizamani
2000. The former has been used here.
27
See Ahmed and Cortright 1996: Table 2.
28
Ibid.: Table 7.
29
Ibid.: Table 9.
30
Ibid.: Table 13.
31
Ibid.: Table 14.
32
Ahmed 1995: 148. Khurshid Ahmed has been the director of the think tank
of the Jama’at—the Institute of Policy Studies.
33
Nizamani 2001: 107.
34
See for instance, Khan 1995; Sattar 1995. The ICWA is a Islamabad-based
think tank founded by former Foreign Minister Agha Shahi.
Pakistan 285
Soon after assuming power in December 1971, after a war that

saw East Pakistan being relegated to history and the emergence of
Bangladesh, Bhutto convened a meeting of Pakistani scientists and
asked them to deliver the Islamic bomb.35 Prime Minister Bhutto
voiced Pakistani concerns about India’s PNE in the National
Assembly: ‘The explosion has introduced a qualitative change in
the situation between the two countries.’36 The Indian PNE firmly
brought the nuclear issue into dominant political discourse in
Pakistan. There were expected protestant voices in Pakistan from
the opposition, the government, intellectuals and the media.
Mehrunisa Ali made an evaluation of the various options avail-
able to Pakistan,37 while Hamid Rajput, another analyst, repeated
Bhutto’s statement: ‘India has tested her device, it is bound to have
a chain reaction, especially among her neighbours.’38 Pakistan did
not take India’s word on the PNE and instead sought assurances
and agreements to secure itself. ‘In 1976 Pakistan signed an agree-
ment with SGN of France to acquire a plutonium reprocessing plant
to be installed at Chashma near Dera Ghazi Khan under trilateral
international safeguards.’39 In the first stage, the PINSTECH reactor
building and ancillary facilities were completed and the reactor
became operational on 21 December 1965. In the second stage in
1974, laboratories, workshops, a library and auditorium were
opened.40
With the necessary infrastructure now in place, the quest to ac-
quire nuclear weapons capability gained momentum. ‘Pakistan
managed to acquire a uranium hexafluoride plant from West
Germany between 1977 to 1980 .... Pakistan also succeeded in oper-
ating a gas centrifuge uranium enrichment plant at Kahuta through
a wide network of secret acquisitions.’41 ‘Kahuta facility is the hub
of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program .... The facility may also
be the site where highly enriched uranium (HEU) is formed into
weapon cores.’42 The Kahuta plant was set up with covert contributions
35
Weisman and Krosney 1981.
36
Cited in Nizamani 2001.
37
Ali 1974.
38
Rajput 1974.
39
Cheema 1996: 106.
40
PAEC 1974: 13.
41
Cheema 1996: 106.
42
Koch and Topping 2000.
from Britain and Canada (electrical inverters), West Germany

(aluminium rods and vacuum pumps), Italy (stainless steel vessels)
and Switzerland (evaporation and condensation systems).43 David
Albright estimated that Pakistan had the capacity to produce
50 kg of weapons-grade uranium per year (see Box 6.1).44
Box Ë 6.1
Kahuta
Kahuta is the site of the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL), Pakistan’s
main nuclear weapons laboratory as well as an emerging centre
for long-range missile development. The primary Pakistani fissile-
material production facility is located at Kahuta, employing gas
centrifuge enrichment technology to produce Highly Enriched
Uranium (HEU). Dr A.Q. Khan is a German-educated metallurgist,
who until 1975 was employed at the Urenco uranium enrich-ment
facility in Almelo, the Netherlands.
Operating at full capacity, Kahuta has the potential to produce
enough weapons-grade uranium for three to six weapons each year.
But the gas centrifuge plant has been plagued by chronic delays.
In 1986, it was reported that there were approximately 1,000
centrifuges operating at the facility. By the late 1980s, Pakistan
began advertising its nuclear potential by publishing technical
articles on centrifuge design, including a 1987 article co-authored
by A.Q. Khan on balancing sophisticated ultracentrifuge rotors.
In early 1996, it was reported that the A.Q. Khan Research
Laboratory received 5,000 ring magnets, which can be used in
gas centrifuges, from the China National Nuclear Corporation, a
state-owned facility. The US intelligence community believed the
magnets were for special suspension bearings at the top of the
centrifuge rotating cylinders.
The Kahuta facility has also been a participant in Pakistan’s mis-
sile development programme. Pakistan operates a ballistic missile
research centre at Kahuta, along with its uranium enrichment
operation. KRL has successfully developed and tested IRBMs
based on liquid fuel technology, and its associated sub-systems.
KRL has also undertaken many other defence projects of national
importance to enable Pakistan to become self-reliant in various
(Box 6.1 Contd)
43
Cited in ibid.: 109.
44
Albright 1987.
Pakistan 287
(Box 6.1 Contd)
sophisticated weapons systems and save valuable foreign ex-

change. These projects include:
l Surface-to-air anti-aircraft guided missiles—Anza Mk-I and

Anza Mk-II
l ‘Baktar Shikan’ anti-tank guided missile weapon system
l Anti-personnel mine sweeping line charges
l Anti-tank mine clearing line charge—Plofadder-195 AT
l Laser range finder
l Laser threat sensor
l Laser actuated target
l Laser aiming device
l Add-on reactive armour kit
l Anti-tank ammunition armour piercing fin stabilised discard-
ing sabot
l Remote control mine exploder
l Digital Goniometer
l Power conditioners for weapon systems for the TOW ATGM
Weapon System
l ‘Anza’ Training Missile System
l Switched mode power supplies for LAADS radar, skyguard
radar, air defence automation system
l TOW missile modules
Ever since 1980, Pakistan has been close to crossing the thres-
hold from nuclear capability to nuclear weapons capability. A
Washington Post article, citing classified US intelligence reports,
claimed that Pakistan had indeed started producing weapons-
grade uranium.45 When Mrs Indira Gandhi returned to power in
1980 she reassembled the team that had carried out the PNE in
1974 (this had been disbanded by Morarji Desai in 1977) which
led to further speeding up of the Pakistani nuclear weapons pro-
gramme. In 1982, a Washington Post news report, quoting intel-
ligence sources, mentioned Indian plans to launch a pre-emptive
strike on Pakistani nuclear installations, including Kahuta.46 A
threat like this compelled Pakistan to accelerate its nuclear pro-
gramme. In September 1986, China and Pakistan signed a nuclear
45
Woodward 1986.
46
Benjamin 1982.
cooperation agreement.47 Then, in March 1987, came the interview

of Dr A.Q. Khan with Kuldip Nayyar, where Dr Khan admitted
that Pakistan possessed nuclear weapons.48 Another acknowledge-
ment of Pakistan’s ability to produce nuclear bombs came from
General Zia himself when he told the Time magazine, ‘Pakistan
has the capability of building the bomb.’49 Although both India
and Pakistan continued to proceed with their respective nuclear
programmes, in Pakistani perception its own nuclear development
in 1980s ‘generated an element of restraint and therefore turned
out to be a positive contribution to non proliferation and peace
rather than being a dangerous development.’50 A declassified re-
port of the US Department of State dated 23 June 1983 says,
there is unambiguous evidence that Pakistan is actively pursuing a

nuclear weapons development program. Pakistan’s near-term goal
evidently is to explode a nuclear device if Zia decides its appropriate
for diplomatic and domestic political gains …. The Government of
Pakistan is pursuing both the reprocessing of uranium enrichment
routes to obtain fissile material for their program. They are building
a facility near PINSTECH capable of extracting small quantities of
plutonium from KANUPP power reactor fuel. In addition they are
continuing to seek assistance from supplier countries to complete the
larger reprocessing facility located at Chasma …. To produce suffi-
cient quantities of plutonium for a test device for weapons Zia prob-
ably would have to abrogate or violate Pakistan’s nuclear safeguards
with Canada and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Pakistan
is attempting to produce highly enriched uranium, which could
support a test on weapons program without involving any safe-
guards agreements.51
After Ms Benazir Bhutto came to power in 1988 following General

Zia’s death in a plane crash, there was some moderation in
Pakistan’s position on nuclear weapons. During her visit to the
47
This agreement sought to place all material and equipment being transferred
from China to Pakistan under IAEA safeguards. This was done after the US post-
poned the ratification of the Sino-US nuclear cooperation agreement in 1985,
leaving China to legitimise its nuclear cooperation with Pakistan.
48
Nayyar 1987.
49
Time 1987: 42–44.
50
Cheema 1996: 106.
51
Department of State, US 1983.
Pakistan 289
US in 1989, she reiterated that Pakistan neither had, nor intended

to develop, a nuclear device. It is widely believed that she might
not have had complete knowledge of the activities of the Nuclear
Weapons Programme Co-ordinating Committee (chaired by
President Ghulam Ishaq Khan). ‘In 1989 Pakistan was reported to
have conducted wind tunnel tests of the casing of a nuclear bomb
designed to fit under the wing of an F16.’52 In 1989, the Bush admin-
istration certified that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear device
but in 1990 President Bush refused to certify this to Congress as
required under the Pressler Amendment. US military and eco-
nomic aid to Pakistan was stopped in 1990–91. However, the nuclear
programme continued undeterred. In 1983 a US State Department
memorandum said that Pakistan stole the gas centrifuge designs
from Urenco, a European gas centrifuge enrichment consortium.
It further says that Engineering Research Laboratories had
acquired and produced materials for both gas centrifuges and
nuclear weapons.’53 A.Q. Khan was identified as an important
agent in the transfer. A 1986 memo prepared for Henry Kissinger
and the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board asserted that Pakistan
could produce enough HEU for ‘several nuclear devices per year.’54
David Albright assesses that Kahuta could make enough HEU for
three to six devices a year.
Pakistan’s quest to acquire technology and equipment to run its
nuclear programme continued. Instances of people trying to smuggle
technology or equipment were reported continually (see Box 6.2).
Box Ë 6.2
Pakistan’s Quest to Acquire Nuclear Technology and Materials

l On 16 July 1984, three Pakistanis were indicted in a US court
for trying to ship parts for nuclear weapons to Pakistan.
l On 31 July 1986, it was reported that the PM of Pakistan and
the PM of France had decided to end the dispute over the 1976
contract to supply Pakistan with a reprocessing plant.
l On 14 July 1987, a Canadian citizen of Pakistani origin was ar-
rested on charges of trying to export fissile material to Pakistan.
(Box 6.2 Contd)
52
Ibid.
53
Albright 1987: 30–31.
54
Ibid.: 30–31.
(Box 6.2 Contd)
l On 17 July 1987, the US indicted two Americans and a Hong

Kong businessman for illegally exporting to Pakistan sophisti-
cated instruments and advanced computer equipment that
could be used to make nuclear weapons.
l On 28 July 1987, a retired general from Pakistan was indicted
in the US for a conspiracy to obtain nuclear-related material in
the US.
l On 17 December 1987, a man was convicted in the US on charges
of attempting to illegally export beryllium to Pakistan. Trans
Nuclear (TRAN) of the FRG may have been involved in
shipping weapons grade plutonium from Belgium to Libya
and Pakistan.
l On 19 January 1988, the IAEA denied a report that Libya and
Pakistan obtained weapons-grade plutonium from the nuclear
plants in the FRG and Belgium.
l On 21 January 1988, reports claimed that materials suitable
for nuclear bombs were smuggled out of Hanau plants in the
FRG, Libya and Pakistan.
l On 21 March 1989, the FRG news magazine Stern reported that
more than 70 FRG firms had helped Pakistan develop an atomic
bomb and that FRG officials ignored intelligence reports about
strategic exports related to the project.
l On 21 April 1989, two small FRG companies admitted to sup-
plying nuclear weapons related materials to Pakistan.
Source: Subrahmanyam 1990b.
By the end of the 1990s, Pakistan was not only ready with the
bomb, but had even sent out ‘feelers’ to the world in this regard.
In 1990, the former Vice Chief of Staff, General Arif said in an inter-
view to the BBC, ‘Nuclear proliferation has already occurred in
South Asia. The atomic weapons are there. You cannot deny their
existence because you refuse to look at them.’55 Another indication
came from Shaharyar Khan, who in an interview to The Washington
Post, stated that Pakistan had the capability to assemble at least
one nuclear device.56 This was soon followed by an official clari-
fication given by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs,
55
Babar 1992.
56
See Khan 1992.
Pakistan 291
Mohammad Siddique Kanju, who stated that Pakistan neither

possessed a nuclear explosive device nor had any intention of
making one.57 This was perhaps done intentionally to maintain a
certain ambiguity about the nuclear programme. By the early 1990s,
Pakistan’s diplomats began claiming nuclear capability. In Feb-
ruary 1992, Foreign Secretary, Shaharyar Khan said in an interview
in Washington that ‘the capability (nuclear) is there’. He added
that his country possessed ‘elements which if put together would
become a device.’58 He confirmed that these included ‘cores’
fashioned from HEU. Soon after this, Abida Hussain, Pakistan’s
Ambassador to the US, addressing George Washington University,
said that Pakistan ‘borrowed and stole in the face of difficulty’ to
acquire nuclear weapons. ‘Nuclear weapons are a symbol of power
and we are not willing to deny ourselves a symbol of power …
I am proud to represent a Government which had decided to
tell the truth ….’59 In March 1987, General Zia told Time that
you can use it (the atomic device) for military purposes also. We
have never said we are incapable of this. We said we have neither
the intention nor the desire …. You can virtually write today that
Pakistan can build a (nuclear) bomb whenever it wishes. What is
difficult about a bomb? Once you have acquired the technology,
which Pakistan has, you can do whatever you like.60
In July 1988, he told a delegation from the Carnegie Endowment

that ‘the present nuclear programme of India and Pakistan has a
lot of ambiguities and therefore in the eyes of each other they have
reached a particular level, and that level is good enough to create
an impression of deterrence.’61 Next, in October 1989, the army
chief Gen Mirza Aslam Beg stated that ‘both the nuclear option
and the missiles (that Pakistan is developing) act as deterrence;
and these in turn contribute to the total fighting ability of the army,
which acts a deterrent to the enemy.’62
57
The Muslim 1992.
58
Shaharyar Khan 1992. See also The New York Times 1992b.
59
Cited in Kargil Review Committee 2000: 194.
60
Doerner 1987: 42.
61
Spector 1990: 100.
62
Beg 1989.
There is evidence that suggests that Washington knew that

Pakistan had acquired nuclear weapons capability. When the US
was aiding Afghan mujahideens against the Soviet Union through
Pakistan, it was well aware of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons pro-
gramme, its intentions and the capability of Pakistan to produce
nuclear weapons.63 Not only was the US aware of Pakistan’s aims
and potential for nuclear weapons production, but was also well
aware of China’s cooperation with Pakistan on the issue.64 A former
US intelligence analyst, Richard Barlow, said, ‘There was never
any meaningful freeze on the Pakistani program from 1987 for-
ward.’65 As Richard Kerr, a CIA official, most authoritatively and
credibly said: ‘[S]ince 1987 the United States had believed that
Pakistan possessed either a nuclear explosive device or all the un-
assembled components to make one.’66 A Pakistani source, Gen
Mirza Aslam Beg, admitted that Pakistan had attained nuclear
capability in 1987.67
1990 SPRING CRISIS : HOW REAL ?
The 29 March 1993 issue of the New Yorker carried a sensational

article by Seymour M. Hersh, titled ‘On the Nuclear Edge.’ Basing
his article on US intelligence sources and interviews with CIA
officials Robert Gates and Richard Kerr, Hersh claimed that in the
spring of 1990, India and Pakistan came close to a nuclear exchange.
Richard Kerr sounded the loudest alarm: ‘There’s no question in
my mind that we were right on the edge … the intelligence com-
munity believed that without some intervention the two parties
could miscalculate and miscalculation could lead to a nuclear
63
In one of its briefing papers, the US Department of State noted, ‘there is un-
ambiguous evidence that Pakistan is actively pursuing a nuclear weapons
development program. Pakistan’s near term goal evidently is to have a nuclear
test capability, enabling it to explode a nuclear device’ (Department of State, US
1983).
64
The US Department of State paper also noted that ‘China has provided assist-
ance to Pakistan’s program to develop a nuclear weapons capability. Over the
past several years, China and Pakistan have maintained contacts in the nuclear
field (ibid.).
65
Quoted in Hersh 1993.
66
Quoted in Reiss 1995: 188.
67
Beg 1994.
Pakistan 293
exchange.’68 The Hersh article raked up a controversy in the US,

India and Pakistan, with scholars questioning Hersh’s facts.
The situation was exacerbated by actions that were misinter-
preted on both sides. In December 1989, separatists escalated their
operations against the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan’s
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), taking advantage of the reservoir
of discontent in the valley of Kashmir, redirected fundamentalist
Islamic groups from Afghanistan to Kashmir. To curb cross-border
terrorism, India stepped up border patrolling along the line of
control. At the same time, military exercises were held in Rajasthan
with greater visibility. This action sent a threat signal to Islamabad
which was recovering from the after-effects of Operation Brass-
tacks (1986–87). This prompted Pakistan to respond by sending
more armoury close to the international border. Thus, a cycle of
action–reaction, domestic political posturing and a chain of
miscommunication was launched, leading to misinter-pretation
of events by both sides.
The situation in Kashmir started deteriorating. As the US ap-
pealed for calm, ‘Indian officials discussed pre-emptive strikes
against training camps in Pakistan.’69 India and Pakistan both had
weak leaders—V.P. Singh (India), Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan)—and
Ambassador Oakley was concerned that the two prime ministers
did not have the personal authority or control needed to rein in their
respective military establishments.70 It may have been possible that
68
Quoted in Hersh 1993: 66. The following are the highlights of Hersh’s case:
(a) In the early spring of 1990 US intelligence showed that Pakistan had assembled
nuclear bombs; (b) some US intelligence officials believed that the Kahuta plant
had been evacuated. The general inference was that Pakistan was preparing for
a retaliatory strike on India; (c) in May a convoy of trucks under heavy security
left a storage depot in Baluchistan and drove to an air force base where F-16s
were stationed. The inference was that the trucks were carrying nuclear weapons
to the F-16s. The F-16s were ready to launch on command and were presumed to
deliver nuclear weapons.
69
Ambassadors Oakley and W. Clark had the following exchange during a
February 1994 on-the-record round table meeting at the Henry L. Stimson Center.
Oakley said, ‘General Sharma was threatening to take out the training camps
and saying that it was time to teach Pakistan a lesson, put these upstarts in their
place once and for all.’ Clark responded, ‘A boot up their backside I think he
called it’ (Cited in Krepon and Faruqee 1997).
70
Oakley is quoted by Hersh as saying, ‘I began to scream that what’s going
to happen is Brasstacks all over again ... and this time they won’t stop’ (Hersh
1993: 64–65).
elements within the government were exerting pressure on the

weak leadership for spectacular results.
In May 1990, Robert Gates with Richard Haass and John Kelly
flew to South Asia to try and defuse the crisis. Gates tried to explain
to the Pakistanis that continuous support to terrorism would compel
Indians to target terrorist training camps in Pakistan-administered
Kashmir. This would force Pakistan to respond, perhaps for domes-
tic political reasons. Knowing that India had a conventional force
advantage, Pakistan would then use nuclear weapons not as a last
resort, but early on in the conflict. During the next few days, the
foreign secretaries of the two states deflected the two sides away
from a possible conflict.
Some Indian analysts have sought to belittle the crisis as both
countries were restrained by the realisation that war would be
economically unsustainable. The prevalent internal situation also
effectively checked what some outsiders considered a quick drift
towards war. Although Indians view the crisis with far less alarm,
a study in Pakistan does corroborate the American story.71 Pakistan
firmly believes that it was deterrence that worked in the 1990 spring
crisis.72 In a recent study, it was noted that
there seems to be a fundamental difference of opinion as to whether

or not nuclear weapons were actually brandished during the crisis.
The public statements by leaders on both sides were ambiguous,
71
Consider this passage: ‘0600 hours, 27 July 1990, the F-16 of Pakistan Air
Force took a dive to release the bomb under its belly, rose like a falcon and flew
away at full speed. When the bomb exploded in the air, 500 meters above the
ground, the aircraft was a small speck on the horizon, well beyond the shock
waves that would have been created by the bomb, had its core not been replaced
by a dummy. The aircraft had just completed the trial for ‘nuclear aerial device’
culminating 8 months [of] long exercise by PAFC and PAD to perfect the delivery
of a nuclear weapon by aircraft’ (Ur-Rehman 1999).
72
The paper by Shahi et al. (1999) states that: ‘The third crisis (Pakistan believes
this was the third crisis, the others being in the mid-1980s when Punjab was in
turmoil and the 1986–87 Brasstacks exercise) during which the spectre of a nuclear
war arose was in April–May 1990. It was precipitated by reports that, unnerved
by the mass uprising for freedom in occupied Kashmir, Indian GHQ had
recommended air raids on training camps allegedly established in Azad Kashmir.
Such aggressive action, American analysts concluded, would provoke a Pakistani
response with a high probability of escalation to general war in which Pakistan,
unable to defend its territory by conventional means, would be forced to use the
Pakistan 295
yet there remains the suspicion that a nuclear threshold of one sort
or another was crossed, and while there is no hard evidence, the
behaviour of some of the decision-makers (especially the Indian
Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister) would indicate that they
were persuaded (whether by Yaqub Khan, or by other actions or
statements is unclear) that a war with Pakistan was quite likely,
and that it might be a nuclear war.73
It was the first time that the two South Asian neighbours came
close to a nuclear exchange. Since Pakistan believed it was deter-
rence that worked, it was imperative to examine the crisis in some
detail. Having got the technology to make the bomb, it had to
acquire a carry system to deliver the weapon. This has both doc-
trinal and operational implications. Pakistan considered the
nuclear option as balancing Indian conventional superiority and
this translated operationally into a hunt for a delivery system.
Ì PAKISTANS MISSILE DEVELOPMENT

Pakistan set up a Space and Upper Atmosphere Research Com-
mission (SUPARCO) as early as 1961. By 1970, this commission
had developed the capability to fabricate rocket motors from raw
materials. It now has a solid fuel manufacturing plant and main-
tains an instrument development facility and rocket testing range.
Pakistan began its surface-to-surface ballistic missile programme
in the early 1980s with the development of the Hatf I and Hatf II.
The Hatf I has an estimated range of 80 km with a 500 kg payload.
The Hatf II has a 300 km range with payload of 500 g. Reports of
possible M-9 or M-11 sales to Pakistan from China started ap-
pearing in 1987–88.74 Following the contract for its sale to Pakistan
in February 1991, China had begun delivering M-11 transporter-
erector-launchers to Pakistan.75 Even the US Defense Department
weapon of last resort. So grave was the concern that the United States President
sent Robert Gates as his personal emissary to Pakistan and India on a successful
mission of preventive diplomacy in April.’
73
Chari et al. 2003: 135.
74
Jacobs and McCarthy 1992.
75
Ibid.
reported that China had delivered M-11 missiles to Pakistan, to-

gether with inert (dummy) warheads for missile handling and
launch training.76
The Bush Sr Administration, sensing a threat to the Missile Tech-
nology Control Regime (MTCR), announced that it would impose
missile-related economic sanctions on China in three areas: (a) US
companies were not allowed to sell missile technology to the China
Great Wall Industry Corporation (CGWIC) and the China Precision
Machinery Import–Export Corporation (CPMIEC) because of their
involvement in the M-11 sale.77 In a testimony to the Congress, US
Secretary of State James Baker said, ‘We think sending M-11s to
Pakistan would constitute grave threats to the region and could
have bilateral consequences.’78 In fact, the early 1990s saw the US
making more efforts to save the MTCR than try to curb missile
proliferation. The 1991 Beijing trip only resulted in getting a verbal
commitment from the Chinese not to export M-9s to Syria and
M-11s to Pakistan.79 There were reports of Chinese assistance to
Pakistan’s missile programme again in early 1992 when China
delivered the guidance units to Pakistan for the M-11 missiles.80
Later that year, The Los Angeles Times reported that the Chinese
shipped about 24 M-11 missiles to Pakistan. The newspaper evi-
dence, based on US intelligence reports, claimed that the Chinese
missiles were unloaded at the Karachi port. In India, it was accepted
that the M-11 missiles were stored at Pakistan’s Sargodha air force
base. Clearing all doubts on the M-11 transfer, Gen Mirza Aslam
Beg said,
As regards the M-11 missile system that Pakistan is acquiring from

China, it is covered within the six nation agreement on Missile Tech-
nology Control to which China is a signatory. The missile has a range
of less than 300 kilometres and is not capable of carrying a nuclear
warhead.81
76
Ibid.
77
Kennedy Jr 1996.
78
79
China argued that the range of M-11 was less than 200 km and under the
permissible limit of MTCR.
80
The New York Times 1992a.
81
Beg 1992.
Pakistan 297
Within a week, the Chinese Major General Yang Guo Ping led a
five-member military delegation to Pakistan to discuss issues of
mutual interest.82 It is a different matter that on 2 December 1992
the USA lifted missile-related sanctions on China.
The then COAS, Gen Mirza Aslam Beg, announced on 5 Feb-
ruary 1989 that Pakistan had successfully developed the Hatf-I
and Hatf-II SSMs based on French sounding rocket technology,
which had a range/payload of 90 km/500 kg and 300 km/500 kg,
respectively. The Hatf-I and II remained unguided rockets for quite
some time as suitable on-board guidance packages and the tests
conducted on these repeatedly failed. By 1991, the Chinese had be-
gun directly transferring M-11 SRBMs (300 km/800 kg) to Pakistan
and 84 of these had been transferred by 1994. The 155 Composite
Rocket Regiment of the Second Army Artillery Division, Attock,
soon got them. There are also reports that some missiles are located
at Samungli (Quetta).83
The MTCR continued to be the only international norm that
governed such transfers and was still under negotiation.84 China
continued to claim that the MTCR did not cover the M-11 because
it had a 280 km range and carried a 800 kg payload. The US argued
that the payload could be reduced to give the missile a greater
MTCR restricted range.85 On 10 May 1995, the US Secretary of State,
Warren Christopher and the Chinese Foreign Minister, Qian Qichen
signed the Joint United States–People’s Republic of China state-
ment on Missile Proliferation in which China promised not to ‘ex-
port ground-to-ground missiles featuring the primary parameters
of the MTCR.’86 However, the missiles and their components con-
tinued to be transferred, and by mid-1996, Pakistan had deployed
them.87
The Chinese further assisted Pakistan in the construction of a
factory to build MRBMs near Islamabad. The CPMIEC provided
Pakistan with gyroscopes, assessor-meters, on-board computers
82
Yang Guo Ping 1992.
83
JIC 1993.
84
The MTCR is not an international agreement and has no legal authority.
It is a set of voluntary guidelines which seek to control the transfer of missiles
that are inherently capable of carrying a 500 kg payload to at least 300 km.
85
Wolfsthal 1993.
86
Ibid.
87
Gertz 1996.
and other missile-related equipment for the M-11 missile. The US

believed that this factory had the capability to manufacture key
missile components based on M-11 within two years.88 The Depart-
ment of Defense report of 1997 clearly stated that ‘China remains
Pakistan’s principal supplier of missile related technology and as-
sistance.’89 In July 1997, Pakistan announced a test of the 800 km
Hatf III. In addition, Pakistan relied heavily on Chinese assistance
to modify the missiles to permit the use of conventional warheads
and possibly even chemical warheads.90 (See Map 6.1 for Pakistan’s
nuclear estate.)
In the Senate testimony on 11 June 1998, Dr Gordon Oehler said,
[I]n the early 1990s the Chinese began an effort to provide Pakistan
with nuclear capable ballistic missile technologies and even com-
plete missiles. In 1990, the intelligence community detected the
transfer to Pakistan of a training M-11 ballistic missile and associated
transporter-erector-launcher, indicating that operational missiles
were not far behind … with this information the US imposed cat-
egory II sanctions against China and Pakistan in 1991 … however
in 1992, less than eight months later [and after the US had lifted the
MTCR related sanctions] the Chinese delivered 34 M-11s to Pakistan
… this led to a second sanctions … since late 1992 China has not
transferred complete MTCR covered missiles to any country. Instead
it has concentrated on transferring production technologies and
components. Production technologies and components are also
covered under the MTCR, but they are easier to hide, or can be
claimed to be from non-MTCR-related systems.91
THE SILENT PARTNER: DPRK
On 6 April 1998, Pakistan successfully tested a new medium-range

surface-to-surface Ghauri missile (with a range of 1,500 km). While
the world in general and the US in particular focused attention on
the Chinese nuclear and missile assistance to Pakistan, their
remains an invisible partner in Pakistan’s journey to developing
missile capabilities—the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
(DPRK).
88
The US Department of Defense confirmed the construction of this facility.
See Department of Defense, US 1997b.
89
Ibid.
90
91
Ibid.
Pakistan 299
Map Ë 6.1
Pakistan’s Nuclear Estate

The military and political relationship between Pakistan and

DPRK goes back to the early 1970s, when after the dismemberment
of Pakistan and in its quest for security Pakistan established formal
diplomatic relations with the DPRK. This was in reciprocation of
the military assistance that DPRK had provided during September–
December 1971.92 This military assistance continued all through the
1970s, with DPRK providing artillery ammunition, multiple rocket
launchers and spares. The July 1977 coup by Zia-ul-Haq saw mili-
tary cooperation being allowed to lapse.
In the 1980s, the Iran–Iraq war became the basis for renewed
Pakistan–DPRK missile cooperation. Both Pakistan and DPRK
provided military and political assistance to Iran. DPRK gave Iran
160 Scud Bs (known as Hwasong 5 in DPRK) missiles as well as
other components. It was during the war that the first-known
ballistic missile contacts between Pakistan and DPRK occurred,
as engineers and advisors from both countries worked on Iran’s
missile programme.93 Examples of this cooperation include the
DPRK sale of milling and drilling equipment to Pakistan; cooper-
ative covert programmes to acquire nuclear and missile technol-
ogies from Germany; and Pakistani provision of nuclear technology
to DPRK.94
With Benazir Bhutto coming to power in 1988, official support
for the Sino-Pak missile and nuclear cooperation and Pak-DPRK
missile cooperation was renewed. This led to a visit by Pakistani
officials to the Sanum-dong missile development centre to exam-
ine the No-dong.95 In August 1992, DPRK Deputy Premier, Foreign
Minister Kim Yong-Nam travelled to Syria, Iran and Pakistan to
discuss areas of mutual interest and cooperation. The Ghauri pro-
gramme is believed to have started in late 1993 or early 1994. In
December 1994, Benazir Bhutto travelled to China and DPRK, but
publicly denied seeking assistance for missile development.96 With
increasing US pressure on China, Pakistan was also looking for
alternate sources of missile cooperation. The DPRK would serve
as a conduit for a portion of PRC assistance and provide hardware
92
Welles 1971.
93
Bermudez Jr 1998.
94
Milholin 1990.
95
Bermudez Jr 1998.
96
See Rajain 2002g.
Pakistan 301
and components from its No-dong and Taep-o-dong programmes.97

In April 1994, a delegation of the DPRK Foreign Ministry travelled
to Iran and Pakistan.98 In November 1995, a DPRK military dele-
gation led by Choe Kwang, Vice Chairman of the National Defence
Commission, Minister of the People’s Armed Forces travelled to
Pakistan. This delegation had meetings with Pakistan’s President,
Sardar Leghari, Defence Minister, Aftab Shaban Mirani, chairman
of joint chiefs of staff and various other defence personnel. Choe
is believed to have visited the missile-related production facility
in Faisalabad and even Jhelum (the area from where Ghauri was
subsequently launched)99 to finalise deals to provide Pakistan
either with major components or a modified No-dong missile.100
On 25 June 1999, Indian customs officials detained a North
Korean freighter allegedly bound for Malta. The ship, named Ku
Wol-San, was carrying precision machine tools used in missile pro-
duction. According to Indian sources, the machinery was intended
for the construction of a missile production facility at Fatehjung in
Pakistan.101 The ship declared that after off-loading 13,000 metric
tonnes of sugar at Kandla, India, it was scheduled to carry 177 ton-
nes of machinery to Malta. However, the actual cargo included:
1. Heavy duty press and lathe for flattening and milling sheets of
metal.
2. Heavy plate-bending machine capable of shaping 16 mm thick
sheets of metal into 700 mm diameter rocket motor casings. The
bending machine can also be used to manufacture rocket nozzle
cones and body structures.
3. ‘Torroidal’ air bottles used for guidance corrections once the war-
head has separated from the missile.
4. Two sets of ‘theodolides’—devices used to align a missile with
its launch pad.
5. Sensitive electronic weighing machines and soldering devices.
6. Forged steel bars (1.5 mm thick) common in missile construction.
7. Water purification machinery used to produce water capable of
washing missile cones.
97
Ibid.
98
KCNA (Pyongyang) 1994.
99
Pyongyang Korean Central Broadcasting Network 1995; Pyongyang Korean Central
Television Network 1995.
100
Bermudez Jr 1998.
101
Gupta 1999.
There is a growing concern that Pakistan may be supplying nu-

clear weapons technology to North Korea in exchange of missile
technology.102
On 6 April 1998 Pakistan declared that it had tested a new bal-
listic missile—Ghauri. The range of the test was given as 1,100 km
and it was apparently fired from a transporter-creator-launcher;
it was very likely a single-stage liquid fuelled missile available
only through government sources. David Wright concludes, ‘the
available information appears to be consistent with a missile that
uses technology and a configuration similar to No-dong, but which
is smaller than No-dong.’103 It is possible that DPRK did not provide
a complete missile, but instead provided major components. The
technology Pakistan uses for Hatf I and Hatf II missiles is believed
to be premised on solid fuel based on French sounding rockets;
this may have led to indigenous technology development used in
the Ghauri. DPRK is believed to be developing a two-stage missile
with a range of 1,500–2,000 km that may use the No-dong as the
first stage and a send engine in the second stage. Wright concludes
that the information given in press reports about the Ghauri flight
is compatible with the missile being liquid fuelled and using a
cluster of four send engines, as does North Korea’s No-dong missile.
However, the missile appears to be somewhat smaller and have
a shorter range that the No-dong. This confirms assertions that
North Korea did not transfer a complete missile, and supports
Pakistani claims that it was an indigenous design, ‘albeit one that
drew heavily on foreign technology, and expertise.’104 If Pakistan
uses the same technology, we may get the reported 2,000 km range
Ghaznavi.105
There was some debate over the Ghauri test initially, regarding
whether Pakistan would risk testing an unproven missile over
populated areas without issuing an alert. The Indian radars that
constantly monitor Pakistan air space were unable to detect the
launch.106 The US believes that a test did take place, although the
102
Mohan 1999a.
103
Wright 1998.
104
Ibid.
105
CDISS 1998.
106
Of course, some commentators and ‘experts’ were quick to point out the
weakness of the Indian surveillance system when it was argued that Indian radars
may be optimised to detect aircraft.
Pakistan 303
range is still under debate. Moreover, US officials reportedly be-

lieved that the Ghauri missile is liquid fuelled and based on tech-
nology obtained from North Korea.107 Following the test, the US
imposed sanctions against a North Korean company (Changgwang
Sinyonga Corporation) and Pakistan’s Khan Research Laboratories.108
Apparently, the US believed that the evidence of such a transfer
was strong enough to impose sanctions.
Several days after the 6 April test, Pakistan announced that it
was working on a more capable ballistic missile—the Ghaznavi with
a range of 2,000 km. ‘This new system will likely incorporate both
technology and components from the Taepo-dong programs and
the PRC.’109
There have been various instances over the last decade showing
that the Pakistan–DPRK relationship is not limited to just one time
assistance but encompasses numerous missile, nuclear and defence
areas.110 In March 1996, a DPRK cargo ship Chon Sung was detained
by Taiwanese authorities for incorrectly declaring 15 tonnes (200
barrels) of ammonia per chlorate (a component used in solid rocket
fuels). This was being shipped to Pakistan’s SUPARCO.111 Pakistan
has in turn provided DPRK access to Western technology procured
clandestinely. DPRK has been denied Western technology for long
and perhaps thought fit to take Pakistan’s assistance in this regard.
It is likely that the DPRK’s No-dong and Taep-o-dong programmes
have also benefited from access to various PRC technologies that
had previously been unavailable to it and Pakistan may have fa-
cilitated that process in return for DPRK’s missile cooperation. In
July 2001, American intelligence agencies tracked a Pakistani
cargo aircraft as it landed at a North Korean airfield and took on a
secret payload: ballistic missile parts made by North Korea.112 The
shipment was brazen enough, in full view of US spy satellites. But
intelligence officials who described the incident say that the trans-
port was also an embarrassment to Washington: the Pakistani
107
Weiner 1998.
108
Rajghatta 1998a, 1998b.
109
Bermudez Jr. 1998.
110
Koch 1997.
111
KBS-1 (Pyongyang) 1996.
112
Sanger 2002.
plane was a Lockheed-built C-130 made in the United States.113

In November 2002, soon after North Korea declared that it had a
nuclear bomb, the non-proliferation community was rife with spe-
culation as to the origins of this bomb. Pakistan’s name figured
highest on the list of potential proliferators.114 The New York Times,
citing ‘current senior American officials’ said,
The equipment, which may include gas centrifuges used to create

weapons-grade uranium, appears to have been part of a barter deal
beginning in the late 1990s in which North Korea supplied Pakistan
with missiles it could use to counter India’s nuclear arsenal [they]
said. ‘What you have here’, said one official familiar with the intel-
ligence, ‘is a perfect meeting of interests—the North had what the
Pakistanis needed, and the Pakistanis had a way for Kim Jong II to
restart a nuclear program we had stopped’.115
113
Ibid. For a perspective from Pakistan on this, see Haqqani 2002. He says,
‘Pakistan’s status as a key ally of the United States in the war against terrorism
has not protected it from allegations of secretly supplying North Korea with
uranium enrichment equipment and technical expertise in exchange for ballistic
missile technology. Pakistan’s military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, described
the charge as “absolutely baseless”. Secretary of State Colin Powell and National
Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice said they believed him, although they refused
to say in absolute terms that there had never been Pakistani–North Korean co-
operation. So far, no evidence has surfaced to confirm the allegations, but reports
on covert weapons programs are often based on intelligence leaks. U.S. media
reports have suggested that there may have been some exchange of technology
under one of Pakistan’s shaky civilian regimes that preceded Musharraf. Most
Pakistanis are outraged over the charges that their country periodically faces,
ranging from allegations of covert support of terrorists to accusations about
Pakistan’s nuclear and missile program.’ Also see in this context, Masood Haider
2002. He reports, ‘US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, said on Sunday that
Pakistan has assured that no nuclear technology has been supplied to North
Korea by it, nor will be in the future. He said that a 1994 US agreement with
North Korea to freeze its nuclear weapons programme was effectively nullified
after Pyongyang admitted violating the deal. Powell told NBC news programme
“Meet the Press” that he talked to Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf on Friday
and “he gave me 400 per cent assurance” that Pakistan has not supplied any
nuclear know-how to North Korea. Asked about the past cooperation between
the two countries, Powell said: “I cannot talk about the past; what is important
is present.” He added, “Musharraf knows what the consequences of their actions
will be.”’
114
Sanger and Dao 2002.
115
Ibid.
Pakistan 305
There were selected leaks from the American media as Pakistan

was once again branded as ‘the most dangerous place on earth’,
shattering ‘the Bush administration’s efforts to paint that country
as a flawed but well-meaning member of the coalition against
terror’.116 On the other hand, North Korea’s sudden admission that
it has a secret uranium-based nuclear weapons programme is
a fine example of Pyongyang’s famous ‘judo diplomacy’—sharp
negotiating turns designed to extract concessions from a surprised
opponent.117
In February 2004 media reports started appearing from all across
the world, especially the Western media, about Dr A.Q. Khan’s
nuclear commerce. Initial investigation revealed that Dr Khan and
some other scientists were involved in transferring nuclear tech-
nology from Pakistan to other states, including DPRK, Libya and
Iran. In a meeting of the National Command Authority in early
February 2004, it became clear that ‘sensitive information regarding
the nuclear technology went out of the country in which Dr Abdul
Qadeer and some other scientists were involved.’118 On 5 February
2004, coming under intense pressure, Dr A.Q. Khan confessed to
the illegal trade, spoke to President General Musharraf, requested
clemency during a one-hour meeting with him, appeared on national
television and sought forgiveness from the nation. The Pakistani
cabinet, as expected, pardoned him.119 This, of course, left several
questions unanswered and implied that he might have been forced
to take the fall120 for the more powerful military leaders, who many
believe were secretly behind the technology transfers.121 As an author
has argued, ‘when a dictatorship claims nuclear peddling occurred
116
Hoagland 2002.
117
Rajain 2002g.
118
Jang 2004. See also in this context, Rohde 2004a, 2004b; Broad 2004; and
Broad et al. 2004. The Pakistani nuclear network forced the IAEA head,
Mohammed El Baradei, to warn that ‘the world could be headed for destruction
if it does not stop the spread of nuclear weapons technology, which has become
widely accessible’ (See The Washington Post 2004).
119
The Nation 2004a.
120
The New York Times 2004a.
121
See The Nation 2004b; The New York Times 2004b. With a view to stopping
future proliferation activities, the US President George Bush proposed a seven-
point plan to make it far more difficult to sell nuclear equipment in the black
market, declaring that the United States must ‘prevent governments from
developing nuclear weapons under false pretenses’ (See Sanger 2004).
without its knowledge, the dangers of leakage and seizure of nu-

clear assets by Islamist elements becomes starkly real.’122 Over the
years, Pakistan has been quite brazen in its approach to inter-
national non-proliferation regimes. For instance, Khan Research
Laboratories (KRL) have held international workshops on ‘Ad-
vanced Materials’ or ‘Vibrations in Rapidly Rotating Machinery’.123
The nuclear weapons programme and individuals associated with
it have brought international opprobrium to Pakistan. 124
India has monitored the North Korea–Pakistan link for a long
time. In a question that was raised in the Lok Sabha on ‘whether
China and North Korea are providing assistance to Pakistan in
building its nuclear capability’, the Minister of External Affairs,
Jaswant Singh answered,
It is established that North Korea has assisted Pakistan with long

range missiles, missile technology and components; Ghauri is a
Pakistani version of the North Korean ‘No-dong’ missile capable of
carrying nuclear warheads. Pakistan has also received nuclear cap-
able M-11 solid fuel missiles from China. It also acquired technology
and components related to the production of solid fuel missiles, in-
cluding from China. In the nuclear field, China has provided assist-
ance, inter alia, in setting up an unsafeguarded research reactor
and plutonium reprocessing facility, provided ring magnets for
Uranium enrichment, heavy water, diagnostic equipment, etc. It is
assessed that external assistance to Pakistan’s missiles and nuclear
programme is continuing.125
Ì TACIT NUCLEAR DOCTRINE

The excuse that the 1974 Indian test was the reason for Pakistan
deciding to follow the nuclear path is only half the truth. In fact, as
long ago as 1965, Ayub Khan had turned down Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s
122
Chellaney 2004.
123
For instance, the Khan Research Laboratories (KRL), Kahuta had called for
papers for the Eighth International Symposium on Advanced Materials. The
objective of the symposium was ‘to establish dialogue and long lasting, healthy
technical cooperation among the materials, scientists and engineers of the
developing and developed countries’ (See KRL 2003).
124
See in this context, Rajain 2004.
125
Lok Sabha 2000h.
Pakistan 307
plea for a Rs (Pak) 300 million reprocessing plant on the ground

that Pakistan’s economy could not bear such a heavy burden.126
According to Dr I.H. Usmani, the second Chairman of the Pakistan
Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC), Pakistan did not have the
necessary infrastructure at that time.127 Interestingly, there seems
to have been no connection at that time with any Indian pro-
gramme or threat. The only argument that can be appreciated is
that of prestige—of being the first Islamic nation to have the bomb.
Pakistan knew of its technological deficiency, but realised that
with the Cold War going on, getting such technology would not
be difficult. In 1969, Bhutto had written,
All wars of our age have become total wars and it will have to be
assumed that a war waged against Pakistan is capable of becoming
a total war. It would be dangerous to plan for less and our plans should,
therefore, include a nuclear deterrent.128
Like any other statesman, Bhutto too wanted to move with the times
and the development of nuclear weapons. The timing of these state-
ments lends credence to the argument that Pakistan entertained
ambitions of becoming a nuclear state. Bhutto was not the chief
decision maker in the 1960s; hence, after coming to power in
December 1971, he convened a meeting of Pakistan’s top scientists
and asked them, ‘we are going to have a bomb—can you give it to
me?’129 Of course, on 18 May 1974, India tested a device which it
claimed was a Peaceful Nuclear Explosion, and this provided a
rationale for Pakistan to firm up not just a nuclear weapons
programme, but later on, a delivery system for a nuclear weapon.
Having established the technology, tested the device and re-
ceived the means to deliver nuclear weapons, Pakistan had to enun-
ciate a policy to use them. Pakistan has no official nuclear doctrine,
but it has been evolving one with inputs from all quarters, most
importantly, the army. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had said in 1968 that
Pakistan needed a nuclear deterrent. With the presence of the nu-
clear deterrent, the policy that began to be pursued was appro-
priate for the times.
126
Weisman and Krosney 1981.
127
Ibid.
128
Bhutto 1969: 153.
129
Cited in Weisman and Krosney 1981: 78.
One of the most significant inputs came from a serving army

officer, Brig S.K. Malik, who wrote The Quranic Concept of War130 in
the mid-1980s. Its significance lay in the fact that General Zia, the
then military ruler of Pakistan, wrote the preface to the book. In a
society that has seen four coups by the army, such an input from a
serving army officer becomes very important, as the army is the
most powerful organisation among the political institutions in the
country. To quote a paragraph from the book,
[W]hat ever the form or type of strategy directed against the enemy,
it must in order to be effective be capable of striking terror into the
hearts of the enemy. A strategy that fails to attain this condition
suffers from inherent drawbacks and weaknesses, and should be
reviewed and modified. This rule is fully applicable to nuclear as
well as conventional wars. It is equally true of the strategy of nuclear
deterrence in fashion today. To be credible and effective, the strategy
of deterrence must be capable of striking terror into the hearts of
the enemy.131
Though Pakistan did not have the required delivery systems to

maintain a credible deterrent and the nuclear programme was still
in the process of collecting the technology and equipment, some
thinking into crucial issues according to General Zia firmly linked
the nuclear programme to military doctrine. Since Pakistan’s nu-
clear option has been expressly designed to contain India, one test
more than India was enough to assuage domestic alarm and
political pressures.132
THE FINAL ARBITER: THE ARMY
At the time of independence, Pakistan was woefully short of officers,

especially those that had staff and senior command experience.133
To overcome this deficit, the government decided to retain 355 offi-
cers from the British forces, and additionally requested 129 officers
130
Malik 1986.
131
Ibid.: 60.
132
For a perceptive analysis of public opinion surveys and views of opinion
makers, see Kamal 1999.
133
Pakistan had only one major general, two brigadiers and six colonels at the
time of its independence, against the requirement of 13 generals, 40 brigadiers
and 53 colonels (Khan 1963).
Pakistan 309
from England.134 The military has also expanded its role in the
economy by being active in business and industry. There are, as
Rizvi says,135 three categories of commercial interests that the mili-
tary nurtures: those directly under the administrative control of
the army chief,136 those looked after by the Defence Production
Division of the Ministry of Defence but headed by serving officers
appointed by the army chief,137 and the four charitable trusts that
generate funds for the welfare of retired army personnel and their
families.138
Islam has been integral to Pakistani military ideology. It has been
repeatedly invoked during the wars in 1965 and 1971 to infuse a
spirit of ‘attack on religion’ and to galvanise soldiers and civilians
into action for the defence of the country. This is reflected in the calls
for Iman (faith), Taqwa (piety and abstinence), Jihad-fi-sibilillah (holy
war in the name of God) or its most recent avatar, Jihad (holy war).
Apart from constitutional issues, the legitimacy problem of the
military is more acute than it seems. As Muthiah Allagappa says,
‘it lies in the military’s distaste for politics, distrust of politicians,
preference for stability, order, and efficiency, lack of linkage to
political and civil societies, and its unwillingness to accommodate
change.’139 He further says, ‘all these attributes contribute to the
military’s inability to construct an acceptable political framework
for the management of the state, including the acquisition and exer-
cise of state power.’140
The Pakistan army, which has played a more important role in
Pakistan’s politics than any other institution, has always followed
the ‘offensive defence’ doctrine. This doctrine has all the necessary
134
Rizvi 2000.
135
Ibid.: 236.
136
These include the Frontier Works Organisation, Special Communications
Organisation and the National Logistics Cell. Ibid.
137
These include the Pakistan Ordinance factories (POF) and several defence
production facilities, like the Aeronautical Complex, Kamara and several ancillary
units. Ibid.
138
These include the Fauji Foundation and the Army Welfare Trust. There
were originally three agencies: the Welfare Directorate, the Post-war Reconstruction
Fund and the Armed Services Boards, which were reorganised and their functions
reassigned. Ibid.
139
Alagappa 2001b: 51.
140
Ibid.: 51.
ingredients of the Quranic concept of war. It was Gen Mirza Aslam

Beg, the former Chief of Army Staff, who in 1988 (the same year
that Zarb-e-Momin was created) said, ‘In the past we were pur-
suing a defensive policy: now there is a big change since we are
shifting to a policy of offensive defence.’ He further added, ‘should
there be a war, the Pakistan army plans to take war into India
launching a sizeable offensive into the Indian territory.’141 The
massive military, Zarb-e-Momin, was essentially meant to test
Pakistan’s new ‘offensive defence’ doctrine.142 At the same time, the
synchronisation of the military doctrine with the nuclear option
was taking place. To cite General Beg again, ‘both the nuclear option
and the missile act as a deterrence and these in turn contribute to
the total fighting ability of the army which then acts as a deterrent
to the enemy.’143
In another interview, General Beg spoke at length about the
establishment of a nuclear command as early the 1970s according
to which the National Nuclear Command Authority (NNCA) would
control the country’s nuclear button. The NNCA was established
in the 1970s, and is based in the army’s general headquarters in
Rawalpindi at the Joint Operations Centre, and the highest political
functionary heads the chain of command. The decision-making
body comprises the president, prime minister, the army chief and
three other people.144 It is interesting to note that Pakistan had just
started entertaining thoughts of acquiring nuclear weapons in the
early 1970s, and it is difficult to believe that it immediately set up
a nuclear command and control structure. Further, nuclear com-
mand and control is the last thing an adversary should know about,
and by revealing it, General Beg was not helping the cause. Besides,
command and control is a dynamic process depending on the
politico-strategic environment, as well as on the available delivery
systems, that is, the way a country would react in times of crises.
This story then seems to be ‘planted’, perhaps for an international
audience. And, finally, Pakistan did establish a command and
control structure some months after it had tested to assure the
world that civilian command obtained over nuclear weapons.
141
Beg 1989: 770.
142
Hussain 1989.
143
Beg 1989: 779.
144
Rashid 1994.
Pakistan 311
At this time there was no mention of a structure, existing or a new

one replacing it.
Since Pakistan’s independence, there have been a number of
changes in the political establishment, and the country has oscil-
lated between democracy and dictatorship. One institution that
has remained powerful at all times is the army.
The Pakistan army, which was formed in 1947, inherited a train-
ing system dependent on the British, with paucity of stores, training
institutions and catering for the security needs of a country that
had just been created.145 Since Pakistan is an Islamic state, the army
too was exposed to Islamic principles and practices. That the army
is clearly a very powerful force in Pakistan’s polity is evident from
the number of coups the country has witnessed after 1947. Hasan-
Askari Rizvi has sought to explain this phenomenon of the military’s
constant intervention in politics, and concludes that the failure of
civilians ‘to keep a balance between the diverse forces working in
the political system’ caused this problem.146 Another argument that
looks at the army’s view argues that ‘It had been a series of vicious
circles for successive Pakistani governments. Internal instability
goaded the leadership to shift emphasis upon foreign policy,
which … led to further instability.’147 The official history of the
Pakistan army which focuses on the evolution of the military trad-
ition from Muslim rulers, claims that the officers and men of the
army are descended ‘from the men who fought Alexander the
Great … who established the first Muslim stronghold in India and
who campaigned in the days of the great Mughal Emperors helping
to conquer and stabilise nearly the whole of the subcontinent.’148
Distortions of this nature have had an important role in shaping
the perceptions of Pakistanis in general and military men in par-
ticular.149 The army, therefore, feels that its responsibility lies in
not just defending the border but also in assisting during ‘crises’ in
145
For one of the best accounts on the Pakistan army, see Stephen P. Cohen
1989.
146
He further adds, ‘If the civilian institutions are not capable of asserting
themselves on the military, the military by virtue of its qualities dominates the
civil institutions. Therefore, it is the root which must be cured first’ (Rizvi
1976.: 296).
147
Ray 1975.
148
Khan 1963: 3.
149
Singh 1995.
the state, in general, and in governance, in particular.150 As Professor

Cohen has summed up,
[T]he Pakistan Army like any massive bureaucracy is constrained

by its own past. This heritage tells the army that intervention maybe
necessary and that it must be limited in scope and time; yet the
problems of diversity of Pakistani society and the slow growth of
what the military would regard as a community of responsible
politicians make it difficult to relinquish power. Once in power the
officer corps is tempted to tinker with the political system and adjust
it.151 Often the army has sought to safeguard its corporate interests.152
The fourth military takeover in October 1999,153 and the ability

of the Musharraf government to manage the country’s affairs
without encountering any serious challenges, only reconfirms
the military’s strategic position in Pakistan’s political system.154
The institution of the army can be described as the most formid-
able and autonomous political actor in Pakistan, capable of in-
fluencing the nature and direction of political changes.155 As Babar
Sattar has written,
[B]ecause of the preponderant role that the military has played in

the history of Pakistan and its monopoly over the ultimate means
of coercion, the military has arrogated to itself the right to define
Pakistan’s supreme national interest, gauge the civilian govern-
ment’s performance, and take appropriate action, which has ranged
from admonition to removal of the government.156
150
This is reflected in General Musharraf’s speech on 12 October 1999 after he
seized power. See Musharraf 1999a.
151
Cohen 1989: 12.
152
On how the Pakistani army seeks to protect its corporate interests, see Rizvi
2000.
153
The clout of the army has been manifested in the form of direct military
rule (October 1958–June 1962, March 1969–December 1971, July 1977–December
1985, and October 1999 to the present) and influence over key foreign policy and
domestic issues, when out of power.
154
See also in this context, Rashid and Gardezi 1983.
155
Arif 2001. K.M. Arif retired as a four-star General and as Vice Chief of the
Pakistani army.
156
Sattar 2001: 386.
Pakistan 313
There are several explanations for the military’s prominence in

the political process. The first major interest is national security:
the army continues to exercise influence in key foreign policy areas,
especially the nuclear policy, relations with India, including
Kashmir and Afghanistan. When in power, any civilian govern-
ment is expected to keep the army well informed about major
changes in foreign or nuclear policy. The military, like most civilian
policy makers, would not like to improve relations with India
unless it addresses the Kashmir issue. A second interest remains
overseas arms and equipment procurement, which has foreign
policy implications. A third interest relates to the preservation of
the army’s autonomy while countering any civilian interference
in its internal organisation. Also related is the issue of expenditure,
as the army remains opposed to unilateral cuts in defence expend-
iture by civilian leaders. Another associated consideration is the
perks, privileges and carefully cultivated business interests that
the army has developed through its four welfare foundations. And
finally, the military expects civilian leaders to maintain some
degree of political and economic stability, a pre-requisite to sustain
its professional and corporate interests.157 Pakistani society has
developed a socio-psychological subservience to men in uniform,
which is the result of a long history of indoctrination and less subtle
means of cooption by successive military rulers.158
President, Gen Pervez Musharraf has for some time been under
tremendous international pressure with increasing demands for
the restoration of democracy. Just two days before the visit of the
US President, Bill Clinton on 23 March 2000, Musharraf announced
that he would hold local body elections later in the year throughout
the country, as the first step towards the return to ‘real democracy.’
In May 2002, Musharraf had an overwhelming victory in the re-
ferendum to extend his mandate as president of Pakistan for a
further five years. The general justified his decision thus: ‘Democracy
starts here at the district and local governments. From here, we
will move up step by step to provincial and federal elections in
due course.’159 This promise from General Musharraf of restoring
‘real democracy’ was similar to what Field Marshal Ayub Khan
157
See in this context, Rizvi 2000.
158
Mustaq 2001.
159
Musharraf 2000.
had done by holding elections in 1962. This was just another

way of consolidating his power and the influence of the army.160
Pakistani commentator Zahid Hussain believed that ‘General
Musharraf’s local bodies plan seems clearly designed to create a
new power base for the military regime.’161 This is also what Veena
Kukreja has highlighted as the all-pervasive and arbitrary role of
the army and the monopolisation of power by the bureaucracy
which has made civil institutions mere ‘appendages of a state’ that
suffers from a dual crisis in mandate and legitimacy.162
With Pakistan possessing nuclear weapons and moving from
conventional to non-weaponised and then to weaponised (?) deter-
rence, it seems clear that the army still retains all the security
decision-making powers. The strategic conclave in Pakistan has
highlighted the Indian threat case very often—that Pakistan should
always make itself secure against the hegemonic designs of India
and be prepared to safeguard ‘national independence and ter-
ritorial integrity at any cost’.163 The main objective of possessing
nuclear weapons was always clear. Mushahid Hussain, the Infor-
mation Minister in the Nawaz Sharif cabinet, viewed Pakistan’s
nuclear programme ‘as a response to India’s nuclear ambition.’ 164
As he said, the main objective of Pakistan was ‘to seek a credible
nuclear deterrent against its principal adversary, that is, India.’165
After all, the weapons that have to be delivered and the means to
deliver them are with the army; the army has always played a do-
minant role here. General Kidwai, head of Pakistan’s Strategic
Planning Division, has also stated that nuclear weapons can be
used ‘if the very existence of Pakistan as a state is at stake.’166 The
threshold, he says, has been lowered and now encompasses
160
On the issue of local elections, see Bakhtiar 2000; also Aamer Ahmed Khan
2000.
161
Hussain 2000.
162
Kukreja 2002: 297. Elsewhere, she writes that ‘the long years of direct rule
have allowed the military to penetrate so widely into the government, the eco-
nomy and society that its clout and influence no longer depend on controlling
the levers of power. It is derived from its pervasive presence in all sectors of
government and society’ (p. 296).
163
Shamim 1988.
164
Hussain 1988: 233. Hussain was earlier the editor of the Islamabad-based
English daily, The Muslim.
165
Ibid.: 224.
166
Cotta-Ramusino and Martellini 2002.
Pakistan 315
situations where (a) India ‘conquers a large part of its [Pakistani]

territory’; (b) ‘destroys a large part either of its land or air forces’;
(c) ‘proceeds to the economic strangling of Pakistan’; (d) or ‘creates
a large scale internal subversion in Pakistan.’167
In an essay in the Defence Journal soon after the May 1998 tests,
Lt Gen F.S. Lodi said, ‘Pakistan’s Nuclear Doctrine would … essen-
tially revolve around the first-strike option … we will use nuclear
weapons if attacked by India even if the attack is with conventional
weapons.’168 General Lodi endorses the views of Prof. Stephen P.
Cohen when he says that Pakistan would use an ‘option-enhancing
policy’ for a possible use of nuclear weapons.169 It can be conjec-
tured that the Pakistani army has identified rungs on the escalation
ladder, moving from private threats, placing delivery systems on
high alert status, to exploding a nuclear weapon on its own soil
for demonstration purposes, to targeting military bases, and finally
to targeting cities, depending on the Indian response. Shireen
Mazari argues that
the first generation of nuclear weapons that Pakistan would deploy

would have large CEP (circular error probability)—that is, would
not be too accurate, therefore, at least initially Pakistan would have
to evolve a counter-value strategy: That is, targeting Indian eco-
nomic, leadership and population centres rather than hardened
military targets.170
Mirza Aslam Beg, in the context of deterrence, says, ‘the strategy

of deterrence, through flexible response is applicable, based on
167
Ibid.
168
Lodi 1999.
169
This would entail a stage-by-stage approach in which the nuclear threat
would be increased at each step to deter India from attack. The first step could
be a public or private warning, the second a demonstration explosion of a small
nuclear weapon on its own soil, the third step could be the use of a few nuclear
weapons on its own soil against Indian attacking forces. The fourth stage would
be the use of nuclear arms against critical but purely military targets in India
across the border from Pakistan, probably in thinly populated areas in the desert
or semi-desert, causing least collateral damage. This may prevent Indian
retaliation against cities in Pakistan. Some weapon systems would be in reserve
for the counter-value role. These weapons would be safe from Indian attack as
some would be airborne while the ground-based ones would be mobile and can
be moved around the country.
170
Mazari 1999b.
minimum number of weapons. What comprises minimal nuclear

deterrence, is a national issue, a function of the political and mili-
tary judgment, related to adversary’s capability.’ 171 Lt Gen Asad
Durrani, former head of the ISI, has stated,
neither of us relishes the prospect of ever using them, especially

when the other side could match the response …. India could con-
sider taking out our nuclear arsenal, to deny us its use—in practice,
it is an extremely risky proposition. Even on odd weapon that sur-
vived the so called ‘first strike’, could cause irreparable damage. 172
Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha further argues that ‘The idea is to ensure

that in case of hostilities, Islamabad can manage to deliver two to
three nuclear weapons to the adversary’s territory. For the time
being, this would be achieved with land-based missiles.’173 On the
issue of thresholds, Maria Sultan writes,
They will be used if: India attacks Pakistan and conquers a large
part of its territory (space threshold); India destroys a large part of
either its land or air force (military threshold); India proceeds to
the economic strangling of Pakistan (economic threshold); India
pushes Pakistan into political destabilization or creates a large scale
internal subversion in Pakistan (domestic destabilisation). 174
On the other hand, Ejaz Haidar thinks that the nuclear tests placed
Pakistan ‘in a better position to challenge India through low in-
tensity conflict …. This meant that India could now be denied the
luxury of expanding the conflict and capitalizing on the conven-
tional symmetries.’175 Verbal threats from various people in power
have been made on and off at various times in the past.
On the crucial issues of nuclear command and control, one of
the few insights has come from Lt Gen (Retd) Sardar F.S. Lodi and
171
In fact, he further argues, ‘Nuclear deterrence alone cannot ensure security
to Pakistan unless it is backed by an ideological propriety, aggressive diplomacy,
and a viable conventional capability enjoying an optimum correlation of forces
with India and adjusted correctly to the required level of operational balance’
(Beg 2001).
172
Durrani 1998. See also Durrani 2003.
173
Siddiqa-Agha 2000a.
174
Sultan 2002.
175
Haidar 2002.
Pakistan 317
it is important to quote it.176 He argues that in the case of Pakistan

the following basic parameters have to be met:177
l The final orders to use nuclear weapons must come from the
highest executive authority in the country.
l The decision must be based on a deteriorating military situation
after the enemy’s conventional attack is likely to break through
or has already breached the main defence line.
l In case of a pre-emptive strike, it must be ensured that the enemy
was preparing to launch a nuclear attack, which could cripple
Pakistan’s nuclear ability to strike back.
Until the paper by Agha Shahi, Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Abdul Sattar
(which is considered to be Pakistan’s unofficial nuclear doctrine)
appeared, there was no official or unofficial communication about
the doctrine of use.178 The paper raised important questions of
survivability, credibility, deterrence policy, posture and size of
the strategic arsenal. It posits that a small number of weapons can
deter and also that deterrence worked in the mid-1980s, 1986–87,
April–May 1990, and in 1999 during the Kargil crisis. Going by
this paper, if the enemy launches a general war and undertakes a
piercing attack threatening to occupy large territories or commu-
nication junctions, the ‘weapon of last resort’ would have to be
invoked. The authors argue that a massive first strike may be dis-
astrous: ‘India is too large and too well armed to be vulnerable
176
Lodi 1999.
177
Some of his other suggestions are: (a) ‘Our standard of communication from
the Chief Executive right down to the missile launch pad and the airbase concerned
must be perfect and not be susceptible to interruption at all times. (b) Intelligence
gathering agencies must be able to provide accurate, up-to-date and timely
information about enemy’s additional troop deployments and likely intentions.
(c) Our final decision to employ the nuclear option must be based entirely on the
security and integrity of the country, when other conventional means of defence
have proved inadequate. (d) Our close friends and allies abroad must be kept
abreast of the latest situation on the ground and eventually the urgent requirement
to employ nuclear weapons. (e) It must be kept in mind that the nuclear option
would be a weapon of last resort which may eventually produce no winners or
losers and must therefore be employed with the greatest of care and caution,
after discussing all the pros and cons of the situation, its impact in the region
and beyond and its international ramifications’ (Ibid).
178
Shahi et al. 1999. They are influential people in Pakistan. In fact, Abdul
Sattar became the Foreign Minister just days after this article was published.
to a disabling strike.’ Besides, ‘any such attempt would provoke

retaliation with disastrous consequences.’179 Pakistan acknow-
ledges these to be weapons of large resort, but it sees them as a
balance against India’s vast conventional forces. It will, therefore,
not sign a no-first-use agreement. This translates into a policy of
‘weapons of last resort but first use’, especially when Pakistan has
fewer warheads than India. The paper bases these arguments about
the size of the arsenal on the Cuban missile crisis in which the
Soviet had power weapons.180 On the size of the arsenal the paper
argues, ‘the size of Pakistan’s arsenal and its deployment pattern
have to be adjusted’, and says, ‘Pakistan does not need to enter
into a competition with India.’181 Quite naturally, the argument of
Pakistan ‘adjusting’ its arsenal against India’s dangerous, since it
lays the foundations of an arms race which the subcontinent can
ill afford. Although Pakistan considers these weapons as those of
last resort, plans for their possible use are at hand. This paper also
cites the NATO military doctrine of ‘flexible response’ as being
applicable to the Pakistan–India crisis in the 1980s and 1990s.
Further, it states that implicit possession of nuclear capability is a
warning of actual use of nuclear weapons. Another statement
makes it even clearer that ‘credibility of the deterrence force
does not depend on the number of nuclear bombs in the arsenal
but on the survivability of the minimum number necessary for
deterrence and the ability to deliver them on predetermined value
targets.’182 This statement also shows that the targeting strategy
would be counter-value. The paper hints at the cost factor, stating
that innovative planning should have to restructure defence forces,
integrating conventional and nuclear deterrence within the limits
of Pakistan’s financial capacity.183 Defining nuclear threshold, the
paper says that these weapons cannot be invoked in every con-
tingency. This leaves room for localised conflicts of the Kargil type.
179
Shahi et al. 1999.
180
Ibid. The Cuban missile crisis was a dangerous case and it has been argued
that one step led to another quickly and the two states were facing each other.
Besides, the Soviets and the Americans had a large number of weapons spread
over different parts of the world.
181
Ibid.
182
Ibid.
183
Ibid.
Pakistan 319
This argument again is dangerous, as deterrence at the nuclear

level has resulted in breaking down of deterrence at the conventional
level. Anyway, India has been promised ‘many more Kargils’. On
the key issue of C3I, the paper states that a high state of alert will
become more necessary.184 With flight time between India and
Pakistan being five to seven minutes, and there being no early
warning capability, accidental or unauthorised launch of even a
single missile may lead to a series of escalatory steps, resulting in
catastrophe. Zafar Iqbal Cheema is of the view that Pakistan’s
deterrence can be further augmented by its decision to assemble a
small nuclear force rapidly, to diversify weapons by using designs
that rely on both uranium and plutonium, to develop comprehen-
sive missile programmes, and to take steps to miniaturise nuclear
warheads.185 Zafar Nawaz Jaspal believes that
in the present strategic scenario Pakistan possesses enough strategic

weaponry ... to provide it with a minimum nuclear deterrence. The
basis of this perception is that in nuclear deterrence, parity between
opponents is not based on numerical equality of the number of nu-
clear delivery systems, or of the number of warheads or in the yield
of megatons available to each opponent. Parity requires assured
destruction capability.186
On a more defensive note, Brig S.J. Saeed Ismat has drawn the
broad contours of a conceptual nuclear doctrine:187
(a) If nuclear deterrence fails and the aggressor seizes the initiative
to launch the First Strike, we shall hit back with our Second Strike
ability. (b) In case the deterrent fails by the enemy launching a
meaningful conventional offensive, our forces shall resiliently
defend their homeland. (c) Any time in our perception when the
defences are seriously endangered and a collapse is imminent, we
shall be obliged to raise the scope and nature of our response. We
shall now employ tactical nuclear weapons against the invading
military forces. (d) This is essentially a defensive strategy backed
up by a series of controlled escalations. (e) Our response shall be
directly propor-tionate to the actions of enemy provocation and
threat posed to our security.
184
Shahi et al. 1999.
185
See Cheema 2000.
186
See Jaspal 2001.
187
Ismat 2000.
In January 1999, then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif approved the

creation of a Nuclear Regulatory Authority to minimise the chances
of the export of Pakistan’s nuclear expertise, while in February
2000 Pakistan set up the nuclear arms command.188 The new
organisation, dubbed the National Command Authority (NCA),
was described as an institutionalised command and control mech-
anism consistent with Pakistan’s obligations as a nuclear power
by the official Associated Press of Pakistan. Following a lengthy
debate in the National Security Council, Pakistan made it clear
that the National Command Authority (NCA) ‘will be responsible
for formulation’ and ‘will exercise employment and development
control over all strategic nuclear forces and strategic nuclear forces
and strategic organisations.’189 It comprises two committees: the
Employment Control Committee, Development Control Committee
as well as the Strategic Plans Division, which acts as its Secretariat.
The apex Employment Control Committee is chaired by the head
of the government and includes the minister for foreign affairs
(deputy chairman), minister for defence, minister for interior, chair-
man of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, services chiefs, director
general of the Strategic Plans Division (secretary) and technical
advisors/others as required by the chairman. The Development
Control Committee is chaired by the head of the government and
includes the deputy chairman, services chiefs, director general of
the Strategic Plans Division and representatives of strategic
organisations and the scientific community.190
Doubts remain about whether any civilian government would
ever have access to information relating to the precise number of
nuclear warheads that Pakistan has, number of delivery vehicles,
operational readiness, nuclear storage sites existing fissile mater-
ial stocks, future production rates, command and control chains,
future plans on the architecture of the nuclear deterrent, and so
forth.191 For instance, it is entirely possible that the elected govern-
ment of the late 1980s did not know about Pakistan’s supposed
ability to deliver nuclear weapons by aircraft soon after the onset
of the Kashmir crisis.
188
The Times of India 2000b.
189
The Statesman 2000a.
190
Dawn 2000.
191
Hoodbhoy 1999a.
Pakistan 321
Thus, Pakistan’s unofficial nuclear doctrine leaves room for

strategic uncertainty. In some sense, ambiguity strengthens deter-
rence, but if a state is certain of the response an adversary should
expect in case the threshold is breached then unambiguously
stating it to the adversary makes more strategic sense. In this milieu
what worries neighbouring states, particularly India, is that there
are no civilian filters and the President, General Musharraf, con-
trols the nuclear estate. Being premised on ‘weapons of last resort
and first use’, some Pakistani scholars are dismissive of the un-
official nuclear doctrine—they state that it is after all just a news-
paper article—while Western analysts say that Abdul Sattar, one
of the authors, had become Pakistan’s Foreign Minister in the
Musharraf government, making it a semi-official statement. It is
also entirely possible that competition between the Pakistani se-
curity establishment and the strategic enclaves might lead to
building up of strategic programmes and arsenal that exceed
Pakistan’s near and medium-term requirements.192

Being an Islamic state, Pakistan’s foreign policy has been domin-
ated by Islamic ideals, and the state has tended to cooperate with
other Muslim states. Besides the Islamic group of states, the US,
which has been an ally of Pakistan for more than five decades, has
maintained a close relationship with it on key foreign policy issues.
Pakistan’s relations with China have developed rapidly in the last
couple of decades, and lastly, the country has adversarial relations
with India against whom it has fought four wars.
Pakistan closely observes the Western imaging of the Islamic
world. The collapse of communism influenced Samuel Huntington’s
‘clash of civilisation’ theory, which holds that the image of a world-
wide threat from Islam has filtered into the minds of policy makers
in Washington. ‘The US now believes in an Islamic conspiracy
theory... like the red menace of the cold war era, the green peril is
determining the legitimacy of western values and threatening the
national security interests of US.’193 Pakistan is very concerned that
192
In this context, see Ur-Rehman 1999.
193
Huntington 1993.
the Western media and think tanks have raised the bogey of Islamic
fundamentalism.194 It argues that Islamic movements vouch for
freedom of the people and want social justice and economic well-
being of their societies. Their prime interest is to preserve their
cultural and economic interests, and within this framework,
develop their relation with other countries based on mutual respect
and recognition of each others’ interests. Pakistan also recognises
that Muslims lack a common goal and are pitched against each
other. Such a decline is attributed to lack of tolerance for fresh
ideas. Another factor has been that the masses have not been in-
tegrated into the decision-making process. Besides, in many
Islamic states, the process of political development and institution
building could either not take firm roots or is not complete. Many
Islamic intellectuals think that Muslims have sunk into the quag-
mire of ignorance and Western ideas have penetrated Muslim
societies, resulting in the loss of a spirit of inquiry; this has caused
alienation and disintegration of fellow feeling among Muslims as
against the sense of belonging to the Ummah which integrates
Muslims.
Islam, no doubt, is a significant political player in all Muslim
societies, but much depends on history and the nature of political
movements, the character of the state, levels of indigenous insti-
tutionalisation, democratic experience (if any) and the degree of
political institution building. Orientalists perceive two distinct,
mutually contradictory schools of thought within the society in
Pakistan, namely, ‘Westernised modernists’ and ‘traditional funda-
mentalists’. This comes across instantly when one reads Ahmed,
Bolitho, Callard, Stephens and Williams.195 These scholars are por-
trayed as ‘liberal’ while the ‘traditional fundamentalists’ by impli-
cation are ‘retrogressive’ and ‘fanatic’. South Asian scholars tend
to disagree and call this compartmentalisation simplistic: as it does
not ‘take into account the complex and dynamic interplay of local
religious, cultural and ethnic factors … [it] cannot satisfactorily
194
Samuel Huntington, Martin Kramer, Daniel Pipes, Steven Emerson, Barry
Rubin and Bernard Lewis view Islam and Islamic culture as anti-modern, anti-
West and anti-democracy, and by implication, a threat to Western ideas. See
Lewis 1993.
195
Ahmed 1967, 1969; Bolitho 1954; Callard 1957; Stephens 1963; and Williams
1962.
Pakistan 323
illuminate the complexity of South Asian Islam, they may end in

obfuscating it.’196
In the case of Pakistan, one tends to forget that a vast majority
of the Sunni Ulema, Mashaikh (mystics) and Sufis do not participate
in politics. Their interpretation of Islam is based on local cultural
tradition, which defines their role in the realm of soul religion,
and not on issues of political power. Their understanding of Islam
separates the religious sphere from the material world of political
power. It is the political parties that have played a larger role in
the implementation of the Shariah and transforming Pakistan into
an Islamic state. Nawaz Sharif too, when he was in power before
the coup, sought to impose the Shariah.197
General Zia-ul-Haq was really the first ruler in Pakistani history
to make the Islamisation of society the state’s official programme.
A pendulum swing theory helps us situate a person like General
Zia in the right context—he was an orthodox devout Muslim who
regularly visited Saudi Arabia, abstained from alcohol, laid a great
deal of emphasis on the teaching of Urdu, called the National As-
sembly Majlis-e-shoora (ideally good Muslims), termed the Ummah
as supreme and wished to firmly draw boundaries around Islam.
General Zia’s military government defined its mission as ‘laying
down the foundations of the Islamic system in Pakistan.’ Rizvi
succinctly says that he ‘argued for the expansion of the role of the
military in the polity by declaring time and again that the military
not merely protected the geographical frontiers of the country,
but was also the guardian of the “ideological frontiers”.’198 Zia
worked in close cooperation with the Ulema and the Jama’at-i-
Islami. He was able to create a network of state-sponsored
institutional structures to translate the norms of the Shariah into
public policies. Amongst the most significant was the establishment
of a Federal Shariah Court and the revision of school textbooks to
reflect an Islamic bias. ‘He went on to denigrate parties, opposition
parties, elections manifestos etc. as unknown in Islam … the Islamic
fundamentalists supported him in his attempts to build an alter-
native political system in the name of Islam.’199 Over the centuries,
196
Ahmed 1986: 9.
197
See Mumtaz et al. (2002) for a broad overview on why linkages between
economic strategies and outcomes have been fortuitous.
198
Rizvi 2000: 180.
199
Bahadur 1998: 73.
many small juridical schools, sects and doctrines also emerged

among the Muslims. ‘One sees a perpetual conflict among some
of these sects over religious issues … they spend more time in
proving themselves on the true path of Islam and how their sects
have gone astray than focussing on unifying themes of common
faith.’200 Hasan-Askari Rizvi says this ‘was an attempt on the part
of the military regime to cope with the legitimacy crisis which
had been accentuated with the postponement of the elections and
the expansion of the goals of the coup.’201 Nawaz Sharif in April 1991
complemented this by introducing the Shariah Bill that provided
a series of legislative and administrative steps to Islamise educa-
tion, bureaucracy, the legal system, the mass media, the economy
and the overall affairs of the state.202
The coming of the Zia regime in Pakistan and his Islamisation
policies to gain legitimacy, the entry of Soviet troops and the sub-
sequent Afghan jihad against the Soviet troops and Pakistan’s in-
volvement in the Afghanistan war—all these factors contributed
to the sudden growth of the madrassas all through the 1980s and
the 1990s. There are no official figures, but it is estimated that there
are more than 15,000 madrassas in Pakistan. Since this figure was a
mere 1,745 in 1979, the growth has been significant. These madrassas
conform to different faiths, such as Brelvi, Deobandi, Ahle hadith,
Ahle tashi, etc. For instance, in Punjab alone, there are around 970
Deobandi, 1,200 Brelvi, 100 Ahle tashi and 170 Ahle hadith madaris.203
These schools also have their own political leanings. For instance,
many religious scholars belong to the factions of Maulana Fazlur
Rahman and Maulana Samiul Haq of the Jama’at-e-Ulama-e-Islam.
This adherence to different faiths, the Shia–Sunni divide, and the
divergence in political support and patronage prevent these
madrassas from becoming a monolithic influence.
200
Baksh-Rais 1999: 323.
201
Rizvi 2000: 170–73. Rizvi further says, ‘Once the elections were pushed to
the background and the accountability of the ousted regime was initiated,
Islamisation was employed as the raison dètre of the continuation of martial
law.’
202
Orthodox Islam is represented by the Sunni Ulema who are regarded as
guardians of the Sunnah of the Prophet and the socio-religious institutional
structures developed under the guidance of the classical jurists. See The Oxford
Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World 1995: 293.
203
The News International 1999e.
Pakistan 325
One only needs to take a look at various sentences in the 12

January 2002 speech of Pakistani President, General Musharraf
where he said,
There are some negative aspects of some madrassas … I know that

some of these promote negative thinking and propagate hatred and
violence … we must ask what direction are we being led into by
these extremists? ... [W]e must check abuse of mosques and madrassas
and they must not be used for spreading political and sectarian
pre-judices … if any madrassa is found indulging in extremism, sub-
version, militant activity or possessing any types of weapons, it
will be closed.204
Coming straight from the Pakistani president, these words provide

in a nutshell the ground situation in Pakistan on the madrassa
education system. It is widely believed that madrassas have been
breeding grounds for Islamic terrorism for a long time, while also
preaching hatred, leading to an increasingly communalised society.
There is a view, particularly in India, that madrassas primarily
have jihadi literature in their curriculum and their main objective
is the teaching and preaching of jihad with a purpose of producing
‘holy warriors’. This is true of some of the madrassas, but not all.
According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan’s report,
about one-third of these schools provide military training to its
students.205 Several of these institutions also send students to fight
in Kashmir and Afghanistan.206 There are instances where students
have been sent to participate in the Afghan war without the know-
ledge of their parents.207 But it is wrong to presume that all the
madrassas advocate jihad and make its students jihadis.
These are some of the influencing variables on the choices in
Pakistan’s foreign policy. The kind of personality and the form of
the government in power often determines the final choice of out-
comes. Often fringe elements in Pakistani society seek to give Islamist
colour to the nuclearisation process. The Pakistani army too has
204
Musharraf 2002b.
205
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan 1998.
206
Ibid.
207
There was an instance where a 13-year-old student was sent to Afghanistan
and the father had to move court, which issued notices to the head of the institute,
the police and the concerned ministries to bring his child back (Ibid.).
large sections that are staunch Islamic, a leftover of the time of

General Zia who consider any conflict scenario with India to be a
holy war. There also exists a strong jihadi flavour from the non-
state actors who in their acts of subversion undermine the stability
of the region. Needless to add, they find big support in the Pakistani
army which has high stakes in the foreign policy choices that
Pakistan makes, especially with regard to Kashmir, India and the
nuclear option. Additionally, the army has ensured a role for itself
in almost all walks of life from the public to the private sectors. So
even if there is a democratically elected government in power, the
army is likely to hold all reigns in the state and society even if the
generals do not directly head decision making.208 The army will
continue to wield the kind of power it presently does.
PAKISTAN AND OIC
The Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) brings together

all the Muslim countries of the world on a single platform. There
are 56 member states and four observers. Pakistan is a founder
member. The OIC has extended strong and unanimous support to
Pakistan on important issues. It has held three Kashmir-related
summits and passed ministerial resolutions which express the
Islamic world’s solidarity with the Kashmiri people in their strug-
gle for the right of self-determination. Kashmiri leaders have been
invited to OIC summits and ministerial conferences and have ad-
dressed these gatherings. The OIC has also provided financial
support to Kashmiris. Relations with the Islamic world are the
cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy: the Chairman of the OIC
Standing Committee on Scientific and Technological Cooperation
is headquartered in Islamabad. The Islamic Chamber of Commerce
and Industry also has its head offices in Pakistan. Other OIC offices
located in Pakistan include the Islamic Communication Union and
the Executive Committee of the Parliamentary Union of the OIC
Member States in which Pakistan holds the chair. Former Foreign
Minister, Mr Sharif-ud-Din Pirzada served as the Secretary General
of the OIC from 1984 to 1988. Pakistan also hosted the social
sessions of the OIC Foreign Ministers’ Conference in 1980 and in
208
On how these parameters of governance have changed, see Rizvi 2000:
ch. 11.
Pakistan 327
1984. To commemorate 50 years of the independence of Pakistan,

an extraordinary session of the Islamic Summit was held in
Islamabad on 23 March 1997. At the behest of Pakistan, the OIC
Conference of Foreign Ministers, in its session in Burkina Faso in
June 1999, decided to appoint a special envoy in Kashmir. After
the nuclear tests, OIC countries criticised India for initiating an
arms race and linked it to the Kashmir issue. Pakistan has main-
tained special relations with the countries of the Middle East and
has emphasised its cultural, religious, strategic, historical and
economic solidarity with the region. Pakistan has supported Arab
causes, starting with the de-colonisation process to Palestinian self-
determination. Many Islamic states have extended economic
assistance when Pakistan faced sanctions after its nuclear tests—
several Arab states sent their special envoys to Pakistan as an
expression of solidarity.209
The idea of Islamic solidarity, although hazy, has always been
there since the emergence of Islam. There were several Islamic con-
ferences in the period between the two world wars. But Pakistan’s
obsession with India has been so great that it became an active
member of several military pacts guided by the US like CENTO
and SEATO. Pakistan found itself confronting the Arab world,
particularly during the Arab–Israeli Suez War in 1956. The OIC
did not exist then. It was only after the burning of the Al Aqsa
Mosque in Jerusalem and the Islamic Summit, called on the initi-
ative of King Hasan of Morocco at Rabat, that the Organisation of
Islamic Conference (OIC) was formed. The objective of the OIC was
Islamic solidarity and consolidation.
The track record of the OIC shows that it has not been able to
fulfil its objectives of Islamic solidarity and consolidation of eco-
nomic, social, cultural and scientific cooperation. Within the Islamic
world there are states ranging from the oil-rich Gulf countries to
lawless Somalia with states like Pakistan in the middle. One of the
problems confronting the OIC states is that many of them who
have capital to invest have not invested in other OIC member states
but have chosen to go West. Moreover, the OIC has not been able
to influence its member states. A good example is the Iran–Iraq
war, which could not be brought to an end by the efforts of the OIC.
209
From the website of the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.
forisb.org/fpolicy.htm, accessed on 13 May 2000.
In fact, many of the Arabs states that were actively supporting

Iraq deepened these divisions. Afghanistan’s failure as a state,
where mujahideen groups backed by different Arab states con-
stantly fight among themselves, is another instance.
Despite the OIC’s apparent deficiencies, Pakistan still looks to
it in its relationship with India. At every OIC meet Pakistan raises
the Kashmir issue and the OIC customarily passes a resolution.
But the forum itself needs to reorient its goals and priorities. Inde-
pendently, Pakistan has been in touch with various countries that
have strong Islamic linkages. After the coup, General Musharraf
went on a tour of the South-east Asian nations.210 Iran is one country
that has geo-strategic importance for the region. After the Islamic
revolution in 1979, there were many changes in Iran’s foreign
policy. It withdrew from CENTO. The fall of the Shah regime and
the emergence of Khomeini’s Islamic regime helped Pakistan de-
velop closer ties with Iran. This was happening when the Islamic
world had realised the importance of the black gold—oil. General
Zia’s enthusiastic Islamisation programme further warmed ties
between the two countries. In 1989, Iran and Pakistan signed an
agreement on cooperation in defence industry and military train-
ing. With help from Iran, Pakistan has continuously raised the
Kashmir issue in the OIC. Over the years, Pakistan has played the
Islamic card to mobilise support of the oil-rich Arab countries to
gather funds and arms for the various mujahideen groups. This has
serious implications for issues of stability in this region as these
groups have in the past proven to be a destabilising force.
PAK-US RELATIONS
Soon after its birth, Pakistan approached the US, and the two coun-
tries have maintained close ties since then despite many ups and
downs. Being insecure about India, Pakistan became a party to the
US-led CENTO in its quest for security, while the US saw Pakistan
as a geo-strategic ally. Gen Ayub Khan’s rule (1958–69) was the
high point in US–Pakistan relations. Pakistan was ‘the most allied
ally’ then. In the initial decades of their relationship, besides mili-
tary hardware, much-needed financial aid and technical help was
210
The chief executive visited Malaysia and Thailand, besides stopping in
Singapore.
Pakistan 329
received. Many US ambassadors like Oakley, Farland, Sidney and

Sobers played important roles in shaping its domestic relations.
The US was aware that Pakistan put together an enrichment
plant in 1978. Armed with the Foreign Assistance Act it decided to
cut off aid to Pakistan. It was the Afghan crisis that changed their
relations perceptively and the Symington Amendment, brought
about in December 1981, opened the floodgates of assistance.
Pakistan played the role of an ally to perfection in the long drawn-
out Afghan crisis when the US pumped in arms through Pakistan
to help the Afghan militants. Within days of the Soviet invasion
and without even consulting Pakistan, President Jimmy Carter an-
nounced an offer of $400 million in economic and military assist-
ance .… After President Ronald Reagan succeeded him in 1981,
the US offered a new package of loans and grants amounting to
$3 billion over five years.211 It was at this time that Pakistan sought
an American guarantee in the event of a Soviet or a Soviet backed
Indian attack on Pakistan. ‘It asked for the upgradation of the 1959
executive Agreement on Defence co-operation into a binding treaty.’212
After the 1965 war Pakistan had expected a higher level of US as-
sistance, which was unavailable. This weighed heavily on the
minds of decision makers in Islamabad, so when American assur-
ances were made again, their ‘credibility and durability’ was low.213
On 18 April 1996, the US President approved the transfer of equip-
ment to Pakistan that were sanctioned before 1 October 1990. ‘The
basic non-proliferation provision affecting Pakistan is Section 101
of the Arms Export Control Act. This provision forbids aid to coun-
tries that acquire nuclear enrichment facilities that are not under
the inspection and safeguards system of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA).’214 To break this deadlock, Pakistan’s for-
eign minister, quoting Benazir Bhutto, said that the government
was considering US proposals for ‘non-intrusive’ means of verifi-
cation since ‘it was not producing enriched uranium and that it
would consider “technical proposals” to that effect.’215 The fact is,
as most Pakistanis acknowledge, Pakistan no longer retains the
geo-political and geo-strategic advantage as it had in the past.
211
Sattar 1997.
212
Ibid.: 120–21.
213
Ibid.: 121.
214
Ibid.: 121.
215
Ibid.: 121.
It was used during the Afghanistan crisis and all through the 1980s,
and when the Cold War ended, Pakistan also gradually became
one of the many pawns at the crossroads of the post-Cold War era.
Pakistan’s clandestine network to acquire nuclear technology con-
tinued all through the 1980s and the US turned a blind eye to this.
US-based think tanks also raised this issue a few times.216 With the
Soviet Union pulling out of Afghanistan and Pakistan no longer
as important as it was previously, the US cut off arms sales to
Pakistan from October 1990 because ‘the President could not make
a required annual certification to Congress under section 620 (E)
of the Foreign Assistance Act, the so called “Pressler Amendment”,
that Pakistan did not possess a nuclear explosive device.’217
A crest in the relations between the two states was 10 rounds
of dialogue involving Sartaj Aziz and Strobe Talbott. Some of the
benchmarks in this dialogue were nuclear and missile restraint,
CTBT, FMCT and export controls. On the issue of ‘nuclear and mis-
sile restraint’, Pakistan proposed a strategic regime to India with
a view to maintaining nuclear deterrence at the minimum level.
‘Pakistan has made it clear that any restraints will have to be mutual
with India.’218 On CTBT, Pakistan has no objection to signing the
treaty, but has made the provision of lifting of sanctions and of in-
cluding India as a signatory to the treaty. This is unlikely to happen
in the near future. On the FMCT, although Pakistan is participating
in the negotiations in the CD, ‘the negotiations on the question of
existing stockpiles are a special concern for Pakistan.’219 On export
controls the only official statement was that ‘our assurances to the
216
To quote a Carnegie Endowment report: ‘In sum, on several occasions, the
US has backed away from enforcing the sanctions of an aid cut off against
Pakistan, permitting the waiver of the Symington Amendment in 1981 and again
in 1987, waiving the Glenn Amendment by Presidential Action in 1987, declining
to react to production of highly enriched uranium in 1986 and 1987, to avoid
suspension of assistance even though Pakistan had acquired the wherewithal
for its first nuclear device, and waiving the Solarz Amendment in early 1988,
despite finding that Pakistan had attempted to smuggle material out of the US
to be used in the manufacture of a nuclear explosive device (Carnegie Task Force
1988: 4).
217
US Congress 1996.
218
See the Pakistani government’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs website at
http://www.forisb.org/fpolicy.htm, accessed on 13 May 2000.
219
Ibid.
Pakistan 331
world on the export of sensitive technologies have always been

categorical.’220
It can be argued that Pakistan’s position on some of these bench-
marks exhibits consistency, like linking CTBT to India’s signature;
yet one comes across a paucity of debate. The CTBT relates to test-
ing. It is up to Pakistan to decide if it needs more tests to refine its
weapons, or whether the ‘credible deterrent’ it is trying to construct
will be credible, so that the present stock of weapons can meet its
security needs. Either way, until the US revives the treaty, the CTBT
will continue to remain in a limbo. The FMCT is about cutting off
the production of fissile material, so what Pakistan is going to nego-
tiate for here seems clouded in confusion. Over the last couple of
decades, Pakistan has imported as well as exported sensitive tech-
nologies; so the negotiating position of a country that has such a
poor record on this issue seems nuclear.
While the US had welcomed the Lahore Declaration that was
signed between India and Pakistan in February 1999, a devastat-
ing blow to the spirit of Lahore was dealt when Pakistan-backed
mujahideens crossed the LoC in Kargil heights overlooking the
town of Kargil and the highway connecting Srinagar to Leh.
Although this operation was a good tactical move, strategically it
left Pakistan diplomatically isolated with almost the whole world
condemning Pakistan. The US government reacted vigorously with
repeated phone calls and shuttle diplomacy. Nawaz Sharif rushed
to Washington, and on 4 July signed the Washington agreement,221
where he agreed to ‘urge’ the mujahideen to withdraw and in return
the US would take ‘personal interest’ in the Kashmir problem.
Following the mujahideen withdrawal there was a blame game
between the army and Nawaz Sharif.
This was followed by the coup of 12 October 1999, which has
not helped the international image of Pakistan. Apparently, Nawaz
Sharif had an idea of things to come. A couple of months after the
1999 Washington agreement, he sent his brother Shahbaz Sharif
to Washington to convey the threat of an army coup.222 Dennis Kux
220
Ibid.
221
Dennis Kux, citing a participant at the talks, writes, ‘Nawaz Sharif seemed
like a drowning man looking for a miracle, hoping that somehow the United
States would bail him out’. See Kux 2001: 353.
222
Ibid.: 354.
writes, ‘after he pressed for a US warning against a military take-

over, the State Department issued such a warning.’223 President
Clinton’s visit—a brief four hour stopover on 25 March 2000—did not
help either, as was evident from the body language of the President
who, it is reported, did not shake hands with General Musharraf.
Many Pakistanis were not pleased that after more than three de-
cades a US President came to Pakistan and stayed five days in
India. The reaction to President Clinton’s speech in Pakistan was
a mixed one: some thought that his address was thoughtful and
‘elderly’ advice, while many others disagreed with his long list of
policy prescriptions, even though a carefully worded speech made
several references to Quad-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah. As
Dennis Kux writes,
although the substance of his message was blunt, he neither lectured

nor scolded Musharraf …. He argued that Pakistan would benefit
by lowering the temperature on Kashmir, by reining in terrorist
groups, by pressing the Taliban to be more forthcoming on bin
Laden and on peace talks, and by understanding non-proliferation
measures.224
After the nuclear tests, the US imposed sanctions on Pakistan, just

as it had imposed on India, and US–Pakistan relations received
further a setback. There was a marginal improvement after the
prime minister’s meeting with President Clinton in Washington in
December 1998, and the notable effect was that sanctions were
eased. The remaining sanctions were lifted on 22 September 2001.
Exercising the waiver authority granted by the Congress in 1999,
on September 2002 President George W. Bush lifted the sanctions
imposed on India and Pakistan for their 1998 nuclear tests. The
president also removed other sanctions related to Pakistan’s devel-
opment of nuclear weapons. The decision to lift sanctions on
Pakistan came in large part due to the cooperation Washington
received from Islamabad after the 11 September terrorist attacks
on New York and Washington. However, other sanctions imposed
after the October 1999 military takeover of Pakistan’s democrat-
ically elected government prohibit Washington from providing
223
Ibid.: 354.
224
Ibid.: 357.
Pakistan 333
most of this assistance.225 In addition, other sanctions imposed for

the receipt of Chinese missile components do not allow certain
Pakistani entities to receive US missile and space assistance. 226
The events of 11 September 2001 brought about a major change
in the US policy towards Pakistan. The US immediately looked up
to Pakistan to once again provide the frontline status that it did in
the 1980s. Geography dictated Pakistan’s importance for the US
attacks on Afghanistan. A few statements from Washington (like
‘with us or against us’) left Islamabad facing a Hobson’s choice
with no option but to support the international coalition. General
Musharraf quickly went on national television and addressed his
country on his choice of siding with the US. In that speech, he pulled
out all the stops citing everything from international law, religious
teaching and rational thought to Pakistan’s strategic interests in
order to persuade them that his decision to support Washington
was right. Inevitably, the Indian bogey was brought into service
too. Clearly, President Musharraf safeguarded the security of
Pakistan, Kashmir and the nuclear programme and also managed
to end his international isolation to come across as a popular leader.
He also succeeded in obtaining promises of American assistance
totalling almost 1 billion dollars. 227
Commenting on the address, Ayaz Amir wrote, ‘surely, a measure
of self-serving calculation is involved in the decision General
Musharraf has taken on behalf of the nation: a vision of gratitude
225
The military coup sanctions under Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961 still remain in place: (a) adopted in 1988, they prohibit most forms of
US economic and military assistance to any country whose elected head of
government has been deposed by a military coup; (b) these were imposed in
1999 for the ousting of Pakistan’s democratically elected prime minister in a
military coup. See Wagner 2001.
226
Missile sanctions also continue to remain in place under chapter 7 of the
Arms Export Control Act, as required by US membership in the Missile Tech-
nology Control Regime, a voluntary regime of 33 states that seek to limit missile
proliferation. These (a) bar most US missile and space cooperation for at least
two years with specified entities for their sale or receipt of ballistic missiles, com-
ponents, or related technology that could be used to deliver weapons of mass
destruction; and (b) were imposed in 2000 on the Pakistani Ministry of Defense
and the Space and Upper Atmospheric Commission for its receipt of missile
components and technology transfers from China. These were also imposed in
2001 on Pakistan’s National Development Complex for its receipt of missile com-
ponents and technology transfers from China. Ibid.
227
Zeb 2002.
dollars pouring in, of our debt burden easing, of India being out-
smarted, and of Pakistan being treated as [an] honoured ally instead
of a country down on its luck.’228
General Musharraf wholeheartedly supported the American
war machine in humbling the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and
expected Pakistan to come out on the side of victory. Rationality
dictated that General Musharraf join the international coalition.229
He allowed the US to use air force bases at Dalbandian, Jacobabad,
Pesni and Penjgur. By aligning himself with the global alliance
against terror, he avoided the certain diplomatic isolation that
would have followed, had he tried being a fence sitter. In doing
so, he took on the jihadi forces. But with the fall of Kabul on 13 Nov-
ember 2001 and the Northern Alliance entering Kabul, the worst
nightmares of ISI and the Government of Pakistan turned true.
Pakistan had overestimated its frontline status—it was convinced
that this status would give it a virtual veto over the shape of things
to come in Afghanistan. If not that, then at least its objections re-
garding the Northern Alliance would be respected. Nothing like
this happened. In fact, it is instructive to recall that among the
four reasons General Musharraf cited while justifying Pakistani
support of the war, two were associated with protecting the Kashmir
cause and ‘nuclear assets’, the irony no doubt being that the greatest
strength (nukes) had turned in a moment of danger into one of its
biggest weaknesses. With growing international pressure against
killing innocent civilians, defining Kashmir as a freedom struggle
may well lead Pakistan to lose ground there as well. Support to
the US came at a lot of cost. Voices were increasingly raised against
the US role and presence in the region. Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema has
pointed out, ‘as a consequence of Pakistan’s participation in the
international coalition against terrorism, it has suffered a lot … it
has experienced severe damage to its economy and creeping
division within its society.’230
Pakistan needs to strengthen its economy, set its house in order
and stop aiding terrorists, besides restoring democracy at the earli-
est, to have any semblance of a relationship with the US. With the
228
Amir 2001.
229
In the context of the post-9/11 impact on South Asia, see Banerjee and
Kueck 2003.
230
Cheema 2003: 49.
Pakistan 335
war against terror on, of which Pakistan is a key ally, it will con-
tinue to receive some aid from the US that just about helps the
country to remain intact and reform itself.231 In fact, the aid on
which Pakistan has survived all these years seems to have back-
fired. Western nations are now using this very diplomatic tool to
push for policy change in Pakistan. Additionally, Pakistan was
never able to generate enough resources to decrease its dependence
on aid. This impinges on internal resource generation that has an
impact on the nuclear deterrent posture.
INDO-PAK RELATIONS
Carved out of India, in the word Pakistan ‘P’ stood for the Punjab,
‘A’ was for the Afghan Frontier or the North-West Frontier Pro-
vinces, ‘K’ represented Kashmir, while ‘S’ symbolised Sindh and
‘Tan’ came from Baluchistan. It is among the few states created on
purely religious lines. Even within Pakistan, there were ‘those who
anticipated Pakistan’s sudden demise; some among them had even
plotted its return to mother India.’232 Immediately after the bitter
partition, Pakistani tribesmen invaded Kashmir, which had legally
acceded to India. The first war between Pakistan and India over
Kashmir broke out and laid the foundations of decades of rivalry.
‘[T]he war over Kashmir crystallised and deepened the bitterness,
the suspicion, and the rivalry between the subcontinent’s two most
important actors.’233 Pakistan had another war with India in 1965
and then again in 1971, which led to the dismemberment of Pakistan,
a number of crises in 1984, 1986–87, 1990, 1998, the Kargil conflict
in 1999 and the crisis following the attack on the Indian Parliament
attack on 13 December 2001.
Indo-Pak conflicts have largely focused on Kashmir, which has
remained a bone of contention between the two countries. Pakistan
believes that India has not yet reconciled to its independent entity
and entertains a hidden agenda to destroy Pakistan. This explains
the obsession of the ruling elite with purported Indian hegemonic
designs. Moreover, the powerful army ‘wields considerable power
and is capable of subverting any improvement in India–Pakistan
231
Tellis 2000b.
232
Ziring 1997: 96.
233
Ibid.: 95.
relations to preserve the privileged position of the armed forces.’234

This could be one explanation for the Kargil conflict, which occur-
red after the Lahore process had been initiated.
Pakistani claims to Kashmir are premised on the predominantly
Muslim population of the valley. But during the partition, a greater
number of Muslims decided to stay back in India rather than go to
Pakistan, and second, with the loss of East Pakistan, which has a
predominantly Muslim population, the argument that religion is
a binding force loses credence.235
One of the few disputes that Pakistan and India have amicably
resolved has been through the Indus Water Treaty of 1960. With
mediation by the World Bank, the treaty was signed in September
1960, wherein the waters of the three Eastern rivers (Beas, Ravi
and Sutlej) were allotted for use by India and the waters of the
Western rivers (Indus, Jhelum and Chenab) were allotted for
Pakistan.
Currently, the key foreign policy objectives of Pakistan include:
l Safeguarding vital security and geo-strategic interests, including

Kashmir.
l Promoting Pakistan as a dynamic, progressive, moderate and
democratic Islamic country.
l Creating a macro-political framework for the pursuit of economic
and social interests abroad.
l Consolidating commercial and economic interests.236
Since 1988, Pakistan has been engaged in a proxy war in Kashmir

and has linked this issue with the nuclear issue, thereby success-
fully projecting Kashmir as a nuclear flashpoint.237 During the 1990s,
Pakistan also made several bilateral proposals knowing fully well
that India would not accept them. This resulted in projecting the
regional hegemonic image of India. Some of these proposals in-
cluded a five-power regional conference, including Pakistan, US,
Russia, India and China. India rejected this. India also rejected the
proposal of mutual inspections by General Zia in 1981 that was
reiterated in 1984. The only successful agreement reached was on
234
Rizvi 1993: 86.
235
For the finest studies on Kashmir, see Gupta 1966; Lamb 1966.
236
Government of Pakistan 2004.
237
Ibid.
Pakistan 337
non-attack of each others’ nuclear installations which was signed

in 1988. A no-first-use agreement has been dismissed by Pakistan.238
The relations reached an all-time low in the aftermath of the
nuclear tests in May 1998. On 28 May 1998, a day after Pakistan
matched its neighbour India with five nuclear detonations, the
then Pakistani Foreign Minister, Gohar Ayub Khan declared Pakistan
a nuclear weapons state. Within hours of testing its nuclear devices,
Pakistan’s president declared a state of emergency, citing threats
of ‘external aggression’. Khan said Pakistan was on high alert the
night prior to its nuclear testing, fearing an imminent attack by
India on its nuclear installations. As a result, Pakistan scrambled
its air force, contacted the ambassadors representing the five per-
manent members of the UN Security Council and India’s ambas-
sador to Pakistan. He said, Pakistan had ‘concrete evidence’ that
India had armed several jet fighters with bombs that it believed
were meant for its nuclear facilities. The official said that Pakistan
believes the threat is reduced, not necessarily because of the testing,
but because India has lost the element of surprise.239 The Pakistani
President, Rafiq Tarar also voiced a similar sentiment. It was carried
by the state-run news agency (PTV). He did not identify the ag-
gressor, but Pakistan accused India of threatening to attack its
nuclear installations.240
According to one account, on 27 May 1998, Pakistan’s director-
general of military operations (DGMO) in the General Headquarters,
Rawalpindi, made a series of phone calls.241 According to Saudi
intelligence, Israeli fighter jets were moving from ‘Chenai’ in India
towards the Pakistani border.242 Reports said the Israeli planes were
tasked with destroying Pakistani nuclear capability. The DGMO
said Pakistan was just seven hours away from conducting its first-
ever nuclear test—and the Israelis and Indians wanted to ensure
that the test would never take place.243 Chairman, Joint Chiefs of
238
Shahi et al. 1999.
239
Transcript available at http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/asiapcf/9805/29/
Pakistan.declaration/, acessed on 21 October 2002.
240
Transcript available at http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/asiapcf/9805/28/
Pakistan.update/, accessed on 21 October 2002.
241
Jones 2002.
242
If the city mentioned is Chennai (earlier Madras), any fighter jet flying
from there to Pakistan would have had to refuel three times and would have
taken no less than four hours to reach Pakistan.
243
Jones 2002.
Staff, Gen Jahangir Karamat scrambled F-16 fighter planes and

sent them to protect the test site in Baluchistan. Diplomats in foreign
missions were informed and in New York, Pakistan’s permanent
representative to the UN, Ahmed Kamal informed the Secretary
General Kofi Annan and the Security Council and quickly went on
air via the CNN, accusing New Delhi of planning to launch an
attack.244
The observation by Bruce Riedel, a senior US official, further
substantiates this:
After a few weeks (of the Indian 11 and 13 May tests) of agonizing,
Sharif had gone forward with his own tests citing as a flimsy excuse
an alleged Israel plot to destroy Pakistan’s nuclear facilities in col-
lusion with India. (I had the Israeli Chief of Staff deny categorically
to the Pakistani Ambassador in Washington any such plan the night
before the tests but that fact mattered little to Islamabad.)245
It is precisely this kind of misinformation that breeds mispercep-

tion. As Owen Bennett Jones has written, ‘the inability of senior
decision-makers to discuss the reality of the supposed danger
openly raises serious questions about Pakistan’s command and
control capability.’246
Following the nuclear tests, the Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari
Vajpayee travelled by bus to Lahore, leading to the Lahore Declar-
ation in February 1999.247 Following Kargil, India felt betrayed.
Although domestically the media portrayed a great victory for
Pakistan, internationally it stood isolated, with its allies asking
it to respect the LoC. Events such as the coup of 12 October 1999
further froze ties with Pakistan. Following the attack on the Indian
Parliament, the 10-month stand-off had many moments during
which the two countries came near armed conflict. But the larger
picture is that infiltration of jihadi groups, such as the Laskar-e-
Toiba and the Jaish-e-Muhammed into Kashmir and other parts
of India, has ‘created an alternative military apparatus that
Islamabad funds and supplies but can’t fully control.’248 India feels
244
Ibid.
245
See Riedel 2002.
246
Jones 2002.
247
Text of the Lahore Declaration may be seen in The Hindu 1999a.
248
Ali 2002: 301.
Pakistan 339
that until such instruments of subversion are curtailed, normal-

isation of relations would merely be cosmetic.
SINO-PAK RELATIONS
Soon after independence, Pakistan’s quest for security resulted in

its close cooperation with China. ‘Speaking at the UN General As-
sembly in October 1970, President Yahya Khan described friendly
co-operation with China as the “cornerstone” of Pakistan’s policy.’249
Soon after the 1965 war with India it was China that provided equip-
ment for two divisions of the army as well as MIG aircraft for its air
force. It also gave $60 million for development assistance in 1965,
a further $40 million in 1969 and $200 million for the next five-year
plan. With China, itself a low income developing country, this as-
sistance was generous and there was emphasis on the transfer of
technology to help Pakistan achieve self-reliance.250 After the 1970
visit of Yahya Khan to China, the Chinese reiterated their support
on Kashmir while Pakistan reciprocated by terming Taiwan as an
inalienable part of China.251 During the 1970s and all through the
1980s, Chinese assistance to the Pakistani nuclear agenda, and in
the 1990s to the missile programme has been well documented. In
June 1998, after the South Asian nuclear tests, a Congressional
Research Service report said, ‘China continues to supply missile,
nuclear and chemical technology consistent with non-proliferation
goals particularly to Pakistan and Iran.’ 252 Various US organisa-
tions, including the Federation of American Scientists and the
Center for Nonproliferation Studies, have done a lot of work docu-
menting the Chinese transfer of sensitive technology to Pakistan
over the last couple of decades.253
In fact, the US imposed sanctions on China and Pakistan twice—
in 1990, and again in 1993.Under its non-proliferation agenda, the
US tried its best to put pressure on China ‘to limit its exports of
nuclear materials, technology, and missiles, including preventing
249
Sattar 1997: 97.
250
Ibid.: 97.
251
Ibid.
252
US Congress 1998.
253
See the websites of the Federation of American Scientists: http://www.
fas.org, and the Center for Nonproliferation Studies: http://www.cns.miis.edu.
such assistance to Pakistan … China has agreed to subscribe to NPT

restrictions on transfers of nuclear technology and materials, but
evidence continues to accumulate that it has violated these com-
mitments.’254 In an effort to improve its strained relations with the
US, China made concerted efforts from 1995 onwards to abide by
the non-proliferation norm and has manifestly not helped Pakistan.
During the Kargil crisis, the then Pakistan Foreign Minister, Sartaj
Aziz came to Delhi for talks, but just before that he flew to Beijing,
where he was apparently told to respect the line of control and
seek a bilateral solution.
After Clinton’s visit to the subcontinent there was an increase
in the diplomatic isolation of Pakistan, with long-time allies such
as China and Turkey not wanting to engage Pakistan in talks. This
was broken only with the US Afghan campaign. Once the cam-
paign got over, this isolation returned. One only hopes that this
diplomatic isolation will give way to increased cooperation that
will be beneficial to the rebuilding of Pakistan, thus making it a
stable and prosperous state.

General and complete disarmament was a concept that was intro-
duced in the UN in the early 1950s. Indian disarmament and arms
control policies are considered reactive—they are linked to a time-
bound framework for global nuclear disarmament. Pakistan’s
policies are no less reactive—they are invariably linked to whatever
India does.
Pakistan officially
remains firmly committed to the goal of achieving general and

complete disarmament, elimination of weapons of mass destruction
or the regulations of small arms, Pakistan believes that the core,
principle and objective of disarmament should be to assure equal
security for all states, regardless of their size and status.255
254
US Congress 1996.
255
From Pakistani Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, available at http://www.
forisb.org/un3html, accessed on 17 May 2000.
Pakistan 341
In the mid-1970s, soon after the 1974 PNE, Pakistan made a pro-
posal in the UN to keep South Asia free of nuclear weapons. India
objected to this, as it saw its own security imperilled by American
presence in the island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean. With
reports coming in of proliferation of sensitive technologies, there
seemed no possibility of keeping South Asia free of nuclear
weapons.256 Pakistan argues that all these proposals have not
elicited any positive response from India. These proposals seem
to be only designed for bilateral purposes. The timing of these pro-
posals is important—some of them were made in the 1970s and
1980s when Pakistan enjoyed the security patronage of the US. In
the 1990s, and especially after the nuclear tests, these proposals
increasingly became linked to projecting Kashmir as a nuclear flash-
point. It can of course be argued that there has been consistency
in Pakistan’s position, as it has always been linked to India’s poli-
cies. Pakistanis believe that the Indian weapons programme is
primarily directed against them and not against China. With the
American government passing the Pressler Amendment to cut off
military aid to Pakistan, it thought a few weapons would supple-
ment its conventional forces to bring it at par with the larger con-
ventional Indian force.
Domestically, the army seems to hold a veto on key security issues,
defence expenditure, disarmament and arms control and Kashmir.
Any change in these policies is impossible without the support of
the army. It is possible that a nation that has thrived on anti-India
rhetoric made proposals which it knew India would reject anyway.
Another contradiction has been Pakistan’s approach to arms con-
trol treaties. It acceded to the Partial Test Ban Treaty in 1963, but
ratified it only in 1987, by which time the treaty had become irrelevant.
Pakistan has no real objections to being a part of the NPT per se.
It has in fact participated in the NPT review meetings as an observer.
256
Some of the other proposals made by Pakistan included ‘a joint Pakistan–
India declaration renouncing the acquisition or manufacture of nuclear weapons,
mutual inspection by Pakistan and India of each other’s facilities, simultaneous
adherence to the NPT by both countries and acceptance of IAEA safeguards, the
conclusion of bilateral or regional test ban treaty, and a proposal for a meeting
to include Pakistan and India along with China, Russia and the US to discuss
conventional arms control and confidence building measures as well as the
promotion of nuclear restraint to prevent possible nuclear escalation in South
Asia’ (Ibid.).
But it has the potential to ruin the NPT regime by selling nuclear
technology,257 as it is not under any legal commitment to desist from
assisting, encouraging or inducing258 any non-nuclear weapons state
to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons. As far as
the NPT is concerned, Pakistan initially voted for the resolution,
commending the treaty unlike India. Now Pakistan is a de facto
nuclear weapons state and can accede to the NPT, but only as a
non-nuclear weapons state. The danger to the NPT regime may
come from Pakistan exporting sensitive technologies to willing
buyers in the Arab states, in case it is pushed too far by the dual
pressure of sanctions and trying to match India’s weaponisation
programme.
The CTBT is about testing new weapon designs. It remains to
be seen if Pakistan wants to retain the designs it tested in 1998 or
wants to improve those designs. In mid-May 2000, there were re-
ports that Pakistan might be planning another test. An article
by Khurshid Ahmed argues that there are at least four defence
needs.259 Obviously, he believes that there is likelihood of Pakistan
needing more tests in the future.
257
In a full-page newspaper advertisement, the Pakistani Commerce Ministry
has published an application for the export of 11 radioactive substances, including
depleted uranium and tritium, and 17 types of equipment, including nuclear
power reactors, nuclear research reactors and reactor control systems. See The
Hindustan Times 2000b. Pakistan issued a denial of this advertisement two days
later.
258
Mahalingam 1999. ‘Intelligence sources believe that North Korea has been
bartering metals, missile components and technology and materials from
Pakistan …. Ghauri is said to be a replica of North Korea’s No-dong Missile, which
uses liquid fuel. Shaheen is said to be based on the solid fuel technology of the
Tae-po-dong missile system of North Korea … it is understood that North Korea
has been clandestinely pursuing its nuclear weapons programme and scouting
for technology and materials while Pakistan has been on the lookout for metals
for critical technological areas of military co-operation.’
259
He says, ‘In addition to the experiments for peaceful uses, for which we
cannot forsake our right at any cost: (a) Weaponisation without which deterrence
is just an imaginary concept; (b) Miniaturization through which precision can be
acquired. This is essential for making the whole project cost-effective. Over and
above all, the nuclear weapons can be made target-oriented and the effects of
radioactivity can be minimized; (c) Development in the Thermo Nuclear front
for its importance in a close competition; and (d) Harmonisation between nuclear
weapons and the delivery system (Ahmed 2000).
Pakistan 343
As in most nuclear weapons states, Pakistan too has three schools

of thought: the hawks or maximalists, who would like more testing,
better weapons and delivery systems; the pragmatists, who want
a more refined deterrent and want more testing; and the aboli-
tionists who maintain that ‘continued nuclear testing is not re-
quired to build and maintain a credible nuclear deterrent for
Pakistan vis-à-vis India.’260 There is also a small but significant
group which, at most times, is dismissed as insignificant (even
called American agents!), and which says, ‘Pakistan must sign the
CTBT because it is perfectly clear that Pakistan can never afford
to test again.’261 An argument that has been lost in the din of the
coup was that before the US Senate rejected the CTBT, the US was
desperate to get a signature from nuclear weapons states to sell
the same to the senate. Had Pakistan signed it, it could perhaps
have reaped some benefits to help its economy. However, Pakistan’s
position on the CTBT has also become more flexible. Like India,
Pakistan has announced a moratorium after the completion of its
test series. Six weeks after the tests, Pakistan officially ‘de-linked’
its position on the CTBT from the Indian position.262 But the debate
in the strategic community continues to link the Pakistani signing
of the CTBT with the Indian signature of the treaty. 263 On 23 Sep-
tember 1998, Prime Minister Sharif signalled a willingness to join
the CTBT:
Pakistan has consistently supported the conclusion of a CTBT for

over 30 years. We voted for the Treaty when the U.N. General As-
sembly adopted it in 1996. We have declared a moratorium on fur-
ther testing; so has India. There is no reason why the two countries
cannot adhere to the CTBT. In a nuclearized South Asia, CTBT would
have relevance if Pakistan and India are both parties to the Treaty.
The Non-Aligned Summit has called for universal adherence to the
CTBT, especially by the nuclear weapon states. This demand is con-
sistent with the Treaty’s requirement that all nuclear capable states,
including India, must adhere to the CTBT before it can come into
force. The Pakistani Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif had told the
260
Ali 1999: 20.
261
Hoodbhoy 1999b: 56.
262
‘With a proven capability to establish deterrence, Pakistan’s position on
the CTBT is no longer linked to our neighbours’ (Akram 1998b).
263
See for instance, Shaikh 2001.
U.N. General Assembly that Pakistan’s adherence to the Treaty will

take place only in conditions free from coercion or pressure.264
The situation has since changed with the US rejection of the treaty
in the Senate. Unless the US revives the treaty, it will continue to
be shelved and the world can expect to trust the moratorium on
future tests from Pakistan.
On FMCT, Pakistan announced its agreement in August 1998 to
commence negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament at
Geneva for a non-discriminatory, multilateral and effectively veri-
fiable treaty banning the production of fissile materials for nuclear
weapons or other nuclear devices. Pakistan hopes that a Fissile
Material Treaty ‘should not only cut off further production of
weapons grade material but also adequately address the issue
of existing stockpiles of fissile materials.’265 On the issue of export
controls, Pakistan, which built its nuclear weapons programme on
imports from China, has ‘unilaterally and irrevocably committed
not to transfer sensitive technology, material and equipment to any
third country.’266 One can estimate how tight export controls really
are from a report which appeared in the press in early May 2000.
According to the report, one Wahid Malik Khan claimed that he
had canisters of weapons-grade uranium and plutonium for
sale in Pakistan. Many people, including Osama bin Laden, will
be interested to know about it.267
On the issue of various arms control regimes, the foregoing in-
forms that Pakistani policies will only be reactive to Indian policies.
It is fair to assume that Pakistan will stand by its moratorium on
nuclear testing unless India tests another nuclear device. It is also
conjectured that Pakistan might do a technology demonstration
somewhere on its own soil in the event of an extreme provocation
from India. One area of concern, especially in the post-9/11 and post-
attack on the Indian Parliament phase, has been the physical safety
of Pakistan’s nuclear assets. Some of these concerns were overplayed,
264
Sharif 1998.
265
Available at the website of Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, at http://
www.forisb.org/un3.html, accessed on 17 May 2000.
266
Ibid.
267
The Indian Express 2000.
Pakistan 345
but even at peacetime apprehensions remain about non-state actors

laying their hands on fissile stocks. Pakistan would also have to
strengthen its export control laws.
Ì
The future of Pakistan as a state and role of military in shaping the

state and consolidating the process of nation building268 will have
significant impact on the security architecture of the region in gen-
eral and on issues of deterrence in particular. With Pakistan having
gone overtly nuclear, there are many unresolved dilemmas facing
the state and the army. The army has to decide whether to move
from its NATO type ‘flexible response’ strategy to, as the unofficial
nuclear doctrine states, the concept of threshold, whereby the
nuclear threshold might be crossed if the adversary (India)
occupies a large territory or if vital communications are cut.269
Pakistan believes that deterrence worked in the 1987 and 1990
crisis.270 There is a belief that India and Pakistan may not fight an
all-out war. ‘A conventional war between India and Pakistan would
probably last three to five weeks, and end in a stalemate. But should
Pakistan’s forces fare badly, the war might end very differently.’271
If that happens, Pakistan may want to alter the course of events
by using veiled warnings (they may continue during the conflict)
and may even detonate a device. On the other hand, if Pakistan
strikes first (facing a near impossible diplomatic turn around on
Kashmir), Indian retaliation will be a certainty. Even if one argues
that there is deterrence at the nuclear level, we have seen that
deterrence at one level has in the past, during Kargil, led to break-
down of deterrence at another (conventional) level.
268
As one writer has concluded, ‘with neither the political nor the military
elite capable of constructing a viable political framework, and the contending
political parties and the military bent on ousting the incumbent government by
any and all means, Pakistan has swung between civilian and military govern-
ments and … decades of misrule by civilian and military leaders alike have deeply
polarised political and civil society, creating deep cleavages over the identity of
the state and system of government …’ (Alagappa 2001c: 492).
269
Shahi et al. 1999.
270
Ibid. Also see in this context, Hagerty 1993, 1998. For views of South Asian
scholars, see Chellaney 1991 and Hussain 1991.
271
Reiss 1995: 209.
The pressures on shaping the nuclear arsenal are only likely to

increase in the years to come, partly due to the political factors of
state aspirations, the anti-status quo orientation of Pakistan and
the inherent sense of insecurity against India. The strategic factors
of research, development and testing of new missiles, foreign ac-
quisitions, the inter-service rivalry and the scientific–military push
may, from the Islamabad point of view, continue to shape the deter-
rent posture. The strategic benefits that accrue from such a posture
might seek to attenuate the country’s acute geophysical vulner-
ability, but it is likely to shape substantially any outcome of a face-
off with India. Islamabad has no large resource base and the
economy at the present state is unable to support an open-ended
arms race with India. As has been perceptively noted, this needs
‘fundamental transformation in the nature of the Pakistani state
which if it occurs successfully, would actually mitigate many of
the corrosive forces that currently drive Islamabad’s security
competition with India.’272 This was also reflected in a speech made
by General Musharraf sometime back.273
In either case, much depends on the decision makers on both
sides of the border, and if the challenge is to prevent loss of lives
and outbreak of conflict, then many issues need to be resolved and
many initiatives need to be taken up to ensure deterrence is not
under pressure. Pakistan has been ruled by four groups alter-
natively—the military, the bureaucracy, the feudal lords and the
industrial barons. Add to this, the 12 corps commanders and nearly
2,000 landowners who own more than half of the total cultivable
land, a cadre of nearly 1,000 officers of the District Management
Group and the Police Service of Pakistan and 44 industrial fam-
ilies. Pakistan started out as a secular welfare state and slowly
degenerated into a theocratic elitist state, where it is in the interest
of the ruling elite to maintain the status quo. The central premise
of democracy is a sustained public participation in the process of
governance. The roots of democracy lie in egalitarian political,
economic and social structures, modernising entrepreneurial elite
and economic policies that help build a burgeoning middle class.
A judiciary that is independent of the legislative and executive
organs, rule of law and checks and balances is also essential.
272
Tellis 2002b.
273
Dawn 2003. General Musharraf was visiting Seoul.
Pakistan 347
Pakistani political, social and economic structures and the military

are still deeply feudal. Given the nature of the state and of the army,
the presence of nuclear weapons without requisite filtration process
in decision making is less than reassuring.
Understanding well Pakistan’s failed experiments with demo-
cracy, Amb. Maleeha Lodhi reasoned, ‘reform and accountability
must come first before we can have a playing field for democracy.
I only hope that when it does come back, people won’t use it again
to loot and plunder the country.’274 After the coup, journalists and
lawyers rushed to point out that though the parliament and the
constitution were suspended, they had not been dissolved and
the courts and the press were still being allowed to function. Over
the last 55 years, Pakistan has sown the seeds of regional inequal-
ity, discontent and reaped the harvest of an alternate institutional
rule of civilian elite and military bureaucracy. Having survived
on constant doses of IMF loans and US aid, Pakistani economy is
hollow and FDI is still negligible. Consequently, close to half the
budget goes into debt financing. The Musharraf government is
currently faced with options it can ill afford to exercise, and yet
they are necessary to run the country: To try and restore civilian
rule (the option in which he himself may be put behind bars if not
sentenced to death for abusing the constitution), launch a crack-
down on the corrupt elite groups that control the reins of the gov-
ernment in Islamabad, or under sustained US and Indian pressure
try and clamp down on the jihadi infrastructure. It is going to be a
tightrope for the general. Will he succeed in controlling the forces
that helped create the Taliban and fuelled a bitter conflict in
Kashmir? Will he be able to clamp down on the radical elements
within the establishment that are in favour such low-intensity
warfare? The world and India have to be prepared and be ready
for the fact that Musharraf might remain in power for a long time.
He could be replaced by another coup, a revolution of sorts, as
he tries to take radical steps towards social and economic re-
forms. Fundamentalism that already has strong roots would in-
tensify, and the challenge the government and such measures
would complete the Islamisation of the society. No less significant
a contribution may come from the clergy that would want to keep
274
Quoted in Constable 2000: 134.
the Kashmir pot boiling. As long as this continues, an anti-India

sentiment will run high. A second path could be another coup by
one of the 12 corps commanders, backed by the Sunni clergy (that
is, if they iron out their differences). A couple of external factors
may have a role in fostering this—Pakistan going the North Korea
way—with increased diplomatic isolation and the world com-
munity continuing to toe the Indian line on Kashmir. On the other
hand, Pakistan might be able to stabilise internally, econom-ically,
socially, politically, reach some sort of a tacit understanding with
India, presumably on the LoC, and thereby decrease chances of
confrontation with India.
Prior to 1977, the factors that motivated young officers being
trained in the military institutions were patriotism and their pride
as loyal Pakistanis. General Zia, a devout Deobandi, changed this
and introduced additional motivating factors, including their
faith in Islam and their pride in being true Muslims. After 1977,
those young officers who passed out started to look upon them-
selves as not just soldiers of the state but also of Islam. General
Zia often made statements like, ‘Pakistan and Islam are the names
of one and the same thing and any idea or action contrary to this
would mean hitting at the very roots of the ideology, solidarity, and
integrity of Pakistan.’275 General Zia faced criticism of sthis as well.
Some authors maintain that ‘one of the most notable features of
Zia’s Islamisation programme was that the contents were rich in
symbolism but poor in substance.’276 In fact, during his long tenure
General Zia, who ruled longer than any other leader, never suc-
ceeded in legitimising his rule.277 He came closest towards gaining
credibility in 1985, and this was ironically the period when he
talked the least about Islam.278
The military coup of October 1998 provided a setback to the
prospects of some form of formal civilian control over Pakistan’s
nuclear deterrent. The armed forces would anyway have retained
operational control under any civilian rule, yet a formalised civilian
institutional setting would have provided more space in times of
275
Quoted in Ahmad 1988: 232.
276
Wilder 1995: 69.
277
For a broad overview of the military’s involvement in governance, see Arif
2001. Arif retired as a four-star general and served as the de facto Commander of
the Pakistan Army under General Zia.
278
Wilder 1995.
Pakistan 349
crisis for stability. The coup did throw some light on the sharp
divisions that exist within the military establishment at the level
of the corps commander. It further highlighted the institutional
schism that exists between the ISI and the army. However, there
is no evidence of vertical divisions or decay within the army as an
institution. A bigger concern from the Indian point of view is re-
newed moral, diplomatic and material support by the Pakistani
military to the militants fighting the Indian government in
Kashmir. This policy has now become the cause of a permanent
tension between New Delhi and Islamabad. ‘Many more Kargils’
that have been promised by Pakistan then do not seem to be far
fetched.279 This increases the chances for limited military engage-
ments that carry the potential of escalation.
The result of this was an increasing Islamisation of the middle
and lower ranks of the military and the genesis of a parallel armed
force that consisted of the military-trained and equipped madrassa
cadres, who were not under the control of the state. To strengthen
religious motivation, General Zia further inducted religious teach-
ers in large numbers into the education department. He further
recognised the certificates that were issued by the madrassas as
equivalent to university degrees for recruitment to government
service. The soldiers and officers from such an Islamised system
have become an army within the army that have often joined hands
with the parallel force of the religious parties and have immense
linkages with the various militant groups fighting in Kashmir,
covertly supported by the Pakistani army and headquartered all
over North Pakistan, to frustrate the attempts of any ruler who
would seek to rein them in. On the issue of the future of religious
groups and organisations and their impact on Pakistan’s society,
the threat of Pakistan getting ‘Talibanised’ is not as grave as it has
been projected, although in the last decade it has grown.280 These
religious parties find it difficult to get any popular mandate for
their programmes. So long as the objective of the jihadi groups is
279
This issue was raised in the Indian Parliament. See Lok Sabha 2000a. The
House was informed that the ‘Government are aware of certain readjustments
and reinforcements of Pakistani troops on the line of control and in the Sir Creek
area. Movement of certain reserve formations from their permanent locations
has also been reported.’
280
In this context, also see Goodson 2000.
limited to Kashmir, they may continue to get popular support in

terms of men and material; but if they try to implement any of
their versions of ‘Islamic’ principles, they are likely to be rejected
by the society. It was threats from precisely these kinds of groups
that made President Musharraf walk a tightrope and issue denials
about US troops undertaking ‘hot pursuit’ of Taliban militia into
Pakistan.281 However, these groups continue to have enormous
‘nuisance value’ (sometimes much more than that); because of
their organisational structure and the easy availability of small
arms, they pose a serious threat to the law and order situation
inside Pakistan and to the region.282
This process is not confined merely to the armed forces, it is
further spread to Pakistan’s nuclear and scientific community. The
younger scientists, who had their early education in the madrassas
before they moved over to the universities or went abroad for higher
education, are now a part of the nuclear establishment. Dr A.Q.
Khan, the father of the Pakistani atomic bomb, though educated
in Europe, had fraternised with the scientists of Saudi Arabia, Iran
and Libya before 1977.
The attempts of General Musharraf or of the earlier democrat-
ically elected leaders to control the madrassas, disarm the jihadis,
and pressurise the Taliban to moderate its activities have met with
resistance. The Islamised army, the religious parties, militant groups
and the scientific–bureaucratic community have joined hands in
frustrating any attempt of the leadership to press for peace with
India, reduce terrorism in Kashmir or exercise restraint over the
nuclear issue.
Many scholars, especially those outside Pakistan, have on and
off sounded the alarm of a total collapse of the Pakistani economy.
Fortunately for India in particular, and the region in general, this
has not happened until now. With the negotiations with IMF in pro-
cess, it is expected that other major banks and lending institutions
281
For a good discussion on this, see Weaver 2002.
282
See in this context, Ali 2001. ‘Jihadi organizations have started visiting
government schools urging the students to join their outfits for becoming “holy
warriors.” The new trend has been introduced by Jaish Mohammad, a Jihadi
organization founded by Maulana Azhar Masood, who was freed from Indian
jail as a result of a deal between hijackers of an Indian airliner and the New Delhi
government.’ See also Kumar 2001.
Pakistan 351
will start assisting Pakistan in the coming days. Additionally, the

military government is expecting an increase in the foreign invest-
ment in Pakistan. Irrespective of whether this transforms Pakistan
into a robust economy, it will certainly reduce the economic ten-
sions that the government has been facing. And surely there will
be no economic ‘collapse’. Pakistan’s economic revival depends
upon generating a mass-based socio-economic atmosphere that
would help regain investor confidence and make Pakistan a pre-
ferred destination for foreign direct investment and portfolio
investment. Increased internally stable order is likely to make the
state less insecure.
Whatever the outcome in the long term, Pakistan would need
to set its house in order: have a popular elected government that
lasts a full term, strengthen democratic institutions, have economic
policies that strengthen the state and decrease the role of the army
in influencing decisions that emanate from Islamabad, and in de-
cision making, in general. A clearer filtration process with civilian
inputs is also needed to ensure greater deliberation during the
process of decision making. This impacts deterrence stability, as it
seeks to eliminate unauthorised and accidental launch of nuclear
weapons. As Babar Sattar has perceptively noted, ‘it is the want of
strong civilian institutions firmly rooted among the masses and
the political leadership’s doubtful commitment to democracy that
makes political arena susceptible to military intervention.’283
Pakistan has to particularly ensure that the terrorist factories
that it has created are shut down in its own long-term interest.
As Jessica Stern has said, ‘Pakistan’s continued support of reli-
gious militant groups suggests that it does not recognize its own
susceptibility to the culture of violence it has helped create. It
should think again.’284 Over a long term, the message from Pakistan
is cautionary:
while no one would be foolish enough to say that religious activism

or a variant of fundamentalism will not influence Pakistan’s future,
the lessons of the past fifty years suggest that fundamentalist
ideology will continue to elicit a limited response, its declamatory
excesses more evident than its programmatic achievements.285
283
Sattar 2001.
284
Stern 2000b.
285
Lawrence 1998.
Increasing dependence on Islam by regimes in power appears

meaningless when the society’s political, economic and social
injustices are not eradicated. This raises questions concerning the
long-term viability of governments that rely for their legitimacy
on Islam. It is in the interest of Pakistan to send out positive signals
to the world that it is a strong and responsible state with nuclear
weapons, where the strength flows from democracy, strong insti-
tutions of governance, policies of social equality and justice that
stand the test of time, and not from militia-breeding Kalashnikovs
and heroin culture.
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSIONS
The most safe, sure and swift way to deal with the threat of nuclear
arms is to do away with them in every regard … reduction and
destruction of all nuclear weapons and the means to make them should
be humanity’s greatest concern.
—Boutras Boutras Ghali

NPT Review and Extension Conference
U
nderlying the debate on the deterrent role of nuclear
weapons in Southern Asia is one fundamental question
—what is the role of nuclear weapons in keeping peace in
this region? Do these weapons deter war? Or do these weapons
bring about a phase of ‘ugly stability’?1 Do these weapons make
sub-conventional conflict safer? Is there strategic space for ‘limited
war’ under the nuclear umbrella? Is the Southern Asian triangular
situation any different from the Cold War dyad? How can nuclear
deterrence be stable in the triangle of China, India and Pakistan?
This book questions the central premise of nuclear weapons—
deterrence. The notion of deterrence and the response of any state
during a crisis situation is a function of many factors that operate
at simultaneous planes, including the military, strategic, psycho-
logical and political ones.
Any crisis has the potential of moving from localised war to
sectoral military engagement and further, every step has the poten-
tial to escalate into an all-out nuclear conflict. Past experience is
only about two relatively equal superpowers, and there exists no
instance of creating a stable deterrence in a triangle involving three
states that have different motivations, nuclear doctrines, political
systems and histories. This makes comprehending events more
1
This term has been used by Tellis (1997).
problematic, with related stress and fatigues on men, machines,

armies and societies all playing their part. A factor that is unique
to this region is the presence of non-state actors which have in the
past proven to be a big destabilising source. Prudence unambigu-
ously dictates that avoiding any crisis by sound diplomacy that is
premised on war prevention, rather than any typical general’s
assertion of ‘we’ll sort out those chaps’, is needed. If states have to
increase power, strength and strategic depth, then it is also in the
national self-interest to maintain a robust and unprovocative de-
fence posture. History bears testimony to the fact that if the
firewood is ready, then one act can provide the spark—the murder
of the Archduke in June 1914 was sufficient to initiate the First
World War. States should concentrate on creating a web of crisis
and escalation control and crisis management instruments that
would go a long way in bringing stability and increase the response
time to any aggressive action.
There has been a distinct lack of historical experience in dealing
with crisis that carries a risk of escalation to the nuclear level. Given
this setting, this study has sought to learn from three cases. The
Cuban missile crisis became a test case much early into the Cold
War between the superpowers. With stakes being so high, this crisis
fortunately passed with not a shot being fired. The Ussuri river
clashes have been included, as they provide the only instance apart
from Kargil when two nuclear weapons states have engaged in
armed conflict. These situations bring forth the truth: conflict
chronically entails elements that cannot be anticipated. In Southern
Asia, perhaps the added variable is domestic—politics and public
opinion. Issues of nuclear weapons, war and missiles in the region
are governed more by the high pitch of political rhetoric and in-
ternal politics than by technology. Finally, the Kargil crisis and
the post-Parliament attack phase of troop mobilisation by India
and Pakistan, which had elements of escalation and was a case in
brinkmanship.2
Since a crisis is often just round the corner and inherently carries
seeds of escalation, the study focuses on the web of structures that
can be institutionalised to ensure escalation does not take place.
To maintain stability in crisis, which policies and postures are useful
and how can this be supplemented by technology?
2
Rajain 2002a.
Conclusions 355
Quite obviously, the politico-strategic postures have to be clear.

The challenge is war prevention—whatever the means. The means
could range from political will to the use of scientific technology.
Naturally, intelligence inputs are essential. These have to be accur-
ate and substantiated by evidence and if need be, part of this can
be conveyed to the adversary. For instance, if the intelligence has
picked up any covert activity of the adversary, then the directors-
general of military operations (DGMOs) could talk about it rather
than remaining misinformed about it.3 Large-scale military pre-
parations, when observed, can also be discussed with the adversary.
This kills any element of surprise attack that the adversary is plan-
ning. The West made a big noise about India’s preparations for a
nuclear test in 1995 and shifting of the Prithvi missile to Jalandhar
(India) a few years ago. Surveillance systems and technology can
be used to good affect to monitor such moves by the adversary.
Constant improvement in satellite resolution sensors enables a
clear picture of any such preparations. States that do not have satel-
lites of their own can hire commercial satellites for this task. If a
state has to send a message to the adversary then movement of
missiles to forward bases is a militarily loud enough message and
can be covertly or overtly done. After the Western nations discovered
India’s covert preparations to test a nuclear device in 1995, diplo-
matic pressure was built up against it and it was not pursued further.
Further, on the nuts and bolts of maintaining stability, the re-
spective leaderships will have to think through the ways of deter-
ring conflict. Possessing nuclear weapons and yet having to sustain
more than 1,000 causalties (as in the Kargil War) does not help the
case of those who argue for nuclear weapons. If indeed nuclear
weapons are a deterrent force, does that mean that states should
be more than prepared for conventional, sub-conventional limited,
or even large-scale conflicts?
An intelligence source in the decision-making process during
the Kargil conflict confided that India knew Pakistan had shifted
seven F-16s from Sargodha to Sangauli, that is, from peacetime
location to battle-ready deployment.4 Out of these four were escorts
3
There have been instances where the wrong information was conveyed. While
this strengthens the case of ambiguity, it weakens that of stability.
4
A senior Government of India intelligence service officer, in personal con-
versation a year after the Kargil crisis.
and three were wired for a nuclear weapons delivery. He added

that Pakistan was ready for nuclear conflict, and so was India. 5
When this question was raised in the Indian Parliament, the gov-
ernment responded by saying that it was not aware of any such
move.6 Obviously, either the government did not want the adver-
sary to know that it was aware about the movement of the F-16s,
or it did not want to make this information public.
India had activated its three types of nuclear delivery vehicles
and kept them in what is known as Readiness State 3—meaning
that some nuclear bombs would be ready to be mated with the
delivery vehicle at short notice. The air force was asked to keep its
Mirage fighters on standby, DRDO scientists headed to where the
Prithvi missiles were deployed and at least four of these were
readied for a possible nuclear strike.7 Even the Agni missile was
moved to a Western Indian state and kept in a state of readiness.8
A trajectory was worked out so that the two stages that are de-
tached after burnout did not fall on Indian territory and hurt
anyone.9 This obviously implies that in peacetime India has a de-
mated and de-alerted the status of its arsenal. Military strategy
informs that if a state is losing ground in one sector of a conflict, it
could open another sector and the enemy would then be forced to
let off some pressure on the first sector and engage in the other
sector. One wonders how India and Pakistan would have reacted
if any of the following situations had arisen in Kargil—if Pakistan
had opened another front, or if India had decided to cross the line
of control. Once domestic pressures begin to accumulate, a definite
result is what states look for.10 What is unclear is the connection
5
Rajain 2002b.
6
Lok Sabha 2000i. The opposition sought to know ‘whether the Government
are aware that during Kargil operation Pakistan had used “wired” aircraft duly
escorted by planes which was having (sic) the capacity of delivering nuclear
bombs to a strategic base close to the Indian border.’ Replying to this question,
the Minister of Defence, George Fernandes, on the floor of the House said,
‘Government have no information in this regard.’
7
Chengappa 2000. The author says that he ‘had conducted close to two
hundred interviews with a range of the key people involved that included former
Prime Ministers, Presidents, Ministers, Generals, Secretaries to government, diplo-
mats, strategists and the scores of scientists both known and unknown’ (Ibid.: 437).
8
Ibid.
9
Ibid.
10
Rajain 2002b.
Conclusions 357
between nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan and specific

politico-military objectives in the event of outbreak of hostilities.
At a couple of sectors—Siachen, Poonch and Rajauri—the two coun-
tries often exchange heavy artillery fire. Firing at each other in
Siachen does not require authorisation from higher authorities.
The two states, more or less on an everyday basis, engage each other
militarily at various other points along the line of control. This
engagement, however, is limited to the Jammu and Kashmir state.
This and the competing claims over Jammu and Kashmir lend
credence to the arguments that any future large-scale military
confrontation between India and Pakistan will be over Jammu and
Kashmir.
A small window of opportunity exists with the NFU. Pakistan is
unlikely to engage with India in a discussion on NFU, as this would
imply permanent Pakistani strategic inferiority and vulnerability.
Given India’s conventional superiority, the threat of first use re-
mains central to Pakistani calculations on the construction of its
deterrent against India, while the actual use of nuclear weapons
first may be vital to its defence if and when deterrence fails. Stephen
Cohen suggests that the Pakistan army has conceived of a five
rung escalation ladder; of these, four involve the threat of first use
or actual use.11 General Kidwai, head of Pakistan’s Strategic Plan-
ning Division, has also stated that nuclear weapons could be used
‘if the very existence of Pakistan as a state is at stake.’12
While one point of view holds that NFU is inherently a matter
of faith, if the weapons are de-mated this faith can be reinforced
with policy. For this there are credible monitoring technologies
available for enhancing its credibility. Additionally, there has been
some talk in India about a ‘limited war’ which could translate into
11
These include: (a) private and public warnings to India not to move its forces
threateningly; (b) a demonstration explosion on Pakistani territory to deter India
from a conventional attack; (c) the use of a ‘few’ nuclear weapons on Pakistani
territory against intruding Indian forces; and (d) nuclear strikes against ‘critical’
Indian military targets, preferably in areas with low population and without
much by way of infrastructure. See Cohen 1998: 177–79.
12
The threshold has been lowered and now encompasses the options of India
(a) conquering a large part of Pakistani territory; (b) destroying a large part of its
land on air forces; (c) proceeding to estrange Pakistan economically; or (d) creating
a large-scale internal subversion in Pakistan (Cotta-Ramusino and Martellini
2002).
military engagement across the line of control. This, in turn, is

premised on the notion that India controls escalation dominance
and that any threat by Pakistan has to take into consideration
India’s ability to raise and control the level of escalation right up
to the nuclear level. This may be very difficult, especially when it
is under stress in a crisis situation and both sides look for a face-
saving exit. Kanti Bajpai thinks that
the more India thinks that Pakistan is using ‘first-use’ threats to

promote asymmetric warfare, the more it will move in the direction
of limited war under nuclear conditions to indicate that Pakistan is
not immune from retaliation; the more India is seen to move in the
direction of limited war under nuclear conditions, the more Pakistan
will emphasize first use.13
The coup in Pakistan gave the Indian government an excuse to

stop the dialogue. When the dialogue reopened and an agendaless
Agra Summit was called, it turned out to be a public relations dis-
aster for the Indian government. The relations went down the
slippery slope after the attack on the Indian Parliament. General
Musharraf might not step down soon and it is possible that he
will be in power for a long time. If that be so, will India not talk to
Pakistan for that long a period? After the various setbacks India
has experienced while doing business with the General, it is likely
to tread very carefully in the future. Back channel diplomacy has
been explored in the past; it can also be used in the future.14
The other reality that has now arisen is that China has become a
part of South Asian security. Any action by China with regard to its
own nuclear weapons programme or policy will necessarily result
in India taking a reactive stance. This has further implications on
Pakistani security calculations. If India continues the establishment
of a credible minimum nuclear deterrent which has to be against
all adversaries, it naturally includes China. A minimum credible
deterrent against China will result in weaponisation and deploy-
ment of a deterrent force both in terms of reach and numbers. This
may just be far too much for Pakistan. If an NBC news report is to
13
Bajpai 2002.
14
In 1999, R.K. Mishra from India and Niaz Naik from Pakistan were engaged
in back channel diplomacy.
Conclusions 359
be taken seriously, then with able assistance from a couple of

nations, Pakistan may already be ahead of India in terms of its
delivery capability.15 If this is true then India has many issues to
consider. As India was decisively defeated in the 1962 war with
China, the military still regards threats from China as primary
and long term. China may be playing its game well by trying to
contain India by assisting Pakistan—a typical Kautilyan construc-
tion of assisting an adversary’s enemy (who is a friend). India and
China seem to have placed the nuclear tests and the chill in bilateral
ties that came about in the wake of the nuclear tests firmly behind
them. India could engage China in a dialogue that includes issues
such as nuclear stability, and at a later stage involve Pakistan in
such a venture to bring about stability in a region widely regarded
by many as the most likely place for an unauthorised accidental
use of nuclear weapons. At this point in time this seems far fetched,
as China is unlikely to include nuclear issues in the agenda of any
dialogue with India. A humble beginning has been made with the
exchange of maps on the border dispute.
Soon after the tests, the international community led by the P-5
in the Security Council and the G-8 nations met in Birmingham
where it laid down some benchmarks for South Asia.16 On the issue
of export controls, the Indian government maintains ‘the most
stringent control on export of sensitive technologies ….’17 India
has announced a no-first-use policy, a unilateral moratorium on
nuclear testing, engaged the US in a security dialogue, tabled a re-
solution in the first committee of the UN General Assembly for
dealerting of nuclear arsenals, discussed autonomy for Kashmir,
offered talks with all sections of the civil society in Kashmir and
15
The Times of India 2000d. Many Indian strategists and policy analysts
dismissed this report as fabricated.
16
Prominent among these were: ‘to conduct to further nuclear tests; sign and
ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty immediately and without conditions;
refrain from deploying nuclear weapons or missile systems; halt the production
of fissile material for nuclear weapons; participate constructively in negotiations
towards a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty; formalise existing policies; not to export
weapons of mass destruction and missile technology or equipment; and resume
a direct dialogue to address the root causes of tension between them, including
Kashmir’ (United Nations 1998).
17
Lok Sabha 1998.
held the first free and fair elections there in a long time. Pakistan
too has pledged not to export sensitive technologies and announced
a moratorium on further tests.
China already occupies an enviable position in the international
system, both in terms of attributes of power and negotiating
strengths. India being firmly on the road to the reform process,
depending on the issue involved either takes idealist positions
(for instance, favouring a greater UN role in the Iraq crisis) or takes
realist positions (for instance, not permitting any role of the UN in
Kashmir); but when confronted by crucial choices, the Indian gov-
ernment often speaks from a position of strength. It is Pakistan
that has to set its house in order to reconsider its national priorities.
It is in the interest of all three states to enter into a restraint regime
that works in times of crises. Decision makers in Beijing, Islamabad
and New Delhi should not lull themselves into thinking that cred-
ible minimum deterrence would prevent crisis and possibly the
outbreak of hostilities. All countries have to address issues related
to nuclear doctrines, alternative response options, early warning,
intelligence and alert levels.
Sir Michael Howard argues that deterrence includes a mix of
reassurance and accommodation, and should not focus exclusively
on nuclear capabilities.18 It is common knowledge that the Indian
arsenal is firmly under civilian control in de-mated and de-alerted
status and will be assembled to deployable status at very short
notice. K. Subrahmanyam says, that the ‘Indian philosophy of de-
terrence is not anchored in flaunting the certainty of the destructive
power of its arsenals, but in generating sufficient certainty in the
minds of potential adversaries that they cannot escape retaliation
if they were to resort to use of nuclear weapons.’19
In view of the trend of a hostile climate spread over the longer
term, India and Pakistan could do well by going back to the basics
of their relations: the bilateralism emphasising the Shimla Accord
of 1972 and the Lahore Declaration of February 1999. They contain
necessary provisions that have governed the crucial issues of inter-
national border, line of control and necessary confidence-building
measures (CBMs) in nuclear and missile areas. Once a minimum
18
Howard 1982/83.
19
Subrahmanyam 1998a: 246.
Conclusions 361
level of confidence is restored, dialogue channels opened, increased

communication will lead to clearer perceptions. With regard to
Sino-Indian relations, two exhaustive CBMs negotiated in the 1990s
provide a fine institutionalised framework for confidence and
security building.20 In the nuclear realm, there has been very little
progress since China refuses to acknowledge India as a nuclear
weapons state. In due course of time, this will perhaps come through,
and in the aftermath of President K.R. Narayanan’s visit to China
in mid-June 2000 and Zhu Rongji’s visit to India in 2002, relations
are steadily improving. In an emerging balance of power in Asia,
Japan and India remain the two countries that may pose a credible
challenge to China’s rise as Asia’s primus inter pares. A process that
threatens stability in Southern Asia is the Pakistan–China collusion
on missile and nuclear materials. Even though both countries con-
tinue to deny this publicly, reports of Chinese assistance continue
to pour in. Moreover, Chinese actions themselves at times are causes
of concern to India. If the US continues to invest in theatre missile
defence (TMD) in East Asia, China may be forced to respond, there-
by making India rethink its strategic calculations.
Ì THE TRIANGLE: CHINA, INDIA AND PAKISTAN

Considering the fact that nuclear weapons will remain firmly
entrenched in the security calculus of nation-states, and until such
a time that nuclear weapons are delegitimised from the strategic
fabric of nation-states, what path can China, India and Pakistan
adopt that would be in their national interest without letting the
guard down?
The last five decades have seen three Indo-Pak wars and one
Sino-Indian conflict. If one looks at the biggest challenge that any
state faces today, it is that of preventing the outbreak of a conflict.
For any conflict will not just be a drain of national resources, it
will further strain the relations between these states leading to a
brinkmanship situation that no state would want. But such a situ-
ation is often around the corner: a chain of inadvertent events,
domestic political turmoil, heightened misperceptions and weak
20
See India–PRC Agreement 1993, 1996.
leaders could easily spark any crisis. The three states provide a
wide range of political systems, arms control community, defence
postures and nuclear doctrines. China and India have declared
no-first-use policies (the only two nuclear weapons states to have
done that) and it is expected that in a crisis situation these states
will abide by their declared nuclear doctrines. On the other end
is Pakistan which does not have an ‘official’ declared policy, but it
is widely believed, will probably use nuclear weapons as weapons
of ‘last resort and first use’.
EXISTING BILATERAL AGREEMENTS
The three states could also use the framework that has been worked
out under various treaties and bilateral agreements to enhance
stability in the region. For instance, the Agreement on Measures
to Reduce the Risk of Outbreak of Nuclear War between the US
and the erstwhile USSR had the following provisions, some of
which could have implications in Southern Asia, if the political
will permits:
1. A pledge by each party to take measures each considers necessary

to maintain and improve its organisational and technical safe-
guards against accidental or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons.
2. Arrangements for immediate notification should a risk of nuclear
war arise from such incidents, from the detection of unidentified
objects through early warning systems, or from any accidental,
unauthorised, or other unexplained incident involving a possible
detonation of a nuclear weapon.
3. Advance notification of any planned missile launches beyond
the territory of the launching party and in the direction of the
other party.
The other agreement that has broad contours for ensuring a re-
straint regime in South Asia is the Agreement on the Prevention
of Nuclear War signed in Washington on 22 June 1973. Under this
agreement, the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to re-
duce the danger of nuclear war and the use of nuclear weapons to
practise restraint in their relations towards each other and towards
all countries, and to pursue a policy of stability and peace. It was
viewed as a preliminary step in preventing the outbreak of nuclear
Conclusions 363
war or military conflict by adopting an attitude of international

cooperation.21
The USA and the USSR had also negotiated The Agreement on
Notifications of ICBM and SLBM Launches, signed during the 1988
Moscow Summit. India and Pakistan do not have SLBMs yet, but
in due course may possess them. An agreement on the same lines,
featuring short-range ballistic missiles, would reflect the continuing
interest of India, China and Pakistan in reducing the risk of nuclear
war as a result of misinterpretation, miscalculation or accident.
The START I treaty had provisions whereby the party was under
obligation to notify any flight test of an ICBM or SLBM, including
those used to launch objects into the upper atmosphere or space,
in addition to the requirements under the Ballistic Missile Launch
Notification Agreement (under which the notifying party must pro-
vide planned launch date, launch area and re-entry impact area).
INFORMATION SHARING AND TRANSPARENCY VERSUS AMBIGUITY
Until the time that nuclear weapons are withdrawn from the sec-
urity architecture of nuclear weapons states, which may be a long
way off, the three states—China, India and Pakistan—can promote
a stable nuclear environment by sharing information on nuclear
materials. While one understands that it may be very difficult to
generate political will to do so, given the pressures from the do-
mestic constituencies, such an arrangement may work towards
instilling confidence and making the region a nuclear safety zone.
One particularly suspects that China may not want to be a part of
any such arrangement, but once an opening has been made, data
sharing can be facilitated. India and Pakistan have cooperated on
nuclear issues in the past—the Bilateral Agreement on the Prohi-
bition of Attack against Nuclear Installations and Facilities.
21
This agreement broadly covers two areas: ‘(a) It outlines the general conduct
of both countries toward each other and towards third countries regarding the
avoidance of nuclear war. In this respect it is a bilateral agreement with multilateral
implications; (b) the Parties agreed that in a situation in which the two countries
find themselves in a nuclear confrontation or in which, either as a result of their
policies towards each other or as the result of developments elsewhere in the
world, there is a danger of a nuclear confrontation between them or any other
country, they are committed to consult with each other in order to avoid this
risk’ (US–USSR Agreement 1973).
The agreement strengthens the scope of Articles 15 and 56 of

the First and Second Protocols to the Geneva Convention. These
articles state that
works or installations containing dangerous forces, namely dams,

dykes and nuclear electrical generating stations, shall not be made
the object of attack, even where these objects are military objectives,
if such attack may cause the release of dangerous forces and
consequent severe losses among the civilian population.22
In spite of the crests and troughs of Indo-Pak relations, the lists of

such installations are exchanged at the beginning of each year.
A similar agreement can be negotiated with China to strengthen
stability in the region. The difficulty in this may be that China is still
not reconciled to the fact that India is a nuclear weapons state.
Presently, the IAEA collaborates with Sri Lanka, Pakistan, India
and Bangladesh in the region on a number of projects that provide
for a greater South Asian nuclear transparency. The Regional Co-
operation Agreement (RCA) mentioned in the IAEA Information
Circular 167 includes these four countries, among others.23 India
is one of the main countries involved in RCA. Through the RCA,
the Indian Department of Atomic Energy has provided training
facilities and fellowships to numerous foreign visitors. In 1999,
the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre trained eight scientists, one
each from Bangladesh, Myanmar, Romania, Thailand and four
from Vietnam. Pakistan, which joined the RCA in September 1974,
has also been active. It hosted a review meeting to analyse the
regional database on marine radioactivity in 1999. The RCA pro-
vides a legitimate structure that can be used to focus on issues of
mutual concern. A broad range of engagements would facilitate
better understanding.
An institutionalised structure came into being in 1999, when the
Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee travelled by bus to
Lahore and signed the Lahore Declaration with the Pakistani Prime
Minister, Nawaz Sharif. A memorandum of understanding was
also signed by the Indian Foreign Secretary, Mr K. Raghunath and
22
India–Pakistan Agreement 1988.
23
The others are Australia, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, Mongolia,
New Zealand, the People’s Republic of China, the Philippines, the Republic of
Korea, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Conclusions 365
the Pakistani Foreign Secretary, Mr Shamshad Ahmad in Lahore

on 21 February 1999. It had the following provisions: 24
1. The two sides shall engage in bilateral consultations on security

concepts and nuclear doctrines, with a view to developing meas-
ures for confidence building in the nuclear and conventional
fields, aimed at avoidance of conflict.
2. The two sides [shall] undertake to provide each other with ad-
vance notification in respect of ballistic missile flight tests, and
shall conclude a bilateral agreement in this regard.
3. The two sides are fully committed to undertaking national meas-
ures to reducing the risks of accidental or unauthorised use of
nuclear weapons under their respective control. The two sides
further undertake to notify each other immediately in the event
of any accidental, unauthorised or unexplained incident that
could create the risk of a fallout with adverse consequences for
both sides, or an outbreak of a nuclear war between the two coun-
tries, as well as to adopt measures aimed at diminishing the pos-
sibility of such actions, or such incidents being misinterpreted
by the other. The two sides shall identify/establish the appro-
priate communication mechanism for this purpose.
4. The two sides shall continue to abide by their respective unilateral
moratorium on conducting further nuclear test explosions unless
either side, in exercise of its national sovereignty, decides that
extraordinary events have jeopardised its supreme interests. This
declaration lies buried under the snows of Kargil that will take a
long time to melt. The Shimla Agreement and the Lahore Declar-
ation, emphasising bilateralism, provide a good starting point.
A revival of the Lahore process can then be supplemented by
the International Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear
Accident (restricted to non-weapons facilities).
Another opening that can be explored is the South Asian Seas Action
Plan, of which both India and Pakistan are signatories. Annex IV
of this plan includes a Regional Program of Action for the Protec-
tion of the Marine Environment of the South Asian Seas from Land-
based Activities. Under this plan, the Tarapur Atomic Power Station
(TAPS) in India and the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP)
24
For the Lahore Declaration, see The Hindu 1999a. Also see the website of
IPCS both for the text of Declaration and the MoU: http://www.ipcs.org/
documents/1999/1jan–mar.htm, accessed on 21 August 2000.
in Pakistan can be made to cooperate on data that affects the envir-

onment. Both of these facilities are located on the coast, impact the
coastal regions and are potential thermal, chemical and radioactive
pollutant sources. One of the key features of the South Asian Seas
Action Plan is to encourage collaboration among regional scientists
through the establishment of coordinated regional marine pol-
lution monitoring programmes based on inter-comparable
methods for the study of the various processes occurring in the
coastal areas and open ocean of the region, and the assessment of
the sources and levels of pollutants and their effects on marine
life and human health. This too can be strengthened. But at the
heart of any Indo-Pak reconciliation is the response of both coun-
tries to the Kashmir issue. From the Pakistani side, there has to be
the shutting down of the terrorist infrastructure, the support to
militancy, and from the Indian side there has to be an engagement
process—something that has begun in right earnest with the estab-
lishment of the N.N. Vohra Committee and the commencement of
talks at the highest level. Additionally, there has to be a process of
engaging the social, cultural and economic fabric of the Kashmiri
society. Kashmir is the key to a stable South Asia.25
India and Pakistan could adopt mutual restraint in the develop-
ment of nuclear weapons/missiles; provide greater transparency
in their deployments; choose to negotiate confidence and security
building measures (CSBMs) in the conventional and nuclear spheres;
and consolidate the existing structures and instruments between
them. The common/cooperative security approach ac-cepts the
primacy of the state, while at the same time it does not deny the
existence of tensions and instabilities between states and within
states, nor does it preclude military measures being taken to assure
national defence.
As this approach encourages coordinated and non-confrontational
interactions between military establishments, it could extend to
decisions relating to weapons acquisitions and force structuring.
At the same time, this approach encourages what Jawaharlal Nehru
had espoused many years ago—non-interference in each others’
affairs. If external support to internal and local matters can be dis-
couraged at the level of the state, much valuable resource can be
better utilised. The cooperative and common security approach
25
For two contrasting views on this, see Mattoo 2003 and Haqqani 2003.
Conclusions 367
concept also provides a new salience to the notion of national se-

curity from that based on military power to a security based on
human concerns transcending state frontiers—like socio-economic
development, human rights, gender equity, terrorism and environ-
mental degradation. A general conclusion in this regard is that
the threat of future conflict is firmly located in the developing world

—where crowded peoples in poor nations are at risk from the pace
of environmental change, the rapid growth in their own popula-
tions, the growing threat of infectious disease, and an array of ethnic
and tribal hostilities.26
This reinforces the need for regional and subregional collabor-

ation to enhance political and economic security.27 This does not
mean that the power of the state is undermined; the state remains
a significant source of security as it possesses the capabilities to
influence the security milieu positively or negatively, in which
human security must be sought.
Additionally, some level of transparency can also instil a degree
of confidence and credibility in the other state. Again, it is not the
operational features or plans that need to be conveyed, but a broad
understanding that the weapons are in safe hands and the com-
mand and control in civilian hands. This strengthens the credibility
of deterrence rather than weakening it. The doctrinal issues, the
red lines can have a degree of transparency, while the operational
details can remain ambiguous to maintain credibility.
Ì LIMITED WAR UNDER NUCLEAR UMBRELLA

While territorial concerns continue to remain the fundamental
factor that lead to war, it must be remembered that if armed conflict
breaks out, much will depend on how disputants perceive their
issue and how they negotiate over it. Richard Barringer found that
one of the main distinctions between non-military and military
phases of a conflict is the way issues at stake are perceived.28
26
Kennedy et al. 1998: 21.
27
See in this regard, IPCS 2000.
28
Barringer 1972.
He also said that while armed conflict is under way, escalation in

military tactics has two common factors: pessimism about what
might happen if victory is not achieved, and a related shift in mili-
tary balance.29 The size of a dispute is probably related to the in-
tangibility of the issue under contention.
A point of view that started emerging in the 1960s was that
nuclear weapons have limited the military extent, geographical
scope and strategic aim of war among states that possess such
capabilities, primarily due to the awesome destructive potential of
such weapons.30 As Martin van Creveld has written, ‘From Central
Europe to Kashmir, and from the Middle East to Korea, nuclear
weapons are making it impossible for large sovereign territorial
units, or states, to fight each other in earnest without running the
risk of mutual suicide.’31 This school of thought maintains that
with the emergence of nuclear weapons, total and unlimited con-
ventional war had been relegated to the annals of history, since
states would not undertake long military campaigns for economic
results any more. That age of imperialism is now over. Addition-
ally, a larger number of states simply do not have the means to
conduct a total war. But does that mean that countries that have
nuclear weapons may find the necessary strategic space to wage
‘limited war’? This thought permeates the strategic community in
India and Pakistan.
At least once in a generation, the three countries, China, India
and Pakistan, have gone to war and the trend of stability–instability
continues. The delicate balance of terror, particularly between India
and Pakistan, therefore puts a premium upon prudent and accurate
calculations of adversaries to impose disadvantageous ratio of
costs to benefits upon each other, even though neither would be
likely to gain an advantage if both employed their full capabilities
to impose such costs.32
29
Ibid.
30
See chapter 2 for the theoretical aspects of limited war debates.
31
van Creveld 1991: 194.
32
Robert Osgood says that ‘Whereas deterrence under the balance-of-power
system depended largely upon estimates of relative military capabilities—which,
although repeatedly miscalculated, were assumed to have fairly straightforward
relationship to the will to employ them—deterrence under the balance-of-terror
system depends, primarily, upon a complicated process of mutual mind-reading
based upon some such highly subjective and speculative calculus as the relationship
Conclusions 369
Since May 1998, India and Pakistan have mobilised forces more
than twice and there has constantly been talk of limited war. The
theory of limited war entered the lexicon of the Indian strategic
community when the Indian Defence Minister, George Fernandes,
addressing an international conference by the country’s largest
think tank, the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA),
and attended by strategists, military personnel and civil bureau-
crats, propounded his thesis of limited conflicts in a nuclear envir-
onment against the backdrop of the Kargil War:
[T]he issue was not that war had been made obsolete by nuclear
weapons, and that covert war by proxy was the only option, but
that conventional war remained feasible though with definite limit-
ations if escalation across the nuclear threshold was to be avoided ….
India has demonstrated in Kargil that its forces can fight and win a
limited war, at a time and place chosen by the aggressor.33
At another seminar, this time on ‘The Challenges of Limited War:

Parameters and Options’, the defence minister claimed that
We had understood the dynamics of limited war especially after

India declared its nuclear weapons status nearly two years ago.
Nuclear weapons did not make war obsolete; they simply imposed
another dimension on the way warfare could be conducted. The
Kargil War, therefore, was handled within this perspective with
obvious results. Pakistan, on the other hand, had convinced itself
for decades, that under the nuclear umbrella it would be able to
take Kashmir without India being able to punish it in return .… There
was a worse error of judgement that Pakistan made after the nuclear
tests in May 1998 when its elites started believing that India would
be deterred in any war imposed on it, and will not fight back. There
was a perception that the overt nuclear status had ensured that covert
war could continue and aggression across the line of control could
be carried out while India would be deterred by the nuclear factor.34
between the value of an objective at stake to the estimated effectiveness and costs
of action in the light of the probability of a particular response’ (Osgood 1961).
33
Singh 2000: xvii–xviii. This statement was made in the opening address by
the minister at the Second International Conference on Asian Security in the 21st
Century organised by the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi,
in January 2000.
34
Fernandes 2000.
He added further,
while war, in our context, was kept limited in the past by choice,
our interests would require that it should be kept limited in future
as a matter of necessity .… We need, therefore, to ensure that con-
ventional war, whenever imposed on us in future, is kept below
the nuclear threshold. This will require close examination of our
doctrine, defence strategy and force structure.35
At the same seminar, the then Chief of Army Staff, Gen V.P. Malik,
refining this concept further, said that India would have to remain
operationally prepared for the entire spectrum of war—from proxy
war to an all-out war. ‘The military strategy adopted for Kargil,
including the line of control constraints, might not be applicable
in the next war. In all limited wars the only common factor is na-
tional aim and objectives’.36
The question that presents itself in a dynamic strategic envir-
onment is, can India or Pakistan fight and win a limited war under
the nuclear umbrella? The Indian defence minister’s assertion
obviously implies that India controls escalation dominance. The
literature of the Cold War era informs us that in essence, there
was the belief that it is possible to control patterns of conflict, and
yet be able to determine outcomes even of it was not going accord-
ing plans made in operations rooms. Decision makers at all times
during the conflict would remain in full control of the events, in
spite of the elements of surprise, use different weaponry, open
other fronts and yet determine a pre-concluded set of outcomes.
Herman Kahn, for instance, informs that ‘This is a capacity, other
things being equal, to enable the side possessing it to enjoy marked
advantages in a given region of the escalation ladder.’37 He con-
tinues, ‘it depends on the net effect of the competing capabilities
of the rung being occupied, the estimate by each side of what would
happen if the confrontation moved to these other rungs, and the
means each side has to shift the confrontation to these other rungs.’38
35
Ibid.
36
The Times of India 2000a.
37
Kahn 1965. This appears to be premised on an ‘ugly balance of terror’. The
success in such a scenario depends on strategic asymmetry. Kahn’s suggestion
was that with nerve and skill any favourable asymmetry could be turned into
bargaining advantage.
38
Ibid.: 186, 190.
Conclusions 371
Thomas Schelling’s views on this issue are slightly different. He

emphasised the element of uncertainty:
[N]ot everybody is always in his right mind. Not all the frontiers
and thresholds are precisely defined, fully reliable, and known to
be beyond the least temptation to test them out …. Violence, espe-
cially in war, is a confused and uncertain activity, highly unpredict-
able depending on decisions made by fallible human beings
organized into imperfect governments depending on fallible com-
munications and warning systems and on the untested performance
of people and equipment.39
The inherent risk remains. As Schelling says elsewhere, ‘the idea

is simply that a limited war can get out of hand by degrees.’40 When
war gamed, this scenario leaves a huge element of risk. Even if the
initiator of conflict41 decides to alter the course of conflict midway42
and moves an extra division of troops or uses air power (if none
had been used so far), the other state will be tempted to thwart
this. It is entirely possible that in any such event both sides would
start using air power, or the defender might be tempted to use a
tactical nuke on an advancing tank column. This brings us back to
square one—the element of risk of escalation in a limited war cannot
be ruled out.
The theory of limited war is based on the hypothesis that it ‘maxi-
mizes the opportunities for the effective use of military force as a
rational instrument of national policy.’43 Limited war, Schelling
argues, ‘is not necessarily “irrational” for either party, if the alter-
native might have been a war that would have been less desirable
for both of them.’44 To keep war limited, there has to be norm setting.45
(In the case of China, tradition lays the foundations for such norms.)
The adversary too should be at the same strategic wavelength to
keep the conflict limited. But this may create more problems.
William Kaufmann has suggested that ‘any attempt to formulate
39
Schelling 1966: 93.
40
41
That is, the state that wants to change the status quo as it is unfavourable to it.
42
Presumably when the course of the war is not favourable to the initiator.
43
Osgood 1957: 27.
44
Schelling 1960.
45
These norms have been discussed in some detail in chapter 2.
rigid rules of conduct for wars whose aegis and environment we

cannot foresee may create as many problems as it pretends to solve.’46
Coming back to George Fernandes‘ assertion of being able to
control escalation dominance: does this take into account the host
of variables that remain outside India’s control? While controlling
escalation against Pakistan might still be possible militarily, if not
politically conceivable, would it be possible against China in the
next 5 to 10 years?
This means that building a stable deterrent relationship with
China and Pakistan is essential. While this may be easier against a
smaller rival like Pakistan, building a credible deterrent against
China will be difficult and controlling escalation dominance is out
of question, given the present force structure. China will continue
to be superior both militarily and by nuclear numbers. Even if India
wants to refine its arsenal, it needs more tests; but it is restricted
by the self-inflicted moratorium and limited fissile stock. It is also
due to the fact that at this point in time, India does not aim to be a
large nuclear weapons state; instead it seems content with modest
nuclear numbers with small nuclear forces. So it is unlikely that
controlling escalation during crisis would entirely be in India’s
hands, if left purely on nuclear numbers. Of course, now that there
is much larger international attention on this region, it would be
difficult for any crisis situation to reach the stage where nu-clear
exchange is envisaged.47
Kargil demonstrated to India that Pakistan could be a reckless,
adventuristic, and risk-acceptant state, capable of behaving astra-
tegically and irrationally. As a study conducted by RAND con-
cluded, ‘For Pakistan, it (the Kargil operation) reconfirmed low
intensity conflict as a legitimate tool for attaining political goals,
but it probably also caused the Pakistani leadership to conclude
that Kargil-like operations are not legitimate in the current inter-
national environment.’48 Additionally, the study concluded, ‘Kargil
46
Kaufmann 1958.
47
It seems clear that India has a fairly hostile border with Pakistan and it is
only with Pakistan that any crisis has the potential of escalating from a limited
military engagement to an all-out nuclear war. With China, the border is peaceful
and it is unlikely that any crisis or issue will have the potential to escalate to a
nuclear exchange.
48
Tellis et al. 2001: ix.
Conclusions 373
stands as yet another symbol of the failure of Pakistan’s grand

strategy and illustrates Islamabad’s inability to anticipate the inter-
national opprobrium and isolation that ensued from its actions.’49
The possession of nuclear weapons, it seems, has elevated the thres-
hold of Pakistan to undertake such risks. This means, stability at
the nuclear level may endanger stability at the conventional and
sub-conventional level.50 In theory, it characterises the ‘stability–
instability’ paradox. This also helps in making sub-conventional
conflict safe.51 Factors like geographical extent, weaponry used,
minds of the decision makers, the pressure of external actors
and time, operate simultaneously to determine the outcome of a
conflict. The government of the day may not have control over many
of these factors operating in the politico-strategic environment.
The assumption of the limited war concept was that wars would
be localised, small and limited in geographical extent, men and
machinery used. The guiding principle for nuclear weapons here
was to ensure that the conflict does not become large scale, as nu-
clear weapons of the adversary would be a disincentive for es-
calating to other levels. But this argument is not strategically
sustainable, as the ‘use them or lose them’ theory informs us that
any losing side will be inclined to use all weapons at its disposal.
Moreover, unless a state has fired off most of its strategic weapons,
these might be lost in a pre-emptive first strike.
Even while a Kargil operation can be termed ‘limited war’ mainly
in terms of restrictions of geographical extent, weaponry used and
perhaps impact on economy, there can be no convincing answer
to the predicament on either side, that nuclear capability might
provide the umbrella under which such limited operations can
be executed with immunity from escalation, and with a pre-
determined set of rules of military engagement. A norm developed
in the 1990s, and which was further strengthened by India’s own
position in the Kargil War, has been that the LoC is sacrosanct. It
has also been found that international opinion quickly forms against
states that try and alter the status quo by use of force. This has
49
Ibid.: 5
50
One can argue against stability being present at the nuclear level, given the
nuclear sabre rattling in Kargil and during May 2002.
51
See in this context, Chari 2001a. Also see in the context of stability–instability
debate, Krepon 2003.
translated into reduced military options for India. P.R. Chari has
argued,
In truth, India’s security has worsened after it became an overt

nuclear power; however, the concerned official and non-official
communities find this verity hard to accept. Hence their urging of
new and risky modalities to affirm India’s strategic ‘superiority’
over Pakistan by asserting that a limited war against Pakistan could
be victoriously fought.52
On its part, Pakistan firmly believes that while it could engage

India in a low-cost high-return game of low intensity conflict in
Kashmir, it could also take some time off for a ‘strategic detour’
and use the overarching nuclear umbrella to pursue goals like those
in Kargil. Apart from being a big domestic rallying point, altering
domestic opinion and being a balancer for India’s conventional
superiority, the outright deterrent function of nuclear weapons
for Pakistan cannot be underestimated. Apart from covert nuclear
signalling, Pakistan also realised that raising the bogey of a nuclear
flashpoint was a perfect way of catalysing international interven-
tion. This assumption is unlikely to change in any future military
engagement. What is also unlikely to change are the ‘asymmetric
strategies’ that Pakistan’s ISI is capable of pursuing against India.53
On its part, India has to realise that any future Pakistani adven-
turism in Kargil or any other region cannot be ruled out, given how
Kashmir is played in the imagination of the Pakistani population.
India realises that the large international support it received during
the crisis was a function of the geo-political circumstances and
will be so in the future.54 If India has to prepare for more Kargil-
type operations, then it must reinvigorate its intelligence cap-
abilities55 and develop robust rapid forward deployed response
capabilities that remain prepared to thwart future Pakistani
adventurism, and deter any Pakistani brandishing of nuclear
weapons. Additionally, Indian strategists and policy makers need
52
Chari 2002: 6.
53
This could include a wide spectrum of subversive activities, ranging from
economic (counterfeit currency, black marketing, money laundering, etc.), to
social subversion (exploiting the fragility of Indian subaltern populations and
the dissatisfied social groups).
54
Rajain 2001a.
55
A suggestion also made by The Kargil Review Committee (2000).
Conclusions 375
to realise that in any future Kargil-like situation, they need to get

into the minds of the policy and decision makers, possibly at the
general headquarters in Rawalpindi. If Pakistan is tempted to
‘cry nuclear wolf’ rather frequently, India is required to develop
‘at least a small set of rapid-response capabilities ….’56 Developing
special forces is something that Bharat Karnad has also advocated:
‘[I]n a nuclearised setting, short of formal, all out conventional
war … Special Forces … [can] wage a relentless and punishing
low-intensity conflict across the border … this has virtually no risk
of escalating to conventional war, leave alone nuclear exchange.’57
In this milieu, it is possible that as causalties increase, domestic
public opinion with the impact of media may develop against such
an operation. As it has been questioned elsewhere,
If India crosses the LoC and Pakistan decides that it is threatened

and issues a warning that it would contemplate its nuclear option,
what would be the Indian response? Would India recall its troops
and call off the operation? Or would it go ahead and continue in
the hope that Pakistan will not escalate the war to a higher or nuclear
level? An element of strategic uncertainty obtains here.58
Ashley Tellis, in Stability in South Asia, had concluded that neither

India nor Pakistan could attain a decisive outcome through con-
tinued conventional military conflict59 With General Musharraf
already facing a strong anti-establishment sentiment domestically,
a war-like situation against India (started by India—or so would
be his reasoning) may be in his best interests to serve as a domestic
rallying point.60 A way out of this conundrum for India would be
to fine-tune its diplomatic moves by highlighting Pakistan’s role
as a perpetrator of violence in Kashmir to the world, and exert
political and diplomatic pressure on Pakistan to deliver on its pro-
mises of stopping the export of terrorism. This seems to be a wiser
strategy than contemplating hot pursuit, which could lead to mili-
tary escalation and diplomatic isolation.61
56
Tellis et al. 2001: 57.
57
Karnad 2002: 497.
58
Rajain 2002c.
59
Tellis 1997.
60
Rajain 2002c.
61
Ibid.
In the post-Indian Parliament attack phase, India marched up its

troops to the borders, leading to a 10-month confrontation with
India testing the limits of compellance strategy. India deliberately
created the recognisable risk of an armed conflict. This situation is
very similar to what Thomas Schelling has termed ‘brinkmanship’,
but he considers this ‘a risk that one does not completely control’,62
because the presence of non-state action brings in complications.
The crisis in the aftermath of the attack led to both sides using
nuclear deterrence to seek advantageous positions, but as
Lt Gen V.R. Raghvan says,
neither side wanted deterrence to fail even as each tried to mani-

pulate it to its advantage. Crises will therefore become the future
test of deterrence between India and Pakistan, unless of course deter-
rence fails both through dangerous manipulation. Attempts by India
and Pakistan to repeatedly work up crises with nuclear under-
pinnings will lead to a range of adverse spin-offs.63
In any Indo-Pak crisis, the integral role of the United States as an

arbiter cannot be ignored. In the post-Parliament attack phase,
there were a number of emissaries visiting South Asia, and ‘the
United States intervened quickly and decisively to pressure both
sides toward de-escalation.’64 But some Indian strategists, including
K. Subrahmanyam, thought that war was never on the cards. 65
Some others thought that ‘[t]he energy and rhetoric that the news
media and policymakers are devoting to conjuring doomsday
scenarios would be better spent addressing the root causes of the
current crisis: Pakistani support for terrorism in Kashmir and,
underlying it all, the legitimate grievances of the Kashmiri people.’66
The reasons that the Indian government gave for the politico–
military–diplomatic overdrive were to coerce Pakistan into ending
62
He further argues that it is the deliberate tactic of letting the situation get
somewhat out of hand, simply because its being out of hand may be intolerable
to the other party and force an accommodation on his part. ‘The essence of the
problem seems to be a kind of controlled loss of control; putting oneself in a
position where one may or may not respond, but the determining factors are not
entirely subject to ones own control’ (Schelling 1960).
63
Raghvan 2002.
64
Ignatius 2002.
65
Subrahmanyam 2002.
66
Ganguly 2002b.
Conclusions 377
its support for cross-border terrorism and to hand over 20 fugitives

who had taken asylum in Pakistan. India initiated a bargain and
threatened to use force. There was dager of the confrontation escal-
ating after a few months of stalemate, when the army camp in
Kaluchek was attacked in May 2002 and families of army soldiers
were killed. Apart from not handing over the fugitives, Pakistan
had also not been able to bring the terrorists under control. That
raised the question of whether the country was in a position to
calibrate the activities of these terrorist groups that had over the
years been so faithfully nurtured by the ISI. Coming under tre-
mendous US and Indian pressure, General Musharraf promised
that Pakistan would not permit terrorists to use its territory for
their activities; additionally, if these groups were found to be
acting on their own, it would be a further embarrassment for
Islamabad.67
The threat of India’s use of force had to be seen as credible in
Islamabad. To be taken credibly, India had to ensure that its armed
forces were in their operational areas. The only danger that India
faced was Pakistan’s non-compliance with its demands. Failure
of coercive diplomacy would have meant armed conflict with dis-
astrous consequences and a potential for escalation. After the in-
cident at Kaluchek, India had to control a growing public sentiment
for war. The trick, as C. Raja Mohan writes,
lay in managing this ambiguity well, taking advantage of the new

openings and nudging the overall context in India’s favour. This
required an understanding of the limits to coercive diplomacy that
by necessity involves third parties, the constraints on the third
parties and the unintended consequences.68
As I have argued elsewhere, ‘There is a delicate balance between

nuclear capability acting as a deterrent and it being the cause for
breakdown of deterrence. The appropriate diplomatic response
lies in adopting the stance of nuclear brinkmanship: threaten to
cross the brink and hope your enemy gives in first.’69
Meanwhile, acting on his own, Lt Gen Kapil Vij, commander of
2 Corps, moved his armoury to a tactically advantageous position
67
Musharraf 2002b.
68
Mohan 2003a: 201.
69
Rajain 2002a.
for attack as soon as the political leadership decided to go to war.

This manoeuvre was picked up by US satellites and the Govern-
ment of India had to recall General Vij from his command.70 This
event, when considered alongside the shuttle diplomacy, shows
that like many times in the past, the US played a very active role in
defusing the crisis. It is also likely that the Western powers in general,
and the US particular, were the constituency when Pakistan was
raising the bogey of a nuclear flashpoint. That being so, it had the
desired results.
By raising the military–diplomatic rhetoric, India too was playing
to the same constituency.71 Indian responses comprised ‘nuclear
signalling, conventional mobilization, border posturing, possible
covert operations, political rhetoric and a diplomatic offensive.’72
This compellance strategy paid dividends for India as well. The
American media started raising the issue and called for a greater
proactive approach from the Bush administration. The New York
Times called Kashmir ‘one of the most dangerous flashpoints in
the world.’73 While some American scholars, including Stephen
Cohen, thought India was deliberately creating a ‘sound and light
show’, 74 others thought that ‘the risks are so cataclysmic that
Washington must do more ….’75 Perhaps, what both India and
Pakistan did not take into consideration was the possibility of a
process of action and reaction that could easily lead the nuclear
rivals into a spiral of misperception and even misinformation,
leading to catastrophe.76
If India’s sole purpose in heading towards a potential conflict
situation was to ensure that Pakistan stopped cross-border ter-
rorism, then it was partially successful, this can be attributed
to a combination of factors—from India’s threat to go to war, to
the US shuttle diplomacy that managed to extract a promise from
General Musharraf to stop exporting terror. In doing so, India
70
The Times of India 2001a.
71
Additionally, an offensive posture along with political rhetoric was also
aimed at drumming up domestic support for the NDA alliance.
72
Ahmed 2002.
73
The New York Times 2001.
74
Cited in Slevin 2001.
75
Kristof 2001. See also Gordon 2002.
76
Raghvan 2001. General Raghvan was drawing from the experience of the
Kargil War. He has been India’s Director General, Military Operations.
Conclusions 379
took advantage of a global anti-terror concern post 9/11, thereby

putting Pakistan in a precarious position to be either ‘with or
against the US in the war against terror’. But India’s biggest gain
was General Musharraf’s tacit acknowledgement that Pakistan
was exporting terror to Kashmir and that this would now stop. It
is a different matter that in doing so Pakistan lost much credibility,
Musharraf’s popularity did a u-turn in domestic politics, and India
is still debating if he is delivering on those promises. In India, this
led to a school of thought which holds such a policy of combining
coercive diplomacy and nuclear brinkmanship to be a viable
politico–military option. Brig Subhash Kapila, for instance, thinks
that the escalation was worthwhile. He locates two benefits: (a) the
promises of General Musharraf on non-export of terrorism and
(b) that ‘Indian armed forces could train for an extended period of
time in their operational areas.’77 Somewhere in the game, India
left no ‘exit strategy’ for itself and after Pakistan did not hand
over the 20 criminals and did not stop aiding terrorists, India was
left with little or no option but to keep playing to the Western pres-
sure gallery and harping on the use of force.
With both the heads of states of India and Pakistan declaring
that deterrence had worked,78 one is left wondering if indeed it
was so and whether there is a strategic space where a limited war
or a calibrated use of force is possible under the nuclear umbrella.
Can India and Pakistan fight and win a limited war under the
nuclear umbrella?
There are no easy answers to this yet. The dynamics of military
strategy and bargaining theory state that a country has to grab a
piece of strategically located territory in a swift military action.
The territory seized would later be useful in bargaining for altering
the status quo, either territorially or in terms of state behaviour.
But even as one country is making these military moves, the other
country might not just be engaging itself militarily, but also initi-
ating nuclear signalling and steadily moving towards opening
77
See Kapila 2003. But Brig Kapila thinks the outcomes of the exercise would
have been different if the US had not intervened. He says, ‘The overall results
would have been of greater effectiveness but for United States’ interference. US
interlocutors having got India’s assurance not to declare war, passed on this
information to General Musharraf. Had this not taken place Musharraf may have
been forced into an exit.’
78
See The Hindu 2002c, 2002d.
other fronts for comparable territorial gains. Conventional wisdom

informs that in any conflict situation, visible losses often lead to
restive populations being used as pawns to win the losing battle
and to salvage prestige. In such a situation, it becomes impossible
to ascertain when either state has crossed the ‘red lines’ of the op-
ponent. That raises the question of whether any risk is worth the
potential consequences: the political and diplomatic opprobrium
of a limited aims operation turning into a large-scale military en-
gagement and having the seeds of escalation to nuclear exchange.
On the issue of undertaking a limited war, former Chief of Army
Staff, Gen V.P. Malik, is of the opinion that the ‘politico-military
objective and what would be the final outcome of such an action’
have to be clearly thought through at the very outset.79 But he is
firmly of the opinion that
these ‘grey’ threshold lines can move up and down. There is no de-
finite benchmark. There should be a reasonable justification of the
decision to cross the LoC …. But the important point is what our
politico-military objective is and what would be the final outcome
of such an action. Political leaders need to act responsibly and not
make rhetorical statements during a crisis.80
Hypothetically, if a vital installation in India is attacked by fidayeens

and India moves its troops across the LoC to achieve a specific
objective, like destruction of terrorist training camps without occu-
pying territory, a nuclear threat from Pakistan could mean that
India would either (a) call off the operation, pull its troops back and
face adverse public opinion; or (b) continue with these operations
in the hope that Pakistan does not proceed with its threatened
course of action.81 Does it also mean that even a small or medium
intensity fidayeen attack on India’s vital installations could translate
79
Malik 2002.
80
Ibid.
81
A Pakistani view of India’s options of limited war and hot pursuit informs
that a ‘limited war scenario could escalate quickly into nuclear exchange. It will
be difficult to restrain Pakistan from the use of tactical nuclear weapons to stop
naked aggression and avert danger to national security. Use of tactical nuclear
weapons by either side will quickly escalate into an all out nuclear war with
horrible consequences for South Asia’ (Ayaz Ahmed Khan 2000). In response,
V. P. Malik said, ‘I do not believe that Pakistan would trigger a nuclear war and
face the consequences of Indian nuclear retaliation over this counter terrorism
Conclusions 381
into a perpetual crisis situation between India and Pakistan?

A politico-military environment of permanent crisis is also hardly
reassuring. Neither is the solution in longstanding military build-
ups.
Limited war is intrinsically escalatory. It is a politico-military
strategy that involves nuclear signalling, which could easily be
misperceived and the adversary might opt for pre-emptive strike.
It is accompanied by conventional mobilisation along with political
rhetoric and diplomatic offensive. Any crisis could lead to a minor
skirmish and any brinkmanship could either lead to an all-out war
or make the adversary see through the bluff. This brinkmanship
is in theory termed ‘game chicken’. A game chicken of sorts was
being played out after the attack on the Indian Parliament. Add-
itionally, there has to be the element of reciprocity. Halperin main-
tained that ‘limiting a central war may depend on both sides’
believing that limitation is possible and that the other is likely to
reciprocate restraint.’82 It is unlikely, given internal dynamics,
that either country would be able to restrain itself from opening
another front when military logic, public opinion and popular
sentiment clearly warrant it.
The problem here is the risk-taking capability of political leaders,
which varies from individual to individual. Pakistan has exhibited
that it can take a bigger risk (by crossing the LoC in Kargil), while
the same capability prevented India from crossing the LoC.
Although nuclearisation of the sub-continent and terrorist activities
in India have resulted in the concept of limited war, there has how-
ever been no systematic analysis as to how any limited operation
across the LoC could be carried out without the risk of escalation.
And, of course, the final criticism can be that a losing state will
want to use all the weapons at its disposal if its survival is at stake.
issue. But that notwithstanding, the political objectives of any such conventional
operation must be clear. We are talking of camps that are not permanent, where
groups of 50–60 terrorists are being trained by the Pak ISI and ex-servicemen.
Depending upon the kind of intelligence available, one would be able to eliminate
some camps and terrorists. But these camps can be re-established or shifted to
another location. Even if we do manage to destroy a few out of these camps,
what kind of dent will that make and for how long? It would not lead to the end
of cross-border terrorism. If the military is asked to strike at those camps, it will
be done, but we should not expect that this act alone would solve the problem of
Pak sponsored terrorism’ (Malik 2002).
82
Halperin 1963: 107.
When conflict escalates, soldiers and statesman coming under

increasing domestic pressure will be forced to reach hasty deci-
sions, upsetting calculations that were made in peacetime. There
are many problems, in purely politico-military terms, in the idea of
limited war between India and Pakistan. Many questions remain
unanswered:
l Why would Pakistan like to keep the conflict limited, and more
importantly non-nuclear, in the face of rising domestic public
opinion and a militarily disadvantageous position?
l Do India and Pakistan know each other’s ‘red lines’ as they oper-
ate in a dynamic strategic environment? Any such operation/
limited war contains the seeds of a larger conflict/escalation, par-
ticularly when the losing state would like to use all weapons at
its disposal.
l In a hypothetical scenario, India launches a limited operation
across the LoC or the international border (IB), and Pakistan re-
sponds with a strike on either a counter-value target (city) or uses
tactical nukes on advancing Indian troops. Would India respond
with a proportional nuclear strike or a full-fledged conventional
attack?
l To deal with cross-border terrorism, the following military options
can be exercised: (a) use of air power on the camps—which are at
best a few mobile tents, with the trainee terrorists probably dis-
persed; (b) use of special forces against camps like Oghi village,
Ojheri camp, Para Chinar, Saidgali and Sargodha that have tem-
porarily shut down operations; (c) ‘hot pursuit’—chasing terrorists
across the LoC and the IB with the troops returning; and (d) ‘salami
slicing’ of Pakistan-administered Kashmir. India has to decide
whether it would occupy territory, or only close down training
camps. Obviously, these camps can be quickly established else-
where. What then would be the utility of any such operation?
If either side were to initiate a limited war, what would the political
objectives of such a move be? Considering that there is a growing
international acceptance of maintaining the status quo of the LoC
and the IB—a norm that India sought to preserve in Kargil War—
it is wishful thinking that any armed action by either side across the
LoC or the IB would not invite the attention of Western countries.
On its part, can Pakistan fight and win another Kargil-like limited
means operation? A growing international norm against changing
international boundaries by the use of force may not prevent Pakistan
Conclusions 383
from using violence as a legitimate tool in order to achieve political

objectives. The danger, as General Raghvan points out, is ‘not
reduced by Pakistan blurring the distinction between conventional
military conflict and sub conventional conflicts through the use of
irregular forces.’83 Pakistan has understood that the international
fallout of its misadventure in Kargil and the covert support to jihadi
elements in their operations against India may present a continued
low–cost high–return game for itself, while introspecting not just
on the misadventure but also on issues of grand strategy. Of the
many articles that were written, those by Jamaluddin Naqvi 84 and
Kamran Shafi85 reflect Pakistan’s sense of isolation and loss. A peep
into the Pakistani establishment’s thinking while planning for
Kargil, reflects that it thought such a plan was applicable and
would yield the required political and military results.86
83
Raghvan 2001: 89.
84
According to Naqvi, ‘No doubt, Pakistan’s initiative in Kargil was a brilliant
tactical move. But being out of tune with the prevailing regional and international
climate of opinion, it turned out to be self-defeating, indeed counter-productive.
It was taken in a strategic vacuum and in a world environment militating against
such a move …. Changing ground realities for strengthening one’s argument at
the bargaining table was standard practice during the Cold War period …. But the
use of force is no longer a tool of diplomacy in the post-cold war world’ (Naqvi
1999).
85
According to Shafi, ‘We have come a long way indeed from the time when
the world listened to our entreaties on Kashmir with a certain amount of re-
spect …. We have come a long way indeed from the time that our protector and
giver of all, Amreeka Bahadur (the great America) was getting ready to mediate
between India and Pakistan …. Whatever happened to us? Why do we stand at
the very edge of the diplomatic precipice today?’ (Shafi 1999).
86
Brig Shaukat Qadir has written, ‘The political aim underpinning the
operation was “to seek a just and permanent solution to the Kashmir issue in
accordance with the wishes of the people of Kashmir”. However, the military
aim that preceded the political aim was “to create a military threat that could be
viewed as capable of leading to a military solution, so as to force India to the
negotiating table from a position of weaknesses.” The operational plan envisaged
India amassing troops at the LoC to deal with the threat at Kargil, resulting in a
vacuum in their rear areas. By July, the Mujahideen would step up their activities
in the rear areas, threatening the Indian lines of communication at pre-designated
targets, which would help isolate pockets, forcing the Indian troops to react to
them. This would create an opportunity for the forces at Kargil to push forward
and pose an additional threat. India would, as a consequence, be forced to the
negotiating table. While it is useless to speculate on whether it could in fact have
succeeded, theoretically the plan was faultless, and the initial execution, tactically
Kargil proved Pakistan’s political and military objectives in blat-

antly pursuing a policy of irredentism. The critics of Pakistan’s
Kargil policy questioned why this plan of action was adopted,
when Pakistan was neither in a position to sustain it to its logical
conclusion, nor was able to muster at least moral and diplomatic
support from the Western powers and Muslim countries.87
The Indian defence minister’s assertion on limited war did not
go unchallenged in Pakistan. General Kidwai, head of Pakistan’s
Strategic Planning Division, sought to fill the doctrinal gaps by
lowering the Pakistani threshold to not just include territorial and
economic soverignty, but also the internal subversion matrix.88 This
is in addition to the threshold already specified by Agha Shahi,
Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Abdul Sattar in their seminal article.89
Any incursion into Pakistani territory by India would invariably
be viewed as violation of its territorial sovereignty. Should such a
military move take place, military logic, as Pakistani analyst Maria
Sultan says, dictates that ‘the obvious targets for Pakistan defence
planners would be to take out strategic military targets in the
Jammu and Kashmir.’90 She questions if in such a situation it would
warrant ‘India to limit the war in Kashmir and not launch an of-
fensive in other areas particularly in the south of Pakistan where
India has strategic advantage.’91 She argues that once again military
logic dictates that if the ground offensive is to continue in Kashmir,
there will be no easy successes for India. 92 This being a mountain-
ous region, quick decisive victories can be ruled out. Maria Sultan
thinks that India might then have to open a second front some-
where south to gain territory. This is where her argument becomes
unsustainable from the Indian point of view. If India does go in
brilliant. The only flaw was that it had not catered for the “environment”’ (Qadir
2002). After his retirement from the Pakistan Army, Brigadier Qadir became the
Vice President of Islamabad Peace Research Institute.
87
Haider 1999.
88
Cotta-Ramusino and Martellini 2002.
89
Shahi et al. 1999.
90
Sultan 2002.
91
She argues that ‘“military necessity” would dictate India to gain strategic
advantages in areas other than Kashmir that would automatically lead to the
expansion of the conflict zone and hence a large scale conventional war.’ This
line of thinking on military strategy is substantiated by many retired military
generals and strategists in Pakistan.
92
Ibid.
Conclusions 385
for a limited military action across the line of control, it will be

with limited political objectives. So far this seems to be the de-
molition of terrorist training camps and related infrastructure.
Writing on this issue, Samina Ahmed says, ‘given that an exercise
of the nuclear option in a limited conflict is highly unlikely, the
conventional arms imbalance between the two states would
work to Pakistan’s disadvantage.’93 Although even the limited
military action that India might consider undertaking is ambi-
guous, it seems fairly unlikely that India would want to open
another front in Punjab or Rajasthan to bargain territory after
the war without escalation or threat of use of nuclear weapons—
thereby making the whole notion of limited war rather fragile and
highly unpredictable.
That brings us to George Fernandes’ thesis of the likelihood of
limited Indo-Pak conflict taking place in future under the umbrella
of nuclear weapons. What remains unclear in the real world of war-
mongering politicians catering to domestic constituencies, intelli-
gence gathering (including breakthroughs), satellites and a restive
local population is, if indeed a situation does warrant a short swift
limited means military operation across the border, at what stage
of such a conflict would it lead to large-scale hostilities or opening
of another front or the recourse to the use of nuclear weapons?
Given the reality that Pakistan will continue to stoke proxy war
in Jammu and Kashmir and has promised ‘many more Kargils’,
the following modes of action present themselves to India:94
l First, to remain on the defensive. The next Pakistani incursion or

attack could be awaited and repelled, using the same tactics used
during the Kargil War. Air power could be utilised, but the san-
ctity of the line of control would remain inviolate; in consequence,
the war would be strictly limited in space to the territories of
India.
l Second, to pursue a policy of ‘proportionate retaliation’ by launch-
ing controlled attacks or incursions across the line of control into
undefended Pakistani territory. Thus, the border war in India
could be extended into Pakistan, but in a symmetrical and de-
limited manner to avoid escalation.
93
Ahmed 1998: 361–62.
94
Chari 2003b.
l Third, India could launch a punitive attack to degrade Pakistan’s

military machine. Logistics and communication centres could be
selectively targeted to minimise collateral damage and inflict
attrition, but without occupying territory. This option would not
be risk free. Pakistan may not be deterred, but might retaliate and
escalate the conflict to higher levels; this cannot be discounted.
l Fourth, to pursue either of the first two options, and simultan-
eously launch a diplomatic offensive to seek international sup-
port for restraining Pakistan from its military adventurism. Given
its present isolation and dependence on external financial sup-
port, a judicious combination of political and financial pressure
might induce Pakistan to behave responsibly within the inter-
national community. The contrary argument must be noticed.
Pakistan is a desperate nation; hence, its further isolation could
induce unpredictable behaviour, like North Korea. There can be
no guarantees, but the old adage holds: nothing ventured, nothing
gained.
Initiating a limited war without clearly identifying the political

and military objectives therefore remains at best a diplomatically
and strategically unviable option, and a very risky proposition at
worst. Complex interplay of factors and variables even from out
of the region question the power of governments alone to contain
any crisis.95 These variables and factors are tangible or even quan-
tifiable, such as the ability of technical intelligence, or intangible,
such as the systematic assessment, soundness of policies, the com-
petence and idiosyncrasies of leaders that are in power and how
they struggle with ignorance, knowledge, intentions and miscom-
munication. Additionally, competing grand strategies, inter-services
rivalry, differences in national military capabilities, misperception
of the adversarial capabilities in many areas, and poor quality of
leadership quality often manifest themselves. There is also a general
weakness in domestic political and organisational structures (par-
ticularly true for Pakistan), and the continual intrusion of domestic
pressures on matters of high politics (very true of India). The do-
mestic political context encourages the adoption of power politics
and often leads to outbreak of wars. As John Vasquez has said,
‘the driving out of accommodationist influences in the domestic
95
The role of the US, in particular, can be highlighted both in the Kargil and
the Parliament attack crises.
Conclusions 387
environment of both rivals is an important step toward war and a

domestic prerequisite for public mobilisation.’96 Given the peculiar-
ities of any crisis, the manner in which these variables interact with
each other normally determines a large set of outcomes. The road
to deterrence stability is long, and unfortunately in Southern Asia,
fraught with many crises. This gives rise to the necessity of redu-
cing the risks that might escalate a conventional war to a nuclear
level. Also required are confidence and security building measures
in the nuclear realm.
This brings the argument to the issue that is central to Indo-
Pak relations—Jammu and Kashmir.97 On its part, India has made
substantial political inroads towards addressing the issue. The
autonomy package passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly
has been discussed in the Parliament, though unfortunately re-
jected by the central government. The Government of India should
have passed the autonomy report to assuage the hurt feelings of
the Kashmiri people. If and when it is implemented, one can assume
that autonomy thus given may just be the maximum that the Gov-
ernment of India can offer under the Constitution. At least the
elections that were held in late 2002 were internationally acclaimed
to be ‘free and fair’.98 For its part, India too has considered every
possible solution to solve the Kashmir imbroglio, from maintaining
the status quo to granting greater autonomy.99 Presently, on its
part, India could work on two fronts—the political and the semi-
legal: (a) India should annually review the working of all the anti-
terror laws and see that the due process of law is followed against
all prisoners; (b) there should be a thorough and impartial investi-
gation of all reports of extra-judicial killing, custodial death, rape
and disappearance by security and paramilitary forces and those
96
Vasquez 1993: 223.
97
For the crisis in Jammu and Kashmir, see Ganguly 1996, 1999b; Lamb 1992;
Thomas 1991; Puri 1993; Behera 2000. For the finest historical perspectives,
see Gupta 1966; Dasgupta 2002. For two reports on Kashmir (though a little
dated) from different perspectives, see Bajpai et al. 1998 and Kashmir Study
Group 1997.
98
To the extent of defeating the ruling state government which is a member of
the ruling coalition at the centre. Also see in this context, Blackwill 2002.
99
This inspite of the promises to the US on stopping cross-border terrorism.
But India continues to be indecisive on whether the infiltration has gone down
or has remained where it is.
responsible, including military personnel, should be prosecuted;

(c) the political process initiated by the October 2002 elections should
be taken as the starting point to hold dialogues between represent-
atives of ethnic, religious and political parties of Jammu, Kashmir
and Ladakh. The return of Kashmiri Pandits to the valley should
be facilitated and their safety and economic security ensured; and
(d) local industries should be revitalised and the growth of the
private sector supported. On its part, Pakistan could do well by
following up firmly on commitments to prevent incursions across
the line of control by militants and permanently disband all mili-
tant infrastructure in Pakistan and Kashmir. India had made many
unilateral gestures of peace to the Kashmiris. Pakistan could also
bring some form of representative government in Pakistan admin-
istered Kashmir. It is possible to facilitate a dialogue between
Kashmiris on both sides of the LoC.
On the line of control, in the long run the only solution is accept-
ing the de facto line of control as the international border.100 P.R.
Chari has argued, ‘A counsel of moderation would suggest that
the only practicable solution to the Kashmir problem would be
acceptance of the de facto line of control as the international border
and thereby recognize the division of Kashmir by according it de
jure status.’101 Though this is a minority view in India, it seems to
be the only politically viable solution as borders are no longer al-
tered by the use of force.
In such a situation, the question of the level of progress which
can be achieved towards normalising bilateral relations, given the
pressure from the armed forces and the domestic constituency, is
better left unanswered. On its part, India has made serious mistakes
in the past of rigging elections, misgovernance, lack of account-
ability, absence of checks and balances, and not taking into account
the growing resentment in the valley of Kashmir, which made the
conditions ripe for it to become a fertile ground for Pakistan’s
‘asymmetric strategies’. The attack on the Jammu and Kashmir
Assembly on 1 October 2001, followed by the attack on the Indian
100
See Chari 1995.
101
Ibid.: 156. He further suggests, ‘A resolution of the Kashmir problem does
not seem possible unless these ground realities are understood and wisdom
dawns on both India and Pakistan that no political solution is possible by
adopting maximalist positions.’
Conclusions 389
Parliament on 13 December 2001, was a manifestation of these

strategies, precipitating the Indo-Pak border confrontation crisis.
Ì LIKELY SCENARIOS OF BREAKDOWN OF DETERRENCE

This is not a comprehensive list of future wars; indeed there can
be none. Based on past behaviour, risk-taking capability and the
pressure of domestic constituency in these states, the following
scenarios can be thought to be the likely issues over which there
could be a breakdown of deterrence.
INDIA–PAKISTAN
l The most likely issue over which India and Pakistan may clash is
Kashmir. It could begin as a low-key border engagement and may
even involve other regions. The Pakistani motivation would be
to wrest Kashmir from India, and in the course of military engage-
ment use veiled nuclear threats to attract the attention of Western
powers, particularly the US, to intervene. Pakistan may also get
tired of no foreign intervention and may eventually decide to go
at it alone, move forces into the chicken neck area and try to choke
Indian supplies to Kashmir. India could then move armoury through
Pakistani Punjab and begin air raids. Facing defeat Pakistan could
call for outside intervention while threatening nuclear strikes.
The US might intervene in the situation, asking both parties to
withdraw to the present LoC.
This scenario is likely if the violence in Kashmir continues and the US is

not able to exert further pressure on Pakistan to shut down the terror
factories. A limited military engagement, often the use of small arms and
artillery continues on and off along the line of control, and so the chances
of limited military action on the soil of the other country exist. In the
past, Pakistan has experimented with this strategy, and of late there has
been talk of ‘limited war’ in India. In the Kargil conflict and the post-
Parliament phase, India established a norm of not crossing the LoC and
it is unlikely that this norm will be breached. Even if it is, the political
objectives of such limited military engagement have to be very clear.
l Another scenario can be if Pakistan steps up militant activity along

the line of control in any other sector that is similar to the Kargil
adventure. India’s patience might run out and it might launch

air raids against terrorist training camps in Pakistan-administered
Kashmir. Pakistan could construe this as aggression, and domestic
pressures might force Pakistan to resort to the nuclear option.
This scenario assumes that India will initiate military action across the
LoC. If such an action continues only against targets that are artillery
shelled and does not involve soldiers or special forces crossing the LoC or
air power for cross-border operation, it is possible that India could under-
take such an operation without fear of escalation. The success further
depends on a variety of factors. If Pakistan raises the stakes, opens another
front, then domestic pressures in both countries could demand a definitive
outcome.
l Having been tested at a higher threshold than ever before, that

is, the attack on the Parliament, if any higher functionary in the
Government of India or any government vital installation is at-
tacked and domestic pressure builds up within India that favours
an action across the line of control or international border, India
might amass its troops and undertake limited action to eliminate
the terrorist training infrastructure. Pakistan could then declare
its sovereignty as threatened and retaliate with a nuclear attack
on one of India’s major cities.
Obviously such a strike in India will have to be undertaken by a fidayeen

squad. There has to be credible evidence of the involvement of the non-
state actor. If the Indian army crosses the LoC, Pakistan will initiate a
response within its sovereign rights. After a few loud threats, it is possible
that a nuclear test would also be carried out on Pakistani soil as final
signal against India. It is unlikely that India would then want to escalate
the conflict.
l And finally irked by India’s continual snubbing of foreign inter-

vention/mediation, Pakistan could move its forces into Kashmir.
Unable to meet the challenge from the Indian forces and left with
decreasing options, Pakistan might then decide to have a tech-
nology demonstration on an Indian armoury column.
Although it cannot be ruled out, it is unlikely that having lost three

wars, Pakistan will still want to engage India in a conventional conflict.
Conventional deterrence also works.
Conclusions 391
l Under the weight of internal contradictions, Pakistan could start

facing increasing unrest and blame India for it. Reaching an ex-
treme point, Pakistan might decide to use its ‘weapon of last resort’
against India, irrespective of whether or not India is to blame.
The international community is today engaged in a much greater way in

helping Pakistan resolve many of these internal contradictions. The US
has given a vast amount of money to reform Pakistan’s education system.
There is a constant inflow of aid and there is a very concerted effort to
keep Pakistan from becoming a ‘failed state’. A failed state with large
number of non-state actors will be America’s worst fear and India’s biggest
worry. It is unlikely that this will happen.
CHINA–INDIA
At the present levels of engagement, it is highly unlikely that India

and China will ever engage each other in a nuclear war and any
scenario between China and India is certainly less likely than that
between India and Pakistan. However, it is likely that:
l China could try to do a ‘salami slicing’ of parts of India that it

claims to be its own.
This is the only plausible motive for a forcible settlement of the dispute to
China’s advantage, howsoever remote. China is more likely to move to-
wards a satisfactory resolution of all its border disputes with India, once
it stands convinced that New Delhi poses no genuine threats to its
strategic objectives.
l Irked by India’s continuous raising of the issue of Chinese mat-

erial assistance to Pakistan with nuclear material and technology,
China might decide to ‘teach India a lesson’. It could drop a nuclear
bomb on Arunachal Pradesh (India’s North-east state bordering
China). China has border claims over this state, and its NFU does
not apply to its own areas. India cannot respond with nuclear
weapons because of China’s superior ‘third strike capability’.
India’s conventional forces need a lot of time to be mobilised into
wartime deployment from the Western border. Arunachal could
then become part of China .
The chances of such a scenario are highly unlikely. It is unlikely that

China will suddenly find India’s raising the issue of transfer of nuclear
materials and technology irksome, since India has been doing this for a
long time.
l Irked by political support to the Tibetan movement through its

exiled head, the Dalai Lama, China might warn India to stop
housing Tibetans. If India does not comply, a massive air raid
could be carried out against India and all Tibetan camps and cul-
tural centres could be bombarded. India cannot respond in these
situations because of the fear of escalation to a different level
and because it still has no credible deterrent against China.
Even this is remote. It is unlikely that China would undertake such a

military operation. It will provide no strategic and political long-term
gains for China. Also, India does have a deterrent relationship with China,
howsoever rudimentary.
As things stand, it is likely that both the Sino-Indian and Indo-Pak

dyads are likely to experience modest levels of deterrence stability
in the medium and long term. But in the short term, it is likely that
Pakistan would find it difficult to shut down the terror factories,
and some of these non-state actors might destabilise the region.
The main reason for stability in the medium and long term is that
two of the bigger states in this dyad—China and India—are not re-
visionist states and have a pacifist approach towards solving their
outstanding issues. The real unresolved issue is the territorial
dispute on which substantial progress has been made (maps have
been exchanged). On the other hand, Pakistan’s behaviour has been
prone to risk taking and revisionism. This has implications for de-
terrence stability. The use of non-state actors for political ends by
Pakistan has further complicated strategic calculations and put
stable deterrence under pressure. The scenarios discussed earlier
involve quick advances by conventional forces and result-oriented
action by special forces. While either state (India or Pakistan) could
gear its military towards such an action, there is a level of conven-
tional deterrence between India and Pakistan. That being so, in
any outbreak of armed hostilities, India will have to strive for escal-
ation dominance, which, given a dynamic strategic environment,
Conclusions 393
will be extremely difficult, even if it is militarily possible.102 The

respective armed forces are not geared for rapid advances. More-
over, in both the dyads neither China nor India seek to occupy ter-
ritory and retain it. Finally, neither state, even if they can find the
capability for rapid advances or ‘splendid strikes’, will be able to
support a compelling political objective for having to resort to any
large military action. One caveat, however, remains. Pakistan
continues to remain structurally weak, economically fragile and
socially incohesive. In the past, it has resorted to risk-prone
behaviour, and stability in the region continues to be a function
of crucial choices by Pakistan which often seek to alter the status
quo with the use of force or sub-conventional warfare. It would
thus seem that there is a low level of deterrence stability, as there
are several variables that severely test it.
Ì REDUCING RISKS: TOWARDS AN OVERALL

STRATEGY OF PREVENTING CONFLICT
Possessing nuclear weapons does not automatically translate
into stable deterrence, while the stability of the politico-military
environment is not a direct function of the nuclear arms race. On
the contrary, the balance of deterrence, upon which this stability
essentially rests, does indeed contain an inherent component of
instability, and this is exaggerated by changes in the technological
and strategic environment. To alleviate this element, stability must
be fundamentally achieved in all sectors of military and strategic
environment, lest stability in one sector creates instability in
another. In any attempt to stabilise the military–strategic environ-
ment, when deterrence is a relationship between three nuclear
powers, there is always the possibility of involvement of an inde-
pendent player with nuclear capability. This role in Southern Asia
is completed by the presence of the United States. It has increased
in the post-9/11 scenario, as history has witnessed the creation of
a new imperial order with its roots in an anarchic international
system. It led to the restructuring of US Cold War alliances, like
that with Pakistan, and forging new ones with the Central Asian
102
Even this fact is contested by many retired Indian army generals.
states. It also resulted in a massive increase of US military spending

and in shaping public opinion for a specific value system designed
against Islamic fundamentalism. Within the larger framework of
the ‘war against terror’, the US military–industrial complex justi-
fied a huge increase in the military budget. Over the longer term,
the US perceives China, and not Al Qaida or Islamic fundament-
alism, as its primary strategic concern.103 The US military presence
in Central Asia and the military campaign in Afghanistan have
serious implications for China’s military modernisation, which
will have a ‘trickle down’ effect on India and Pakistan. As has been
perceptively noted,
It demonstrated the reach of US military power across land and sea

borders. Coupled with the proposed National Missile Defence, it
makes the US almost invulnerable. The use of naval aircraft in the
air strikes on Afghanistan is a major cause for concern to China, es-
pecially for its interests in Taiwan and South China Sea. China’s
bargaining power in East Asia, especially in its relations with Japan,
South Korea and Taiwan, depends on its constructing a credible mili-
tary deterrent against growing US power.104
Problems in estimating the intentions and capabilities of adver-

sary states are not always due to the lack of information, but also
attributable to the inherent difficulties of interpreting information
that is available.105 For instance, in many situations the data is in-
conclusive, and thus intelligence analysts and policy makers pre-
sent conflicting interpretations and draw different conclusions
from the same information.106 Another unsettled debate is on the
levels of transparency. It may lead analysts and policy makers,
inadvertently or even deliberately, to interpret and structure select-
ively the information they get in order to make it consistent with
their own set of pre-existing preferences, beliefs and images of the
adversary.107
103
Rajain 2002g.
104
See Gupta 2003a.
105
Actually, an information breakthrough during a crisis can lead to more
difficult calculations in the host state. Not every scenario can be war gamed in
peacetime.
106
Betts 1978.
107
Jervis 1976.
Conclusions 395
While India and Pakistan have started taking the first few steps
on the nuclear road, China has travelled on this road since 1964.
Following the May 1998 nuclear tests, there is strategic and political
need for the Southern Asian states to engage in nuclear issues and
stabilise their relationship, despite the baggage of hostile bilateral
relationships and political rhetoric. Since the Indo-Pak nuclear tests
cannot be undone, both countries need to decide what strategic
options they should pursue that serve their national and regional
interests. However, China, India and Pakistan have adopted differ-
ent political approaches to arms control regimes and disarmament,
and issues like general and complete disarmament that subsume
nuclear disarmament.
India and Pakistan now have to deal with the political, strategic
and military issues that are involved in nuclear weaponisation and
deployment. They are in the process of establishing credible com-
mand and control arrangements over their nuclear arsenal and
evolving a doctrine for the possible use of nuclear weapons (in the
event of failure of deterrence) and the military strategy that guides
them to such a goal. There is a marked asymmetry in the dyads
that comprise this triangle—India vis-à-vis China and Pakistan vis-
à-vis India—both in conventional and nuclear weaponry. This
should not become an obstacle to the establishment of a plausible
nuclear restraint regime or in evolving credible nuclear risk reduc-
tion measures between the three nuclear weapon powers in the
region.108 Hence, there is a distinct possibility of escalation of regional
conflict from the sub-conventional level to crossing the nuclear
threshold.109 At present, India and Pakistan face an invidious choice
between proceeding further to weaponising and deploying their
nuclear arsenal sooner or later, or resting content with their present
capabilities. This is also a function of the kind of nuclear weapons
state India and Pakistan would want to become. Should India and
Pakistan proceed towards weaponisation and deployment, and
China continue with its nuclear modernisation plans, there are
several risk-reduction measures that could be contemplated in
the interest of nuclear stability of the region.110 There were many
108
See Gupta and Rajain 2003.
109
Already Pakistan has promised more Kargils, and Indian strategists,
including K. Subrahmanyam and Gen V.P. Malik, are talking in terms of ‘limited
war’ being a possibility. This has been discussed elsewhere in this book.
110
Gupta and Rajain 2003.
measures that were included in the ill-fated Lahore Declaration,

including advance notification of missile tests, moratorium on
nuclear tests, upgradation of existing communication links, under-
taking measures to reduce the risk of accidental or unauthorised
use of nuclear weapons, agreement to prevent incidents at sea,
establishing a consultative machinery to ensure effective imple-
mentation of confidence-building measures, and bilateral consult-
ations on security, disarmament and non-proliferation.111 These
measures need to be fleshed out. Most importantly, India and
Pakistan have to discuss their exact strategic concepts pertaining
to the utility of nuclear weapons.112 Risk-reduction measures must
also include exchange of information on steps to ensure safety of
stockpiles, and the establishment of hotlines between their air
forces and nuclear establishments.113 Finally, risk reduction should
also involve a tacit agreement to avoid inflammatory statements
from people holding responsible government positions, especially
in times of crisis. In this milieu, there are many more risk-reduction
measures that can be suggested:
l The establishment of reliable lines of communications across

borders, for both military and political leaders.
l A formal agreement not to militarily change the status quo in
sensitive areas.
l An agreement to minimise dangerous military practices with a
potential for escalation or accidents.
l Special reassurance measures for ballistic missiles and nuclear
weapon systems, including prior notification of missile launches
and transparency in the deployment and dismantling of nuclear
forces.
l Reliable command and control structures with exceptional intel-
ligence gathering capabilities.
Understanding and establishing credible deterrence can be a

precarious and demanding task that is full of uncertainty, as it
operates in a dynamic strategic environment. Understanding the
motivation of the adversary, coupled with his military capability
to respond, can pre-empt or deter the host nation to (mis)calculate
111
The Lahore Declaration unfortunately lies buried in the snows of Kargil.
112
Gupta and Rajain 2003.
113
Ibid.
Conclusions 397
the risks and costs that are involved in any military adventure. It is
possible that in order to demonstrate the resolve, firmness and cred-
ibility,114 a state might resort to issuing repeated threats—something
that both India and Pakistan often indulge in, and adopting un-
compromising bargaining positions—something that India tried,
perhaps unsuccessfully, in the post-Parliament attack phase.115 Any
refusal by either state in such a situation would expose the govern-
ment to the risk that the other may or may not back down; hence,
the one willing to accept the greater risk will prevail. In this case,
both governments had a choice between accepting the demands
of the other, which could have led to an automatic de-escalation
of the crisis and therefore a certainty in its outcome, or accepting
an uncertain outcome (back channel diplomacy, international pres-
sure to de-escalate the crisis, which may or may not work). In turn,
this would have led to a military conflict ensuing from the demands
not being met.116 Glenn Snyder has also theoretically gamed the
choice of outcomes that a country might decide to accept in bar-
gaining.117 He contends that the main component of each country’s
strength in this type of situation is ‘critical risk’, that is, the risk of
the other side standing firm, leaving the initiator of the crisis with
the choice of either standing firm or accepting the demands of the
other side. This, Snyder says, is the risk that a government should
be willing to accept as the consequence of standing firm. There is
a choice with the bargainer of comparing his critical risk with an
estimated probability—the probability that the other side will also
stand firm whatever the consequences. An escalation at this junc-
ture would leave no room for a face-saving solution to the bar-
gainer. At the end of the troop mobilisation in September–October
2002, the gain India could show from the bargain was probably a
decrease in infiltration and the 12 January 2002 speech by General
Musharraf. The other demands were not met, but there was no
armed conflict. However, during the crisis neither side wanted to
114
It can also be argued that a sense of insecurity leads a state to raise the pol-
itical rhetoric.
115
There is a view that India was able to extract some concessions from
Pakistan, a case in point being the 12 January 2002 speech. But purely in bargain-
ing terms, the demands that India had placed following the attack on the Parlia-
ment, that is, extraditing of India’s 20 most wanted terrorists and the closing of
terrorist training camps inside Pakistan, were met.
116
See Rajain 2003.
117
Snyder 1961.
be seen as ‘backing off’. This resulted in gradual de-mobilisation of

the troops from the international border. Figure 7.1 lists two sets
of options for states engaged in a bilateral confrontation, with each
option having its own consequences. Here, State A needs to make a
choice between Options Y and Z. Choosing Y would mean staying
firm, which could lead to confrsontation, while the Z option would
mean accommodating the adversary’s demands and therefore,
backing off.
Figure Ë 7.1
Pay-offs in a Bilateral Confrontation
In such a situation there is also ‘commitment’ from either side

or both sides that helps address the issue after the crisis is over. So
in the post-Parliament attack phase, when Pakistan gave a commit-
ment to clamp down on terrorist training camps, India was watch-
ful. That commitment went a long way in addressing the core issue
of terrorism (from India’s point of view). Pakistan, on the other
hand, suffered a setback on its core issue (Kashmir). India had to
be convinced that this commitment was genuine and would yield
tangible results on the ground.
The attack on the Indian Parliament has lowered the patience
threshold for India but opened the window of ‘risk that leaves
something to chance’. The problem in such a situation is of a sudden
and violent flare-up, coupled with the absence of communication.
The environment that exists now has the potential of permitting
incidents that are accidental and wholly unintentional—rather
than the result of a deliberate provocation on the part of the state—
rapidly reaching levels that neither state really wants. The out-
break of violence or another suicide attack on another Indian vital
installation or an overzealous military commander might suddenly
take the situation into a spiral of misperception and miscommuni-
cation. In such an environment, India has to be careful and investigate
each act minutely. If the atmosphere is volatile and full of mutual
Conclusions 399
suspicion, then indeed events will take their own spiral effect that
any government might fisnd difficult to contain. On its part, Pakistan
has to understand that the terror factory that it has supported all
these years might become the initiator of any such crisis—hence,
the global emphasis on closing down the terrorist training camps
and supporting infrastructure.
The juxtaposition of India’s nuclear doctrine of punitive retali-
ation with the backdrop of ‘calibrated use of force’ just below full
conventional engagement, presents many challenges to deterrence
stability. A similar grey area exists in Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine.
Pakistan’s use of sub-conventional means to bleed India in Jammu
and Kashmir on the one hand, and to immediately threaten to use
‘all weapons’ at any assertive response by India on the other, pro-
vide further challenges to deterrence stability. Southern Asia
exhibits a test case where limited use of force under the nuclear
umbrella cannot be ruled out.
One unintentional outcome of the 1998 nuclear tests has been
the realisation that any bilateral confrontation in the region will
receive the attention of the global community in general, and the
US in particular. The presence of the US and its shuttle diplomacy
often leads to another scale of coercive diplomacy that shapes the
outcome in a very different way. Any state willing to undertake
risks and breach established norms must take this into account—
which as a matter of fact Pakistan did not, during the 1999 Kargil
crisis. Sooner or later, there has to be a mutual recognition of stra-
tegic asymmetry and consequently a relative willingness on the
part of Pakistan to realise that adventurist and risk-prone behav-
iour will no longer translate into tangible gains on the ground.
In such a crisis situation, the term ‘crisis management’ has ser-
ious connotations. Crisis management is primarily concerned with
confronting the delicate balance of combining elements of con-
flictual and cooperative behaviour in an overall policy that seeks
to protect national interests of a state, while avoiding armed con-
flict. Phil Williams, providing an excellent description of crisis
management, says,
crisis management is concerned on the one hand with procedures

for controlling and regulating a crisis so that it does not get out of
hand and lead to war, and on the other hand with ensuring that the
crisis is resolved on a satisfactory basis in which the vital interests

of the state are secured and protected.118
At the heart of any calculation on coercive diplomacy is bargaining

without overt nuclear signalling, something that India tried in the
post-Parliament attack phase. There are many factors such as mis-
perception, cognitive rigidity and effects of stress on the decision-
making group that impinge on the effectiveness of crisis bargaining.
A function of this are the decisions concerning the level and timing
of military escalation in a crisis, invariably involving difficult ques-
tions about what trade-offs need to be made between military and
political considerations. In any such situation, a defender’s failure
to match the military escalation of the potential attacker can en-
courage the latter to believe that a fait accompli can be achieved
with the use of force, thereby deterring the attacker from actually
intervening in the defence of its ally. Windows of opportunity and
vulnerability perceived by the potential attacker can threaten the
success of deterrence in a crisis.119 The important implication is
that the potential attacker’s perception of the costs of not using
force can play a critical role in the success or failure of deterrence.
The emphasis in deterrence theory has been on the need for the
defender to possess sufficient military strength to inflict substantial
costs on the attacker in an armed conflict, and on ways to make a
military response by the defender seem as credible as possible.
But at the same time, it is imperative to recognise that military
considerations often provide partial, if not insufficient, explan-
ations of deterrence outcomes.120 Paul Huth is of the opinion that
for successful crisis management, the defender needs to appreciate
the political costs of not pressing ahead with force, while the at-
tacker must understand the potential damage to bargaining reput-
ation and domestic political support.121 The issue central to any
crisis or chicken game is the establishment of the credibility of the
threats, and the will to pursue the threatened course of action in
the event of the bargain failing. It is argued that such a threat carries
more credibility if issued publicly rather than through back channel
118
Williams 1972: 30.
119
Huth 1988.
120
Many scholars of deterrence theory have underscored this point, including
Russett 1967; Jervis et al. 1985: chs 3, 5 and 9; and George and Smoke 1974.
121
Huth 1988.
Conclusions 401
diplomacy. Both the sides have to realise that there could be out-
break of armed hostilities if the demands are not met. But this is
complicated by the fact that in South Asia, the added variable of
domestic politics leaves no state with a face-saving formula.
A state should not head towards military action with little or no
room to swerve at the last moment to prevent outbreak of hostilities.
There has to be an exit strategy. Neither should it lock itself in a
particular position by placing a set of demands that cannot be met.
There has to be ‘a last clear choice’ to avoid collision. It has been
noticed that Pakistan at times follows a deliberate strategy of ‘the
rationality of irrational’, as an explicit recognition that significant
benefits may accrue if India is made to believe that there are fringe
elements which are not entirely rational and not completely in the
control of the government. This is true for the actions of armed
groups operating out of Pakistan, even though India finds it hard
to believe that non-state actors can work with the kind of authority
they wield, without covert or overt assistance from the Government
of Pakistan.
The other deliberate strategy that Pakistan has followed in the
recent past is the dramatic flouting of established conventions and
norms, and leaving India guessing what the next move might be.
These actions are described as initiatives that force the opponent
to retaliate.122 In such a situation, India has broadly three choices
available: (a) India can match the escalation move by move; (b) India
can carry on with its own course of action; or (c) be accommodating
and concede to the game. Of these options, it is unlikely that India
would ever concede to the game and be accommodating, leading
to unilateral territory release. It is more likely that India would
follow a combination of choices a and b. It could match the escal-
atory ladder to some steps in retaliation, while at the same time
following a nuanced coercive diplomacy to highlight to the world
Pakistan’s role as a perpetrator of violence in Kashmir and other
parts of the country. Either way, there is every likelihood of there
remaining a ‘risk that leaves something to chance’. This implies
that crisis management has to be all the more robust.
A delicate task for any policy maker on either side of the border
is to deter an adversary who is likely at the outset to doubt the state’s
commitment, while remaining sensitive to the potential threat and
122
See Young 1968: ch. 14.
challenge posed by the opponent’s actions. Policy makers should

therefore try and devise a deterrent posture that is simultaneously
credible and stable. A stable deterrent does not lead the potential
attacker to be apprehensive of an offensive strike by the defender,
and avoids challenging a potential attacker’s bargaining reputation
to an extent that leads to backing down from the threat to use force,
on the one hand, and provoking the attacker and creating a spiral
of escalating hostility, on the other.123 In practice, achieving an
effective and delicate balance between credibility and stability in
diplomatic and military actions has been difficult for policy makers,
and in Southern Asia this has been all the more difficult, given the
complex interplay of forces, from public opinion, to checks and
balances in the form of government, to inter-services rivalry. The
equation is further complicated by the inability of any of the three
states to clearly and confidently know what factors are critical in
a potential attacker’s calculus of loss and gain.124
P.R. Chari says, ‘weaponisation and deployment of nuclear
weapons will degrade rather than enhance its national security.
Pakistan would be driven to weaponise and deploy its nuclear
assets …. China would target India with its nuclear missiles.’125
Looking internally, he adds that expanding nuclear capabilities
will not
enable India to halt the proxy war or cross-border terrorism in

Kashmir … or counter the ethno-nationalism based insurgencies that
bedevil Northeast India, or mitigate the growing non-military threats
to the country’s security. These threats are far more real and immin-
ent than the hyped nuclear threat, which has largely been promoted
by the compulsions of well-recognized groups with a vested interest.126
Looking externally, the argument has been made that nuclear

weapons in India deterred it from crossing the line of control
during the Kargil War, with Pakistani threat of using ‘all weapons
at disposal’ perhaps being taken rather too credibly.127
123
See Jervis 1976. Jervis presents an exceptional analysis of this problem while
devising various propositions to explain when deterrent threats and actions will
prevent or provoke an attack.
124
For an elaboration of this argument, see Huth 1988: 13.
125
Chari 2001b.
126
Ibid.
127
See Rajain (2002e, 2002f), for elaboration of this argument.
Conclusions 403
Therefore, the biggest confidence-building measure that can bring

some stability and peace to the region is unarguably will be a peaceful
resolution of the Kashmir problem. The past history of Indo-Pak
wars and the festering sore of Kashmir have bedevilled the bilateral
relationship between India and Pakistan. Briefly, the reasons lie
in the options that India and Pakistan have exhausted on the
Kashmir issue. Pakistan has attempted direct invasion (1947),
inciting militancy (followed by armed attack in 1965), again direct
attack (1971), and low intensity conflict starting in 1988, which
continues.
Ì KEY VARIABLES
IN FUTURE INTERACTIONS IN THE TRIANGLE
Looking at the next 8 to 10 years, one can evaluate patterns of
relationship based on three parameters: conflictual, cooperative,
and issue-based partially cooperative, partially conflictual.
Thanks to the exigencies of geography, current history, and now
economics, from an Indian perspective, while Pakistan continues
to remain nettlesome, the long-term security problem continues to
be China. An important element of this triangular relationship is
the ability of Pakistan to draw China in its favour and this is the
critical feature that will absorb Indian resources and capabilities.
India also continues to be suspicious of Chinese activities in
Myanmar. It is the carving of these ‘spheres of influence’ that will
determine the nature of the Sino-Indian relationship. India feels
that using this indirect means of containing and implementing a
larger grand strategy is detrimental to its interests in Southern Asia.
This is what many Indians see as ‘strategic encirclement’ of India.
As India is the weaker of the two entities in this dyadic relation-
ship, it is not surprising to see New Delhi being far more concerned
about Chinese policies, capabilities and intentions than vice versa.
The same is true of the Pakistan–India relationship. Pakistan also
continues to be more concerned about Indian policies, capabilities
and intentions than the other way round. If India is not fixated on
Beijing’s policies and capabilities in the same way as Pakistan is
on India, the reasons can be located in divergent histories and
perceptions.
Assisted by favourable geography, adequate conventional

superiority, robust nuclear forces and a helpful neighbour in
Pakistan, China can afford to disregard India and Indian capabil-
ities for some time to come. But this may not happen for long, and
it is likely that in the coming decade the countries will not just be
competing for the same foreign direct investment, but also for
‘spheres of influence’. India’s sheer size, capabilities, resources and
the economy make it a strong candidate, along with Japan and
Russia, in Asia. India could become a regional rival in Central Asia
in the short term and in the Persian Gulf in the long term. Within
South Asia, China and India are likely to continue waging what
John Garver has termed a ‘protracted contest’ to exercise regional
dominance.128 Any containment strategy of India might therefore
need to have more elements. Pakistan provides a fine low-cost
high-return option for any such containment of India. Given this,
the complexity of evolving Sino-Indian relations, although initially
rooted in a struggle over security issues, will now have to encom-
pass economic, ideational and institutional instruments that per-
tain to the recognition of spheres of influence.
In this milieu it seems Pakistan has other thoughts. Primarily
because of its anti-status quo orientation in South Asia, Islamabad
has sought to utilise its nuclear capabilities not simply for deter-
rence but also to permit the use of non-state actors to manipulate
risks in order to secure certain contested political goals. Operation-
ally, this translates into seeking to debilitate India through the
mechanism of low-intensity conflict that is waged on the premise
that New Delhi cannot retaliate conventionally for fear of sparking
a nuclear holocaust.129 This tool has further sought to, at least one
occasion, change the status quo by force.
While it may be very difficult to predict the behaviour of China,
India and Pakistan in a crisis situation, one can attempt to locate
some past practices, domestic and international factors that may
influence future choices that these states could make.
1. All of these states have to determine whether nuclear weapons

are weapons of war or of deterrence.130 Going by the declaratory
128
Garver 2001.
129
See in the context of how Pakistani nuclear coercion fits into its larger grand
strategy, Arnett 2000.
130
In the context of the linkage between deterrence and coercion, see Cimbala
1998.
Conclusions 405
policy—India and China are on no-first-use, while the ‘un-

official’ Pakistan policy locates Pakistani nuclear weapon use
in four scenarios—(a) when its communications are cut; (b) when
there is a massive invasion; (c) economic strangulation; and
(d) internal subversion.131
2. With the US now firmly on the road to make a ballistic missile
defence, its repercussions will be felt in Beijing, which may be
prompted to respond by improving its second strike capability.
This will invariably lead to renewed enthusiasm in the arms
race between New Delhi and Islamabad. States look up to the
US for taking firm steps towards disarmament. What is
happening instead is that the US pursuit of an NMD is leading
to many simultaneous arms races in different parts of the
world.
3. China, Pakistan and India have to work out a restraint regime
wherein nuclear weapons are used as tools of war prevention
and deterrence, rather than as weapons of fighting war.
4. Chinese efforts to increase credibility of its nuclear force by
improving it make New Delhi suspicious. Any Indian effort to
weaponise and deploy its strategic assets has an impact in
Islamabad as well. This is an ongoing process and is likely to
speed up with the US keen on NMD.
5. The structures of governance will have to be strengthened all
over the region. China is looked upon as a state that uses an
iron hand to curb all anti-state protests. If this continues, the
undercurrents of discontentment are likely to affect forces of
nationalism. India has been addressing such issues, but much
more needs to be done than merely the increase in the number
of states. The scars of Gujarat will take a long time to heal. 132
Pakistan too is a state that is facing crises not just of integration,
but of economic dimensions as well. It is only when Pakistan
131
This is a combination of Shahi et al. (1999) and Cotta-Ramusino and
Martellini (2002). The writings of many other army officers and scholars indicate
similar positions. See, for instance, articles in the Defence Journal, Dawn, Herald,
Newsline, The Nation and The News International.
132
See Varadarajan (2002) for a compelling account that is ‘intended to be a
permanent public archive of the tragedy that is Gujarat. Drawing upon eyewitness
reports from the English, Hindi and regional media, citizens’ and official fact-
finding commissions, and articles by leading public figures and intellectuals, it
provides a chilling account of how and why the state was allowed to burn.’
can overcome these challenges that one can hope for the process
of political development to strengthen.
6. Equitable social and economic justice is the key to good govern-
ance, and this can only happen if and when the state addresses
many challenges it faces on the governance front. For this, the
respective states have to have political systems that facilitate
such a process.
7. The notion that ‘real security is connected to the enrichment
of human lives’ introduces the concept of humane governance,
which in turn is ‘dedicated to securing human development.’
Over the last couple of decades, small arms proliferation,
migration, environmental degradation, cross-border terrorism
have threatened state sovereignty, and therefore, human de-
velopment in general.
Coming to issues of ‘high politics’ in the armed forces, nuclear

weapons, force structures, deterrence, etc., the following seem
important:
1. It seems likely that China will continue to improve its nuclear

weapons force, and continue making the PLA ‘a lean mean
fighting machine’—something that will have effect on New
Delhi’s options.
2. Additionally, as has been perceptively noted, India must
evaluate China at what it might be 20 years hence.133
3. It also seems likely that New Delhi will continue on its path
towards making a nuclear triad. Islamabad is going to be af-
fected by this, and coming under immense domestic pressure
it is likely to try and match up to India in this gradual arms
race. This will heavily impact the economic situation of both
countries, but more so that of Pakistan.
4. It may be very difficult to negotiate, but at least some movement
forward can declaratorily be made. An NFU is required for all
the nuclear weapons states, but being concerned with Southern
Asia, a policy of NFU followed by all three states in the region
will instil confidence.134
133
See SAPRA 1996.
134
Needless to add that Pakistan would never enter into an NFU with India.
Pakistan’s thinking on a nuclear policy is almost completely military–strategic
(and not political).
Conclusions 407
5. There are many programmes that have been used in the context
of the Cold War and can be used to bring about peace in South-
ern Asia. There is some talk of nuclear risk reduction centres
for this region. Proposals like this could be institutionalised.135
6. A few institutions do exist such as the 1990 pact on non-attack
of nuclear facilities between India and Pakistan—this has
scrupulously been honoured in spite of the crests and troughs
of Indo-Pak relations.
The CBMs that were a part of the Lahore Declaration need to be

strengthened. There is a need for both India and Pakistan to arrive
at a common strategic wavelength as far as weapon alert status is
concerned. This could be a function of their relationship and is
important to prevent escalation in any future border conflict or
any larger military engagement. Any measure that aims to clearly
communicate and diffuse crisis or even delay an authorised launch
does merit consideration. Unilateral actions that improve com-
mand and control and cross-border monitoring will be significant
steps towards regional stability.
On the central issue of deterrence stability, there is every likeli-
hood that some form of stability will ensue, although it will be
repeatedly tested. In the near future, with the Kargil War still fresh
in memory, Pakistan is unlikely to undertake similar adventures,
but it is likely that it will continue to seek a change in the status quo.
Like China, Indian NFU is a serious policy declaration and is
further reinforced at the operational levels. But if innocent lives
continue to be lost in Kashmir, this phase of stability will come
under increasing stress. On its part, Pakistan too does not maintain
nuclear weapons at a high state of alertness. Even if Pakistan were
to contemplate using nuclear weapons on Indian troops across
the line of control, the stark geographic vulnerabilities of Pakistan
imply that even a limited reaction by India will ensure the total
destruction of functional state and society in Pakistan.
On the other hand, the Sino-Indian dyad seems to present a
higher level of deterrence stability. There are currently no issues
135
Even if it is a Western construct, there is no harm in exploring something
that can strengthen stability in this region. Gen V.R. Raghvan (Delhi Policy Group,
New Delhi) and Dr Rajesh Rajagopalan (Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)
have suggested this for some time.
that warrant excessive use of force escalating up to a nuclear ex-

change. Both states continue to maintain forces at dispersed and
low states of alertness and are doctrinally committed to using nu-
clear weapons as political instruments.
COUNTRY TRENDS AND OUTCOMES
Based on various internal and external factors, the possible trends

for the next 10–15 years of each country are given here.
India
As far as the nature of India’s nuclear capability and the doctrine
of its use are concerned, India has made it clear that it would define
its own requirements after an assessment of the security environ-
ment. It has formally announced an NFU policy and non-use against
non-nuclear weapons states. Mr Vajpayee had informed the Parlia-
ment of the ‘defensive nature of [India’s] nuclear capability.’136
He has also clarified that an NFU policy with a minimum nuclear
deterrent implies ‘deployment of assets in a manner that ensures
survivability and capacity of an adequate response.’137 India has
defined its national security objective thus:
[A] secure deterrent against the use or the threat of use of weapons
... including accurate and refined delivery systems, will not be cir-
cumscribed in range and payload by any outside pressure or influence
but will be determined by the country’s threat perception at any
point of time.138
With the current state of the forces and delivery options, India has
at best a credible deterrent against Pakistan, but to develop the
same against China will take a lot of time, and it will come at a
price.139 India also sees ‘no reason why the international com-
munity should shy away from a similar measure to tackle nuclear
weapons ....’140
136
Vajpayee 1998c.
137
Ibid.
138
Ministry of Defence 1985–2002, here 1998–99: 2.
139
In this context, see Bajpai 1999.
140
Lahiri 1999.
Conclusions 409
Earlier Indian forays into the question of nuclear disarmament

were more idealistic than realistic. ‘The current disharmony, there-
fore, between India and the rest of the globe is that India has moved
from being totally moralistic to being a little more realistic, while
the rest of the world has arrived at all its nuclear conclusions
entirely realistically.’141
It is true that the BJP election manifesto for the Twelfth Lok Sabha
(Lower House of the Indian Parliament) elections had clearly men-
tioned that it would ‘re-evaluate the country’s nuclear policy and
exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons; and expedite the
development of the Agni series of ballistic missiles with a view to
increasing their range and accuracy.’142 The fact remains that elec-
tion manifestos are not taken seriously in India. The proposals
that India now makes at various international institutions, be it
on global ‘de-alerting’ at the United Nations in 1998,143 or on NFU
at the ARF meet in 1999,144 are now looked upon by the inter-
national community as being contradictory.
In spite of this erosion of credibility, India should strive for a
nuclear weapons-free world in the long term. In the short term, India
is realising that arms control is a viable option. The government
must continue to campaign for the global elimination of nuclear
weapons in a time-bound framework as it has done for the past
five-and-a-half decades, but at the same time recognise that this
can at best be ‘normative’. It is not an achievable policy objective
in the short term.145 India needs to find a modus vivendi with the
global nuclear order and participate in the many arms control
agreements that seek partial solutions to the nuclear problem.
141
Singh 1998.
142
The relevant chapter of the BJP’s election manifesto for the Twelfth Lok Sabha
elections may be seen at http://bjp.org/manifes/chap8.htm, accessed on 25 May
1998. Further, the National Agenda for Governance issued by the BJP-led coalition
for the twelfth Lok Sabha stated that ‘we will re-evaluate the nuclear policy and
exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons.’ This is available at http://bjp.org/
nagenda. htm, accessed on 25 May 1998.
143
See Pawar 1998.
144
At the 1999 ARF meet, India argued that unambiguous no-first-use com-
mitments, expressed in an international agreement and reflected in military
doctrines and force postures, would begin the process of delegitimisation of
nuclear weapons, facilitate the process of nuclear disarmament and provide
effective security assurances to the non-nuclear weapons states.
145
Mohan 1998.
South Asian nuclear testing is not only a local problem. It is a

problem of the international system that leads the country of
Gandhi to follow a nuclear weapons path.146 There is only one way
out of the dilemma, and that is a commitment by all nuclear weapons
states towards time-bound nuclear disarmament. According to a
1996 unanimous opinion of the International Court of Justice, the
complete elimination of their nuclear arsenals is now the legal
obligation of the nuclear weapons states under international law.147
If India’s nuclear tests lead to sufficient pressure on the nuclear
weapons states to reverse their course and become serious about
ending the nuclear weapons era, we may still be able to enter the
21st century with a treaty in place to accomplish this goal. If nuclear
weapons states hold firm to their present positions, however, India
may be only the first of many states to become a new member in
the nuclear weapons club.
A nuclear weaponised India is in a unique position in the world
community to serve the cause of disarmament. Today, India is the
only nuclear weapons state calling for a nuclear weapons conven-
tion which will use the global and verifiable instruments put to-
gether by the international community to tackle the other weapons
of mass destruction—namely, biological and chemical weapons—
to completely abolish nuclear weapons.
At the present juncture, India is undergoing a number of domestic
changes, the outcome of which will shape the destiny of the coun-
try. First of all, an economic revolution began in the early 1990s.
Certain sectors of the economy which are doing increasingly well,
such as information technology, telecom and insurance, have given
an economic boost to other sectors also. Second, there is a social
revolution, which means that the regional middle classes and the
low castes have been increasingly asserting themselves over the
last couple of decades. Besides getting official patronage, which is
symbolised by increasing reservations, political parties too are
cashing in on the agenda of social transformation. Third, a federal
restructuring is under way in the country, whereby development
agendas are being increasingly decentralised and devolved,
coalition governments ensure greater participation of regional
groups at the central level and new states are being carved out to
146
Krieger 1999.
147
International Legal Materials 1996.
Conclusions 411
suit all ends. Three new states came into being in India in 2000.
Fourth, the past decade has witnessed cultural reorientation along
moral and religious lines initiated by right-wing parties. The India
that will emerge from these revolutions will have all the attributes
of a great power and may exert power not just in the region but also
in the world. Finally, the attention that India has received after
becoming a declared nuclear weapons state has added to its
international prestige. As Richard Falk admits, the West realises
that India is ‘pursuing a security logic based on the same sort of
power politics that have guided the approach of the exiting nuclear
weapons states.’148
Pakistan
This was the fourth time in the five-and-a-half decade history of
politics in Pakistan that an army chief has decided to move in to
depose a democratically elected incumbent government. And
surprisingly, the initiative has turned out to be popular each time.
This reflects the fragility of political development and mobilisation
of democracy in Pakistan. Another difficult question that remains
unanswered in Pakistan’s internal polity is the sectarian strife
between Shias and Sunnis in Punjab, and between Sindhis and
Mohajirs in Sind. Additionally, one of the biggest challenges has
been the large number of militant organisations that have mush-
roomed in Pakistan.149 The nexus of drug money, politics and the
culture of Kalashnikovs also threatens to create a thriving under-
world which might dictate both domestic and international
policies.150 A CIA report noted that
heroin is becoming the lifeblood of Pakistan’s economy and political

system. Those who control the production and international trans-
port of heroin are using their resources to purchase protection, to
148
Falk 2000.
149
The danger from these organisations is summarised thus: militant organ-
isations currently involved in Kashmir may have come together for the time
being in anticipation of some major military gains in Indian occupied territory,
but once it is obvious that there are no military solutions in Kashmir, they can
easily turn upon each other. One should not forget that their sectarian loyalties
take precedence over all other allegiances. If that happens, it will only be a matter
of time before major cities in Pakistan turn into battlegrounds quite like the ones
in Srinagar and Kabul (Khan 1999: 69).
150
Hussain and Hussain 1993.
gain access to the highest political circles in the country, and to

acquire a substantial share in the banks and industries being sold
to private investors ... military intelligence used heroin profits to help
finance the war in Afghanistan and has developed similar funding
arrangements with Sikh militants in India and Kashmiri insurgents
in India controlled Kashmir … Pakistani experts on narcotics believe
narcotics money now fuels the political system, supporting party
organisations and election campaigns.151
Fortunately, for the world in general, and India in particular, the

12 January 2002 speech by General Musharraf promised to end
Pakistan’s terror factory.
On the issue of the future structure of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons,
Maleeha Lodhi, two-time Pakistani ambassador to the US (1994–97
and 1999–2002) and present High Commissioner to the UK.
emphasised that the two nuclear capable powers should not take
the region over the next threshold of deploying nuclear weapons
as that would create a hair-trigger environment in the region. Both
countries should instead commit not to deploying (sic) ballistic mis-
siles, and agree to a moratorium on further testing.152
Another issue of concern is that the armed forces in Pakistan

have undermined the growth of political institutions, thereby stal-
ling the process of political development, and have become the
decision-making centre. There are authorities within the armed
forces as well, the most prominent of these being the ISI. Unsur-
prisingly, they are pursuing an independent foreign policy agenda.
Many in India are willing to believe that the Kargil operation in
May 1999 was the handiwork of Gen Pervez Musharraf and the
ISI, where the prime minister may not even have been informed of
the impending intrusion. Many in Pakistan’s academia and mili-
tary circles privately concede that Pakistan’s Kashmir policy has
been wrong and that they cannot win Kashmir with the low in-
tensity war in the post-9/11 phase. In the same breath, however,
they stress that Pakistan cannot be seen to give up on the issue.153
151
The Friday Times 1993.
152
Lodhi 2004.
153
Impressions gathered during interactions with a wide variety of scholars,
military strategists, journalists and academics in a field trip to Pakistan in
March–April 2001.
Conclusions 413
They are now prisoners of their success in manufacturing public

consent to a particular solution to Kashmir.154
Even if Pakistan is not paranoid about home-grown terrorism,
narcotics, proliferation of small arms, money laundering, drug traf-
ficking, and foreign money inflow, its politicians are already posing
threats to its security and exacting a high price from the nation.
While Pakistan is still grappling with some of the older threats
facing it, it is yet to comprehend threats from issues such as energy,
water and food security, and cyber war threats that are just visible
over the horizon. Politicians, the army and bureaucrats who benefit
from covert money inflows may have vested interests in not having
an integrated professional structure to monitor threats to national
security in a comprehensive sense and initiate timely counter-action.
There is a near total absence of accountability that has permeated
various levels of the society, the government and the military. The
military justifies increasing defence expenditure in the traditional
action–reaction model with respect to India. Objectively speaking,
even from a Pakistani point of view, the government can make
efforts to try and reduce defence expenditure. The Kargil crisis
proved that diplomacy may be a bigger tool for solving the Kashmir
problem rather than any military engagement with India. A mili-
tary government may have the legitimacy to do so, which a demo-
cratically elected government can never wield such authority and
remain in power. It is for Pakistan to decide what amount of force
is required for maintaining credibility especially when the nuclear
bomb has arrived and has been justified as being a great conven-
tional force leveller. Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha has suggested that
military expenditure needs to be reduced, and funds thus created
can be channelled into economic activities. 155
154
See Hoodbhoy and Mian 2000.
155
Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha suggests (a) creating an audit act whereby the auditor-
general of Pakistan would have more authority to check or control the waste of
resources by the defence sector; (b) starting a phased programme of introducing
performance audit of defence. It is one of the important measures to fathom the
link between threat perception and military spending, arms procurement, etc.;
and (c) empowering the audit department to gain access to all necessary docu-
ments, and to report its proceedings to the head of the government and state—a
function that is not carried out at present (Siddiqa-Agha 2000b).
While continuing to grapple with internal political instability,

Pakistan is likely to be faced with these options:
1. Accept Indian dominance, which would be a very difficult and

unlikely situation for Pakistan to reconcile with. But as the forces
of globalisation are strengthened and the digital revolution takes
deep roots, with India continuing to grow at 6–8 per cent, Pakistan
may be left far behind taking solace in nuclear weapons, Kashmir
and the role of the armed forces in their society.
2. Continue to encourage terrorism not just in Kashmir but also in
other parts of India, keeping the Indian army and the para-military
forces engaged, while continuously acquiring missiles to provide
deterrence. This is a low-cost high-return option that might pay
quick dividends in the short term but in the long term is detri-
mental to Pakistan’s interests.
3. Continue to compete with India by forging closer strategic rela-
tionships with China and North Korea. This is a possible low-
cost and good-return option.
4. Use its political clout in the OIC and try to take up moral leader-
ship in championing the cause of Muslims in various countries.
This is already being done by Pakistan.
5. Attempt a short quick war against India and try to take Kashmir
using direct military means under nuclear cover. Even if another
Kargil-like situation takes place, Pakistan will not succeed, both
because of the Indian response and the international opprobrium
that it will generate.
Maintaining the autonomous capability to defend a nation’s sover-

eignty and enhancing national interests are the principal respon-
sibilities of governments. But nobody can dispute that money spent
on arms in a developing economy must be at the expense of more
pressing needs of social and infrastructural development. Yet, de-
fence expenditure continues to go up, while developmental and
infrastructural needs of the country get pushed to the background.
China
In the Western sense of the term, the Chinese government has not
enunciated any ‘grand strategy’ in its activities and approach to
international affairs; but from a Chinese perspective there is a
grand strategy in place.156 The Chinese government and its leaders
156
Swaine and Tellis 2000.
Conclusions 415
have been largely preoccupied with domestic concerns, especially

on the crucial issues of maintaining national unity and internal
stability. One can infer from official statements by senior leaders,
government planning documents, white papers and government-
affiliated writings that the nearest Chinese equivalent to a grand
strategy would be its ‘national development strategy,’ which aims
to comprehensively develop potential in such a way that Beijing
can achieve its long-term national goals. Chinese analysts measure
four sub-systems of national power: (a) material or hard power
(natural resources, economics, science and technology, and na-
tional defence); (b) spirit or soft power (politics, foreign affairs,
culture, and education); (c) coordinated power (leadership organ-
isation, command, management and coordination of national
development); and (d) environmental power (international, natural
and domestic). Based on this intellectual foundation, China’s grand
strategy aims to comprehensively develop national power, so that
Beijing can achieve its long-term national goals. This strategy was
first initiated by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s and has been
reaffirmed by the post-Deng government, which is led by the
Communist Party of China (CPC) General Secretary, Hu Jintao,
President of the PRC.
China’s primary national goal is to become a strong, modernised,
unified and wealthy nation. It has all the attributes of comprehen-
sive national power. It considers itself a developing power whose
natural resources, manpower, nuclear-capable forces, seat at the
UN Security Council and growing economy naturally give it most
of the attributes of a great power. It wishes to see itself in relation
to the position of other great powers. China also wants to become
the pre-eminent Asian power by generating enough ‘strength’,
so that no major action will be taken by any other international actor
in Asia without first considering Chinese interests. Quite clearly,
if present trends continue, Beijing believes it will achieve the status
of a ‘medium-sized’ great power by 2050 at a minimum. China’s
military capabilities, its nuclear force modernisation and its ability
to alter regional relationships will also be crucial. According to
the 1998 white paper, the Chinese government holds that ‘the inter-
national community should promote fair, rational, comprehensive
and balanced arms control and disarmament; the purpose of
disarmament should be to reinforce, not weaken or undermine,
the security of all countries.’157 This was further reiterated in the

2002 white paper: ‘The Constitution of the People’s Republic of
China (PRC) clearly specifies the tasks of the armed forces of the
PRC as being to consolidate national defense, resist aggression,
defend the motherland, safeguard the people’s peaceful labor,
participate in national construction and strive to serve the people.’158
Beijing has frequently made public and private statements that
accuse the United States of engaging in hegemonic international
behaviour. The Chinese believe that the current international situ-
ation is still complex and volatile, but in general, it is moving towards
relaxation. Countries are working out their economic strategies as
a task of primary importance to increase their overall national
strength, so as to take up their proper places in the world in the
next century. China also has enunciated a ‘new security concept’
that has called for basing international security on multilateral
dialogue and on pledges by states to foreswear the use of military
threats, coercion and military intervention in the internal affairs
of other countries.
The Chinese military–industrial complex has proved to be in-
adequate to the task of narrowing the gap between the country’s
aspirations and its capabilities. One of the fundamental objectives
of China’s military modernisation programme is to create a force
that is sufficient to defend against any regional opponent, main-
tain the credibility of territorial claims, protect national interests,
maintain internal security, deter any moves by Taiwan towards
de jure independence, and to deter aggression.
The current Chinese policies include force reduction efforts and
selective new equipment that lay emphasis on building a more
mobile, combat-ready core within the larger ground force. Cur-
rently, Beijing is downsizing its armed forces. The manpower thus
removed is shifting into internal policing duties, and the PLA is
being revitalised. This restructuring will contribute to the PLA
becoming a military force that has three components: a modest
nuclear force that maintains a viable deterrent against other nuclear
powers, a small number of high-technology forces for flexible use
157
158
Further, ‘China’s state interests, social system, foreign policy and historical
and cultural traditions postulate that China will inevitably adopt such a national
defense policy’ (State Council, PRC 2002: ch. 7).
Conclusions 417
in regional contingencies, and a larger number of forces equipped

with low to medium-technology weapons for internal security.
Over a decade ago, the PLA started shifting its strategic focus from
the protracted, large-scale land warfare that characterised Mao
Tse-tung’s ‘people’s war’ to fighting small-scale, regional conflicts
along China’s periphery. Thus, China’s ‘active defence’ doctrine
now focuses on conducting what is officially called ‘people’s war
under modern conditions.’ In other words, it can be described as
‘local wars under high-tech conditions.’ As Nathan and Ross have
observed, ‘Of all the large countries, China has the greatest freedom
to manoeuvre, to act on grand strategy, shift alignments, and con-
duct a strategic foreign policy in the rational pursuit of national
interest.’159
This has increased insecurity among other states, most pro-
minently India. Another concern that India has and that it has
continuously raised with the Chinese is the transfer of missile and
nuclear materials to Pakistan. Moreover, any Chinese response to
the proposed NMD, now or later, will impact India. China officially
maintains a no-first-use policy; the NMD would render a second
strike capability problematic. China is likely to accelerate its mod-
ernisation plans to qualitatively improve its arsenal.
A qualitative and quantitative improvement of Chinese nuclear
forces would lead to an increased threat perception in New Delhi.
An expansion of China’s nuclear arsenal could also alter India’s
and Pakistan’s strategic calculus. Right wing hardliners in both
countries will favour qualitative and quantitative improvement
in their nuclear arsenals. This could accelerate an arms race be-
tween them. A purely technical improvement in the existing nu-
clear arsenal of the three countries warrants further tests, while
tests by any of the three states have the potential of leading to
another trough in relations among them. It could also lead to the
breakdown of deterrence as it has been operating in Southern Asia.
After the rejection of the CTBT in the US Senate and the NPT being
tested by North Korea, this may be the last thing the international
arms control community would want. Once better and improved
delivery systems have been tested, a natural corollary would be
to miniaturise the warhead. Given the pressure of domestic con-
stituencies, no political leader would want to appear weak on
159
Nathan and Ross 1997: 14.
national security issues. While India might continue to develop

delivery system indigenously, Pakistan might be compelled to rely
on its ‘strategic allies’ China and North Korea for new missiles.
While Pakistan might be content with acquiring a strategic equili-
brium with India, Indian ambitions may compel it to project a
regional power image, thus adding an impetus to a regional arms
race. An NMD for the US, if and when it comes, has the potential
to become a tool for damaging the precariously balanced arms
control regimes, initiate many new arms races, including the on-
going one in South Asia, and weaken the notion of deterrence as it
exists today.
It may not be correct to import Western constructs—patterns of
proliferation and modes of deterrence that have been used in the
geo-strategic dyadic Cold War setting. An effective analysis of any
region requires a delicate balancing of strategic concepts and an
in-depth knowledge of cultures, politics, strategic environments
and geo-political realities. This is particularly true of Southern Asia.
No society has been able to halt the ‘technology trajectory’.
Nuclear scientists will invariably push for acquiring longer-range
missiles with better accuracy and miniaturised warheads, and
encourage strategies involving counter-force, first strike, second
strike and better delivery systems. There is no need for South Asian
states to weaponise without affirming the Clauswitzian distinction
between war and diplomacy. It is imperative, meanwhile, that
Pakistan, China and India determine whether nuclear weapons
are military or diplomatic weapons. South Asian nations need
to reassess their priorities and understand the change in threats
to their security. If indeed the region has to go down the nuclear
road, then a number of transparency measures aimed at instilling
confidence, increasing credibility, avoiding miscommunication
that may lead to misperception and misinterpretation, are needed.
Expressing shock and disbelief at the South Asian nuclear tests,
Nobel Laureate, Sir Joseph Rotblat in an article raised ‘an accusing
finger at the main culprits, the Nuclear Weapons States, who
pursue a policy characterised by hypocrisy and double standards’.
He questioned ‘if the US, the mightiest country militarily, declares
that it needs nuclear weapons for its security, how can one deny
such security to States that have real cause to feel insecure?’160
160
Rotblat 1998. Sir Joseph may not have been hinting at India and Pakistan,
but raised a pertinent point.
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INDEX
abolitionists, 343 aircraft, nuclear armed, 30

Abraham, Itty, 208 Al Qaida, 266, 394; documents recov-
Academy of Military Science, 116, 122 ered from, facilities in Afghanistan,
Achen, Christopher, 72 96; links with the, network, 96
adventure, outcomes of the high alti- Albright, David, 239, 286
tude, 57 Albright, Madeleine, 156
adventurism, 54; low intensity, 59; Ali, Mehrunisa, 285
Pakistani, 374; Pakistani, in Kargil, Allagappa, Muthiah, 308
374 Amir, Ayaz, 333
Afghan, crisis, 329; jihad against the Annan, Kofi, 338
Soviet troops, 324; militants, 329 annihilation, threat of nuclear, 29, 96
Afghanistan, campaign in, 266; crisis, anthrax, 95
330; fundamentalist Islamic groups anti-terror, global, concern, 379
from, 293; Pakistan’s involvement Arms Export Control Act, 153, 329
in the, war, 324; US attacks on, 333 arms, China’s, control community,
aggression, risk of, 75 130; Chinese participation in in-
aggressors, potential nuclear, 140 ternational, control, 148; control,
Agni I, 242 128; control regimes, 23; good
Agni II, 242 faith negotiations for cessation of
Agni III, 242 the nuclear, race, 270; multi-
Agra Declaration, 253 lateral, control, 132; multilateral,
agreement, global, on international reduction negotiations, 133; nu-
norms and structures, 148 clear, command, 320; nuclear,
Agreement for Cooperation Concern- race, 127; nuclear, race evolving
ing Civil Uses of Atomic Energy, in South Asia, 238; open-ended,
282 race with India, 346; races, 27;
Agreement on Measures to Reduce sub-continental, race, 249; US
the Risk of Outbreak of Nuclear intercontinental, build-up, 38
War, 362 army, Chinese, 187; Islamised, 350;
Agreement on Notifications of ICBM Pakistani, 53, 308, 311, 325;
and SLBM Launches, 363 Pakistani, regulars, 52
Agreement on the Maintenance of Aron, Raymond, 73
Peace and Tranquillity along the Art, Robert, 94
Line of Actual Control in the India– Arthashastra, 202
China Border Areas, 111 Arunachal Pradesh, 124
Ahmad, Dr Nazir, 282 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation,
Ahmad, Shamshad, 365 194
Ahmed, Khurshid, 284, 342 assessment, threat, of nuclear rivals,
Ahmed, Samina, 385 78
assistance, US military, to Pakistan, 221 biopolitics, research in, 68

Associated Press of Pakistan, 320 blackmail: covert nuclear, 55; nuclear,
Asthana, T.M., 235 118, 140; successful nuclear, 82;
atomic bomb, China’s development US nuclear, 174
of an, 151 Blackwill, Robert, 266
Atomic Energy Committee, 281 Blechman, Barry, 66
attack, biological, 95; limited ballistic, Bogra, Mohammad Ali, 157
170; post-Parliament, phase of troop bomb, existence of the nuclear, 23
mobilisation, 354; post Parliament, Booth, Ken, 100
phase, 376, 397, 398; terrorist, on Borden, William, 60
New York and Washington, 332 border, economic, 153; Russo-Chinese,
Aum Shinrikyo, 95 treaties, 42
Aurobindo, Shri, 200 botulinum, 95
authoritarian regimes, 56 Boyland, Edward, 104
Azad Kashmir, 163, 217 Braibanti, Ralph, 276
Azhar, Masood, 251 Brecher, Michael, 66, 213
Aziz, Sartaj, 51, 330, 340 Brennan, Donald G., 66
Brezhnev Doctrine, 151
Bajpai, Kanti, 165, 358 Bull, Hedley, 72
Baker, James, 132, 296 Burr, William, 120
Balachandran, G., 244 bus diplomacy, 250
Bangladesh, creation of, 280 Bush, George W., 332
Barlow, Richard, 292 Butler, Gen George Lee, 74
Barnett, Doak, 150
Barringer, Richard, 367 Cabinet Committee on Security, 233
Bay of Pigs, US role in the, invasion, capability, Pakistan’s nuclear, 259;
39 risk-taking, 78; survivable retali-
Beg, Gen Mirza Aslam, 214, 291–92, atory, 140
296–97, 310, 315 Carnegie Endowment, 291
Beijing, international isolation of, 158 Carnegie International Non-proliferation
Beijing Nuclear Weapons Research Conference, 183
Institute, 119 Carter, Jimmy, 329
Berger, Sandy, 180 Castro, Fidel, 38; regime in Cuba, 39
Bhabha, Homi J., 206 Center for Nonproliferation Studies,
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre 339
(BARC), 364 Central Asia, US military presence in,
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 223 394
Bhutto, Benazir, 35, 60, 63, 66, 84–85, Central Military Commission, 110
288, 293, 300, 329 Central Military Special Artillery Corps
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali, 157, 282, 283, (CMSAC), 143
307, 317, 384 Changgwang Sinyonga Corporation,
Bilateral Agreement on the Prohib- 303
ition of Attack against Nuclear Chari, P.R., 244, 374, 388, 402
Installations and Facilities, 363 Cheema, Pervaiz Iqbal, 334
Binder, 278 Cheema, Zafar Iqbal, 319
Biological and Toxin Weapons Con- Chellaney, Brahma, 223
vention, 269 Chen Yi, 157
Index 483
Chidambaram, R., 212 Conference on Disarmament, 176,

China, as a nuclear weapons power, 181
222; cooperation with, 339; K.R. confidence and security-building
Narayanan’s visit to, 361; security measures, 213, 247, 366
objectives of, 112; visit of Yahya conflict, armed, 26, 36, 258, 399;
Khan to, 339 armed, between two adversaries,
China Great Wall Industry Corpor- 59; between India and China, 163;
ation (CGWIC), 296 bilateral, 34; conventional, 390;
China Institute of Atomic Energy Indo-Pak, 335; initiating an
(CIAE), 124 armed, 58, 90; international, 78;
China National Nuclear Corporation, likelihood of limited Indo-Pak,
153, 286 385; limited, in a nuclear environ-
China Precision Machinery Import– ment, 369; localised, 139; low
Export Corporation (CPMIEC), 296 intensity, in Kashmir, 374; out-
Chinese, American access to the, mar- break of armed, 59; Sino-Indian,
ket, 154; beliefs and perceptions 361; warfare and, 102
of the, leadership, 118 confrontation, armed, 60; nuclear,
Chinese Ministries of Defence and 141; risks of a nuclear, 58
Aerospace Industries, 132 Confucianism, 136
Chinese Nuclear Data Centre, 125 cooperation, Japan–US, on BMD, 174;
Chinese nuclear forces, quantitative official support for the Sino-Pak
improvement of, 31 missile and nuclear, 300; Pak–
Chinese nuclear installations, 46, 111, DPRK missile, 300
112 Cottam, Martha L., 68
Choe Kwang, 301 Council on Foreign Relations, 265
Chon Sung, DPRK cargo ship, 303 credibility, erosion of, 409
Chou En-lai, 118, 143, 151, 157; inter- Creveld, Martin van, 368
action of Nehru with, 150 Cripps Mission, 276
Christopher, Warren, 159, 297 crisis, between India and Pakistan,
civilisation, growth of Indian, 198 254; Brasstacks, 216; Cuban mis-
Clark, Ian, 89, 92 sile, 32, 35–38, 41, 47, 57, 318;
Clausewitz, Karl Von, 192 management, 399; Pakistan–India,
Clinton, Bill, 57, 126, 263, 313; visit 318; role of allies in, management,
of US President, to India, 264 31, 67; Taiwan Strait, 118, 150
Clinton–Sharif meeting, 262 CTBT, 153, 330–31, 342–43; accept-
Cohen, Stephen, 223, 272, 312, 315, ance of the, 268; China’s support
378 for the, 177; rejection of the, in the
Cohen, William S., 169 US Senate, 417; satellite recon-
Cold War, 35; end of the, 111; liter- naissance for, verification, 176;
ature on deterrence, 34; nuclear signing of the, 177; stipulations in
rivalry, 35 the, treaty, 177; willingness to join
communism, classical, in China, 188; the, 343
collapse of, 321; prohibition Cuba, American invasion of, 39; at-
against the spread of, 39 tack on, 40; discovery of Soviet
Communist oppression, 188 strategic missiles in, 39; missiles
Conference of the Committee on Dis- in, 39; Soviet missiles and bomb-
armament, 121 ers deployed in, 38
Cuban forces, 39 291; limited, 125, 141; maintaining

Cultural Revolution, 43, 45 nuclear, at the minimum level,
culture, China’s strategic, 107; Chinese 330; mantra of minimum nuclear,
nuclear and doctrinal strategic, 29; minimum, 27, 125, 227; min-
135; Chinese strategic, 105; Indian, imum nuclear, 23, 228; mutual,
197 66; mutual nuclear, 51; notion of
Czechoslovakia, Soviet invasion of, rational, 64; nuances of the nu-
151 clear, 256; nuclear, 25, 73, 76, 114,
139, 142, 228; nuclear, stability, 28;
Dalai Lama, 164, 392 official Chinese position on
de-alerting, global nuclear, 238 nuclear, and nuclear weapons,
decision-making, rationality of, 116; operational control over, 31;
bodies, 69 Pakistan’s, 319; parameters of the
defence, China’s, forces, 109; China- notion of, vulnerability of world
Pakistan, relationship, 247; capitals, 35; practising nuclear, 82;
Chinese, industry, 186; defensive, preparing for, by denial, 62;
109; increased Indo-US, cooper- proponents of, 218; rational, 71;
ation, 266; Indian, establishment, rational, model, 32; realistic,
147; Japanese response to collect- against China, 248; role of, 31;
ive, rights, 173; offensive, doctrine, stability, 407; stable, 64, 66, 75;
308, 310 success of nuclear, 28; theories of
Defence Research and Development rational, 64; theory, 63, 64; theory
Organisation (DRDO), 237 of nuclear, 65; traditional debate
democracy, Pakistan’s failed experi- on nuclear, 78; traditional nuclear,
ments with, 347; restoring real, 230
313; return to real, 313; deploy- deterrent, credible, 331; credible min-
ment, 395; battle-ready, 355; mode imum nuclear, 232; credible min-
of, 141; of nuclear weapons out- imum, 268
side national territories, 179 deterring nation, 28
Desai, Morarji, 212, 287 developments, nuclear, in India, 166
deterrence, 24, 27, 29, 31, 63, 96–97; Dhruva, 239
and defence, 62; at the nuclear Diego Garcia, American presence in
level, 318; breakdown of, 93, 260, the island of, 341
345; breakdown of nuclear, 166; diplomacy, and strategy, 35; Chinese
breaking down of, at the con- nuclear, 122; coercive, 254; coer-
ventional level, 319; by denial, 28, cive, and nuclear brinkmanship,
62; by punishment, 61–62; central 379; judo, 305; rhetorical, 34; US
premise of, 64; Chinese nuclear, shuttle, 254, 378
113; civilian control over Pakistan’s dirty bomb, 96
nuclear, 31; conditions for stable, disarmament, China’s attitude to,
31; control and the breakdown of 129; general and complete, 340;
nuclear, 28; conventional, 390; global norm towards, 129; global
counter nuclear, 142; credible nuclear, 208, 220, 275; Indian
minimum, 240, 244; discourse on nuclear, policy, 207; Indian, and
nuclear, 24; doctrine of credible arms control policies, 340; nu-
minimum nuclear, 230; exist- clear, 128, 129, 183; nuclear, in the
ential, 233; failure of, 30; faith in, UN, 271; primary responsibility
60; immediate, 73; impression of, toward nuclear, 138; time-bound,
Index 485
270; time-bound nuclear, 410; Foreign Assistance Act, 329, 330

total nuclear, 129; universal nu- foreign markets, China’s increasing
clear, 175, 221 reliance on, 149
dispute, governing the settlement of foreign policy, Chinese, 148
the, 41 fundamentalism, Islamic, 152
District Management Group (DMG),
346 Gandhi, assassination of Mrs, 212
Dobrynin, Henry, 46 Gandhi, Mahatma, 206, 276
doctrine, nuclear, 137 Gandhi, Mrs Indira, 212, 214, 287
Dogras, 201 Gandhi, Rajiv, 212
dominance, escalation, 28; regional, Gates, Robert, 217, 292, 294
133 Ghali, Boutras Boutras, 353
DRDO, funding of the, 212 Ghauri, 223, 302; missile, 303; pro-
Dulles, John Foster, 35 gramme, 300; surface-to-surface,
Durrani¸ Lt Gen Asad, 316 missile, 298
Ghaznavi, 302–03
economic revival, Pakistan’s, 351 Ghose, Arundhati, 267
Eisenhower, 118 Gilpin, Robert, 66
emergency, 212 global positioning, satellite-based,
Engineering Research Laboratories, system, 146
289 global warming, 189
escalation, nuclear, 236 globalisation, forces of, 126; emerging
exchange, nuclear, 62 forces of, 111
explosion, peaceful nuclear, 307 Godement, Francois, 129
explosives, nuclear, for peaceful pur- Godwin, Paul, 125, 137, 140
poses, 283 Gorkha Rifles, 202
Export Import Bank Act, 153 Gray, Colin, 199
extremism, group motivated by reli- greenhouse gases, 189
gious, 95 Gujral docptrine, 280
Gurkhas, 201
facilities, Chinese nuclear, 57
Fairbank, John King, 147 Haass, Richard, 217, 294
Faisalabad, missile-related produc- Haider, Ejaz, 316
tion facility in, 301 Halperin, Morton, 89, 381
Falklands War of 1982, 89 Haq, Zia-ul, 53, 288, 291, 308, 323,
Federation of American Scientists, 326, 336, 348–49; coup by, 300;
339 regime in Pakistan, 324
Fernandes, George, 243, 369, 372 Hatf I, 295, 302
fidayeen, 29, 380; attacks, 29; attacks Hatf II, 295, 297, 302
upon Indian military, 58 Herrmann, Richard K., 67
fighter-bomber, indigenously pro- Hersh, Seymour M., 219, 292
duced, 146 High Tension and Nuclear Research
Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), Laboratory, 281
182, 185, 344 Hilsman, John Roger, 119
Five Principles of Peaceful Coexist- Hinduism, 200
ence, 148, 168 Ho Chi Minh, funeral of, 45
force, effective deterrent, 30; over- Holsti, Ole, 72
whelming, capability, 63 Howard, Sir Michael, 63, 360
Hu Jintao, 155, 415 Islam, increasing dependence on,

Hua Han, 166 352; understanding of, 323
Hussain, Abida, 291; Mushahid, 214, Islamabad, Beijing’s assistance to,
314; Saddam, 72; Zahid, 314 162; decision makers in, 329
Huth, Paul, 73 Islamic Chamber of Commerce and
Industry, 326
ideals, Islamic, 321 Islamisation, increasing, of the mid-
Independent Core Group on India–US dle and lower ranks of the mili-
Relations, 267 tary, 349; of society, 323; Zia’s
Independent Task Force, 165 enthusiastic, programme, 328;
India, nuclear weaponised, 410 Zia’s, programme, 348
India’s nuclear programme, 283 Islamist, seizure of nuclear assets by,
Indian Airlines flight from Kath- elements, 306
mandu to New Delhi, 251 Ismat, Brig S.J. Saeed, 319
Indian Army, foundations of the, 202 issues related to nuclear doctrines, 27
Indian Atomic Energy Commission,
208 Jahan, Rounaq, 277
Indian National Congress, 279 Jaish-e-Muhammed, 338
Indian Nuclear Doctrine, 240 Jama’ at-I-Islami, 278, 284, 323, 324
Indian Parliament, attack on the, 24, Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, at-
26, 245, 335, 344, 398 tack on the, 388
Indo-Chinese military-strategic com- Japan, Chinese mistrust of, 174
petition, 167 Jaspal, Zafar Nawaz, 319
Indo-Pak, dyad, 275; nuclear stand- Jat Regiment, 202
off, 55; nuclear tests, 395 Jerusalem, burning of the Al Aqsa
Indus Water Treaty, 255, 336 Mosque in, 327
industrialisation, China’s, 189 Jervis, Robert, 65, 66, 80
inequality, regional, 347 Jiang Zemin, 177, 181, 192
information on nuclear issues, 221 Jiang–Clinton summit in Beijing, 156
infrastructure, Chinese nuclear, 32 jihad, 325
INS Sindhushastra, 244 Jihad-fi-sibilillah, 309
instability, Internal, 311 jihadi, forces, 32 , 334; infiltration of,
Institute of Defence Studies and Ana- groups, 338
lysis (IDSA), 369 Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, 276, 277,
Institute of Physics and Atomic En- 278, 332
ergy in Beijing, 119 Joan B. Kroc Institute for International
insurgency, outbreak of ethno-religious, Peace Studies, 284
in Jammu and Kashmir, 216 Johnston, Alastair Iain, 102–03, 105–06,
Integrated Guided Missile Develop- 122, 124, 175
ment Programme (IGMDP), 212 Jones, Gregory, 239
intellectuals, Islamic, 322 Jones, Owen Bennett, 338
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), 293 Jong, Kim, 304
interdependence, international, 193
International Atomic Energy Agency Kabul, fall of, 334
(IAEA), 178, 329 Kahn, Herman, 66, 68, 87
International Court of Justice (ICJ), 56 Kalinga, battle of, 197
intruders, Pakistan-backed, 57 Kamal, Ahmed, 338
Iran, and Pakistan, 328 Kanju, Mohammad Siddique, 291
Index 487
Kanwal, Gurmeet, 244 Kerr, Richard, 292

Kapila, Brig Subhash, 379 Khan, A.Q., 289
Kaplan, Stephen, 66 Khan, Altaf, 53
Karachi Nuclear Power Plant Khan, Ayub, 53, 282, 306, 313
(KANUPP), 282, 365 Khan, Dera Ghazi, 285
Karamat, Jahangir, 338 Khan, Ghulam Ishaq, 217, 289
Kargil, 26, 275, 372; aggression in, by Khan, Gohar Ayub, 337
crudely violating the LoC, 54; Khan, Shaharyar, 290–91
conclusion of the, conflict, 57; Khan, Wahid Malik, 344
conflict, 55, 58, 251–52, 263, 335, Khan, Yahya, 339
355; conflict between India and Khan, Yaqub, 295
Pakistan, 42; conflict, US diplo- Khan Research Laboratories (KRL),
macy in the, 263; crisis, 26, 30, 32, 286, 303, 306
47, 245, 249, 262, 317, 340, 354, Khrushchev, Nikita, 37–38, 42
399; misadventure, 53; operation, Kidwai, General, 314, 357, 384
373, 412; war, 35–36, 52, 55–56, Kim, Samuel S., 147
246, 249–50, 256, 369 King Ho Lu, 104
Karmapa, 164 Kissinger, Henry, 43, 46, 66, 151, 211,
Karnad, Bharat, 240, 242, 269 289
Kashmir, 49; autonomy for, 359; civil Knorr, Klaus, 66, 87
society in, 359; conflict in, 347; Kosovo, allied forces successful oper-
crisis, 320; dispute, 157; financial ations in, 156
support to, 326; first war between Kosygin, 45
Pakistan and India over, 335; Kaufmann, William, 85, 115, 371
fundamental differences over, Ku Wol-San, 301
253; global attention to the, flash- Kukreja, Veena, 314
point, 58; international attention Kux, Dennis, 331, 332
on, 54; international mediation
on, 54; issue, 327, 328; Pakistan’s bin Laden, Osama, 96, 344
role as a perpetuator of violence Lahore Declaration, 24, 47, 54, 249–
in, 375; Pakistan’s, policy, 257; 50, 331, 338, 360, 396
Pakistan-administered, 217; peace- Lambeth, B.S., 92
ful resolution of the, problem, 403; land-and air-based deterrent forces,
population of the, valley, 52; prob- 30
lem, 158; raising the bogey of, 50; Laskar-e-Toiba, 338
situation in, 293; violence in, 252 launch, accidental, 77; unauthorised,
Kashmiri, gestures of peace to the, 77
388; Islamic world’s solidarity launch on attack, 230, 235
with the, people, 326; leaders, launch on warning, 230, 235
326; legitimate grievances of the, Lebow, Richard Ned, 60, 68
people, 376; return of, Pandits to Leghari, Sardar, 301
the valley, 388 Leh, movement of traffic and sup-
Kasturi, Bhashyam, 220 plies to, 52
Kautilya, 198 LeMay, Gen Curtis, 119
Keller, Fischer, 68 Levine, Steven, 150
Kelly, John, 217, 294 Li Jijun, 122
Kennedy, John F., 37 Liao Xun, 191
Keohane, 72 liberalisation, China’s, 191
Liddell-Hart, Basil, 84 strategy, 138; coup in Pakistan, 31;

light-weight exo-atmospheric pro- creation of a, force, 117; demands
jectile (LEAP) technology, 173 of a local war, 139; escalation of
line of control, activity along the, 57; the potential attacker, 400; ex-
border patrolling along the, 293; ercises in border regions, 111;
crossing the, 49; limited military intervention in national security
action across the, 385; sancitity of decision making, 279; limited,
the, 251 engagement, 91; matters in India,
Lodhi, Maleeha, 347, 412 199; objectives of war, 65; out-
Lodi, Sardar F.S., 315, 316 break of, confrontation, 27; sec-
toral, engagement, 353; strategy,
MacArthur, Gen Douglas, 65 24; US–Taiwan, cooperation, 172
madrassa, education system, 325; Military Affairs Commission of the
military-trained and equipped, Chinese Communist Party, 46
cadres, 349; in Pakistan, 324 Ming Zhang, 164
Majid, Chaudhury Abdul, 96 minimum nuclear deterrent, 220
Majlis-e-shoora, 323 Mirani, Aftab Shaban, 301
Malik, Brig S.K., 308 Mishra, Brajesh, 190, 227
Malik, Gen V.P., 256, 370, 380 missile, agreement to withdraw, from
Mancall, Mark, 147 Cuba, 37; Chinese nuclear and, as-
Mansfield, 188 sistance to Pakistan, 162; Cuba–
many more Kargils, 349, 385 Turkey, swap, 37, 42; defence
Mao Tse-tung, 42, 99, 109, 113, 118, against, 28; design and con-
135, 136: practical ideology of, 135 struction of cruise, 142; DPRK’s,
Maratha Regiment, 202 cooperation, 303; effective, de-
Mark, J. Carson, 96 fence system, 175; intent to deploy
Martin, Laurence, 66 nuclear, 30; intermediate-range
Mattoo, Amitabh, 166 cruise and ballistic, 188; Jupiter,
maximalists, 343 41; land attack cruise, 142; missile-
Mazari, Shireen, 315 related equipment for the M-11,
McCarthyism, 151 298; nuclear and, restraint, 330;
McGhee, George, 209 Pakistan’s nuclear and, program-
McNamara, Robert, 39, 62, 199 me, 154, 247; Pakistan’s principal
Mehmood, Dr Bashriuddin, 96 supplier of, related technology,
Menon, Krishna, 206; Raja, 239 298; renewed Pakistan–DPRK, co-
Middle Powers Initiative, 129 operation, 300; short-range, 269;
Mikoyan, Anastas, 38 Sino-Pak nuclear and, cooper-
militancy, inciting, 403 ation, 168; Surface-to-surface
militant, Pakistan’s continued support ballistic, programme, 295; with-
of religious, groups, 351; Pakistan- drawal of Jupiter, from Turkey,
based, groups, 254 41; withdrawal of US, from
military, aid to Pakistan, 341; ancient Turkey, 38
Chinese, doctrines, 108; and pol- Missile Technology Control Regime
itical relationship between Pakistan (MTCR), 153, 247, 296
and DPRK, 300; balance, 41; mobilisation, public, 387
changes in, strategy, 28; China’s modernisation, China’s nuclear,
open-ended, modernisation, 113; programme, 146; Chinese force,
China’s, capabilities, 186; Chinese, 147; military, strategy, 145; nuclear
Index 489
weapons, 43; of China’s forces, New Agenda Coalition, 129

108; of the PLA, 186 Nixon, 46, 152
Mughal rulers, 201 Nizamani, Haider, 284
Mohan, C. Raja, 225, 260, 377 No-dong missile, 301–02
Mongolia, defence treaty with, 43 no-first-use (NFU); Beijing’s declared,
Moser, Sheila, 67 policy, 231; declared, posture, 30;
mujahideen, 52, 54, 328; Afghan, 292; policies, 362
in Kashmir, 52; intruders, 47; non-proliferation, community, 179;
Pakistan-backed, 331 differences with the US on nu-
Mullick, B.N., 206 clear, 181; global, 164; India’s
multiple independently targeted re- policy towards nuclear, 273; re-
entry vehicles (MIRVs), 132 gime, 154; US focus on, efforts,
multiple re-entry vehicles (MRVs), 209
132 North Korea, ballistic missile parts
Mulvenon, James, 137 made by, 303
Musharraf, Gen Pervez, 57, 252–53, Northern Alliance, 334
255, 257, 305, 313, 321, 325, 328, Northwest Nuclear Weapons Re-
332–34, 375, 377–78, 397, 412; search and Design Academy, 119
government, 347; promises of, on NPT, 178–79, 342
non-export of terrorism, 379 nuclear ambitions, Pakistan’s, 211
mutually assured destruction (MAD),
nuclear armed neighbours, 23
36
nuclear arsenal, safety of the, 28
nuclear assets, Pakistan’s, 344
N.N. Vohra Committee, 366
nuclear, biological and chemical
Nair, Brig Vijai K., 239
weapons, 90
Naqvi, Jamaluddin, 383
nuclear blackmail, 29, 55
Narayanan, K.R., 246
nuclear capability, Indian, 230
National Agenda for Governance, 226
Nuclear Command Authority (NCA),
National Air Intelligence Centre
233, 274
(NAIC), 142
National Command Authority (NCA), nuclear doctrine: conceptual, 319; de-
320 clared, 30; Pakistan’s unofficial,
National Missile Defence, US plans 321
for a, 127 Nuclear Explosion Project (NEP), 210
National Nuclear Command Author- nuclear forces, modernising China’s,
ity (NNCA), 310 145
National People’s Congress (NPC), nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty
116, 178 (NPT), 261
national security, China’s perception nuclear programme, Pakistan’s, 282;
of, 112 scrutiny of Pakistan’s, 281
National Security Advisory Board Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act
(NSAB), 227 of 1994, 153
National Security Council, 226 Nuclear Regulatory Authority, cre-
National Security Council Secretar- ation of a, 320
iat, 235 nuclear scientists, 31, 318
national technical means, 176 nuclear test, Chinese, 283; Chinese, in
Nayyar, Kuldip, 214, 288 1964, 210; Indian, 281
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 197, 200, 203–04, nuclear weaponry, 30
206, 366 nuclear weapons, declared, states, 23
Nuclear Weapons Programme Co- and Iran, 153; transfer of equip-

ordinating Committee, activities ment to, 329; US ‘tilt’ towards,
of the, 289 210; US military and economic
nuclear-free zones, 176 aid to, 289
nuclearisation, concern over, in South Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission
Asia, 54; in the Indian context, 231; (PAEC), 282
of the triangle in Southern Asia, Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science
33; overt, 25; overt, of Pakistan, 49 and Technology (PINSTECH), 282
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, 163
Oakley, Robert, 217, 329 Pakistani, Chinese assistance to the,
Oehler, Dr Gordon, 298 nuclear agenda, 339; Chinese cov-
OIC Conference of Foreign Ministers, ert assistance to the, missile and
327 nuclear programme, 127; claims
Operation Brasstacks, after-effects to Kashmir, 336; collapse of the,
of, 293 economy, 350; destroying, nuclear
Operation Mongoose, 39 capability, 337; economy, 347;
Organisation of Islamic Conference incursion, 385; infiltrators, 216;
(OIC), 326–27 provision of nuclear technology
Osgood, Robert, 66, 85 to the DPRK, 300; security cal-
culations, 280; tribesmen, 335
Pakistan, anti-status quo orientation Palmer, Norman D., 277
of, 346; ballistic missile contacts Panchsheel, 206; principles, 150;
between, and DPRK, 300; cap- Agreement, 162
ability of, to produce nuclear Parliament, attack on the, 249, 267,
weapons, 292; China’s cooper- 275; of India, attack on the, 254;
ation with, 292; Chinese assist- post-Indian, attack phase, 376;
ance to the, nuclear and missile suicide attack on the Indian, 58
programme, 132; Chinese assist- Parliament Standing Committee on
ance to, 212, 219; Chinese support Defence, 203
for, 158; Chinese transfer of sen- Partial Test Ban Treaty, 341
sitive technology to, 339; coup in, Patriot Air Defence Systems, 173
358; diplomatic isolation of, 340; patrol, Chinese, 44
DPRK relationship, 303; DPRK Payne, Keth, 71–72
sale of milling and drilling equip- People’s Armed Police, 114
ment to, 300; economic strangling People’s Liberation Army (PLA), 110,
of, 315; foreign investment in, 351; 139, 145
foundations of the Islamic system People’s Republic of China, relations
in, 323; international pressure on, between Washington and the, 151
259; militant infrastructure in, and Perkovich, George, 208–09
Kashmir, 388; nuclear programme Pokhran, American reaction to the,
of, 281, 283; pressure on, to close tests, 211
down terrorist training infrastruc- Police Service of Pakistan, 346
ture, 264; pressure on, to stop ter- political system, Pakistan’s, 312
rorist infiltration, 258; sanctions politics, domestic, 91, 222; high, in the
imposed on India and, 332; stra- armed forces, 406; US domestic, 174
tegic asymmetry between India Posen, Barry, 92
China and, 30; suspected Chinese power: altering balances of, 28; balance
transfer of sensitive technology to, of, 41
Index 491
pragmatism, Chinese, 149; of retain- Regional Cooperation Agreement

ing and modernising the nuclear (RCA), 364
arsenal, 129 reinterpretation, ideological, 149
pragmatists, 343 relations, diplomatic, 46; diplomatic,
Pratap, Maharana, 201 between Islamabad and Beijing,
Pressler Amendment, 289, 330, 341 157; Indo-Pak, 249–50; Indo-US
Prevention of Air Space Violation, 251 strategic, 266; interpretation of
Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Chinese foreign, 147; Pakistan’s,
Space, 183 with China, 321; Sino-Indian, 157,
Price, Richard, 72 162, 167, 169, 246; Sino-Indian
Prithvi missile, 240, 242, 355–56 economic, 246; Sino-Pak, 162, 339;
problems, US–Indian bilateral, 211 Sino-Soviet, 42; US–Pakistan, 328;
proliferation: Chinese role in, of nu- US–Soviet, 46; warmth in Sino-
clear materials, 181; export con- Indian, 246; Western international,
trol measures against missile, 247; theory, 148
horizontal, 270; nuclear, 178, 290; relationship, absence of an estab-
vertical, 270 lished deterrent, 29; China’s stra-
proliferators, 29 tegic, with Pakistan, 169; nuclear
propaganda, hostile, 34 deterrent, 29, 94; Sino-Pak stra-
proportionate retaliation, 385 tegic, 160–61
psychology, perceptions and, 27, 75 responsibility, social, of the armed
psychophysiology, political, 69 forces, 90
punishment on the aggressor, 63 retaliation, costs of suffering, 75; cred-
Pye, Lucian, 149 ibility of American massive, 61; doc-
trine of massive, 36; McNamara’s
Qadeer, Dr Abdul, 305 strategy of assured, 62
Qazi, Ashraf Jahangir, 255 revolution, China’s economic, 189
Qin Jiwei, 115 rhetoric, hostile political, 25; military-
diplomatic, 378
Radhakrishnan, Dr S., 200 Richelson, Jeffrey T., 120
Raghunath, K., 364 Riedel, Bruce, 338
Raghvan, Lt Gen V.R., 376, 383 riots, partition, 280
Rahman, Maulana Fazlur, 324 risk, of escalation between adver-
Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan, 129 saries, 74; of nuclear war, 97
Rajputana Regiment, 202 Rizvi, Hasan-Askari, 311, 324
Ram, Jagjivan, 211 Roberts, Jonathan, 68
Ramachandran, R., 239 rocket, testing range, 295
Ramanna, Raja, 212 Rosen, Stephen, 199
Ranganathan , C.V., 248 Ross, 417
Rao, congress-led, government, 220 Rotblat, Sir Joseph, 418
Rao, Narasimha, 220 Rusk, Dean, 42, 209
rational instrument of national pol- Russett, Bruce M., 73
icy, 86
rationalism, 64 Sagarika, 244
rationality of the Indo-Pak leadership, Sanctions, missile-related economic,
55 on China, 296; missile-related, on
Reagan, Ronald, 171, 214, 329 China, 297; on China and Pakistan,
regimes, 164 339; US imposed, on Pakistan, 332
Sanum-dong, Missile Development Snyder, Glenn, 62, 397

Center, 300 solidarity, Islamic, 327; Islamic, and
Sattar, Abdul, 253, 317, 384 consolidation, 327
Sattar, Babar, 312, 351 solutions to, partial, the nuclear prob-
Schelling, Thomas C., 64, 66, 70, 78, lems, 409
88, 115, 376 South Asian Seas Action Plan, 365,
Schulz, John J., 140 366
Second Artillery Corps (SAC), 143 Southern Asia, strategic stability in,
security, Asian, 29; Chinese ‘notion’ 25; triangularisation of, 33
of, 135; Chinese, thinking, 99; Southern Asian nuclear dynamics, 29
global, against the use of nuclear sovereignty, national, and society, 66
weapons, 157; implications for Soviet frontier guards, 44
international, 144; international, Soviet Union, consequences of the
environment, 213; national, 90; break-up of the, 29; disintegration
national, planning, 107; national, of the, 111
strategy, 134; national, threat to Space and Upper Atmosphere Re-
Pakistan, 279; Pakistan’s quest for, search Commission (SUPARCO),
339; South Asian, environment, 295
222 Srinagar–Leh highway, 52
Segal, Gerald, 106, 191 stability, onus of maintaining, 82;
nuclear, in Southern Asia, 25
self-determination, demand of Kash-
Steeves, M., 119
miri, 158
Stinger missiles, 47
Sha Zukang, 172, 176, 183
Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI), 171
Shafi, Kamran, 383
strategic defensive forces, 63
Shahi, Agha, 317
Strategic Forces Command, 236
Shambaugh, David, 152
strategy, China’s nuclear, 137; es-
Shanghai Accord, 111
sence of nuclear, 84; nuclear, 138
Shariah Bill, 324
strike, absorbing a first, 74, 76; Chinese
Sharif, Nawaz, 49, 51, 57, 280, 320,
retaliatory, 57; credible and sur-
323, 324, 331, 343, 364 vivable second, 76; credible second,
Sharif, Shahbaz, 331 capability, 77; early total nuclear,
Shastri, Lal Bahadur, 206, 210, 283 113; initiative to launch the first,
Sheikh, Omar, 251 319; miscalculation of a first, 74;
Shia–Sunni divide, 324 mobility and redundancy of
ship submersible ballistic nuclear second, forces, 274; nuclear first,
(SSBN) propellers, 142 77; pre-emptive, on Pakistani
Siddiqa-Agha, Ayesha, 316, 413 nuclear installation, 287; pre-
Sikh Regiment, 202 emptive, scenario, 78; prepar-
Sikkim, 158 ations for a pre-emptive, 77; re-
Simla Agreement, 255 taliation strategy with a delayed
Singh, Jasjit, 225 second, 141; retaliatory, 60, 74, 77,
Singh, Jaswant, 226–27, 229, 253, 261, 243; retaliatory second, 112;
263, 306 second, deterrence strategy, 121;
Singh, Sardar Swaran, 163, 210 third, capability, 391
Singh, V.P., 293 Strobe Talbott–Jaswant Singh, dia-
Sino-Indian commonality of inter- logue, 261; talks, 262
ests, 249 subjugation, national, and genocide,
Snyder, Jack, 100 102
Index 493
submarine, ballistic missile, 146; terrorism, cessation of overt support

nuclear-tipped, 243 to, 257; continuous support to,
Subrahmanyam, K., 212, 224–25, 227, 294; cross-border, 252–53, 257,
236, 239, 260, 276 293, 377, 382; cross-border, in
subservience, socio-psychological, Punjab, 216; fanaticism, 29; fear of
313 nuclear, 94; home-grown, 413; in
Subterranean Nuclear Explosion Pro- Kashmir, 350; incidents of cross-
ject (SNEP), 283 border, 58; international coalition
suicide, growing trend of, terrorism, against, 258; Islamic, 325; Pakistan
93; terrorism, 93–94 as a perpetrator of, in Jammu and
Sultan, Maria, 316, 384 Kashmir, 266; practice of cross-
Sun Tzu, 102, 104, 107–08, 114, 136, border, 58; stopping the export of,
140 375; threat of, 95; trends in, 95
Sundarji, Gen K., 224–25 terrorist, activities in India, 381; aim
Sunni Ulema, 323 of the psychologically and phy-
superpower, bilateral, balance of sically war-trained, 93; new breed
terror, 76; perceived, attack, 106; of, 95; training camps in Pakistan-
reconnaissance of, satellites, 141 administered Kashmir, 294; train-
surveillance, 137; systems and tech- ing camps, 398
nology, 355 test, Lop Nur, 128, 137; May 1998
nuclear, by India, 24; nuclear, by
survivability of the retaliatory forces,
China, 208; South Asian nuclear,
235
339
Swaine, Michael, 145, 187
testing, South Asian nuclear, 410;
Symington Amendment, 329
subcritical, 268
systematic study of international
theatre missile defence, 134
crises behaviour, 66
thinking, Chinese strategic, 105
threat, declarative, 82; difference
Taiwan, US provision of BMD for, 172
between nuclear and conven-
Talbott, Strobe, 165, 261, 330
tional, 113; from China, 359;
Taliban, 72, 266; regime in Afghan- intensity of perceived, 56; nature
istan, 334; hot pursuit of, militia of, to Pakistan, 283; nuclear,
into Pakistan, 350 against the Chinese, 118; nuclear,
Tang Jiaxuan, 155 from Pakistan, 218; of military
Tanham, George, 199 retaliation, 63; of punishing
Tannenwald, Nina, 72 retaliation, 61; perceptions, 128;
Tarapur Atomic Power Station (TAPS), signal to Islamabad, 293; to US
365 from rogue states, 172
Tarar, Rafiq, 337 Tiananmen Square massacre, 110,
Tashkent Declaration, 158 152, 188
Task Force on Border Management, Tibetan liberation struggle, 164
205 Tongxian Uranium Mining and Metal-
Task Force on Intelligence Apparatus, lurgical Processing Institute, 119
205 trade, unchecked fissile material, 29
Task Force on Internal Security, 205 Trans-Siberian rail link from Lenin-
Tellis, Ashley, 145, 167, 187, 233, 243, grad to Vladivostok, 43
245, 375 transfer of BMD technology, 172
territorial claims, credibility of, 138 transparency, of intent and cap-
terror, global alliance against, 334 ability, 63
transporter-creator-launcher, 302 total, 84, 90; winning a nuclear,

Treaty on the Prohibition of the Pro- 92; with China, 208
duction of Fissile Materials Use in warfare, Chinese nuclear, 146; psy-
Nuclear Weapons and Other chological, 136
Nuclear Explosive Devices, 183 Warsaw Treaty Organisation, 152
Truman, 118 weapons, abolition of nuclear, 207;
acquiring, of mass destruction, 95;
Ummah, 322–23 acquisition of nuclear, 118; anti-
UN General Assembly on Disarm- satellite, 171; Atomic, 84, 290;
ament, 132 China’s nuclear, capability, 34;
UN Register for Conventional Arms Chinese nuclear, complexes, 47;
Transfer, 129 commitment to the elimination of
US, aid, 347; assistance, 329; block- nuclear, 228; complete elimin-
ade, 37; naval quarantine, 39; pro- ation of nuclear, 127; deadly, 29;
posals for non-intrusive means of debate on the pros and cons of
verification, 329 nuclear, 274; deterrent force of nu-
Usmani, Dr I.H., 282–83, 307 clear, 61; deterrent role of nuclear,
Ussuri clashes, 32, 36, 42, 56–57, 111, in South Asia, 353; deterrent value
354 of nuclear, 32, 56; existence of nu-
clear, 36; existence of nuclear, 24;
Vajpayee, Atal Behari, 158, 206, 230,
fighting war with nuclear, 28;
238, 246, 252, 269, 338, 364
final decision on nuclear, 234;
Vasquez, John, 386
guiding principle for nuclear,
Vij, Lt Gen Kapil, 377, 378
373; Indian, programme, 341;
lower yield nuclear, 145; military
Waltz, Kenneth, 78, 94
upgrading of, 108; Moderation in
war, 1948 Indo-Pak, 280; Afghan, 325;
Pakistan’s position on nuclear,
against terrorism, 266; all-out,
288; non-nuclear, countries, 176;
90; American involvement the
Nuclear, 25, 27, 88, 97, 108; nuclear,
Vietnam, 152; assumption of the
limited, concept, 373; bigger 29; Nuclear, and international
larger, 91; Chinese civil, 135; con- system, 34; nuclear, capability, 50,
cept of limited, 82; conventional, 287; nuclear, states, 343; of fight-
between India and Pakistan, 345; ing war, 32; of last resort, 317; of
deterrence, 32; future high-tech mass destruction, 89; Pakistan nu-
local, 142; inadvertent accidental, clear, programme, 128; Pakistan’s
37; Iran–Iraq, 300, 327; Korean, 65, development of nuclear, 284;
89, 151; Korean, armistice talks, Pakistan’s nuclear, programme,
119; limitation in, 89; limited, 23, 292; possessing nuclear, 355;
25, 33, 83, 91, 98, 105, 371, 381; possession of nuclear, 58, 96, 232,
limited high-tech, 116; limited, 373; presence of nuclear, 74; pre-
between India and Pakistan, 382; sence of overwhelming nuclear,
limited, doctrine, 84; limiting a 64; presence of, of mass destruction,
central, 91; localised, 353; nuclear, 83; primacy of nuclear, in the
28; Quranic concept of, 310; Sino- Chinese security, 144; prohibition
Indian, 157; Sino-Vietnam border, and through destruction of nu-
106; strategy of total, 84; termin- clear, worldwide, 116; role of nu-
ation, 28; tools of, prevention, 32; clear, 32, 108; role of nuclear, in
Index 495
bilateral confrontations, 35; secret world affairs, India’s bargaining

nuclear, programme, 180; special, power in, 221
and modernisation of the forces, World Trade Center, 245; attack on
114; states employing nuclear, 70; the, 94
strategic nuclear, 156; strategic World Trade Organisation (WTO), 194
role of nuclear, 87; tactical nu- worldview, Chinese, 148
clear, 319; unauthorised acci- Wright, David, 302
dental use of nuclear, 359; use of
nuclear, 53, 78, 275; use of nuclear, Xianhong: Bai, 189; Deng, 109, 110,
against non-nuclear countries, 135, 415
121; withdrawal of Soviet stra- Xu Xiaojun, 111
tegic, 38
weaponisation, 395; China’s critical Yan Xeutong, 124
stance on India’s nuclear, 246; nu- Yang Guo Ping, 297
clear, 23 You Ji, 126
Weiliao Zi, 108
Western imaging of the Islamic Zangger Committee, 153
world, 321 Zarb-e-Momin, 310
Wilkenfeld, Jonathan, 66, 213 Zargar, Mustaq, 251
Williams, Phil, 399 Zhu Mingquan, 170
Wisner, Frank, 220 Zhu Rongji, 167–68
WMD, proliferation of, 181 Zhu Rongji’s visit to India, 361
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Arpit Rajain is a Senior Policy Analyst at the New Delhi office of

the Centre for Global Studies, Mumbai. Prior to joining the Centre,
he was a Research Fellow at the ORF Institute of Security Studies,
New Delhi. He has also worked at the Institute of Peace and
Conflict Studies (IPCS), New Delhi, on WMD issues for six years
and been part of projects with the Ministry of External Affairs and
the Office of the Integrated Defence Staff, Government of India.
The author is currently involved in policy risk analysis and as-
sessment with several multinational companies. He has previously
co-edited three books, including Nuclear Stability in Southern Asia
(2003), Biological Weapons: Issues and Threats (2003) and Working
Towards a Verification Protocol for Biological Weapons (2001). He has
also published more than 55 research papers on WMD issues in
reputed journals, as chapters in edited volumes, as issue briefs,
and as monographs, as well as more than 75 articles in news-
papers/websites in India and abroad.

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NUCLEAR DETERRENCE IN

CHINA, INDIA AND PAKISTAN

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilised

First published in 2005 by

Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd

Sage Publications Inc Sage Publications Ltd

Published by Tejeshwar Singh for Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

ISBN: 0–7619–3230–5 (Hb) 81–7829–359–5 (India–Hb)

Sage Production Team: Shinjini Chatterjee, Neeru Handa and

—The Einstein–Russell Manifesto

Chapter 2: Nuclear Weapons and International System 34

Chapter 3: Revisiting Deterrence 60

Chapter 5: India 197

Chapter 6: Pakistan 276

Chapter 7: Conclusions 353

References and Select Bibliography 419

2.1 Jammu and Kashmir (inset Kargil) 50

4.1 China’s Nuclear Estate 123

5.1 India’s Nuclear Estate 241

6.1 Pakistan’s Nuclear Estate 299

3.1 Pressures and Forces Acting on the Decision-making

4.1 China’s Arms Control Community 130

7.1 Pay-offs in a Bilateral Confrontation 398

ABM anti-ballistic missile

CNS Center for Nonproliferation Studies

JIC Joint Intelligence Committee

PLA People’s Liberation Army

The events of May 1998 pose a new challenge to Southern Asia

the escalation of regional conflict from the subterranean level to a

At the very outset I consider it my duty to thank my former pro-

Parts of this work have been presented in various seminars

Additionally, I banked on her to fill some gaps in my arguments.

Ì SEARCHING FOR EXPLANATIONS:

of the notion of deterrence. Second, it looks at the theory and prac-

confrontation. Since the raison d’être of the nation-state is to survive

shifting alliances and altering balances of power. Nuclear weapons

the ‘second strike’. This can be established by technical means, but

alone does not imply having an effective deterrent force. The

Deterrence harbours a fundamental, perhaps unsolvable, con-

Ì RATIONALE/STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY

war and the inherent potential for escalation. To complete the

If we consider international agreement on total prevention of nuclear warfare as

—Franck Committee, 1945

outlined the new doctrine of ‘massive retaliation’. The strategic

period characterised by three key elements: a threat, the prospect

Ì CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS

for a non-invasion pledge. However, Fidel Castro thought he was

1. To improve the Soviet bargaining position in a nuclear weapons

2. To deter an attack on Cuba by making a Soviet response a cer-

1. The counter-bargaining strategy: It is still unclear if the Soviet

The US acted as if the offer to withdraw missiles in return of a

provided by the pretext of Soviet deployment to deal decisively

Ì USSURI RIVER CLASHES

Soviet Union’s self-proclaimed right to intervene in other socialist

been given the necessary negotiating space. The US probably did

China as part of the struggle against the super powers trying to

and the change in customary international law with a (by now)

The mission was logistically supported by Pakistan, but perhaps

Ì CHINAS STRATEGIC CULTURE