Creativity Innovation and Entrepreneurship in China
Creativity Innovation and Entrepreneurship in China
Creativity Innovation and Entrepreneurship in China
ABSTRACT As the largest and fastest growing transition economy in the world, China's
entrance onto the global stage has been swift and dramatic. As such, almost every facet
of entrepreneurship, from the identification of nascent opportunities to the challenges
of managing triple-digit growth to the transformation of firms from dying to emerging
industries, can be studied as natural experiments. The four papers in this issue are
dedicated to exploring entrepreneurial innovation in the Chinese private economy.
They include two clinical studies, one on the impact of the Beijing Olympics on
entrepreneurship, and the other on the co-evolution oCguanxi networks and
entrepreneurial growth. Two studies test theories explaining the organizational drivers
of innovation and entrepreneurship. In the best traditions, these four studies offer
theoretical insights on the broader implications of entrepreneurship research in the
Chinese context. We locate the findings offered by these four papers in the systems,
organizational and social contexts of creativity, innovation, and entrepreneurship
research. Finally, we offer some suggestions for future research and ways in which
advances in the theoretical conversation should proceed.
INTRODUCTION
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176 P. Phan et al.
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 177
Meng, Wang, & Zhou, 2008; Tan, Zhang, & Xia, 2008; Wright, 2007; Zhang,
Souitaris, Soh, & Wong, 2008), organizational learning (Filatotchev, Liu, Buck, &
Wright, 2009; Li, Schulze, & Li, 2009), and social networking as a mediod of
resource acquisition (Baron & Tang, 2009; Batjargal, 2007b,c; Fu, Tsui, & Dess,
2006; Li et al., 2008; Siu & Bao, 2008).
In traditional economic development models, increasing the ratio of invest-
ment in technological capital to investment in human capital creates the capacity
for a community to defer consumption and accumulate capital to increase the
scale of production. The innovation that follows forms the basis for Venkatara-
man's (2004) virtuous cycle of entrepreneurship. The purpose of this special issue
was to see if a similar dynamic occurred with respect to questions of creativity,
innovation, and entrepreneurship in China. We had expected authors to apply a
relatively well-developed body of literature on entrepreneurship in emerging
regions to ground their investigation. Yet, what we published is an interesting-
array of papers that focused on issues such as how guanxi influences the entre-
preneurship process, innovation surrounding mega-events such as the Beijing
Olympics, inward flows of foreign knowledge, and endogenous firm innovation
that, taken together, point to the uniqueness of the Chinese economy as a setting
for entrepreneurship research.
The fact that China is the largest transition economy in the world (Prasad, 2004)
implies that almost every aspect of entrepreneurship, from the identification of
nascent technologies to the challenges of managing triple-digit growth firms to the
mass exit of firms from dying industries to emerging industries, can be studied as
natural experiments in China. This opportunity is seldom replicated anywhere
in the world. In addition, the Chinese economy, because of the sharp distinctions
between urban and rural areas, cannot be viewed as a homogenous construct.
Instead, it is best studied as an agglomeration of regions. Therefore, studies com-
paring the regions in China could be applied to future studies in free trade zones,
and other politically constructed economic clusters such as the European Union.
In the latter, the cultural roadblocks hindering the free movement of goods
and information, in spite of a political union, are similar to the legal roadblocks
hindering the free movement of labour and goods across provinces in China.
The four papers in this issue of MOR are dedicated to exploring innovation-
driven entrepreneurship in the context of the emerging Chinese private economy.
However, in addition to offering a testable theory, in-depth clinical studies, such as
those by Dollinger, Li, and Mooney (2010) on mega-events, and Guo and Miller
(2010) on guanxi, exemplify the appropriate form of research. Their findings offer
counterintuitive perspectives on received theory when applied to new phenomena.
For example, even in an era of global competition, Dollinger et al. (2010) show that
location remains central to competitive success. Because the theories on clusters
derive from work done in developed economies, their contribution goes beyond
simple notions of clusters to invoke network effects resulting from the relatio-
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178 P. Phan et al.
Shane and Venkataraman (2000) have argued that theories of the firm that are
derived from contracting theory, evolution theory, and the resource-based view do
not accurately describe the processes by which new-to-the-world ventures emerge.
This is because the theories contemplate existing institutional arrangements with
known rules and norms. While extant theories of the firm could be adapted to a
theory of the emergent firm (e.g., as a response to market failure), they must explain
why firms do not emerge even when conditions allow or do so even when condi-
tions are unfavourable (Shane & Venkataraman, 2000). For example, robust busi-
nesses that emerge in war zones provide counterfactual examples to the notion that
industrial munificence is a necessary condition for business formation. [l]
These theories must account for population and idiosyncratic emergence, which
means that they must explain the coexistence of established and emergent firms
experiencing similar economic and sociological conditions. In highly concentrated
markets such as those controlled by state owned enterprises in China, one would
not expect a concomitant rise in the population of entrepreneurial firms. Why
and how this is happening in China can only be properly understood in terms of
innovation in the macroeconomic environment.
The macroeconomic environment is characterized by what Schumpeter (1934:
67) calls gales of creative destruction, in which the entrepreneur 'reforms
or revolutionizes the pattern of production . . . and re-organize[s] an industry'.
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 179
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180 P. Phan et al.
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 181
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182 P. Phan et al.
alternative conceptual framework to re-direct and guide future research. Zhou and
Shalley (2003) organize extant creativity literature into three categories, each with
its unique emphasis on one broad aspect of psychological mechanisms for crea-
tivity: affective, cognitive, and motivational approaches. Hennessey and Amabile
(2010) review psychological research on creativity from a broad, interdisciplinary
perspective (e.g., from the neurological basis of creativity to the societal influences
on creativity), instead of solely focusing on the organizational creativity literature.
Yet, specific research on creativity in China is still lacking. In this special issue,
while creativity does not appear explicidy in the models and theorizing, it is implied
in the two papers dealing with innovation. These two papers investigate the core
ingredients for creative innovation, which is the knowledge base of the firm and its
organizational structure fostering exploitation (as distinct from exploration) within
the firm.
Li, Lee, Li, and Liu's (2010) paper illustrates these issues by examining how firms
utilize organizational control systems to enhance endogenous innovation.
In their paper, types of organizational controls are hypothesized to influence the
degree to which knowledge is exploited, which in turn leads to endogenous inno-
vation. They first propose, quite logically, that codifying knowledge, which reduces
information noise, enables more efficient exploitation. They find that clan control
(control through informal values and norms) moderates the positive relationship
between the codification of knowledge and its exploitation but does not impact
innovation. Therefore, while employees' basic grasp of a firm's knowledge base
is a necessary condition for exploitation, it is not sufficient for innovation. Coun-
terintuitively, they find that the imposition of behaviour controls such as the
formalization of work procedures and routines positively impacts the relationship
between knowledge exploitation and innovation. Taken together, their findings
at the firm level are consistent with that at the individual level by Mumford,
Baughman, Maher, Costanza, and Supinski (1997), who find that the outcome of
conceptual combination depends on what individuals are instructed to consider.
Creativity leads to innovation when creative energies are directed in specific
directions. Absent this, creativity is simply chaos (Ward, 2004).
Li, Lee, Li, and Liu's (2010) study suggests that China's continuing economic
development, if it is to shift from capital formation due to foreign direct investment
to endogenous innovation, can only be sustained if entrepreneurial firms can
successfully build and implement the appropriate organizational controls to exploit
internal knowledge. This organizational context has so far been missing in much of
the creativity-innovation research. This study in the Chinese context offers an
important contribution to the general organizational-level innovation-
entrepreneurship literature.
Related to Li, Lee, Li, and Liu's (2010) paper, Li, Chen, and Shapiro (2010)
investigate the role of exogenous (foreign) knowledge in fostering endogenous
product innovation. They look at how the firm's absorptive capacity, built from
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 183
investments in R&D and marketing, can enhance exogenous knowledge exploita-
tion. Related to the research work on creativity, Li, Chen, and Shapiro (2010) find
that access to knowledge (endogenous or exogenous) is critical for innovation. In
their work, a firm's involvement in inward foreign direct investment and exporting
activities serves as a conduit for the accumulation of foreign knowledge. Combined
with theoretical perspectives from the research on geographic clusters, they find
that domestic firms in cities with concentrated foreign innovative activities benefit
from knowledge spillovers. They also find that those firms that engage in more
exporting learn more quickly about the needs of foreign markets, which guides
their innovation initiatives. The firms that engage in more R&D are also more
likely to develop the organizational capacity to more efficiently recognize, absorb,
and adapt useful foreign knowledge embedded in external channels, such as
innovation clusters and from exporting. This study in the Chinese context adds to
the literature on knowledge acquisition as a strategy for accelerating innovation.
Entrepreneurs are those 'who identify opportunities and start new companies to
develop them' (Baron, 2000: 15), so that simply recognizing new patterns is not
sufficient to be an entrepreneur. Indeed, entrepreneurial creativity is 'the genera-
tion and implementation of. . . ideas to establish a new venture' (Amabile, 1997:
20). Hence, entrepreneurial creativity is a complex phenomenon that includes
cognitive processes, individual motivation, knowledge and personality, individual
and team decision making, and social and economic influences (Sternberg &
Lubart, 1991). More recendy, creativity is best described as a meta-construct
consisting of individual differences, social and resource networks, and team
dynamics (cf. Zhou & Shalley, 2008). In order for a firm to emerge, the entrepre-
neur has to convince others that his/her ideas are worth the support of other
resource providers. Therefore, for there to be value creation, the results of creativ-
ity have to extend into the entrepreneur's social network.
In China, an individual's social network manifests itself in the form of guanxi
(literally, closed system ofrelationships). Distinct from the Western concept of social ties,
guanxi is more appropriately viewed as a form of social collateral with value
(or bonding social capital) because the set of implied (hence, 'closed' to outsiders)
reciprocation rules (hence, 'system') makes it difficult to acquire if one does not
understand the rules. The result of guanxi is a network of social obligations. This
social collateral fosters economic exchange without the need for complicated
contingent claims contracts or even mutual trust. Two strangers can have guanxi
if a third party to whom both owe obligations mediates the relationship. Therefore,
an entrepreneur seeking support for his/her creative ideas can exploit guanxi to
rally resource providers without the need to expend large amounts of energy
building personal networks. The literature on guanxi in the entrepreneurial context
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184 P. Phan et al.
(e.g., Fu et al., 2006; Li et al., 2008; Tian, Gao, & Cone, 2008) is particularly rich,
given that guanxi in other contexts has been well-studied.
This quintessential Chinese construct is investigated by Guo and Miller (2010)
on its implications for entrepreneurial action. Based on six case studies, Guo and
Miller find that guanxi networks vary in structure, governance, and content with
the evolution of the entrepreneurial process. They find that the usefulness of
guanxi depends on the stage of the entrepreneurial process and that information
can be as valuable a currency of exchange as gifts and favours in knowledge-
intensive industries.
Specific to the Chinese context, the authors find that guanxi with government
officials is not a necessary condition for entrepreneurial success in knowledge-
intensive industries. While this finding is contrary to that of earlier studies (e.g.,
Tjosvold, Peng, Chen, & Su, 2008), it is not surprising if we accept that the value
of guanxi is contextual. The key input in knowledge industries is human capital, over
which the government has less control, rather than financial, location, or physical
capital, over which the government has more control. Therefore, guanxi derived
from information sharing is less likely to result from relationships with government
officials.
Taken together, this study confirms the importance of social exchange in entre-
preneurial action. Although their study does not compare China with other emerg-
ing economies, it is reasonable to conclude that wherever economic exchange is
less enforceable with legal contracts, social collateral can act as a hedge against
moral hazard. Their work also adds to the general literature on entrepreneurial
teams, in that they demonstrate the importance of coordinated action, via guanxi
networks, in the creation of new enterprises, and links individual agency to group
action.
There are at least three challenges for researchers studying entrepreneurial inno-
vation in China. First, entrepreneurial innovation may be innovative because it
is perceived as new to the market or industry or because it actually differs from
the state-of-the-art. There are examples of both in China. Therefore, researchers
need to carefully define what one means by innovation. Without a common
understanding, studies on entrepreneurial innovation in China may not be com-
pared with each other, which limits theory building and the accumulation of
knowledge.
Second, entrepreneurial innovation might be efficient or effective, or they may
not be so. Defining and measuring the appropriate dependent variable is therefore
important. We know that not all innovations are efficient (the increase in the ratio
of inputs to outputs) or effective (improvement in some characteristic of the inno-
vation). Yet, the literature on entrepreneurial innovation and innovation diffusion
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 185
in China has not contemplated the possibility that not all innovations lead to
efficiency or effectiveness. Therefore, we need research on ineffective innovations
and their diffusion; research that might highlight the externalities of certain
Chinese innovations or the consumer and reputational harm created by innovative
toys and food products.
Third, the innovation (process, organizational form, technology, market domain
focus, products, services, and so on) that forms the basis for new firm creation
may differ by context. This has not been well-explored in China. Entrepreneurial
innovation research can focus on managerial (e.g., processes and organizational
forms) and non-managerial (e.g., products and services) outcomes. The literature
on entrepreneurial innovation in China seems to ignore managerial innovations,
as they pertain to entrepreneurial firms. Research on managerial innovations in
entrepreneurial firms in India, for instance, reveals entire new ways of managing
organizations that are native to India (Dutz, 2007). The research on Chinese
managerial innovations needs to be more fully developed.
We also encourage future researchers to aim for paradigmatic, rather than
micro-theoretical explanations when inducing theory about entrepreneurship in
China. The fact that it is a transition economy provides many opportunities for
natural experiments. For example, the adoption of private property rights regimes
when none existed previously provides an opportunity to test the relationship
between property rights and risk-taking. In the same vein, we urge future resear-
chers to employ temporally oriented empirical techniques such as critical event
studies, panel data regression estimations, and repeated treatment experimental
designs. These techniques may be particularly useful for research in China, given
the many innovations, exploitative or exploratory, in Chinese firms in response to
the rapid changes in the industrial, economic, and policy environments. Below, we
offer specific suggestions for future research within each of the three contexts of
entrepreneurship.
The findings of the four papers contained in this issue raise a number of questions
that merit further research. First, studies of recently emerged entrepreneurial
regions from around the world — Taiwan, Ireland, Israel, Korea, and Singapore
— have underscored the role of government in establishing the appropriate insti-
tutional environment for the creation and exploitation of opportunities. In this set
of papers, government is not only absent in the discussions, but Guo and Miller
(2010) even imply that, under certain circumstances, it is unimportant. While it is
obvious that the role of government tends to decline when the size of the private
sector increases (Huang, 2003), there may be deeper implications of this trend.
We know that non-state owned enterprise (SOE) managers tend to have fewer
government ties than SOE managers (Li et al., 2008). This may represent a
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186 P. Phan et al.
liability to non-SOE firms. However, it may also imply that the role of govern-
ment in knowledge-intensive industries is not as critical as in, say manufacturing,
because the usual reasons that firms interact with the government, e.g., obtaining
permits to operate, zoning, etc., tend to be less relevant in knowledge-intensive
firms.
Yet, the government in China continues to be omnipresent from the village to
the State level (Acs & Dana, 2001; Li et al., 2008; Tian et al., 2008; Tjosvold et al.,
2008). Future research should therefore aim for dynamic models that can demon-
strate the co-evolution of the role of government and the market economy (Sun,
Wright, & Mellahi, 2010). Similar to endogenous growth models in the develop-
mental economics literature (cf. Romer, 2008), these approaches are particularly
powerful in explaining the role of entrepreneurship in the sustainability of an
economic system. We know that strong educational institutions, good physical
infrastructure, a supportive financial services industry, and favourable cultural
attitudes towards entrepreneurship tend to render the role of government as
advocate of entrepreneurship less critical. Hence, we should expect that the devel-
opment of the Chinese institutional context would accompany a decline in political
influence in the market economy. Yet, in the case of China, because the govern-
ment is concerned about social stability as much as it is about economic growth, the
booms and busts that characterize a entrepreneurially intensive economy may
provide unique opportunities to study the interactions between political and eco-
nomic systems that are interdependent and yet can produce conflicting social and
economic outcomes.
We know that in traditional models of entrepreneurial development, the
government's role is to provide the initial resources to trigger sector development,
which then becomes attractive for private capital accumulation. More recently,
institutional models discuss the need for robust intellectual property regimes to
foster innovation. These points of view have to be reconciled so that future studies
should examine the role of village and provincial government influences, perhaps
employing an evolutionary approach to account for the varying degrees of involve-
ment over the stage of development of a region.
Concomitant with further study on the role of government in entrepreneurship,
we urge more research on the problem of social welfare and entrepreneurship.
There is a wealth of literature on entrepreneurship that tries to understand the
relationship between entrepreneurship and social welfare in emerging economies
(Acs & Dana, 2001; Baumol, 1990; Chow, Fung, & Ngo, 2001; Djankov, Qian,
Roland, & Zhuravskaya, 2006; Nee & Cao, 2005; Pistrui, Huang, Oksoy, Zhao, &
Welsch, 2001; Tan, 2008). In China, the question is both relevant and important
because the emergence of entrepreneurship in the private economy, and compe-
tition for capital with the state sector, will impact economic development, social
welfare, and individual choices to engage in risk-taking. Such research in China
may yield important contributions to this literature.
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 187
Another area of potentially fruitful research is to study entrepreneurship and
innovation in rural areas. What are the entrepreneurial capacity-building initia-
tives taking place to endow farmers and rural artisans with the skills they need to
innovate and found sustainable businesses? Research can also analyze the role of
technology in fostering innovation, such as the impact on rural entrepreneurship
with the dramatic increase in wireless telecommunication penetration.
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188 P. Phan et al.
Research in China is already rich in the area of social networks (guanxi and other
forms of networking), and therefore, meaningful contributions in this line of inquiry
may be limited. However, there has now emerged some research on the social
responsibility and ethics of Chinese entrepreneurs (Tian et al., 2008; Zu & Song,
2009). Social responsibility is an ethical perspective that views a business as embed-
ded in the social system and therefore the firm must contemplate its non-economic
role in the welfare of the communities in which it operates (Tian et al., 2008).
Normative conceptions of social responsibility argue that when businesses take a
proactive stance to act socially responsible, they pre-empt the role of government
as a monitor and hence assure themselves the freedom to operate (Carpenter,
Bauer, & Erdogan, 2009). We suggest a more concerted attempt at understanding
the emergence and evolution of an entrepreneur's engagement with his/her social
environment as a possible avenue for further research. China provides an inter-
esting setting for such questions, because guanxi networks tend to be fairly tight,
whereas the type of socially responsible actions taken by philanthropists benefits a
much broader section of the community. The transition of an entrepreneur's guanxi
networks to philanthropic (generalized) networks could be a meaningful way to
extend the extant research. Perhaps, an entrepreneur's guanxi network is impacted
by his/her philanthropic network, so that the right approach to theorizing about
guanxi may be evolutionary rather than static, similar to the study by Guo and
Miller published in this issue.
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Entrepreneurial Innovation and Creativity 189
In summary, in this special issue, we have taken a point of view that there
are three broad contexts to the phenomenon of entrepreneurship in China. It is
not the only way one can organize the extant research or direct future research on
entrepreneurship. However, it is a flexible framework. For example, one can
embed institutional concerns such as private property rights and the drive to
accumulate capital into questions on why and when Chinese entrepreneurs inno-
vate and whether their creative tendencies will lead to positive (new venturing) or
negative (corporate malfeasance) outcomes (Baumol, 1990).
More importantly, we must recognize the possibility that China is not just
another context in which one can apply theories developed somewhere else. For
example, many Chinese proverbs exemplify the dialectic thinking of people in the
Chinese culture and these proverbs may shed insight on the potential for creativity
in this culture. Take for example, the Chinese words for crisis 'Weiji' (^i-tH). The
pairing of the two characters J& a n d -HI jointly denote crisis with the former
character denoting threat and the later opportunity. Now consider the character
pairing for revolution (j=pL-ppf). The first character denotes transformation whereas
the second denotes order. Interestingly, Tsou (1986) noted that the blueprint of the
Cultural Revolution was based on the order it replaced. Following our earlier
discussion on the potential unique contributions of entrepreneurship research in
China, we may discover that the Chinese language itself might be generative of
constructs with implications for entrepreneurial innovation.
CONCLUSION
NOTES
[1] Not temporary enterprises that arise from arbitrage opportunities ('black market'), since these
appropriate, not create economic value. Instead, for example, consider laundry services catering
to soldiers.
[2] Because rapid shifts in the institutional and industrial contexts characterized by emerging
economics arc likely to make economic models obsolete more quickly than those in developed
economics.
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190 P. Phan et al.
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