Young and Crative PDF

YOUNG &
The Creative YouTubers
Somewhere around 300-400 hours of video is uploaded
CREATIVE
every minute on the immensely popular platform of You-
Tube. In this section, authors present examples of video
blogging, otherwise known as vlogging, a common feature
among viewers. Some vloggers have become world famous
through their presence on the screen, some of them are still
mostly known among their friends and family.
Digital Technologies
Empowering Children in Everyday Life
Ilana Eleá &

Lothar Mikos (eds.)
The International
Clearinghouse on Children,
Youth and Media, at
A UNESCO INItIAtIvE 1997
Nordicom
University of Gothenburg
Box 713
In 1997, the Nordic Information Centre for Media and SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG, Sweden
Communication Research (Nordicom), University of Gothenburg, Web site:
Sweden, began establishment of the International Clearinghouse www.nordicom.gu.se/clearinghouse
on Children, Youth and Media. The overall point of departure for Director: Ingela Wadbring
the Clearinghouse’s efforts with respect to children, youth and
information co-orDinator:
media is the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Catharina Bucht
The aim of the Clearinghouse is to increase awareness and Tel: +46 31 786 49 53
knowledge about children, youth and media, thereby providing Fax: +46 31 786 46 55

a basis for relevant policy-making, contributing to a constructive
public debate, and enhancing children’s and young people’s media
[email protected]
literacy and media competence. Moreover, it is hoped that the

Clearinghouse’s work will stimulate further research on children, The Clearinghouse
is loCaTed aT nordiCom
youth and media.
Nordicom is an organ of
Somewhere
The around
International 300-400
Clearinghouse hours ofYouth
on Children, video
andisMedia
uploadedco-operation between the Nordic
informs various groups of users – researchers, policy-makers,
every minute on the immensely popular platform of You-countries – Denmark, Finland, Iceland,
media professionals, voluntary organisations, teachers, students Norway and Sweden. The overriding goal
and Tube. In individuals
interested this section, authors present examples of videoand purpose is to make the media and
– about
blogging, otherwise known as vlogging, a common featurecommunication efforts undertaken in the
Nordic countries known, both throughout
• research on children, young people and media, with
among viewers. Some vloggers have become world famousand far beyond our part of the world.
special attention to media violence, Nordicom uses a variety of chan-nels
through their presence on the screen, some of them are still– newsletters, journals, books, databases
•mostly known amongregarding
their friends
mediaand family. – to reach researchers, students, decision-
research and practices education and
makers, media practitioners, journalists,
children’s/young people’s participation in the media, teachers and interested members of the
and general public.
Nordicom works to establish and
strengthen links between the Nordic
• measures, activities and research concerning children’s research community and colleagues in
and young people’s media environment. all parts of the world, both by means of
unilateral flows and by linking individ-
ual researchers, research groups and
Fundamental to the work of the Clearinghouse is the creation
institutions.
of a global network. The Clearinghouse publishes a yearbook Nordicom also documents media trends
and reports. Several bibliographies and a worldwide register in the Nordic countries. The joint Nordic
of organisations concerned with children and media have information addresses users in Europe
been compiled. This and other information is available on the and further afield. The production of
comparative media statistics forms the
Clearinghouse’s web site:
core of this service.
Nordicom is funded by the Nordic
www.nordicom.gu.se/clearinghouse Council of Ministers.
YOUNG & CREATIVE
YOUNG &
CREATIVE
Digital Technologies
Empowering Children in Everyday Life
Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)

Young & Creative
Digital Technologies Empowering Children in Everyday Life
Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)
© Editorial matters and selections, the editors; articles, individual

contributors; Nordicom 2017.
ISBN 978-91-87957-85-7 (print)

ISBN 978-91-87957-86-4 (pdf)
The publication is also available as open access at www.nordicom.gu.se
Published by:
The International Clearinghouse on Children, Youth and Media
Nordicom
Box 713
SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG
Sweden
Images reprinted with permission from copyrightholder

Cover photo: Johan Strindberg / Bildhuset / TT
Cover by: Per Nilsson 25
Printed by: Ale Tryckteam AB, Bohus, Sweden, 2017
CONTENT
Preface 7
Introduction
Young and Creative. Digital Technologies Empowering Children in Everyday Life 9
ON CREATIVITY
1 The Rhetorics of Creativity
Shakuntala Banaji 17
2 Creativity on YouTube. Considering New Media and the Impulses of the Learner
Danah Henriksen, Megan Hoelting 31
3 The Class: Living and Learning in the Digital Age: Interview with Sonia Livingstone 43
THE CREATIVE YOUTUBERS

4 How YouTube Developed into a Successful Platform for User-Generated Content
Margaret Holland 53
5 Top Girls on YouTube. Identity, Participation, and Consumption

Lidia Marôpo, Inês Vitorino Sampaio, Nut Pereira de Miranda 65
6 The YouTube Channel RAK TV. A Narrative Interview with Rachel Cócaro, 14 Years Old
Paulo Guimarães, Maria Inês de C. Delorme 77
EXPRESSIONS OF CREATIVITY AMONG CHILDREN AND YOUTH

7 “Exclusively for Keitai”. Literary Creativity of Japanese Media Youths
Kyounghwa Yonnie Kim 91
8 A Shared Literary Experience. Youth Reading, Creativity and Virtual Performances

Alejandra Ravettino Destefanis 103
9 Internet Mukbang (Foodcasting) in South Korea
Seok-Kyeong Hong, Sojeong Park 111
10 “Transmedia Storytelling as a Narrative Expansion”: Interview with Carlos Scolari 125
11 Conversations on Creativity and Communication

Carmilla Floyd 131
COLLECTING AND SHARING CREATIVITY

12 “My Portfolio Helps My Making”. Motivations and Mechanisms for Documenting Creative Projects
Anna Keune, Naomi Thompson, Kylie Peppler, Stephanie Chang 145
13 Pockets of Freedom, but Mostly Constraints. Emerging trends in children’s DIY media platforms
Deborah A. Fields, Sara M. Grimes 159
14 Peer Teaching and Learning. A Case of Two Five-year-olds as Minecraft Creators

Sara Sintonen, Maj-Britt Kentz, Lasse Lipponen 173
15 “Children Love to be Hilariously Silly and Dead-Serious Alike”: Interview with Margret Albers 185
TRAINING TEACHERS TO SPARK YOUNG PEOPLE’S CREATIVITY

16 AMORES. Discovering a Love for Literature through Digital Collaboration and Creativity
Geoff Walton, Mark Childs, Janet Hetherington, Gordana Jugo 193
17 Bringing Maker Literacies to Early Childhood Education

Jill Scott, Karen Wohlwend 209
18 Meeting Change with Creativity: Interview with Kirsten Drotner 221

Preface
T oday´s digital technology provides opportunities to create and reach

out to a wide range of users. Different platforms, in particular online
platforms, has enabled anyone with access to the tools not only to be a
consumer of media content, but also a producer. This opportunity is
something many young people have grasped in order to express them-
selves and to share their own creativity.
All books published by the International Clearinghouse on Children,
Youth and Media aim to shed light on different themes concerning
children, youth and media, hopefully raising knowledge and awareness
on current aspects of young people’s media use and consumption and
hopefully serve as inspiration to further research and exploration.
The point of departure for the Clearinghouse’s efforts is the UN
Convention on the Rights of the Child, among other stating the child’s
right to freedom of expression. Thus, a publication on creativity with
digital media where this freedom can be exercised is well within the
aim of the Clearinghouse. And considering the vast popularity among
young people to watch, share and find inspiration in peer produced
content we found it highly relevant to address this theme.
We are deeply grateful to the editors of this book, Ilana Eleá and
Lothar Mikos, who have managed to gather a diversity of examples
from scholars and practitioners in how young people’s creativity can
be expressed in different ways and in different parts of the world.
Göteborg, December 2017
Catharina Bucht Ingela Wadbring

Information co-ordinator Director, Nordicom
7
Introduction
Young and Creative
Creativity in Everyday Practices
T he 21st century saw the rise of digital media technologies which

have influenced nearly every aspect of our lives. Digital media is
part of the everyday life of many children and young people, as they use
digital technologies to communicate, consume, learn, interact, and to
create. This book, Young and Creative – Digital Technologies Empowering
Children in Everyday Life, aims to identify a variety of examples where
children and youths have been active and creative by using their own
initiative, and by being driven by intrinsic motivation, personal interests,
and peer relations. How to theorise, display, and initiate creativity is also
included in the book.
We want to examine the opportunities of digital technologies for
the creative processes of children and young people. Access to digital
technology and its growing convergence (Jenkins, 2006a; Jenkins et al.,
2009) has allowed young people to experience active roles as cultural
producers. Participation becomes a keyword when “consumers take
media into their own hands” (Jenkins, 2006b:132).
Since in participation culture people are seen both as consumers and
producers, Young and Creative presents cases of children and young
people being actively involved when creating, sharing, and responding
to media. But what are they doing when they engage with media as DIY
(Do-It-Yourself) creators and producers? A diversity of content-cre-
ating platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, DeviantArt, Fanfiction. Eleá, Ilana and Mikos, Lothar (2017) Intro-
duction – Young and Creative. Creativity
net, Tumblr, Figment, Wordpress, and Scratch can be seen as “affinity in Everyday Practices in Ilana Eleá and
spaces” (Lammers, Curwood & Magnifico, 2012), which are digital Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative.
Digital Technologies Empowering Children
and informal spheres where there is a passion for creating and sharing. in Everyday Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
9
Introduction – Young and Creative
In order to explore young people’s affinity spaces and new literacies

or transmedia literacies and creativity, (see the interview with Carlos
Scolari in this book), Young and Creative primarily, but not exclusively,
focuses on what children and young people are doing in out-of-school
or out-of-institutional spaces, showing how they are engaging in par-
ticipatory and collaborative social contexts. The reader will also find
examples of creative experiences in the classroom, from daycare to
elementary school and international projects and festivals.
The tone and sections of the book

The 18 articles in Young and Creative are divided into five sections. The
first section, On creativity, opens with an article written by Shakuntala
Banaji and offers a conceptualisation of creativity. Her rhetorical ap-
proach navigates questions such as “does creativity reside in everyday
aspects of human life or is it something special?”, inviting the reader
to analyse youth practices with digital media through historical and
theoretical lenses. Danah Henriksen and Megan Hoelting´s article
focuses on the creative aspects of YouTube and the impulses of the
learner that YouTube as a channel allows. The interview with Sonia
Livingstone touches upon issues that are important to reflect on: You-
Tube’s popularity does not imply homogeneity in meaning or use. In
her research project ‘The Class’ carried out with Julian Sefton-Green,
they observed that among 28 teens in a class in the UK, 28 different
patterns of use were found, and only six were used to upload contents.
However, YouTube is the favourite online destination for many
children around the world. The second section of Young and Creative
is titled The Creative YouTubers and Margaret Holland´s article further
investigates common factors shared by YouTube celebrities, describing
the behind the scenes of the phenomenon of user-generated content.
Two other texts consider Brazilian children as actors. Lidia Marôpo,
Inês Vitorino Sampaio, and Nut Pereira de Miranda focus on colours
to analyse the success of young female YouTubers in the country. Paulo
Guimarães and Maria Inês de C. Delorme further contribute by shed-
ding light on the details of Rachel, a 14 year old YouTuber, who talks
about her practices, fears, and dreams.
In the section Expressions of creativity among children and youth, we
present Kyounghwa Yonnie Kim’s research on the possibility of writing
10
novels on mobile phones. The genre of keitai novels is also presented in

this book. Literature also appears in another title of Young and Creative
where Alejandra Ravettino Destefani´s article informs us that young
people are using the YouTube platform to create videos, and share
their passion about fictional books, incentivising new readers to get
involved with stories.
We believe that it is fundamental to be curious and aware of the
stories that children and young people are sharing on social media.
Seok-Kyeong Hong and Sojeong Park’s article on the mukbang phe-
nomenon, in South Korea, can serve perhaps as an unusual example.
The interview with Carlos Scolari centres around the concepts of
transmedia storytelling and its place within informal learnings spaces
such as YouTube, social media and blogs, which bring forwards what
he calls a narrative expansion.
Carmilla Floyd, a journalist with experience in interviewing children
around the globe, was challenged to have an open online dialogue with
young Instagram users from Sweden, China, South Africa, USA, and
Vietnam. The photos that these young people took and shared while
reading their motivations and aspirations are published here.
Collecting and sharing creativity is a section that focuses on dif-
ferent platforms facilitating creative communication, the sharing of
knowledge and giving opportunity to exercise freedom of expression.
It includes peer-teaching and learning among two five-year olds. In
order to shed light on new possibilities for teaching and learning, local
examples using e-portfolios (see Anna Keune, Naomi Thompson, Kylie
Peppler & Stephanie Chang’s article); DIY media platforms (Deborah
A. Fields & Sara M. Grimes’ article); and Minecraft (Sara Sintonen,
Maj-Britt Kentz & Lasse Liponen’s article), give us some innovative
ideas. The interview with Margret Albers highlights the main scenes
from a German Children’s Media Festival, where children have been
producing films (and more recently television programmes) for com-
petition since 1996.
Children and young people are immersed in digital spaces, expe-
riencing their creativity online, feeling driven to learn and share more
of their ideas, but what can schools learn from their stories, YouTube
videos, and e-artefacts? In the final section, Training teachers to spark
young people’s creativity, readers can find information about how the
11
European project AMORES (Geoff Walton, Mark Childs, Janet Hether-

ington & Gordana Jugo’s article) suggests ways to fill in the gaps between
children’s media use and school. It is an international aim invested
in teacher training and joint initiatives to increase involvement with
reading literacies. Play, toy hacking, and filmmaking in early literacy
is explored in Jill Scott and Karen Wohlwend’s article, where stages of
character development, storyboarding and filming, video editing and
sharing, are included in a five-year study on literacy play. An interview
with Kirsten Drotner closes the book with a strong appeal: how may
we guide children’s freedom to express themselves online? “We need
to turn the tables”, she says.
Some final words

The articles and examples in this book indicate an interesting fact: even
though digital technologies have a global appeal, the creative activities
of children and young people are deeply rooted in their social and
cultural environment and show cultural specialties.
Young and Creative is a mix of research articles, interviews, and
case studies with contributions from Asia, Europe, North America,
and South America. The target audience of this book is students, pro-
fessionals, and researchers working in the field of education, commu-
nication, children and youth studies, new literacy studies and media
and information literacy.
We would like to thank Ingela Wadbring and Catharina Bucht
for the fruitful ideas and Per Nilsson for the creative book cover and
graphic art.
Stockholm and Potsdam
Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos
References
Jenkins, H, (2006a). Fans, bloggers, and gamers: Exploring participatory culture. New
York: New York University Press.
Jenkins, H. (2006b). Convergence culture: When old and new media collide. New York:
NYU Press.
12
Jenkins, H., Purushotma, R., Weigel, M., Clinton, K., & Robison, A. J. (2009). Confront-
ing the challenges of participatory culture: Media education for the 21st century.
Cambridge: MIT Press.
Lammers, J. C., Curwood, J. S., & Magnifico, A. M. (2012). Toward an affinity space
methodology: Considerations for literacy research. English Teaching: Practice and
Critique, 11 (2), 44–58.
Ilana Eleá, PhD in Education by PUC-Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, is former scientific

coordinator at The International Clearinghouse on Children, Youth and Media,
Nordicom, Sweden.
Lothar Mikos, Professor of Television Studies, Department of Media Studies, Film
universität Babelsberg KONRAD WOLF, Potsdam, Germany, and Honorary Profess-
sor at University of International Business and Economy, Beijing, China, l.mikos@
filmuniversitaet.de
13
On Creativity
The first section of this anthology revolves around discus-

sions on what creativity is. The reader will meet different
rhetorics of creativity, what is written and said about it,
and how new media technology can meet the impulses
of learning and thus enable youth (and others) in creative
expressions.
1
The Rhetorics of Creativity
Shakuntala Banaji
T his article introduces understandings of creativity in relation to social

relations, play and pedagogy in policy and practice: where these
understandings come from in terms of their theoretical heritage, what
functions they serve, how they are used, and in whose interest. The focus
is on discourses about creativity circulating in the public domain. The
aim here is not to investigate creativity itself, but rather what is written
and said about it. Creativity is thus presented as something constructed
through discourse and how we might choose to locate ourselves in relation
to claims being made about it. In the critical review of literature from
which this article originates (Banaji & Burn, 2006), the rhetorics of crea-
tivity are given names which broadly correspond to the main theoretical
underpinnings or the ideological beliefs of those who deploy them. Thus,
the rhetorics referred to in this article are as follows:
• Creative Genius
• Democratic Creativity and Cultural Re/Production
• Ubiquitous Creativity
• Creativity for Social Good
• Creativity as Economic Imperative
• Play and Creativity
• Creativity and Cognition Banaji, Shakuntala (2017). The Rhetorics
of Creativity in Ilana Eleá and Lothar
• The Creative Affordances of Technology Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Tech-
nologies Empowering Children in Everyday
• The Creative Classroom and Creative Arts and Political Challenge Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
17
Shakuntala Banaji
The rhetorics have complex histories; in the following sections, brief

indications of these histories are sketched. Following these historical
descriptions, the rhetorics are traced through in academic and policy
discourses.
The discussion of individual rhetorics raises a series of questions
that cut across and connect several rhetorics to each other. For instance,
two questions running through the rhetorics of Genius, Democratic
and Ubiquitous creativity are: Does creativity reside in everyday aspects
of human life or is it something special? And what are the differences
between ‘cultural learning’ and ‘creative learning’? Similarly, the issue
of whether there is, in fact, any difference between ‘good’ and ‘creative’
pedagogy is the focus of attention in a number of the rhetorics. Writing
on creativity in education distinguishes between creative teaching and
creative learning, but often fails to establish precisely how such process-
es and the practices they entail differ from ‘good’ or ‘effective’ teaching
and ‘engaged’ or ‘enthusiastic’ learning. So, is there good teaching that
is not creative? Meanwhile, the questions of how significant play and
individual socialization are remain central to several rhetorics.
Creativity: Unique or democratic?

The rhetoric which could be said to have the oldest provenance and to
have remained resilient, albeit in more subtle guises, within educational
pedagogies in the 20th and 21st centuries is that of Creative Genius. This
romantic and post-romantic rhetoric (Simonton, 1999; Scruton 2000)
dismisses modernity and popular culture as vulgar, and argues for
creativity as a special quality of a few highly educated and disciplined
individuals (who possess genius) and of a few cultural products. In
this rhetoric, culture is defined by a particular discourse about aes-
thetic judgment and value, manners, civilization and the attempt to
establish literary, artistic and musical canons. It can be traced back
through certain phases of the Romantic period to aspects of European
Enlightenment thought. Perhaps the most influential Enlightenment
definition of genius is in Kant’s Critique of Judgment, which presents
it as the ‘mental aptitude’ necessary for the production of fine art, a
capacity characterized by originality, and opposed to imitation. Fre-
quently, for its proponents, ‘novelty’ is viewed as a negative – almost
dangerous – attribute when proposed by those who do not possess the
18
requisite skill and inspiration to maintain a link with what is regarded

as the best in the past.
Significantly for the rhetorics Play and Creativity and The Creative
Classroom, some commentators write as if there are two different ‘cate-
gories’ of creativity, which have been dubbed, variously, ‘high’ and ‘com-
mon’ (Cropley, 2001), or ‘historical’ and ‘psychological’ (Boden, 1990)
(or ‘special’ and ‘everyday’). The former comprises the work and powers
of those who are considered ‘geniuses’, and is pursued via studies of the
work and lives of ‘great’ creative individuals (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997)
and regarded as ‘absolute’, while the latter is far less well defined but
clearly relative and can be fostered, increased and measured. The latter
can also, broadly, be split into two traditions: one grounded in culture
or subculture and the other based on notions of ‘possibility thinking’
and dubbed ‘little-c’ creativity (Craft, 1999) in ordinary situations.
The rhetoric of Democratic Creativity and Cultural Re/Production
provides an explicitly anti-elitist conceptualization of creativity. Most
familiar in the academic discipline of Cultural Studies, it sees every-
day cultural practices in relation to the cultural politics of identity
construction, focusing particularly on the meanings made from and
with popular cultural products. This rhetoric provides a theory derived
from the Gramscian perspective on youth subcultures developed by the
Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. It constitutes
practices of cultural consumption (especially of films, magazines, fash-
ion and popular music) as forms of production through activities such
as music sampling, subcultural clothing and fan activity (Cunningham,
1998), and thus belongs to an influential strand of cultural studies
which attributes considerable creative agency to those social groups
traditionally perceived as audiences and consumers or even as excluded
from creative work by virtue of their social status (Willis, 1990).
Similarly egalitarian, but without the basis in cultural politics, is the
rhetoric of Ubiquitous Creativity. Here, creativity does not only entail
the consumption and production of artistic products, whether popular
or elite, but involves a skill in terms of responding to the demands of
everyday life. In this discourse, being more creative involves having
the flexibility to respond to problems and changes in the modern
world and in one’s personal life (Craft 1999, 2003). While much of
the writing in this rhetoric is targeted at early years’ education with
19
Shakuntala Banaji
the aim of giving young children the ability to deal reflexively and
ethically with problems encountered during learning and family life,
examples used to illustrate ‘everyday creativity’ include attempts by
working-class individuals or immigrants to find jobs against the odds
without becoming discouraged. This too is a highly resilient strand in
commentaries on this subject and has a strong appeal for educators
(Jeffrey 2005; Cohen 2000).
Clearly for those even nominally in favour of retaining a particular
link between creativity and the arts and culture (Negus & Pickering,
2004), who see creativity as something ‘special’ (or indeed who see it
as being about challenge and social critique rather than conformity
to rules), this approach raises the question: Is this view of creativity
as an ability to be flexible in meeting the demands of life incompatible
with the notion of creativity as something that adds a special quality
to life? It seems that there remain tensions between activities, ideas
and creations that are dubbed ‘creative’ in particular social contexts or
historical moments and those that are rejected for fear of their playful,
disruptive or anarchic potential.
Creative socialization and ‘successful’ societies?

The rhetoric of Creativity for Social Good is characterized by its emphasis
on the importance for educational policy of the arts as tools for personal
empowerment and ultimately for social regeneration (Robinson et al.
1999). It stresses the integration of communities and individuals who
have become ‘socially excluded’ (for example by virtue of race, location
or poverty) and generally invokes educational and, tangentially, eco-
nomic concerns as the basis for generating policy interest in creativity.
This rhetoric emerges largely from contemporary social democratic
discourses of inclusion and multiculturalism. In this view, a further
rationale for encouraging creativity in education focuses on the social
and personal development of young people in communities and other
social settings. In this view, ‘creative and cultural programmes’ are seen
to be twofold mechanisms of social cohesion, ‘powerful ways of revital-
ising the sense of community in a school and engaging the whole school
with the wider community’ (Ibid, 26). Although Robinson’s NACCCE1
committee team accept that exceptionally gifted creative individuals do
exist, their report favours a ‘democratic’ definition of creativity over an
20
‘elite’ one: ‘Imaginative activity fashioned so as to produce outcomes

that are both original and of value’ (1999: 29). Here, culture and other
cultures are things to be ‘dealt with’ and ‘understood’. While this some-
what reductive view has been criticised (Marshall, 2001; Buckingham
& Jones, 2001), it has a broad appeal amongst those who see creativity
as a tool in the project of engineering a strong national society.
In an allied rhetoric much in evidence since dot.coms came on the
scene and in an era of flexible digital labour, Creativity as Economic Im-
perative, the future of a competitive national economy is seen to depend
on the knowledge, flexibility, personal responsibility and problem-solv-
ing skills of workers and their managers (Scholtz & Livingstone, 2005).
These are, apparently, fostered and encouraged by creative methods in
business, education and industry (Seltzer & Bentley, 1999). There is a
particular focus here on the contribution of the ‘creative industries’,
although the argument is often applied to the commercial world. Again,
this rhetoric annexes the concept of creativity in the service of a ne-
oliberal economic programme and discourse (Landry, 2000). Instead
of being about imagination or the motivation to learn and create, the
imperative here is the requirement to assist the modern national cap-
italist economy in its quest for global expansion. But, realistically, we
must ask questions about the variety of arenas and domains in which
those who buy into this ‘new’ vision of creativity would be allowed to
function. Would time for the playful testing of ideas be built into the
working days of ‘knowledge workers’? Or perhaps they would have
to accommodate such necessary but peripheral business in their own
personal time by giving up leisure. In what way might different skills
lead to creative production? It seems unlikely that the mere acquisition
of skills would be sufficient as a contribution to a greater collective or
corporate endeavour. Clearly, while the newly flexible workforce – or
student body – might be encouraged to manage themselves and their
departments or sections, their control over the overall structures and
practices of their organizations might remain as limited as ever (Pope,
2005). A final problem that arises with the use of the term creativity in
this context is a definitional one. As with the generalized application
of creativity to all teaching and learning in all subjects, the danger is
that it simply becomes a more glamorous and appealing synonym for
‘effectiveness’, thereby losing its distinctive sense.
21
Shakuntala Banaji
Serious or playful stuff?

The rhetoric of Creativity and Cognition can be seen as incorporating
two quite different traditions. One includes theories of multiple intel-
ligences (Gardner, 1993) and the development of models to document
and increase people’s problem-solving capacity (for instance, Os-
born-Parnes 1941 CPS model) as well as explorations of the potential
of artificial intelligence (Boden, 1990). This latter work attempts to
demonstrate the links made during, and the conditions for, creative
thought and production. The emphasis of all strands in this tradition
is on the internal production of creativity by the mind, rather than on
external contexts and cultures. The other tradition consists of more
intra-cognitive and culturally situated notions of creative learning
expounded by Vygotsky (1994), who asserts that ‘If a person “cannot
do something that is not directly motivated by an actual situation”
then they are neither free nor using imagination or creativity’ (1994:
267). The importance attributed to ‘freedom’ of thought and action
and to non-goal-orientated playful activity in Vygotsky’s writing about
adolescent learning remains controversial in educational or work
environments, where the ability to plan a project and execute it, solve
a problem, or pass a test are markers of effectiveness. More flexible
indicators of creativity, such as the various ‘intelligences’ described by
Gardner, have been used on occasion in a positive manner to soften
the harshness of traditional literacy and numeracy-based academic
assessment. Sadly, however, Vygotsky’s far more critical and unusual
theorizing has been largely ignored.
A persistent strand in writing about creativity, the rhetoric of Play
and Creativity turns on the notion that childhood play models, and
perhaps scaffolds, adult problem-solving and creative thought. It ex-
plores the functions of play in relation to both creative production and
cultural consumption. Some cognitivist approaches to play do share
the emphasis of the ‘Creative Classroom’ rhetoric on the importance
of divergent thinking. Sandra Russ (2003), for instance, argues that
the ways in which children use language, toys, roleplay and objects
to represent different things in play are habitual ways of practising
divergent thinking skills.
But not all those who champion play do so in ways that are condu-
cive to the freedom of thought, creative action, or divergent and critical
22
thinking. Dixon and Webber (2007) point to links between adults’

nostalgia for a remembered context of play in their own childhoods
and emerging, ingrained and often naturalized social rhetorics about
play in modern children’s lives. Taking to task those who mourn the
‘death’ of an era when play was outdoors, safe, free and unmediated,
they note that ‘[i]n response to both panic and nostalgia, adults are
increasingly organizing and regulating their children’s play’ (2007: 25).
This discussion can be seen to mirror discourses that have emerged with
regard to creativity, technology and (new) media. Cordes and Miller, for
instance, assert that ‘a heavy diet of ready-made computer images and
programmed toys appear to stunt imaginative thinking’ (2000: 4). But
the fact that certain commentators, possibly with nostalgic memories
of socially privileged childhoods and an exaggerated paranoia about
‘modern’ media, might overstate the case against digital playtime does
not mean that all technology-based play and learning are either harmful
or necessarily beneficial to children’s creativity.
A digital ‘creativity pill’ or a damaging potion?

If creativity is not inherent in human mental powers and is, in fact, social
and situational, then technological developments may well be linked to
advances in the creativity of individual users. The rhetoric constructed
around The Creative Affordances of Technology covers a range of po-
sitions, from those who applaud all technology as inherently creative
to those who welcome it cautiously and see creativity as residing in an
as yet under-theorized relationship between users and applications.
But it is worth asking how democratic notions of creativity are linked
to technological change in this rhetoric. Is the use of technology itself
inherently creative? And how do concerns raised by opponents of new
technology affect arguments about creative production?
For Avril Loveless (2002), thanks to a complex set of features of ICT
(provisionality, interactivity, capacity, range, speed and automatic func-
tions), digital technologies open up new and authentic ways of being
creative ‘in ways which have not been as accessible or immediate with-
out new technologies’ (2002: 2). Loveless (1999) argues that technology,
which is being used in schools in varieties of ways, can enhance creative
learning, but only if children’s expectations and teachers’ anxieties are
handled sensitively. Challenging those who champion digital technol-
23
Shakuntala Banaji
ogies as inherently creative, Scanlon et al. (2005) and Seiter (2005) also
note that many computer programmes designed to increase children’s
knowledge and skills are not in the least bit creative, relying on rote
learning, repetition and drill exercises. Thus, they argue that digital
technology can – but does not necessarily – support the expression
and development of creativity. In a society where technology is not
equally available to all, children may well be enthusiastic and confident
users of digital technologies when offered the opportunities for playful
production, but they are still divided by inequalities of access outside
school and across the school system. Ultimately, the social contexts of
the use of digital technology may help or hinder its creative potential.
Evaluation, learning and pedagogy

Pertinently for those interested in creativity and communication,
placing itself squarely at the heart of educational practice, The Crea-
tive Classroom rhetoric investigates questions about the connections
between knowledge, skills, literacy, teaching and learning, and the
place creativity occupies in an increasingly regulated and monitored
curriculum (cf. Beetlestone 1998; Starko 2005; Jeffrey 2005). This rhet-
oric locates itself in pragmatic accounts of ‘the craft of the classroom’,
rather than in academic theories of mind or culture. Creative learning
is interactive, incorporating discussion, social context, sensitivity to
others, the acquisition and improvement of literacy skills; it is contex-
tual, and has a sense of purpose and thus cannot be based around small
units of testable knowledge; however, it can also be thematic and highly
specific, as it often arises out of stories or close observation, which
engage the imagination and the emotions as well as learners’ curiosity
about concepts and situations. The Creative Classroom rhetoric is
consistent in identifying holistic teaching and learning – which link
playful processes to different types and domains of knowledge and
methods of communication – as more compatible with and conducive
to creative thought and production than the increasingly splintered,
decontextualized, top-down and monitored content and skills which
are favoured as being academically ‘effective’.
There is, however, a tension in this work between what could be
broadly defined as a rather romantic wish to view creativity as some-
thing that enhances the human soul and helps young people blossom,
24
and the need to give practical advice to trainee teachers, thus fitting
them for the fairly chaotic but restricted milieu they will soon enter.
At points this tension is productive, or at the very least practical, in the
sense that it prevents the educational perspective on creativity from
sidestepping issues, such as assessment and time management, that are
of very real significance for practitioners in both formal educational and
more unorthodox settings. Many educators have to walk a tightrope
between institutional constraints and the fragility of their constructed
‘creative’ environment. However, at times the tension also appears to
lead to contradiction or even paradox: risk-taking is to be encouraged,
but it is also to be kept within easily controllable bounds; time is re-
quired for playful engagement with ideas and materials, but this time
has stringent external parameters in terms of the school day. Work by
Banaji, Cranmer & Perotta (2013) provides evidence that interventions
by governments in education have created a culture of vocationalization,
standardization and competition which is a barrier to creative pedagogy,
playful exploration and creative work in the classroom. While it is clear
that a number of students continue to work in imaginative and divergent
ways, and that some teachers still encourage them to do so by valuing
playful or subversive discussion and creative production with new or
traditional technologies, the literature on creativity in contemporary
classroom settings suggest that this is despite, rather than because of,
most current education policies.
Although not considered in detail here, in response to such in-
stitutional realities, and setting a challenge to aspects of foregoing
rhetorics, Creative Arts and Political Challenge sees art and participa-
tion in creative education as necessarily politically challenging, and
potentially transformative of the consciousness of those who engage
in it. It describes the processes of institutional pressure that militate
against positive and challenging experiences of creativity by young
people, regardless of the efforts of teachers and practitioners (Thomson,
Hall & Russell, 2006). In previous work on this topic (Banaji & Burn,
2006; Banaji & Burn, 2007) this rhetoric is pursued further, with an
emphasis on the questions it raises about creative partnerships, social
contexts and political or philosophical presuppositions. If one wishes
to retain the idea of cultural creativity as having an oppositional rather
than a merely socializing force, it is important not to lose sight of the
25
Shakuntala Banaji
ways in which broader inflections of discourses of creativity relate to

the micro-politics of particular social settings. The very fluidity and
confusion in talk about creativity in the classroom can mean that the
term is used as window dressing to appease educators who are interested
in child-centred learning, without actually being incorporated into the
substantive work of the classroom.
Conclusion
In discussions of creativity, it is crucial that we understand and respond
to the relationship between the cultural politics of talk about creativity
or play and a wider politics. While there is evidence from numerous
studies (Balshaw, 2004; Starko, 2005) that creative ways of teaching
and learning, and creative projects in the arts, humanities and the
sciences, offer a wider range of learners a more enjoyable, flexible and
independent experience of education than some traditional methods,
there is no evidence that simply giving young people or workers brief
opportunities for creative play or work substantially alters social in-
equalities, exclusions and injustices. Creativity is not a substitute for
social justice. There is a complex, and not always clearly identifiable,
cultural politics behind many rhetorics of creativity, as there is behind
educational rhetorics and the rhetorics of play. This is the case not only
within discourses which explicitly address questions about power, and
about whose culture is seen as legitimate and whose is not; it is also
the case in discourses where constructions of power remain implicit,
such as those which celebrate ‘high art’ as ‘civilizing’ and child art as
being about an ‘expression of the soul’, or which see the development
of workers’ creativity as being ‘for the good of the national economy’
and the constant testing and attribution of levels of ability to children
as a way of raising ‘standards’. Some discourses explicitly legitimize
certain forms of cultural expression and certain goals, and implicitly
delegitimize others. Increasingly, such discourses aid gatekeepers
within educational institutions by stigmatizing particular pedagogies
and parenting choices. Talk about creativity is, then, always political,
even when it appears not to be.
Shakuntala Banaji, Dr, Media and Communications, London School of Economics

and Political Science, United Kingdom, [email protected]
26
Note
1. National Advisory Committee on Creative and Cultural Education, UK.
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29
2
Creativity on YouTube
Considering New Media and the Impulses of the Learner
Danah Henriksen & Megan Hoelting
I n today’s globalized media, a new type of individual has emerged as

a celebrity. Such individuals work creatively with a range of media,
often converging on one particular platform: YouTube. One of the oldest
examples of this type of celebrity is Smosh1, a duo, Anthony Padilla and
Ian Hecox, who established their comedic channel in 2005, which went
on to generate a number of spin-offs. The two young millionaires repre-
sent a wave of creative artists who are flexible and aware of the creative
power of this medium.
Smosh began in 2005; today, there are more examples of YouTube
stars and popular channels than most traditional media can keep up
with. For example, Joey Graceffa2 is just such an adaptable YouTube
star. His early creative work on his YouTube channel garnered him a
large multimedia contract and a place in the arena of popular culture.
Spawned by his success in YouTube media, he has found opportunities
to collaborate with other artists, write for a web series, and bring his
ideas into multiple arenas. Most recently, Graceffa made headlines with
his memoir, In Real Life: My Journey to a Pixelated World, in which he
came out as homosexual. Henriksen, Danah & Hoelting, Megan
This announcement is revolutionary compared to coming-out (2017). Creativity on YouTube. Considering
New Media and the Impulses of the Lear-
announcements from more traditional stars, such as Ellen DeGe- ner in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)
neres, Lance Bass, Clay Aiken, and Adam Lambert – who all provided Young & Creative. Digital Technologies
Empowering Children in Everyday Life.
exclusive interviews in traditional media. Though this new medium, Gothenburg: Nordicom
31
Image 1. The Smosh duo Image 2. Joey Graceffa on his book cover
Graceffa had the creative power to use YouTube to decide how he

wanted to communicate and share with others. This is just one example
of a phenomenon in which youths are gaining creative power in new
media, to exercise their voices, create and share content, and participate
in creative communities globally.
New technologies have opened up such possibilities for young
creative artists, like Graceffa, to showcase their talents and ideas on-
line. YouTube has been the prime example and source of the global
phenomenon of video creation and sharing. Accelerating technological
growth has caused our society to reconsider how we work, think, and
act (Mishra, Koehler, & Henriksen, 2011; Mokyr, Vickers, & Ziebarth,
2015), and we find ourselves in a world where knowledge, entertain-
ment, and content can be created, communicated, and obtained more
quickly and easily than ever (Zhao, 2012). New digital tools, from
smartphones to free online image, audio, or video editors (such as the
YouTube Video Editor, WeVideo, Audacity, or Pixlr), have put new
media technology for content creation and sharing in the hands of more
32
people than ever – particularly young people. With the power of these
tools, society has seen a rise in what has been termed “content creation.”
This means that anyone, with the right tools, has the ability to create
video or audio content and share it via avenues like YouTube (Burgess
& Green, 2013). The growth and magnitude of the medium, across a
range of video content, topics, and genres, is rooted in what new media
allow people to do – create, communicate, collaborate and share – in
powerful and global ways (Lange, 2007; Haridakis & Hanson, 2009).
In this article, we suggest that the affordances of YouTube have put
significant creativity in the hands of more youths than ever. This has
revolutionized how systems of creativity operate, and has allowed for
the phenomenon of YouTube stars. Avenues like YouTube allow people
to sidestep traditional gatekeepers within a field, to become successful
content creators, sharing their work directly with an audience. This has
implications for society, culture, and education in the opportunities it
offers to create and share.
We suggest that this connects with Dewey’s (1943) and Bruce &
Levin’s (1997) framework for viewing media and technology as a
way to address “the four impulses” of the learner. As described by
Dewey, these impulses are: to inquire, to communicate, to construct,
and to express (Dewey, 1943; Bruce & Levin, 1997). New media offer
affordances for creating and sharing, which opens up possibilities to
explore all these learning impulses. The culturally pervasive popularity
of YouTube and other new media may lie in the way they address these
needs and impulses. As educational contexts seek to meet the creative
needs of youth, we suggest revisiting the educational foundations of
Dewey – in speaking to these four impulses as a framework for educa-
tional technology. But first, we consider how new media like YouTube
reveal a change in systems of creativity, with greater participation by
students and youth.
The changing landscape of content creators

YouTube has remodeled how culture, art, and knowledge emerge in
the online medium (Snickars & Vonderau, 2009). It is one of the more
impactful global phenomena that media and culture have experienced.
YouTube statistics note that the platform has over a billion users –
about a third of all people on the Internet. Daily, hundreds of millions
33
of hours of YouTube videos are watched, generating billions of views.

Beyond this, YouTube has local versions in over 88 countries, with more
than 76 different navigational languages (covering 95% of the Internet
population) (YouTube Press Statistics, n.d.).
Across the medium there are examples of people enjoying tremen-
dous success and popularity (i.e. “YouTube stars”) in genres ranging
across comedy, music, the arts, science, fashion, makeup and beauty,
general interest, and countless specialized topics (Henriksen, Hoelting,
& the Deep-Play Research Group, 2016). The majority of major You-
Tube artists predominantly describe themselves as “content creators.”
This term defines these artists not simply as entertainers or informers,
but rather as creators of ideas, of actions, of content (Susarla, Oh &
Tan, 2012).
We propose that the artists who find great success on YouTube are
becoming a new form of expert. These experts are content creators who
can now bypass the standard gatekeepers of genres before distributing
their work. Bereiter & Scardamalia’s (1993) definition of expertise notes
that it is not only determined by knowledge or tenure in an area, but by
how the knowledge is adapted to unique contexts and new challenges.
There are still experts in traditional domains that may pose valid ques-
tions about these new creative displays, and communities of practice
still have gatekeepers to success. However, emerging and popular artists
on YouTube are reframing their domain and its context of how creative
systems operate and the communities that participate in them.
In a recent study (conducted in 2014 and replicated in 2015), re-
searchers asked youths aged 13–18 to compare the influence and popu-
larity of YouTube stars to that of mainstream traditional stars (Dredge,
2016). They found that YouTube stars such as Smosh, the Fine Bros,
KSI and Ryan Higa were considered more influential than mainstream
celebrities like Paul Walker, Jennifer Lawrence, Katy Perry and Bruno
Mars. This represents a transformation in youth culture, whereby more
young people have the tools and access to produce content, and even
more youths globally can find, connect, and communicate about it. In
the past, the tools and platforms for such creation and connection did
not exist in ways that would allow such youth participation, but their
recent advent is generating a shift in creative systems.
34
New media redefines systems of creativity

Csikszentmihalyi (1997) discusses how in traditional systems, creativity
emerges from a dynamic interaction between the individual, the do-
main, and the field. In this, individuals (or groups/teams) make creative
works, ideas, art, or discoveries. Creativity is also impacted at the level
of the domain, or an area of specific knowledge (e.g. mathematics,
biology, physics, art, law, and more), where people use domain ideas,
information, tools and symbols to create new works. Then, through the
field, creative works may be shared with an audience or disseminated.
The field involves people who act as gatekeepers to decide what is im-
portant and what will be distributed into broader culture or disciplines.
The field has typically reflected the communal organization of “experts,”
in communities of practice – people with the knowledge and clout to
decide what would be shared to influence the domain, socially and
culturally (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997). Who the gatekeepers are depends
on context. It might entail a Nobel Prize committee, journal editors or
reviewers, music or movie industry executives, Olympic judges, and so
on (Henriksen Hoelting, & the Deep-Play Research Group, 2016). In
the past, the field was the only entity that determined which creative
works would be shared for social and cultural impact (Sawyer, 2006).
This model is visualized in the image shown below.
Figure 1. Csikszentmihalyi’s model of traditional creativity systems
35
Examples like Smosh and Joey Graceffa are not anomalies in new
media (Berg, 2015). They represent a fast growing phenomenon,
in which individuals can use new media to sidestep the traditional
gatekeepers of creativity (the field), and propel themselves to creative
success. In altering this gatekeeping aspect of creative systems, new
media allow for creation and sharing in powerful ways, and youths
have been among the first to recognize and harness these capabilities
(Harlan, Bruce, & Lupton, 2012). Video, audio, and other creative media
tools have affordances that allow a young audience to explore, create,
and share. We suggest that these impulses for exploration, creation and
sharing are human and innate. They have always been present, but now
there are avenues to pursue them and participate through media as a
means of creativity.
Understanding new media through a Deweyan lens

Foundational ideas described by Dewey (1943) may inform what
motivates young people to learn with media. These foundations are
visible in the social phenomenon of YouTube as a means of creating and
sharing work. The future of education may be well served to consider
this framework as a lens for creative teaching and learning with media.
Dewey (1943) identified a natural basis for learning as the greatest
educational resource or psychological reserve that society might tap
into. This includes what he described as the four natural impulses of
the child. These innate, or natural, interests revolve around following
the impulses of learners: 1) to inquire (to ask and explore questions, or
to find things out); 2) to communicate (to connect and share ideas with
others, to communicate and enter into the social world); 3) to construct
(to build or make things); and 4) to express (to engage in personal ex-
pression of one’s self, feelings, and ideas). Dewey asserted that education
should build curricula around these instinctive impulses rather than
separating learning into the traditional disciplines. From a Deweyan
perspective, the greatest imperative for education is to nurture these
impulses, building a trajectory for lifelong learning.
These four impulses may clue us in to motivations underlying the
phenomenon of how YouTube and new media are shaping our world.
Consider what new creative media allow youths to do, as they engage
with video, images, sound, text, and more, through technologies that
36
indulge these four impulses. The affordances offered by the YouTube

platform, and other media for creation and sharing, suggest that new
technologies may be motivational and exciting based on how they allow
people to inquire, communicate, construct, and express.
Twenty years ago, as digital technologies were on the cusp of
becoming more widespread in society and schools, Bruce & Levin
(1997) proposed using Dewey’s framework of the four impulses to
view media for learning. They argued that most approaches to educa-
tional technology, like schooling, were organized around traditional
perspectives. Instead of a technology-tool-centered focus, they sug-
gested that education consider the kinds of motivations, interests, and
inspirations that media could allow people to engage with. They noted
that classifying educational technologies by how they allow for Dewey’s
(1943) natural learning impulses may be a productive and exciting
approach to learning.
When Bruce & Levin (1997) proposed this idea 20 years ago, the
available technologies were more limited in power, capabilities, and
affordances than today. Yet the core constructs of Dewey’s foundations
contained strength and value for thinking about media. Despite these
strengths, however, many schools in many contexts (both then and now)
operate with a more tool-centered focus rather than building learning
around media as a venue for inquiry, communication, construction,
and expression. We suggest that 21st-century education might consider
how the YouTube phenomenon has swept up the interests of youth, as
both producers and consumers of content. This may offer a model of
thinking about how classrooms could focus less on the rigid boundaries
of traditional curricula and subjects, and instead work with media to
stimulate and develop inquiry, communication, construction, and ex-
pression. In this, students and teachers can view themselves as creative
individuals and creators of content.
Exploiting the potential for creative education

The popularity of YouTube may lie in what it allows people to do, in the
power to create and also connect to the larger world. YouTube offers
ways to inquire (to ask questions and create or find videos that explore
ideas in the world around us); to communicate (to hear and share ideas
from others, through the viewing and sharing of content); to construct
37
(to build or make content, in ways that let people participate, rather
than accepting prepackaged content); and to express (to share our
own views, feelings, or identity). We do not suggest that everything
on YouTube is important or useful content, as this is clearly not the
case. But it is important to consider how it allows for a new creative
reality among young people. It is a motivational approach to media that
inspires youths to join and explore, create, and share – via the prospect
of engaging their natural impulses to inquire, communicate, construct,
and express. This takeaway is a powerful one for education, in terms
of classroom content and new media for creativity.
Since its inception, YouTube has been a site for artists to upload
their original or remixed works. The balance between consumers and
producers initially leaned heavily toward consumers (YouTube Press
Statistics, n.d.); however, while the site still has more consumers than
producers, the ratio is becoming increasingly more balanced. This has
two possible interpretations: more creators are discovering the site; or
consumers are realizing their creative potential and adding their own
content to the site. In either (or both) cases, it signifies a shift in how
people are interacting with media. We are entering the age of the creative
consumer, one who is hungry for new media but also capable of creating
their own when they find the status quo lacking. This has repercussions
for the potential of youths to participate in creative communities, and
for diverse voices that have been lost in the past. Noticing gaps in
representation can become a catalyst for creation (Kaitlyn Alexander
interview, Piccoli, 2015), and an opportunity to connect youths to the
wider world and a greater diversity of voice.
Furthermore, content creators are not confined to one form of me-
dia; they feel comfortable enough in their expertise to make creative
attempts with other modalities or a range of topics and subjects. The
“content” these creators distribute is not limited by mode or discipline.
For example, some of the most popular content creators (Grace Helbig,
Mamrie Hart, Tyler Oakley, etc.) have expanded their artistry to other
platforms, which often necessitates a new mode of communication. In
a classroom, such a perspective would alter the rigid structure of course
content. To encourage students to become boundary-crossing content
creators, we might readjust our worldview to one that “demands new
pedagogical structures that respect nonconformity and the urge to
38
explore for the sake of exploration, to value risk-taking and learning

from failure and error” (de Oliveira et al., 2015, p. 20).
Image 3. The elements of content

creation
What might learning in schools look like if education offered more

constructivist opportunities, through new media, for students to try
their hand at being “content creators” of their own learning? Many are
already engaging in this informally, outside the school context; so, we
ask, how might education consider the “content creator” model for
learning in schools? There are also implications involved in asking
what it might mean for teachers to view themselves as content creators,
given the autonomy and flexibility to creatively design opportunities
and environments for their students. What if we organized teaching and
learning not around the typical structures of schooling, but rather in
opportunities to use media for inquiry, communication, construction,
and expression? We do not offer immediate answers to such questions,
but as digital technologies and 21st-century learning move forward, it
may be time for education to seriously consider them.
We have noted that creative systems are evolving, based on YouTube
and other new media, to allow for greater creative participation in
certain contexts and genres. People often operate online as either con-
sumers or producers of content, and there are now more producers than
in the past – certainly among youth. It is also interesting to note that
more educational channels are arriving on the scene, such as Minute
Physics and ASAP Science (Welbourne & Grant, 2015). This suggests
39
that content creation can intersect with big ideas and school content,
in ways that can be compelling for teaching and learning.
We have proposed ideas and questions for consideration, suggesting
that the YouTube model of a content creator might be valuable for teach-
ing and learning in the classroom. We have noted that Dewey (1943)
and Bruce & Levin (1997) established ideas about media as a way to
connect with the four impulses of the learner, which seems prevalent
for the world we live in and for education broadly. Currently, these are
still ideas and questions; but in noting them, we point to their poten-
tial for youth creativity in school settings. As most of the questions in
this new arena may not be fully known or articulated yet, we propose
that the field consider these emergent issues and bring them into the
broader discourse. All of this points to the overarching issue of how
the power of new media for creation can be harnessed to promote a
creative and expansive mindset in students. Perhaps appropriately for
the shifting terrain of new media, we conclude with more questions
than answers – offering these as emergent and vital possibilities and
considerations for creativity and education.
Notes
1. https://www.youtube.com/smosh
2. https://www.youtube.com/JoeyGraceffa
References
Berg, Madeline (2015). The World’s Top-earning YouTube Stars 2015. Forbes, 18 Novem-
ber 2015 [online]. Available at http://www3.forbes.com/business/the-worlds-top-
earning-youtube-stars-2015/. [Accessed 19 November 2015].
Bereiter, Carl & Scardamalia, Marlene (1993). Surpassing Ourselves: An Inquiry into the
Nature and Implications of Expertise. Chicago, IL: Open Court.
Bruce, Chip Bertram, & Levin, James (1997). Educational technology: Media for inquiry,
communication, construction, and expression. Journal of Educational Computing
Research, 17(1): 79-102.
Burgess, Jean & Green, Joshua (2013). YouTube: Online Video and Participatory Culture.
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
Danah Henriksen, Assistant Professor, Division of Educational Leadership and Inno-

vation, Arizona State University, United States, [email protected]
Megan C. Hoelting, Doctoral Student, Learning, Literacies, and Technologies, Arizona
State University, United States of America, [email protected]
40
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly (1988). The Flow Experience and its Significance for Human
Psychology. New York, NY: Harper and Row.
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly (1997). Flow and the Psychology of Discovery and Invention.
New York, NY: HarperPerennial.
de Oliveira, Janaina Minelli; Henriksen, Danah; Castañeda, Linda; Marimon, Marta; Bar-
berà, Elena; Monereo, Carles; Coll, Cesar; Mahiri, Jabari, & Mishra, Punya (2015).
The educational landscape of the digital age: Communication practices pushing
(us) forward. RUSC. Universities and Knowledge Society Journal, 12(2): 14-29.
Dewey, John (1943). The child and the curriculum and the school and society. Chicago,
IL: University of Chicago Press.
Dredge, Stuart (2016, February, 3). Why are YouTube Starts So Popular? The Guardian.
Available at https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2016/feb/03/why-you-
tube-stars-popular-zoella. [Accessed 24 September 2016]
Graceffa, Joey (2015). In Real Life: My Journey to a Pixelated World. New York: Simon
& Schuster.
Haridakis, Paul, & Hanson, Gary (2009). Social Interaction and Co-viewing with You-
Tube: Blending Mass Communication Reception and Social Connection. Journal
of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 53(2): 317-335.
Harlan, Mary Ann; Bruce, Christine, & Lupton, Mandy (2012). Teen Content Creators:
Experiences of Using Information to Learn. Library Trends, 60(3): 569-587.
Henriksen, Danah; Hoelting, Megan, & the Deep-Play Research Group (2016). A Systems
View of Creativity in a YouTube World. Tech Trends, 60(2): 102-106.
Lange, Patricia. (2007). Publicly Private and Privately Public: Social Networking on
YouTube. Journal of Computer‐Mediated Communication, 13(1): 361-380.
Mokyr, Joel; Vickers, Chris, & Ziebarth, Nicholas (2015). The history of technological
anxiety and the future of economic growth: Is this time different? The Journal of
Economic Perspectives, 29(3): 31-50.
Mishra, Punya, Koehler, Matthew, & Henriksen, Danah (2011). The 7 Transdisciplinary
Habits of Mind: Extending the TPACK Framework towards 21st century Learning.
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706-18.
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dents. Corwin Press.
41
3
The Class: Living and
Learning in the Digital Age
Interview with Sonia Livingstone
S onia Livingstone is Professor of Social Psychology in the Department

of Media and Communications at London School of Economics. Taking
a comparative, critical and contextualised approach, Sonia’s research asks
why and how the changing conditions of mediation are reshaping everyday
practices and possibilities for action, identity and communication rights. Her
empirical work examines the opportunities and risks afforded by digital and
online technologies, including for children and young people at home and
school, for developments in media and digital literacies, and for audiences,
publics and the public sphere more generally, with a recent focus on chil-
dren’s rights in the digital age. She leads the project, Preparing for a Digital
Future, which follows the recently-completed project, The Class, both part of
the MacArthur Foundation-funded Connected Learning Research Network.
She directed the 33-country network, EU Kids Online, funded by the EC’s
Better Internet for Kids programme, with impacts in the UK and Europe.1
You and Julian Sefton-Green recently launched the book The Class:
Living and Learning in the Digital Age. Could you tell us about the
project?
Our book is about a class of 13- to 14-year-olds at an ordinary urban
secondary school in London. This is a famously tricky age for parents The Class: Living and Learning in the
Digital Age. Interview with Sonia Livings-
and teachers, and for young people themselves. We were curious tone in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)
about what young people want, how they see the world, and how they Young & Creative. Digital Technologies
find a path through the opportunities and constraints they face. Our Gothenburg: Nordicom
43
media [are becoming] more digital, convergent, commercialised and

intensely networked, but is it useful to take a step further and describe
our lives as ‘digital lives’ – as in the now-commonplace terms ‘digital
parenting’…‘digital natives’…‘digital learning’ or ‘digital creativity’?
We did not expect simple answers, but rather we hoped to provoke
a contemplation of the uncertainties and ambiguities associated with
the evolving interrelations between technological and social change.
And while we certainly did not assume that teenagers’ lives today bear
no relation to those of previous generations, we did want to explore
the ways they think about and try to manage socio-technical change,
including how they cope with the personal risks associated with changes
often beyond their control.
When researching The Class, you said the most important thing was
to focus on ordinary rather than exceptional uses of media among
13-year-olds. Did you find that they do explore creativity through
learning, creating and sharing, and can you give some examples?
Our work is part of the MacArthur Foundation-funded Connected
Learning Research Network, where we were inspired by the possibility
that ‘connected learning taps the opportunities provided by digital media
to more easily link home, school, community and peer contexts of learning;
support peer and intergenerational connections based on shared interests;
and create more connections with nondominant youth, drawing from
capacities of diverse communities’ (Ito et al., 2013). But, having heard
from our colleagues about the adventurous achievements of pioneering
young people forging exceptional pathways to creativity, we decided
instead to inquire into the experiences of an ordinary class of children
from a fairly typical London suburb. Could we identify what makes
some stand out while others do not? Could we, even, pinpoint some
advice for parents, teachers and policy makers to support more young
people in harnessing digital media for creative and civic purposes?
I’ll answer your question by focusing on how the class used YouTube,
now the most popular app among UK teenagers. Its popularity doesn’t
imply homogeneity in meaning or use, however, for the 28 teens in the
class revealed 28 different patterns of use. But only six of them had
ever uploaded anything, raising important questions about how young
people’s digital interests can be supported and sustained.
44
The Class: Living and Learning in the Digital Age
Could you give us some examples?

Abby and Salma, for instance, had spent a happy day setting up a
YouTube channel and posting 8-10 episodes of ‘The Abby and Salma
Show’ before retreating in mortification when their history teacher
got wind of their efforts and showed everyone. Megan had a period of
making videos and uploading them to YouTube too, describing her-
self as ‘obsessed’ with searching YouTube, going to meet-ups and so
forth. But for her, too, this had become embarrassing, and she turned
her attention to a private exploration of identity in Tumblr. Nick was
more persistent, having paired up with a friend with editing skills to
make videos of his Xbox game play and upload them as tutorials for
others. Giselle, perhaps the most creative girl in the class, had created
her own YouTube channel for stop-frame animation – like the others,
she collaborated with a friend in this creative practice, gaining several
hundred views before she, too, gave it up.
What is the price for young learners if schools do not incorporate

youth self-expression and creativity in their curriculum spaces and
practices?
As these examples show, youthful creativity in the class benefited little
from the input of teachers or, indeed, parents. Both tend to dismiss
these creative activities as kids wasting their time watching silly vide-
os about people falling off walls or cute kittens. This is partly because
even the most attentive parents spend relatively little time with their
children online, instead watching at a distance with half an eye on the
time, worrying about homework or exercise, or judging the quality of
the results rather than asking if their child is progressing in a creative
or critical direction.
As you can see, I see huge missed opportunities here. Parents have
invested considerable sums in equipping their home with digital tech-
nology but they invest rather less time in sharing the experience with
their child so as to scaffold their learning in productive directions.
Meanwhile, teachers are pressured to deliver the curriculum within
the walls of the school but are often sceptical about children’s chances
of interest-driven, self-managed learning at home.
As I said, 28 children make for 28 stories, so our conclusions must be
nuanced. Joel was something of a sad case. In an unusually forthcoming
45
interview for this shy and seemingly unhappy boy on the edge of the
social scene, he talked with enthusiasm about using YouTube tutorials
combined with music-making software and mixing decks to record his
own music on the computer. And yet the interview unravelled when
I pushed a little further – for it turned out that such activities were
not practically possible at home (or indeed in the rather standardised
music technology lessons I witnessed at school). Rather, his account
was aspirational; these are
things he has heard about
and hopes to follow up in
the future.
While Joel seems to be
missing out on opportuni-
ties he would relish, Alice
represents a contrary case.
She didn’t really bother
with YouTube much – but
it would be wrong to char-
acterise her as apathetic or
uncreative. For Alice turned
out to be incredibly active in
her local community – with
Image 1. Parents have equipped
their home with digital technology babysitting, Girl Guides,
community events – and
she also did singing, tram-
polining, netball and ice-skating out of school, and arts and crafts,
DIY and photography at home. Is it really necessary, one wonders, for
a 13-year-old girl to also get creative in uploading stuff to YouTube for
society to celebrate her achievements?
Meanwhile, Gideon was something of a paradox. At school, and
online, he stood right at the centre of the social network – the boy who
cracked jokes, played football and computer games with the boys, had
twice as many friends on Facebook as anyone else. Yet at home, when
we got to know him better, he was quieter, revealing some past difficul-
ties requiring ‘anger management’ classes and, now, a quiet reliance on
the succour of his immediate family. Interestingly, his use of YouTube
was fairly edgy – ‘America’s hardest prisons’, ‘Angry Scottish guy kicks
46
and snatches’, ‘Jamaican gangs.’ Perhaps he was working through some

residual anger? Or perhaps he was gathering the material to impress
his classmates the next day to maintain his edgy reputation?
Even when they are creative online, it’s hard to be sure if this brings
long-term benefits. In an interview with Giselle a few years later, I dis-
covered that she is, indeed, pursuing an artistic career. Was the early
experimentation with YouTube a valuable stepping stone? Perhaps,
though this was surely outweighed by the significant help she received
throughout her childhood from her professionally artistic parents.
This diversity depends on home resources – financial, parental,
cultural – and on each young person’s particular bent and interests.
On the one hand, several of these stories invite the question: with
more support, could the kids have taken their creative first steps much
further, gaining vital skills for the digital age? On the other hand, their
stories invite the observation that, given everything else that’s going
on in their lives, engaging with YouTube may not be their top priority.
If you could send a message to parents and teachers about child-

ren’s and youth’s media creative production based in a ‘bedroom
culture’ what would you say? What do they need to be aware of
and/or inspired by?
The Class shows that, while parents and teachers often have young
people’s best interests at heart, they do not always agree on what these
best interests are, leaving young people let down by the broken pathways
offered to them yet not sustained across home and school. Meanwhile,
young people are trying to find their own way, not necessarily seeing
eye to eye with their parents or teachers and even avoiding beneficial
opportunities so as to maintain ‘positive disconnections’ — offline and
online spaces to pursue their own meanings and experiences away from
the gaze of parents and teachers.
Given the inevitable tensions between children and adults about the
values and practices, often based on the fact that children and young
people focus on the here-and-now while parents and teachers tend
to interpret everything through the lens of ‘the future’ – and a highly
competitive future at that (future ‘success’, ‘keeping up’, ‘getting ahead’)
– what message would I offer?
47
A year with 28 young people was, first and foremost, heartening

as an experience of youthful optimism, enthusiasm and, for the most
part, resilience. But the same year with their parents was more cheq-
uered – sometimes affirming but often anxious, with anxieties centring
disproportionately on digital media rather than the many other things
parents have to worry about (quality of relationships, financial security,
health, community tensions, their children’s growing independence,
etc.). Of course, in reality, parents worried about all these things, but
the very fact that these endemic concerns are, somehow, crystallised
by the digital, with the digital acting as a lightning rod for so many
parental uncertainties means that, ironically, parents find it difficult to
support the potential benefits of digital media.
For teachers, under ever greater pressure in our competitive and
standardised school systems, it is the promise of digital media for al-
ternative, non-standardised activities, and for collaborative rather than
individually-assessed outcomes, blurring the boundary between home
and school, that appears so challenging. As a result, they too struggle
to support children’s creative digital activities.
My message should, by now, be obvious. Attribute problems where
they rightfully occur and don’t target the media as an easy object of
blame. Ask children what they enjoy about digital media and find ways
to help them deepen and develop their skills. Judge their activities by
the child’s level of enthusiasm and sense of progressing rather than with
an adult or competitive eye to the outcomes. And, last, recognise that
digital media represent an opportunity for many children to explore
private emotions and interests in a world that is increasingly surveilled
and constrained by anxious adults. So maybe just leave them be.
Note
1. http://www.lse.ac.uk/media%40lse/WhosWho/AcademicStaff/SoniaLivingstone.
aspx
References
Ito, Mizuko, Gutiérrez, Kris, Livingstone, Sonia, Penuel, Bill, Rhodes, Jean, Salen, Katie,
Schor, Juliet, Sefton-Green, Julian, & Watkins, Craig. (2013). Connected Learning:
An agenda for research and design. Irvine, CA: Digital Media and Learning Research
Hub. Available at dmlhub.net/wp-content/uploads/files/Connected_Learning_re-
port.pdf
48
Livingstone, Sonia & Sefton-Green, Julian (2016) The Class: Living and Learning in
the Digital Age. New York: New York University Press. Available at nyupress.
org/books/9781479824243/; read for free online at connectedyouth.nyupress.
org/book/9781479824243/; watch the launch event at www.lse.ac.uk/media@lse/
events/CYDF-Book.aspx
For more about Sonia, see www.sonialivingstone.net, follow her on

Twitter @Livingstone_S and read her blog posts at blogs.lse.ac.uk/
parenting4digitalfuture
49

blogging, otherwise known as vlogging, a common feature
4
How YouTube Developed
into a Successful Platform
for User-Generated Content
Margaret Holland
O n October 2, 2010, Felix Kjellberg uploaded a 2-minute YouTube

video of himself speaking on camera while playing a video game.
Today, Kjellberg, better known by his YouTube alias, “PewDiePie,”1 up-
loads to an online audience of over 40 million subscribers.
At just 24, Kjellberg has developed his online persona into a brand
name that pulls in an estimated $4 million in ad sales a year (Kain,
2014). Kjellberg is not alone. An astonishing number of individuals have
made YouTube their career. With consistent viewing from cable’s most
sought-after age demographic, ages 18 to 49, YouTubers like Kjellberg
have formed a virtual yet powerful relationship with their viewers (Lus-
combe, 2015). User participation helps in creating the stability of loyal
audiences. The wide variety of content makes YouTube a place where
just about anyone can find a video that interests them, whether they are
looking for Kjellberg’s gaming commentary or a makeup routine. Of
the 3.2 billion people who have Internet access, more than one billion
are accessing YouTube videos (Luscombe, 2015). Founded in 2005
as a platform where amateur users could upload their videos online, Margaret Holland (2017) How YouTube
Developed into a Successful Platform
YouTube has established itself as a part of the entertainment industry. for User-Generated Content in Ilana Eleá
Since its development, YouTube has transformed from a video-shar- and Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative.
ing site into a career opportunity for content creators. In this article in Everyday Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
53
Margaret Holland
three influential YouTubers’ channels – Felix Kjellberg (PewDiePie)

from Sweden, Zoe Sugg (Zoella)2 from England, and Grace Helbig (its-
grace)3 from America –were studied. The author tried to identify what
makes a YouTube channel successful through examining the qualities
of three YouTubers who represent one of the site’s most popular content
categories.
Literature review
YouTube started as a site to distribute user-generated content and
later has developed into a platform where an individual can turn their
personal brand into a career.
Before analysing the rise and success of Felix Kjellberg, Zoe Sugg,
and Grace Helbig, it is important to understand how YouTube has
grown as a content-sharing platform. Founded by Chad Hurley, Steven
Chen, and Jawed Karim, YouTube launched with little fanfare in June
2005. As Burgess and Green (2009:I) explain:
YouTube was one of a number of competing services aiming to
remove the technical barriers to the widespread sharing of video
online. The website provided a very simple, integrated interface
within which users could upload, publish, and view streaming videos
without high levels of technical knowledge.
YouTube was comparable to other video start-ups at the time until
Google acquired the site for $1.65 billion in October 2006 (Burgess &
Green, 2009:I). The site has steadily gained popularity, and since 2008 it
has consistently been in the top ten most visited sites globally (Morreale,
2014). Almost a decade later it is the world’s third most popular online
destination with availability in 61 languages and a million advertisers
(Luscombe, 2015).
Since being purchased by Google, YouTube has evolved from a site
where amateur and ad-free videos were posted to an online destina-
tion consumed by commercialised videos. But there is another side
according to Morreale (2014:114), “Its tagline ‘Broadcast Yourself ’
invites ordinary users to take an active part in creating the material they
consume. At the same time, less obvious is that YouTube is a business
whose purpose is to generate profit”. About this institutionalisation of
YouTube, Kim (2012:56) wrote:
54
How YouTube Developed into a Successful Platform for User-Generated Content
If the pre-Google era of YouTube is characterized by amateur-pro-

duced videos in an ad-free environment, the post-Google purchase
stage is characterized by professionally generated videos in an
ad-friendly environment. Because of YouTube’s popularity, industries
have shown a deep interest in monetizing it.
This interest in monetising content has allowed channels that started

as a hobby to develop into a source of income for content creators.
Lavaveshkul (2012:378) describes this development from hobby to
job: , “Their beginnings were simple and they produced their videos
from beginning to end: they wrote the script (if there was one), acted,
did the camera work (oftentimes using an inexpensive camera on a
tripod), and did the post production”. To a viewer, the lack of a script
or set made the experience of watching a YouTube video more relat-
able. Kjellberg further elaborated on this experience in an interview
when he said:
Unlike many professionally produced shows, I think I’ve established a
much closer contact with my viewers, breaking the wall between the
viewer and what’s behind the screen ... What I and other YouTubers
do is a very different thing ... My fans care in a different way about
what they are watching (Grundberg & Hansegard, 2014).
Sugg also recognised the importance of creating an environment re-

latable to viewers when she explained:
You want to make it a cozy environment and put in your own per-
sonal touches. I just sit on the edge of my bed because for me your
bed is the coziest place to be, and you want people watching to feel
as comfortable as you are filming (Tan, 2015: 98).
Sugg’s and Kjellberg’s approach to YouTube has helped them attract not
only brands that want to work with them, but also loyal viewership.
YouTube has more American viewers between the ages 18-49 than
any cable network, helping increase its revenue by an estimated $1 bil-
lion over the last year (Luscombe, 2015). YouTubers have the attention
advertisers and cable networks desire, as explained by Burling (2015:22):
“book publishers are starting to pay more attention to a form of expres-
sion that has exploded over the past decade: fictional web series and
vlogging, or video blogging, found mostly on YouTube. Why? That’s
55
Margaret Holland
where the kids are”. YouTube is now the ultimate destination for kids
logging on to the Internet. Luscombe (2015:72) points out, mentioning
an anecdote: “Variety asked a bunch of teens to choose their favorite
stars among 20 names, the top five were all from YouTube”.
With consistent views from a critical mass of audience, YouTube
has created an opportunity for the average person to build his or her
personal brand. According to Kozinets and Cerone (2014:21): “Social
branding has been creating grassroots ‘micro-celebrities’ with increas-
ing frequency. For personal branders, being storytellers who are capable,
yet fascinating and even fantastic is a sound strategy”. The influence of
a YouTuber’s personal brand is demonstrated through the success of
brands collaborating with content creators.
Method
In this study the author points at particular elements within the videos
of three prominent YouTubers and the structure of their channels. The
YouTubers were selected based on Lavaveshkul’s (2012) study, which
analysed the top 10 most subscribed to YouTube channels of 2012. These
10 channels could be divided into three categories of gaming, comedy,
or how-to. The current study selected one channel from each category
based on their popularity on YouTube. The three YouTubers were Felix
Kjellberg (gaming), Grace Helbig (comedy), and Zoe Sugg (how-to).
For the study the author developed questions, based on the studies of
Lavaveshkul (2012) and Biel and Gatica-Perez (2011). Some answers were
found by examining the videos of the three YouTubers on November 9
and 10, 2015. Others were found from Social Blade, a statistics website
that tracks growth across social media platforms including YouTube
(“Track YouTube”, 2015).
The channel´s common characteristics:

Layout, location, upload schedule and profit
The current author analysed the layout of the three YouTubers’ landing
pages. Both Sugg and Kjellberg featured logos on their channel. Helbig
instead displayed her uploading schedule and a slogan stating, “What a
Charming Idiot” on her banner. Only Kjellberg displayed advertising on
the landing page of his channel. For example, his banner advertised his
book, This Book Loves You, which was released in October 2015. Instead
56
of a commercial playing, a banner advertisement was displayed at the

bottom of Kjellberg’s video. Sugg and Helbig displayed an advertisement
in their most recent videos before the clip began.
At the time of examination the three YouTubers shared similarities, like
their filming location, which is primarily inside their homes. Sugg sat
at the end of her bed while Helbig and Kjellberg usually sat at a desk.
Kjellberg (gaming), Sugg (how-to), and Helbig (comedy) represented
different categories, and all three YouTubers talked about objects within
their videos. Kjellberg made commentary while playing a video game.
Sugg’s content involved baking, hauling items from a store, or talking
about her favourite items throughout the month. Helbig used objects
the least among the three, but she posted a variety of comedic reviews
or how-to videos. Each YouTuber linked their various social media
sites to the landing page of their YouTube channel.
They all began posting content more than five years ago. Kjellberg,
Sugg, and Helbig each has their own individual uploading schedule.
Kjellberg uploads content most often, with at least one daily video.
The three YouTubers earn income through advertisements placed
on their videos, brand deals, and additional projects that generated
profit. Data collected about their subscribers, overall channel views,
views per month and estimated yearly income as of October 2015 was
outlined in the following diagramme.
YouTubers outside their channels

Following their fame the three YouTubers have also appeared in TV-
shows, magazines and even been portrayed in wax at Madame Tussauds
in London (Sugg). Outside of her channel, Sugg has launched a cosmetic
product range and written two novels, Girl Online and Girl Online: On
Table 1. Some characteristics of three influential YouTubers
Estimated
YouTuber Subscribers Channel Views Views per Month Yearly Income
Kjellberg 40,315,481 10,341,904,335 29.6 million $1M-$16.5M

Sugg 9,458,481 586,711,156 22.95 million $64.6k-$1M
Helbig 2,781,292 156,687,601 7.51 million $22.6K – $361.1K
Source: SocialBlade.com and YouTube.com on November 15, 2015
57
Margaret Holland
Tour. She has appeared on TV-shows and the cover of Seventeen Maga
zine. In 2013 and 2014 Sugg won “Best British Vlogger” at the Radio 1
Teen Awards among several other awards.
In addition to uploading YouTube videos, Helbig host a podcast, and
has appeared in TV-shows, commercials as well as published books.
Kjellberg has also involved in outside projects such as releasing a book
and a video game.
Discussion
YouTube’s transformation from video sharing to profitability
All three YouTubers began posting videos over five years ago. Helbig
began posting content in October 2006, just one year after the site was
developed and around the same time Google purchased YouTube.
According to Kim (2012:57):
Since being purchased by Google, YouTube has adopted a new
e-commerce model; it puts banner ads in videos or in YouTube pages
and shares the revenue with the copyright holders of the videos. The
basic idea of selling banner advertisements is to play commercials
during the streaming of videos.
All three featured advertisements in their videos. Over the past decade,
YouTube has become a launching pad for careers (Luscombe, 2015).
Based on the videos watched throughout this study, Kjellberg, Sugg,
and Helbig all mention that they use their videos as a source of income.
At the time of examination (November 9-10, 2015) Kjellberg was
the most subscribed user on YouTube, with over 40 million subscribers
and 10 billion overall views on his channel (“Track YouTube”, 2015).
His videos generated more views than the world’s population, which
was then a little over seven billion (“Worldometers”, 2015). According
to Grundberg, “The 24-year-old Mr. Kjellberg, who created PewDiePie
five years ago, had parlayed his persona into a brand name that pulls
in the equivalent of $4 million in ad sales a year, most of it pure prof-
it” (2014). As reported by Business Insider, most YouTubers get paid
through advertisements, previews, and sponsored videos. Side projects,
such as book deals, also add to their income (Kosoff, 2015). Kjellberg,
Helbig, and Sugg all had advertisements display throughout their videos
in addition to book deals. Sugg’s book, Girl Online, “broke the record
58
for highest first-week sales for a debut author in the U.K., selling 78,109
copies-besting J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter titles and E.L. James’ Fifty
Shades of Grey” (Burling, 2015:24). What began as a place for Sugg,
Helbig, and Kjellberg to upload videos as a hobby is now their career.
Appeal to viewers
It is presumably the YouTubers’ authencity that appeal to their viewers.
Strangelove (2010:113) explain, “There is no one authoritative YouTube
identity, but there is one dominant YouTube community-the community
of amateur videographers. Their numbers will most likely always exceed
those of participating celebrities and media corporations”. Each YouTuber
analysed in this study began as an everyday person posting videos online,
filmed inside their homes, having conversations with a camera through
vlogging (video blogging). In keeping with Burgess and Green (2009:54):
The vlog reminds us of the residual character of interpersonal face-
to-face communication ... it is a form whose persistent direct address
to the viewer inherently invites feedback ... Traditional media content
doesn’t explicitly invite conversational and inter-creative participation.
According to Sörman, founder of a YouTuber network in Sweden,
“PewDiePie is like a cool friend you have and subscribing to him is
almost like Skyping with him-that’s why viewers are such dedicated
fans” (Grundberg & Hansegard, 2014).
All three link their other social media accounts to their YouTube
channel to interact with viewers. Kjellberg’s fans, or “bros” as he calls
them, are engaged because he takes the time to talk about them in videos
or answer their questions (Kosoff, 2015). Helbig and Sugg do the same
and create an online community for their fans. Strangelove (2010:105)
explains, “Participation in online groups leads to a psychological sense
of community. People can be deeply engaged in online communities …
On YouTube we find groups of individuals who interact around shared
interests”. Sugg’s advice for creating content on YouTube is “to be your-
self and have fun. If you’re not having fun, no one is going to have fun
watching your videos” (Tan, 2015:98). Creating an enjoyable, personable
environment distinguishes these YouTubers. They are being themselves
and establishing an environment where the viewer feels as though they
are listening to their friend. Within this environment viewers are able
to engage with an online community that enjoys similar content.
59
Margaret Holland
Qualities of successful YouTubers

On the qualities that these three influential YouTubers share, the study
found the following: Helbig, Sugg, and Kjellberg invited viewers into
their personal space by filming in their homes. According to Biel and
Gatica-Perez, “Although conversational vlogging is obviously not exclu-
sive of YouTube, the forms of social engagement inherent in vlogging
are key features that distinguish YouTube as a platform for creativity
and participation around video, rather than just a repository and dis-
tribution system” (Biel & Gatica-Perez, 2011). This allows for diverse
content within each YouTuber’s category. Each YouTuber in this study
used two elements, background music and objects, throughout their
videos. Instrumental background music was specific to each YouTuber
and helped to move along the dialogue. Although objects varied for each
YouTuber, all three were talking about something specific in their videos.
The videos uploaded by each YouTuber in this study varied in length;
however, the average video length did not exceed 20 minutes. Although
Sugg’s content is about twice as long as Helbig’s and Kjellberg’s, it is
still significantly shorter than a traditional 30-minute television pro-
gramme. According to Kim (2012:53), “YouTube has come to represent
what video on the web looks like: short, mostly humorous, and easily
accessible”. Uploading schedules for each YouTuber varied; however,
each individual posts at least once a week. Each YouTuber has devel-
oped their own schedule so their viewers know when to expect content.
Their viewers consist of a younger demographic, as “YouTube is the
ultimate destination for kids logging on the Internet. It pretty much
owns kids’ eyeballs at this point. One of its core demographics is 8 to
17 years old” (Luscombe, 2015).
Personal branding through traditional media

Regarding YouTubers’ reliance on traditional media, this study found
their personal brand became even more influential by collaborating
with traditional media. Helbig’s YouTube channel included segments
from her television show, The Grace Helbig Show. A traditional network
broadcasting her show (E! Entertainment) utilised user-generated
content to gain younger viewers.
60
Although YouTube draws in more viewers, traditional media is not

going anywhere. According to Strangelove (2010:168-169):
Amateur video’s proliferation of quick thrills and brief clips also feeds
into an attention-deficit generation ... Fragmentation in itself does
not spell doom for television. In the end, even though contemporary
audience is highly fragmented, it is still watching commercially
produced entertainment.
YouTubers are not trying to end professionally generated media with

their user-generated content. Sugg, Helbig, and Kjellberg are not exclu-
sive to YouTube. They are on television, winning Teen Choice Awards,
and each have a published book. To build their personal brand and
audience, they have taken advantage of traditional media in addition
to their YouTube channel.
Summary
In conclusion, YouTube has evolved from a website where users sim-
ply upload content to a platform where an individual can build their
career. An analysis of popular YouTubers explains why viewers find
videos from Helbig, Sugg, and Kjellberg entertaining. Regardless of
their category, they all shared similar video elements. YouTube is the
world’s third most popular online destination because viewers, espe-
cially those of a younger demographic, can relate to the authenticity
of user-generated content. Once established, in addition to their own
content, popular YouTubers are utilising traditional media to build their
personal brand. They can be found on bookshelves, on the television
screen, and even in a wax museum.
With jobs that rely on viewers, it is easy to question the longevity
of online careers. YouTube has transformed in 10 years from a site
where content was shared to a place where user-generated content
thrives. According to Luscombe (2015:75), “Not only must the com-
pany contend with youth-savvy tech firms – your Snapchats, your
Spotifys, your Vines – but established media companies are onto the
fact that kids are just future users”. As their young viewers grow older,
Margaret Holland, Undergraduate Student, Communications, Elon University,

United States, [email protected]
61
Margaret Holland
each YouTuber is faced with the problem of appealing to older loyal

fans while still attracting new viewers. Strangelove (2010:107) explain,
“Above all, what the moment of YouTube highlights is the uncertainty
surrounding the future of participatory culture, and the complexity
arising from the intersection of various changing and competing ideas
about what digital media are, or could be, for”.
Notes
1. https://www.youtube.com/user/PewDiePie
2. https://www.youtube.com/user/zoella280390
3. https://www.youtube.com/user/graciehinabox
References
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Burgess, Jean & Green, Joshua (2009). YouTube: Online Video and Participatory Culture.
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Burling, Alexis (2015). Book Publishing Comes to YouTube. Publishers Weekly, 262(7),
22-26.
Grundberg, Sven & Hansegard, Jens (2014). YouTube’s Biggest Draw Plays Games,
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2014 [online]. Available at <http://www.forbes.com/sites/erikkain/2014/06/18/
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Acknowledgement
An earlier version of this article was originally published in the Spring 2016 issue
of the Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications.
The author would like to extend thanks to Kenn Gaither, associate professor
and associate dean at Elon University, for his constant guidance throughout this
process, without which this article could not have been written. The author also
thanks the School of Communications and the many reviewers who have helped
revise this article.
62
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her-straight- as-a-child/2855128>. [Accessed 10 November 2015].
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[Accessed 14 November 2015].
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worldometers.info>. [Accessed 15 November 2015].
63
Margaret Holland
Appendix
Coding Sheet General information

1. Name of YouTuber:
2. Date Retrieved:
3. Location while Filming:
4. Does the person have a logo?
5. Is there advertising on the page?
Questions
1. What is their most popular video?
2. What is their total subscriber amount on the day the information is retrieved?
3. When did they begin posting videos?
4. How do they describe themselves in their ‘about’ section?
5. What is the total amount of channel views?
6. What is the total view per month as of October 2015?
7. What other forms of social media do they promote on their landing page?
8. What is the overall “theme” of their channel?
9. How many videos do they have uploaded?
10. What are their estimated yearly earnings?
11. Does this person have an uploading schedule?
12. Based on their last 10 videos, what is the average length of one of their videos?
13. What are some of their brand deals or projects outside of their channel?
64
5
Top Girls on YouTube
Identity, Participation, and Consumption
Lidia Marôpo, Inês Vitorino Sampaio & Nut Pereira de Miranda
B el Cerer (8 years old), Juliana Baltar (9 years old), Manoela Antelo

(10 years old) and Júlia Silva (11 years old)1 are prominent repre-
sentatives of a phenomenon that has recently become widespread in the
Brazilian context as well as internationally: child YouTube stars. Besides
the fact that they author original content, these girls share characteristics
that distinguish them from millions of other “video author” children
(Yarosh et al., 2016) on YouTube – the second most visited website in
the world after Google (Alexa, 2016). The four girls have their own You-
Tube channels, are very popular among peers, challenge the boundaries
between amateurishness and professionalism, and make a profit from
the videos they star in.
In December 2016, Júlia and Manoela exceeded a million subscribers
to their YouTube channels, while Juliana had more than two million
and Bel nearly three million. They became popular by posting similar
content in which marketing communication is often present – toys
and children’s product reviews, unboxing, challenges among peers and
adults, and web series. Today, they are also the most popular among Marôpo, Lidia; Vitorino Sampaio, Inês &
hundreds of YouTuber girls who have attained public recognition. de Miranda, Nut Pereira (2017). Top Girls
on YouTube. Identity, Participation, and
The four of them are seen as celebrities in Brazil, attract thousands of Consumption in Ilana Eleá and Lothar
fans at meetings organized by sponsor companies, and appear on lists Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Tech-
(disclosed by the media) of the most influential children in the nation. Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
65
What kinds of content do these children author and share on You-

Tube? What are the specific characteristics of their online performances?
What are their similarities and differences? What identities do they re-
produce and/or re-signify about what it means to be a child and a girl? In
what ways is marketing communication present in their YouTube videos?
Taking into account the fast expansion of the Internet as a “space”
for children to “learn, participate, play and socialise” (Livingstone &
Bulger, 2014), we will discuss these questions based on an exploratory
study. The corpus analyzed consists of the channels maintained by
the four YouTuber girls with higher numbers of subscribers in Brazil,
considering only those aged under 12, according to data available on
YouTube in 2016. Forty-eight videos posted in 2016 were selected,
chosen through the method of random sampling, in alternate weeks.
Observation of their formats and content was employed. Among these
videos, the four most viewed from each YouTuber in each trimester
– which totals 16 videos – was examined in more detail. The analysis
focused on the following aspects: formats, themes, performances,
communication strategies (types, forms of address, interactivity, etc.)
and modes of participation.
Children on YouTube: Uses and participation

In 2015, eight in ten children and adolescents (aged 9 to 17) were
Internet users in Brazil (CGI, 2016). On average, they were connected
4 hours and 59 minutes a day during the course of a week, an amount
that surpasses the time spent watching television (Secom, 2015). On
YouTube, specifically, the engagement of children and teenagers is
highly significant, as either authors or audiences. The results from a
survey conducted by the American investment bank Piper Jaffray in
2016 with more than ten thousand teenagers in the US indicate that
teens spend more time watching YouTube videos than cable television
(Ferreras, 2016). Another recent survey on YouTube’s young Brazilian
audience (aged 0 to 12) shows that, among the 230 channels analyzed in
the survey, the majority of views are of YouTube’s own videos – 44,266
billion versus 7.898 billion views of YouTube channels originating in
television programming (Silva, 2016).
These channels were classified into seven categories indicating the
types of content consumed (and authored) by children on YouTube: Mi-
66
necraft and others (games and vlogs of games); TV (from broadcast and
cable television); Non-TV (created for YouTube); Unboxing (children or
adults opening boxes or toys’ wrapping papers); Teen YouTubers (people
over 12 years of age); Child YouTubers (0-12 years old); and Educational.
Minecraft and others is the most popular category with 52 per cent of
total views, whereas Child YouTubers was the second most popular, but
had more audience growth between 2015 and 2016 (564 per cent) – the
first in this category being Unboxing, with 975 per cent growth.
In this context of intense connectivity (Mascheroni & Ólafsson,
2014), answering questions like “who am I?”, “what could I be?”, “who do
I want to be?” is strongly influenced by media pervasiveness (Woodward,
1997:14). The digital media, especially social networking sites, is seen as
a powerful tool for the youngest to express themselves, to interact, and
to negotiate collective and individual identities (Drotner, 1992; Bucking-
ham, 2008; Buckingham & Willett, 2006; Livingstone & Bulger, 2014).
From this perspective, the YouTuber girls’ channels may be seen as a
means of self-representation and dissemination of their points of view,
ideas and creativity in the public space. Conducting ethnographic re-
search on the uses of YouTube by children and teenagers (aged 10-18) in
America, Lange (2014:68) noted several ways that girls participate in the
production of videos for this platform. Video blogging, sketch comedy,
lip-synching, personal event videos, and hanging-out-at-home videos
are the most popular. The participants in the study discussed numerous
themes, such as reflections about their school, challenges they face, music,
pets, and so forth. For the author, video-blogs promote the expression of
girls’ voices, and often allow the disclosure of issues relevant for their lives.
On the other hand, Dantas and Godoy (2016:98) assert that in some
cases, children’s channels might be considered a (semi) professional
activity conditioned to the marketing interests of the brands that spon-
sor them. From this perspective, they raise problematic issues for the
young video authors, such as exploitation of child labor. The activity,
according to Dantas and Godoy (2016:98), “demands a schedule of
appointments, a duty to be regular with their video-posting, an obli-
gation to disclose the products received from the brands, among other
responsibilities”. Furthermore, it might expose the child audience to
improper marketing content and stimulate consumerism, among other
problems (Postman, 1994).
67
Rebekah Willett (2008) asserts that children and teenagers are not be-
ing encouraged to exercise self-expression; rather, they are constructing
identities aligned with a consumer culture. Nonetheless, she recognizes
that children and teenagers play an active role in their engagement with
the Internet, even in such an intense commercial context. The author
then launches a challenge: to analyze the online content authored by
children, taking into account the power and influence of the market,
but without neglecting children’s agency. Willet (2008:53) brings in the
concept of “bricolage”, from Lévi-Strauss, to analyze how child YouTu-
bers use varied resources while transforming and re-contextualizing
different cultural products to create a new self-image or identity.
The child YouTubers have their own “channels” on YouTube, similar
to an online profile on other social networking sites, containing a list
of subscribers, information such as the number of “thumbs up” and
“thumbs down” they have received, and statistics on views. Some of
them reach significant popularity as video authors by broadcasting
information about their identities, crafting videos with appealing
content, and publicly and intensively promoting and disseminating
their videos (Lange, 2008).
According to Félix (2016: 02), “being a YouTuber is more than
simply sitting in front of a camera once a week to record a 15-minute
video with apparently improvised content”. This task, according to the
author, demands strategies such as finding a target audience, mastering
technological tools to monitor competitors, interpreting Google Trends
to identify keywords to describe the video and facilitate its delivery
to the target audience, and possessing skills in the production and
post-production of audiovisual language. Besides interacting with the
audience on YouTube and other social media, their investment also
includes participating in offline activities, such as book-launching
parties and advertising campaign events. The YouTubers’ strategies
also include knowing which mechanisms generate more advertising
revenue. The channels’ owners must join the YouTube Partner Program
and sign a contract that enables brand advertisement on their videos
and thus the monetization of their content.
Omar Ricón (as cited in Félix 2016:02) highlights six common You-
Tuber strategies for achieving popularity: Narrative – talking directly
to the camera, aiming to break the formality of television; Aesthetic –
68
using irony, cynicism, and irreverence to make people laugh; Language

– using slang, seeking grotesque and emotional appeal through swear
words; Youthfulness - taking youths’ attitudes and manners seriously,
which are also the basis for their comments on life; Pop savvy – their
references are rooted on pop music, best-sellers and fast food; and Adult
world – regarding it as corrupt and inept (politicians), incompetent
(parents), or outdated (teachers). The youths use their witty humor as
a tactic to express disappointment with adults.
In her ethnographic study, Lange (2014:16) defines YouTube as a
“personally expressive media”, i.e., “any mediated artifact or set of media
that enables a creator to communicate aspects of the self ”. According to
her, regular YouTube video authors perform technical affiliations while
showing through words or actions their beliefs, values or practices, which
connect them with particular technical-cultural groups. In this sense
they form communities of practice, which include routines, conventions,
and shared histories. The researcher also highlights the diverse inter-
ests between child YouTubers, who have different “mediated centers of
gravity” (Lange, 2014:41); i.e., their preferences manifest themselves in
visible inclinations to certain content, abilities and media tools.
Although she criticizes the lack of transparency in YouTube’s ad-
vertising policy, Lange (2014: 134) maintains that commercialization
is not incompatible with either genuine family affection – present
in many YouTube videos – or learning processes among those who
author content. In her research, children and young adults assert that
they have developed technical knowledge for making videos and have
improved their self-confidence and capability for self-presentation to
a wider audience. On the other hand, some of them reveal feelings of
social exclusion due to the time they dedicate to the activity, which
distances them from their peers.
Top girls on YouTube:

Identity negotiations in the network
We can look at the four girls under analysis as a “community of practice”
(Lange, 2014) that shares numerous common features. Bel, Juliana,
Manoela and Júlia maintain their YouTube channel pages on a regular
basis, posting videos daily (Bel), three times a week (Júlia) or once a
week (Manoela and Juliana). All of them are present on various social
69
networking sites (Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat and/or Twitter),

which they use intensively to promote not only their YouTube channels
but also their activities in many offline spaces such as meetings with
fans, book-launching events, and television programs.
The YouTubers’ performances on the Internet show a careful man-
agement of their public images. The opening logos in their YouTube
videos and the profile pictures on their social media sites indicate an
attentive production aimed at creating a visual identity. Júlia Silva’s page
on Facebook, for instance, is managed by an advertising agency, which
is also responsible for the social media sites of numerous Brazilian
television and Internet celebrities.
The popularity of these four YouTuber girls on the Internet also
means visibility in traditional media. All of them have been interviewed
on news programs and participated in other popular television pro-
grams. This legitimates their roles as opinion makers among their peers.
Their families receive revenue from the ads broadcasted on YouTube.
Moreover, the girls earn toys and other products merchandised in the
videos, not to mention the indirect gains through trips and hotel stays.
In this sense, we call attention to the considerable time the girls dedicate
to YouTuber activities and the demands related to the popularity they
have achieved and want to promote.
The analysis demonstrates a limited variety of formats in the videos
made by the four YouTubers, which include “vlogs”, “fiction”, “com-
mercial”, “challenges” and “tutorials”. Among these, the most common
and with the most views is “fiction”. This is comprised of “web series”,
in many cases revealing creativity in improvised scenarios and stories
(such videos are apparently elaborated by the YouTubers themselves,
except for Bel, who explicitly has her mother’s help). On the other
hand, some of the videos give rise to a questioning of gender or social
class stereotypes, as well as ways of dealing with environmental issues.
The “challenges” are another popular format among the YouTubers.
Manoela Antelo and her Uncle Bibi (Luan Novit, also a YouTuber), for
example, propose to each other mutual challenges which may include
dancing in the street, taking selfies with strangers, eating a garlic clove,
or performing kick-ups with a ball. The competition seems to be less
important than having fun. The games appear to reproduce television
formats without including any intellectual challenge.
70
Shopping, reviews or unboxing toys, included in the “commercial”

category, are also popular formats among the YouTubers. Here, the
marketing communication appears in explicit ways.
In “tutorial” videos, the YouTubers give instructions for building
toys or playing games, whereas in the “vlog” format they record dif-
ferent life experiences, either alone or with friends and family, such as
hanging out or taking trips. References to brands are also common in
the aforementioned two formats.
The concept of “community of practice” (Lange, 2014) is also useful
for describing the similarities between their online performances. All
four girls have a role model with whom they regularly perform – mother
(Bel), sister (Juliana), uncle (Manoela), and father (Júlia); they all use
particular forms of greetings (e.g. “hello everyone”) and farewells (e.g.
“strawberry/chocolate sweet little kisses”) to communicate with the
audience; they continuously ask for the public’s approval and attention
(by asking for “thumbs up” and subscriptions); and they use their own
home spaces as scenarios for most of their videos.
We can also identify the adaptation of some of the strategies men-
tioned earlier (Rincón cited in Félix, 2016:02) that the YouTubers use to
become popular. The four girls talk directly to the camera and, some-
times, make use of irony and irreverence to provoke laughter; in some
cases, they appeal to the grotesque (especially in fictional content or
challenges); they cultivate pop-culture savvy (with references to music
and celebrities); and they are attentive to peers’ attitudes and behaviors.
However, if we think of YouTube as a “personally expressive media”
(Lange, 2014), through a more careful analysis of the girls’ performances
we can identify different forms of communication that reveal diverse
“mediated centers of gravity” (Lange, 2014: 41).
Bel is the youngest and the one who shows the least autonomy, al-
most always appearing accompanied by her mother, Fran Cerer. Fran,
for the most part, assumes the protagonist role in the videos, perform-
ing, playing, and guiding her daughter in a cooperative manner, and
also, sometimes, in a professorial way toward the audience. Their most
popular videos have six million views. Most of these are web series with
the format of “cautionary tales” (on themes such as jealousy between
siblings, disliking bath time, loss of baby teeth, bullying, first day of
school, tantrums, etc.). Mother and daughter also propose challenges
71
to each other and switch roles. The marketing communication appears

in some content, such as when Fran publicized the work of a tourism
agency that organizes trips to Disney.
Juliana Baltar is the protagonist of the two most viewed videos among
the four YouTubers, namely “Baby Alive has an accident in the Tyrolean
traverse” and “Baby Alive is admitted to the Hospital!” (translations from
Portuguese). The videos have 53 million and 48 million views, respectively
(February 2016), and both privilege fictional narratives in improvised
and creative scenarios, in which the doll is the protagonist. As a common
strategy among the child YouTube stars, the commercial names of the
dolls are identified in the titles of the videos, a tactic that seems to have
strongly contributed to this impressive popularity. Besides exploring
formats such as “challenges” and “life experiences”, Juliana uses the tag
#jujuresponde (#jujuanswers) to talk to the audience in a confessional
manner about varied aspects of her life (her relationship with her parents
and sister Rafaella Baltar, also a YouTuber, with whom she frequently
performs in the videos; her dream of being a YouTuber, etc.). The mar-
keting communication arises mainly in the videos tagged as “shopping”
and “received”, in which she shows objects she has bought or received.
Manoela Antelo often performs with her Uncle Bibi in videos in
which challenges, humor, and mockery are common. They have fun
and play together in equal positions while interacting with each other.
Manoela also makes regular videos about her daily life, in which fa-
milial relationships are exposed in apparently spontaneous contexts.
The marketing communication appears mainly in her videos about
hanging out and taking sponsored trips.
Júlia Silva has a more moderate style, and distinguishes herself
through refined scenarios; better quality of image, edition and audio-
visual effects; life experiences connected to a higher level of income
(such as international trips and expensive brands); and access to
celebrities from television, whom she interviews on her channel. She
mainly performs with her “Dad Silva” in challenges and games. She also
makes web series and tutorials about handicraft, makeup, recipes, and
fashion tips. The marketing communication is present in toy reviews,
games and apps, as well as in sponsored trips and hanging out. It also
appears in her vlogs, such as in the video “Getting braces put on! Does
it hurt??? Julia Silva” (translated from Portuguese), in which she dis-
72
closes the name of the dental clinic she attended. Besides this channel
she also maintains another, “Júlia Silva TV”, dedicated exclusively to
the “commercial” format.
Discussion and conclusion

Considering the set of elements presented up to this point, we can say
that the identities created by the four YouTubers, as a “narrative of the
self ” (Giddens, 2002), become immediately singular in relation to other
numerous anonymous children. Their identities are not only being
redefined in their spontaneous relationships with their relatives and
friends, but are managed with the aim of achieving public recognition
measured by the number of views, comments, and “thumbs up”.
We are facing a game of forces, in which the YouTubers’ participa-
tion, creativity and spontaneity are juxtaposed with the pressures of a
planned professional management of their public images, in which the
goal is obtaining popularity and financial profit.
On the one hand the channels are a potential space for the expression
of children’s identities and cultures, in which the girls play and talk
about subjects of common interest among their peers (toys, hanging out,
relationship with family and friends, school, and relevant experiences
in the child universe, such as the first day of school, loss of baby teeth,
arrival of a new sibling, etc.). Through this content, they achieve great
visibility for their points of view.
From this perspective, it is important to highlight the children’s
creative potential, which manifests itself in narratives, improvisation
of scenarios, re-signification of objects, etc. The protagonist role they
play in the videos and the more egalitarian position they assume in
relation to the adults with whom they perform might be understood
as possibilities of empowerment, which distance them from the role of
fragile and helpless children. In addition, their participation in videos
and other numerous online and offline activities may be seen as an
opportunity to improve their skills of self-presentation and help them
develop technical capabilities for audiovisual production. Their public
activities also provide them with life experience and access to places
they likely would not have visited otherwise.
On the other hand, the analyzed YouTubers show a strong influ-
ence from marketing communication and mainstream media formats,
73
evidenced in the exaltation of consumer habits connected to brands,

seen in formats (challenges and series); in the “making of ” at the end
of some videos; in sound and visual professional effects; in the use
of jargon and standardized gestures to demonstrate affection; and in
appeals to build a loyal audience.
The act of playing, in this context of intense commodification of the
content they author, is easily transformed into an “obligation” due to
the demands for frequency in video-sharing, commitments to sponsors,
and a busy schedule. The time they apparently dedicate to the activity,
the financial profit generated from different marketing communication
strategies, and the professionalism in the management of their actions
indicate that this activity could be characterized as child labor. There
are also signs that the child and female identity they promote builds
strong connections to a consumer culture, related not only to toys and
children’s products but also to beauty products and other adult-related
manufactured goods. Moreover, having popularity as one of their main
goals in authoring content (as demonstrated in their insistent appeals
to their audiences) might make them overestimate fame and success
as their goal for the present and future, promoting a narcissist identity.
Our analysis reveals a confluence of the YouTubers’ singular and
individual characteristics with performances collectively originated
and managed as a community of practice (Lange, 2014), which are
translated into formats, content, and common strategies, in a process of
bricolage (Willet, 2008) profoundly influenced by a consumer culture.
The four channels can also be seen as spaces broadcasting models of
thinking and acting to the wider public of children and teenagers who
accompany them regularly.
Note
1. Ages in December 2016.
Lidia Marôpo, Ph.D., Polytechnic Institute of Setúbal and Interdisciplinary Centre

of Social Sciences/Nova University of Lisbon (CICS.NOVA), Portugal, lidia.maropo@
ese.ips.pt
Inês Vitorino Sampaio, Ph.D., Instituto de Cultura e Arte, Federal University of Ceará
(UFC), Brazil, [email protected]
Nut Pereira de Miranda, Master Candidate, Instituto de Cultura e Arte, Federal
University of Ceará (UFC), Brazil, [email protected]
74
References
Alexa (2016). About web site views. [online]. Available at <http://www.alexa.com/top-
sites>. [Accessed 12 February, 2016].
Buckingham, David (2008). Youth, Identity, and Digital Media. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Buckingham, David; Willett, Rebekah (2006). Digital Generations: Children, Young
People, and New Media. Nova Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers.
CGI (2016). About the use of the Internet by children and adolescents in Brazil. [online].
Available at <http://www.cetic.br/media/docs/publicacoes/2/TIC_Kids_2015_LIV-
RO_ELETRONICO.pdf >. [Accessed 12 January, 2017].
Dantas, Thaís; Godoy, Renato (2016). Youtubers mirins: mera expressão artística ou
trabalho infantil? [Youtubers kids: mere artistic expression or child labor?]. pp.
95-104 in Comitê Gestor da Internet no Brasil. Pesquisa sobre o uso da internet por
crianças e adolescentes no Brasil: TIC Kids online Brasil 2015.
Drotner, Kerstin (1992). Modernity and Media Panics, pp. 42-62 in Skovmand, Michael
& Kim Christian Schroder (eds.) Media Cultures Reappraising Transnational Media.
Londres; Nova Iorque: Routledge.
Félix, Claudia (2016). Youtubers: entre la estrategia profesional y la calidad de los
contenidos. Revista Zócalo, 25 May, 2016. [online]. Available at <http://www.
revistazocalo.com.mx/45-zocalo/10273-youtubers-entre-la-estrategia-profesion-
al-y-la-calidad-de-los-contenidos.html> [Accessed 12 January, 2017].
Ferreras, Jesse (2016). YouTube Beats Cable TV Among Teen Video Choices: Piper
Jaffray Survey. [online]. The Huffington Post, 17 october, 2016. Availabe at <http://
www.huffingtonpost.ca/2016/10/17/youtube-cable-tv-teens_n_12529450.html>.
[Accessed 12 January, 2017].
Giddens, Anthony (2002). Modernidade e identidade [Modernity and Identity]. Rio de
Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed.
Lange, Patricia (2007). Privately Public: Social Networking on YouTube. Journal of
Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(1): 361–380.
Lange, Patricia (2014). Kids on YouTube: technical identities and digital literacies. London
and New York: Routledge.
Livingstone, Sonia & Bulger, Monica (2014). Global Research Agenda for Children’s
Rights in The Digital Age. Journal of Children and Media, 8(4): 317-335.
Mascheroni, Giovanna & Ólafsson, Kjártan (2014). Net Children Go Mobile: Risks and
Opportunities. Milano: Educatt.
Postman, Neil (1994). The Disappearance of Childhood. New York: Vintage Books.
Secom (2015). About habits of media consumption by the Brazilian population. [on-
line]. Available at <http://www.secom.gov.br/atuacao/pesquisa/lista-de-pesqui-
sas-quantitativas-e-qualitativas-de-contratos-atuais/pesquisa-brasileira-de-mid-
ia-pbm-2015.pdf >. [Accessed 08 January, 2016].
Silva, Sérgio Damasceno (2016). Audiência infantil no YouTube chega a 52 bi de views.
[Children’s YouTube audience reaches 52 billion views]. Meio & Mensagem. 5
October 2016 [online]. Available at <http://www.meioemensagem.com.br/home/
midia/2016/10/05/audiencia-infantil-em-canais-do-youtube-chega-a-52-bilhoes-
de-views.html>. [Accessed 12 January, 2017].
Willett, Rebekah (2008). Consumer Citizens Online: Structure, Agency, and Gender in
Online Participation, pp. 49-70 in Buckingham, David (ed.) Youth, Identity, and
Digital Media. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
75
Woodward, Kathryn (1997). Concepts of Identity and Difference, pp. 7-62 in Wood-
ward, Kathryn (ed.) Identity and Difference, London: Sage Publications/The Open
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Yarosh, Svetlana; Bonsignore, Elizabeth; McRoberts, Sarah & Peyton, Tamara (2016).
YouthTube: Youth Video Authorship on YouTube and Vine. Paper presented at 19th
ACM Conference on Computer-Supported Cooperative Work and Social Computing
(CSCW 2016), February 27-March 02, 2016, at San Francisco, USA.
76
6
The YouTube Channel RAK TV
A Narrative Interview with Rachel Cócaro, 14 Years Old
Paulo Guimarães & Maria Inês de C. Delorme
T he initial proposal for this chapter was to talk to young people from
Rio de Janeiro aged ten to 14, in order to learn about the creative
universe of young YouTubers from Rio. We did not look for YouTubers
who were considered “celebrities” or “exceptional” in their use of media,
but practices and meanings built by “ordinary” young people who were
considered creative based on their productions in the digital sphere.
We made a Facebook call among our contacts requesting the names of
young producers of media who were active in social networks. Through
this network of contacts, ten young people agreed to participate in the
interview.
Rachel Cócaro was one of the interviewees. As a practice among
researchers of Human Sciences, the meetings were based on the precepts
of “narrative interviews” (Delorme, 2008: 34), since this type of method-
ology favors knowing the person as a whole subject, the protagonist of
his/her stories, and as a producer and permanent consumer of culture,
with emphasis on his/her media creations. As narrative interviews differ
from questionnaires, we do not present questions and answers here but
rather blocks of opinions and ideas organized by the researchers, once Guimarães, Paulo & de C. Delorme, Maria
they have been validated by each of the interviewees. Inês (2017).The Youtube Channel RAK TV.
A Narrative Interview with Rachel Cócaro,
From this point, we came to know Rachel through her media cre- 14 Years Old in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos
ations presented in various videos, with content of different themes, (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Technolo-
gies Empowering Children in Everyday Life.
formats, and lengths, shared on a YouTube channel called RAK TV1. Gothenburg: Nordicom
77
She stood out through her critical thinking and the ability of seeing
herself sometimes within and sometimes outside the universe of You-
Tubers of her age. In eight of our ten interviews with the young people,
there emerged certain recurring themes which we used as categories:
autonomy, creativity, YouTube quality, and celebrity/success. These
categories were stressed throughout the interview in Rachel’s ideas
about the theoretical fragments to which her ideas refer.
Who she is
Rachel Cócaro Gouvêa Veiga is a fourteen-year-old girl who lives with
her mother and two sisters: fifteen-year-old Rebecca and Rachel’s twin
sister Raphaela who, when very young, suffered a mechanical asphyxia-
tion that left her with cognitive side-effects: “A mental age of six, seven
years.” This sister has not yet learned some things, and her mother “will
only let her have a computer when she can read and write. That’s ok,
right? It’s not only cool things that are on the Internet”.
To quickly understand who Rachel is, just watch the video “TAG:
Twin Sister”2 where she introduces herself and Raphaela, answering
fun questions with agility and speed. Rachel’s thinking is fast; it is
fun and has the timing of spontaneous joking. On Instagram, Twitter
and YouTube her productions are designated as Rak TV in the case of
videos on the channel of the same name. This channel name originated
from her name which, ending with the letter K, would sound the way
she wanted it to [RAK], which would not be the case if she had used
the literal abbreviation for it, and [TV] because she is visually exposed
and “can be seen on a screen: from a cell phone, from computers or
from SMART TVs.”
Rachel and her sisters live with their mother, who is a doctor, in the
state of Rio de Janeiro, in the city of Niterói. Their parents are separated,
and the daughters live alternately with both of them.
She attends high school, considers herself good in the Portuguese
language, and wishes, whenever possible, to “escape from mathemat-
ics”. The three sisters study at a well-known school in Niterói, which
is considered an avant-garde school in several aspects, stressing the
encouragement of the arts in general as well as sports. Everyone knows
Rachel is a YouTuber; her family supports her and encourages her initia-
78
Image 1. Opening photo of the

“Twin Sister” video
tive. Her schoolmates are very dear to her, and she believes she is more
valued in the school space for liking sports than for being a YouTuber.
Rachel enjoys watching TV series, usually on Netflix. She does not
like playing on the Internet but claims to have “a competitive spirit”,
which justifies “watching and liking Big Brother Brazil, because I’m
interested in knowing who will stay and who will leave.” She uses
Twitter, Instagram and Snapchat; she also has Facebook but does not
like it, and thus does not use it.
Her computer, her bedroom

and the recordings she makes at home
Rachel has her own computer in her bedroom. In this space she impro-
vises a kind of studio, where she records using two lamps attached to a
ladder and a Canon T51 camera. She edits her videos on the computer,
using the software “Final Cut”. When she is producing her videos she
feels “tense, worried that her house noises will leak into the recording”
and, because of this, believes that “everyone who lives with her knows
when she is posting some new video. It’s stressful”. By researching on
the Internet she learned how to use the resources for her recordings,
as well as how to edit them and make them good enough for her fans:
“There’s nothing Google and YouTube don’t teach today, about anything,
and for all people”.
79
RAK TV, her channel on YouTube

Rachel’s channel, which she started in the first months of 2016, is called
RAK TV and offers around 90 videos of varying duration and format.
More than a thousand people have already accessed the channel, includ-
ing 340 people who have subscribed, although she “doesn’t know, even
today, exactly what can leverage success on the Internet”. She once made a
video she considered weak, bad, from which she “didn’t expect anything;
about cellphone cases. I thought it was a silly one but, to my surprise, it
got more than 3,000 likes. Videos where I just talk, with my face showing,
have to have challenges to not be boring”. She seeks to always be fun, and
this is a personal value she tries to impart in all her videos.
In fact, the Rachel we see in the videos is the same young woman
who makes herself known in the interview: funny, good-humored,
educated, and spontaneous when dancing and talking to her audience.
Still, she considers herself very impatient and talks about this in a video
called “Impatience”, where she complains about the time she wastes in
stores waiting for salespeople to do their sums and give her the change
(she is quick with figures, although she hates mathematics). She also
complains about the salespeople who do not quickly find the products
she asks for in the shops, as well as advertisements. Her complaints
always contain certain “emphatic verbs”, such as “I hate and detest”.
In the video “Somebody Help Me?” made from Musical.ly3, a mobile
dubbing app, she dubs her favorite songs while dancing; and in another
video she presents her playlist to her fans.
In reference to vlogs, she has formed an opinion: “I think it’s un-
necessary. A 14 or 15-year-old girl telling her story? Isn’t it strange?”
She made a successful video called “Types of Teachers”, presenting
five types of teachers in a theatrical and funny way: 1. The bipolar one
(confused and contradictory); 2. The one who cannot explain anything
(repeating the students’ question); 3. The one who acts like the students’
friend (everyone wants him/her, things proceed in a loose way); 4. The
“Out of the room! “ teacher (without a reason, she/he asks the student to
leave the room); and 5. The one who is rude to the students for nothing
(nasty, does not understand anything, coarse).
Rachel studies English in English Culture Class since, for her, speak-
ing English is a prerequisite for being a YouTuber. She uses many words
in English during the interview, with a British accent and in correct
80
Image 2. Opening photo of the video

“Types of Teachers”
context, such as challenge, playlist, games, download, upload, choice,

free media, version, winner, turn and many others.
In media, she always appears smiling and wearing lipstick “but only
that, and always the same one, because I don’t wear makeup”. In the
video “Somebody Help Me?” she answers her fans’ questions about her
lipstick: “My lipstick is from the collection Pause for Feminine Time,
and its color name is Titânia”, and keeps changing voices, dubbing char-
acters, and playing different roles as if it were a question-and answer
session, as if she were two different people. She dances, quotes other
videos, asks for comments, and throws kisses to her fans. She never
forgets to thank all the people who post comments on her videos, “even
when they call it trash, as one of them has done. One might think it’s
bad, but I wouldn’t post trash.”
YouTube quality
“A quality video, in my opinion, must have several things. It has to be
well lit, well edited, and have good sound. It has to be fun; that’s very
important. The person must have charisma, because it’s horrible when
someone wants to be funny but isn’t. I think you also have to present
the content of your age. I don’t like writing about subjects I don’t know
very well. I don’t need to have formed an opinion about everything,
and if I don’t know the subject I won’t talk about, for example, Nazis
on my videos. I like to watch some channels, like “After Eleven o’clock”4
by two Brazilians, which is very funny. I also like Taciele Alcolea5, who
81
doesn’t have a channel on YouTube but is funny on Snapchat. There’s

also the Taynara OG6, who posts ten-second videos. “
About convergence of media

Rachel refers to Kéfera7, a successful YouTuber who, “from that success,
recorded a film – a feature film – and it seems like she even wrote a
book. Horrible. Being a good YouTuber doesn’t mean you’re a good
writer or actress. It was a crappy movie. There’s also JAPA, a well-known
YouTuber who suddenly turned up with a book written by a ghostwriter.
Do you know what that is? Well, he didn’t even write his book, called
Diary of a Japa” (Japa= diminutive of Japanese).
At this point, Rachel’s statements bring us closer to what we call
media convergence. Jenkins (2009) points out: “YouTube has emerged
as a key site for the production and distribution of alternative media –
the ground zero, so to speak – of the rupture in commercial mass media
operations, caused by the emergence of new forms of participatory
culture” (p. 348). In other words, beyond the commercial interests that
generate expectations of financial gain, today it is no longer possible to
speak of producers and consumers of media as if they had dissociated
roles; they must rather be seen “as participants interacting according
to a new set of rules, which none of us fully understand”(p. 30).
In this sense, what Rachel says not only highlights YouTube and
the participation in it that “occurs at three different levels, in this case:
production, selection and distribution” (Jenkins, 2009, p. 349), but also
points to new paths by raising both the research on and analysis of
each media in a more specific way, and questioning the ways in which
subjects interact with them.
Creativity
Rachel feels she has been creative in many moments in her life, for
instance at school when using paintbrushes and paint, developing her
artistic pursuits, but says, “you just want to be creative but sometimes
you’re not. When you strive, sometimes you’re not and, besides that,
creativity can be found in the simplest things. At times, and most
often, chatting leisurely with friends at school gives you a different
idea that generates a good video. Never at home, only with friends
from school”.
82
Therefore, for her, being creative is not something that can be trans-
lated or even channeled simply as an action. The elements (themes) of
the production of content for the network are identified in her everyday
relationships and in interaction with others. At the same time, she does
not refer to creativity when talking about her clothes, saying she likes
to customize, give them a unique and personal touch, and doing the
same thing with her cellphone covers. She is also creative and unique
in the way she dresses.
Image 3. Clothes customized

by Rachel
On YouTube, she feels she is creative when she “has an idea no one
has had yet,” or when posting something that already exists “but in
a very different, original way. Original? Yes, when I defend my own
opinions”!
She posts her videos “when it’s possible, when I can. All it takes is
for me to mark a day and time and I get tense; for me it doesn’t work”;
i.e., for her there is no creativity in having a pre-established day and
time. In general, she posts three videos a month and, sometimes, more
than this.
“Not everything can be done or played”:

Ethics on the Internet
Rachel always appreciates those who have their own opinion about
things. She feels free to post what she wants “but there are certain things
I would never do, such as posting nude scenes on the Internet, or an
83
offensive video about someone; I would never curse anyone. I would

never be a hacker, ever. “
We point out that her concern about what should and should not
be shared online can be regarded as a nuance of what we understand
as “quality on the Internet”, since she seeks a relationship of legitimacy
with what she considers not only relevant, but also simultaneously
correct, to share on the network. On this point, it is worth underlining
the complexity of building this kind of “digital regulation”8 and the
dimension of this issue in media, in contemporaneity.
I produce and post because...

Rachel posts videos aiming “to teach everyone what a good channel
is. To amuse people and for me, too, to have fun”. She hopes to meet
the expectations of her fans, become known, and get more and more
fans. “The more people watching me, the better. I don’t think there are
a million people giving “likes”; I imagine there are a million people
following me because they like me, they understand me, they recognize
themselves in me and that’s good”.
She does not know how her life will be in the future, but would like
to be an actress, working with art – always away from mathematics.
She likes to perform, cook sweets and decorate cakes (she talks about
becoming a cake maker), and stresses that she “thinks about studying
to be an actress someday.”
Image 4. Opening photo of the “RAK

Cooks” video
84
At the same time, she does not hide her desire to be identified on
the streets and to have social visibility as a YouTuber, claiming: “making
money is always good, but that’s not exactly what I seek as a YouTuber”.
This happens to most creative people, “but it’s not the hope of getting
fame or fortune that guides them; rather, it’s the opportunity to do a
job they like” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996, p. 107).
In this field, we still need to establish a discussion about “succeeding
and being a celebrity”, since this reflection was identified in Rachel’s
comments and indeed those of all the young people we spoke with. One
of the essential reasons for producing and sharing content is a desire
for recognition by their peers, viewers, friends, fans, and everyone who
interacts with their productions.
Therefore, despite her worries about the quality of what she produces
and conveys, she likes to assume that her products can have an even
greater reach. She does not produce to meet the interests of whoever
her audience is. In fact, she produces to be happy, to be as she is, and
to expose her thoughts in order to legitimize herself as a fun YouTuber
who “has her own opinions, without there necessarily being a goal to
attain”. Her speeches are vehement and coherent, and her videos confirm
what Jorge (2012) points out: “The power of celebrities has a discursive
root. In fact, contemporary celebrities are built in the interaction and
circulation by the media” (p. 79). In a consecutive way, it is possible
to say that the construction of this kind of relation between “one who
does/says/indicates/” and “one who assists/consumes/enjoys/” is also
cyclical, as it suggests its growth and expansion in the light of com-
plicity between these two parties. In addition, it can be said that the
potential presented by media and its scope suggests the need for a more
in-depth investigation of the role of leadership and power relations in
this universe.
It is also necessary to reflect on the fact that “youth cultures are
thus very marked precisely by the connection to the media culture,
the cultural and entertainment industries in complex ways of which
celebrities are an essential part” (ibid, p. 120).
In relation to the YouTuber videos, they address issues in Rachel’s
life that are important to her and that stress her identity (it is not only
her audio, but also she herself who acts and talks to the audience),
among other factors that narrow the relationship between her and her
85
public. This implies that if on the one hand there is a desire to promote
a legitimate approach between her, as a celebrity, and her fans, on the
other hand there is a concern about the clear construction of limits
that she plainly establishes and shapes.
It can be said that Rachel’s speeches, in relation to studies on celeb-
rities, allow us to consider that “the credibility of a celebrity between
his/her public and professional life, on the one hand, and personal and
private, on the other, is fundamental for activation and reiteration of
cultural visibility and the effective functioning of the endorsement,
whether political or commercial” (ibid p. 94, 95). However, such a
nuance becomes much more sensitive in the sphere of YouTubers who
still have a small number of productions and some level of control over
their audience – compared to the examples offered by the interviewee
herself – mainly due to her non-professionalization in the area of pro-
duction and placement of videos.
Therefore, to conclude, it can be said that Rachel is aware, and takes
care to ensure that her life as a YouTuber does not mix with her personal
life in issues related mainly to her safety and integrity. In addition, on
this dichotomy between public and private life, she concludes: “Yes, I
would like to be a celebrity, to be recognized on the street; but without
exaggeration, without persecution like what happened to John Lennon,
who was killed by a fan”.
Notes
1. RAK TV channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCr083JAJfAsYhtDz589ltjQ
2. “Tag: Twin Sister” video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KwxW2OSa14Y
3. The Musical.Ly app: www.musical.ly . Available for download and video creation
and sharing.
4. After de Eleven o’clock channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/depoisdas11
5. Instagram of Taciele Alcolea: https://www.instagram.com/tacielealcolea/?hl=pt-br
and her Snapchat:@Tacialcolea
6. Instagram Thaynara OG: https://www.instagram.com/thainaraog/?hl=pt-br and
her Snapchat:@thaynaraog
Paulo Sergio de Jesus Guimarães, Master in Education and Specialization in Digital

Technologies, Institute of Education and Digital Technologies, University of Lisbon,
Portugal, [email protected]
Maria Inês de C. Delorme, PhD, PostDoc, Professor, Department of Childhood Studies,
University of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, [email protected]
86
7. Kéfera Buchmann de Mattos Johnson Pereira (Curitiba, January 25, 1993), better
known as simply Kéfera, is a Brazilian actress, vlogger, voice actress, presenter, and
writer. She became better known through the YouTube channel “5ive Minutes”,
one of the first channels in Brazil to reach a million subscribers. In 2016 she was
named by Forbes magazine as one of the most promising young women in Brazil.
Her channel can be accessed at the following address: https://www.youtube.com/
user/5iveminutes
8. Law 12.965/14, known as the “Civil Internet Framework”, addresses issues related
to the responsibility and attribution of rights and duties related to the use of the
Internet in national territory. Available at: http://culturadigital.br/marcocivil/
References
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihalyi (1996). Creativity. New York: Harper Collins.
Delorme, Maria Ines C. (2008) Domingo é dia de felicidade. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Multifoco.
Guimaraes, Paulo (2016). Mobile technologies in education: Processes and developing
solutions for the learning space design. University of Lisbon. Master’s dissertation.
Jenkins, Henry (2009). Culture of Convergence (2nd Ed). São Paulo: Aleph.
Jorge, Ana (2012). The Culture of Celebrities and Youth: from consumption to partici-
pation. University of Lisbon. PhD final thesis.
87
Expressions of Creativity
among Children and Youth
In different parts of the world we find different cultural

expressions through media. The widely spread access to
Internet and digital media makes it possible to share and
experience this, learn from each other, get new impulses
and find inspiration for new creations. This section provides
some examples.
7
“Exclusively for Keitai”
Literary Creativity of Japanese Media Youths
Kyounghwa Yonnie Kim
M obile technology and wireless Internet were adopted early in

Japan and created a unique opportunity for Japanese people to
experience ubiquitous networking from the late 1990s. The role of Japan
as a powerful test-bed for mobile technology has been acknowledged
(Rheingold, 2002; Ito et al. 2005; Tomita, 2016), suggesting the presence
of a unique cultural milieu of mobile media use in the region. The term
keitai (the Japanese word for mobile phone, literally meaning ‘portable’
or ‘carry-with’) has been being favorably used by cultural scholars as a
way to emphasize the unique context of the mobile technologies in Jap-
anese everyday lives. While the interest in cultural contexts occasionally
leads to the exaggeration of its Japaneseness, it may be important to note
that the rise of keitai culture is to be understood as a part of the global
mobile society (Castells et al. 2007) keitai culture should be explored as
a way to disclose the socio-cultural dynamism of the everyday practices
in different contexts such as generations, genders, locations, economic
situation, etc., rather than focusing on its use tendency.
Keitai shôsetsu and young creators in Japan

Despite continuing anxieties and widespread skepticism surrounding Kim, Kyounghwa Yonnie (2017). “Exclu-
sively for Keitai”. Literary Creativity of
excessive use of mobile media among youths (Matsuda, 2010), the Japanese Media Youths in Ilana Eleá and
activeness of the young generation in the formation of keitai culture Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative.
has been prominent in Japan. For instance, Tomita et al. (1997) paid at- in Everyday Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
91
tention to the youths’ entertaining and creative interpretation of pagers

(a nascent mobile medium capable only of sending a call signal) in the
mid-1990s as a social background to generate a desire for new types
of peer communication through the mobile network. More recently, it
seems obvious that young users’ overwhelming preference for mobile
social media such as Twitter, Facebook and LINE1 has been creating
a new trend for social networking and digital culture. It is undeniable
that Japanese youths have played a crucial role as a cultural pathfinder
of new media at every turning point, taking the lead in repositioning
new technology into one’s everyday life.
In this article, I put the spotlight on a phenomenon called keitai
shôsetsu, a form of user-created literature written and read exclusively
on the mobile platform, in order to demonstrate young females’ role
in initiating mobile literary creativity in Japan. Similar to other inter-
active literature, the keitai shôsetsu (as shôsetsu means “novel”, keitai
shôsetsu literally means “mobile novel” or “portable novel”) is usually
written by voluntary amateur writers, shared on a specialized website,
and read by audiences as it is being created. It has been particularly
popular among young females, explaining its feminine tastes in plots
such as love stories, soft school fiction, and romantic science fiction.
One of the key characteristics of keitai shôsetsu is that its writing and
reading practices take place on mobile media at the individual’s own
convenience, to explain its unique naming. It got its start in 2000, when
Maho-No-Airando, an online community service provider, launched
a keitai-specialized blog platform featuring a “story writing” channel.
It may be noteworthy that this was far before the global rise of the
smartphone, while in other regions wireless Internet service did not
exist or, if it did, was struggling to attract consumers.
In spite of the increasing popularity of this new channel, keitai
shôsetsu was hardly noticed by the mass media until the commer-
cial success of the work titled Koizora (Love Sky) in 2005. The story,
originally created and uploaded by the amateur writer Mika, gained
popularity on Maho No Airando’s website, and was transformed into
a printed book to phenomenal success. Its commercial breakthrough
is partly related to its distributional structure, in that the interactive
authorship of keitai shôsetsu often brings forth loyal readers who are
willing to not only subscribe in cyberspace, but also purchase a paper
92
book due to a desire to own it as a physical medium. The content sold

more than a million copies as a printed book, and was reproduced in
other media forms such as manga, TV drama, and a movie, yielding
impressive results here as well. Eventually, the social achievement of
Koizora brought to the forefront the fact that millions of young female
users were actively participating in media production and consumption
in cyberspace. It was also remarkable that the creativity and marketing
power of this phenomenon were entirely grounded in mobile media.
The success of this Internet-originated interactive literature was
not the first case. For instance, a few years before the rise of Koizora,
an Internet-oriented story titled Densha Otoko (Train Boy) — an in-
teractive literature work originally uploaded to 2ch (ni-channeru), a
well-known anonymous BBS2 forum in Japan — enjoyed great success
through multimedia marketing, appearing as a printed book, manga, a
movie, TV drama, and a play. The story features an introverted otaku
(technology geek) seeking a way to ask a gorgeous girl to go out with
him, presenting the typical male tastes in cyberspace.
The image of otaku certainly stereotypes an introvert and unstylish
male who reversely becomes active and aggressive in the anonymous
cyberspace. In fact, there is a firmly rooted dichotomous thinking in
Japan that, while males are loyal and active users of new technology,
females are less enthusiastic and are thus slow to adopt new devices.
As a creative force on the online platform, women had been regarded
as lagging behind technological trends, unless they were related to the
so-called feminine genres such as fashion and cosmetics. However, the
phenomenal success of keitai shôsetsu worked as counter-evidence of
this prejudice, to prove the power of females as a creative drive and
savvy consumers of new technology. Hjorth (2009) accurately noted
that the mobile platform has provided a niche for Japanese female users
to exert their creativity to reflect their own tastes.
Meanwhile, keitai shôsetsu found itself the subject of social criticism
and public anxiety. Because its story often deals with such sensational
issues as teenage sex, group bullying in school, rape, teen pregnancy,
and abortion, it cannot escape the denunciation of lacking reality in the
Japanese teen’s context. The writing style of keitai shôsetsu also became
the target of severe criticism, as the stories tend to contain grammati-
cally incorrect or misspelled words. While the young amateur writers of
93
keitai shôsetsu often use unskilled and juvenile expressions, the frequent
grammatical errors are partly due to its colloquial writing styles, often
centered on a series of conversations or short expressions for readers’
emotional immersion and enjoyment. Because of the combination of
unrealistic story composition and poor expression, professional writers
and critics alike despised keitai shôsetsu as a sort of “false literature”,
supported only by immature youngsters.
In the aftermath of the runaway success of Koizora, only a handful
of the keitai shôsetsu sold well in paper book form, and the amount
of social attention paid to keitai shôsetsu has declined amidst sluggish
sales. When the website Maho-No-Airando, the largest keitai shôsetsu
distributor, was sold to a giant publishing company in 2011, social dis-
courses started mentioning keitai shôsetsu as a transient phenomenon
that had run its course. Although
the phenomenon itself disap-
peared from public attention, a
survey released in 20113 showed
that the reading public of keitai
shôsetsu is growing in line with
the increase in smartphone use.
Furthermore, dozens of commer-
cial keitai shôsetsu websites are
still operating with a profitable
business model, transforming
interactive literature into printed
books for sale (Figure 1). In other
words, keitai shôsetsu succeeded
in making inroads into the privi-
leged position of Japanese literary
Image 1. Maho No Airando is actively
running its keitai shôsetsu channel.
circles, to prove the emergence
Accessed December 2, 2016. of new creativity on the mobile
platform by young generations.
Exclusively for keitai: From insiders’ voices

As keitai shôsetsu involves a wide range of literary communication,
such as reading, writing, or sharing comments on mobile phones, one
key question is how to approach literary creativity on the most up-to-
94
date technological platform. This has hitherto been a relatively ignored

issue, overwhelmed by discourses on the novelty of mobile technology
as well as the strong stereotype of traditional literature. In this regard,
in my ethnographic research on authors and loyal readers of keitai
shôsetsu in urban areas of Japan since 2009 (Kim, 2012), I focused more
on a subjective and voluntary aspect of their creativity rather than an
objective and social interpretation of mobile media and literature itself.
Although the specific circumstances of experiences differ from
person to person, in many cases the presence of keitai seemed an over-
whelming and critical element of “doing keitai shôsetsu”. The majority
of keitai shôsetsu consumers exclusively chose mobile media as their
favorite platform for both writing and reading. In fact, most consum-
ers opposed the argument that they were forced to read the literature
on their mobile platforms because they had no access to other media,
such as a PC. Many instead insisted that the mobile media was the best
interface for maximizing their enjoyment, and that other media would
not allow them to savor the content to its full extent:
I’ve read the same keitai shôsetsu on both the keitai and PC since
I liked the story very much. I even read it in paperback form. But
only reading on keitai moved me to tears. Keitai shôsetsu has its own
expression, one that’s best delivered through keitai. [S, female, 21,
college student]
This can be understood in relation to the material characteristics of the

dominant keitai models in Japan at the time, which were mostly the
flip-close types with vertically rectangular and smaller screens (com-
pared to those of early smartphone models). As most keitai shôsetsu
websites provided a best-viewed interface for these domestic models,
the genre’s production required not only the plotting of a story, but also
an integration and interspersion of expressions painstakingly tailored
for, or highly restricted by, the mobile interface of keitai (Figure 2). An
author of keitai shôsetsu explained that:
The story and characters are of course very important, but it’s also
critical to imagine what it will look like on keitai screens when you
write a story. For example, I’m paying the closest attention to the
line spacing of the text. I enter some blank lines intentionally when
I want readers to take a few minutes to scroll down before going to
95
Image 2. The reading and writing of

keitai shôsetsu was most favorably
performed with the dominant mo-
dels in Japan at the time. Photo-
graphed in June, 2009.
the next sentence. That way, I can control how they dwell on the
emotions of characters. [Y, female, 23, office worker]
Some authors tried to maintain a more strategic attitude, saying they

even paid close attention to managing technological conditions so as
to reach more readers and make them stick to their stories. As one
respondent stated:
I pay particular attention to what time I should update new content.
I usually post a new text during the day. I know some readers set
a notice function so that they’ll be immediately notified that new
content has been posted. Once I put up a new text late at night,
when everyone was in all likelihood sleeping, and not many people
accessed this new content the next day. [T, female, 21, college student]
As a form of creative practice, keitai shôsetsu is not a simple presentation

of fictional literature but rather an integrated expression exclusively
designed for the material characteristics of mobile media. This raises the
possibility that the phenomenon might be situated and better described
within the framework of creative affordance to mobile media, rather
than general discourses on interactive literature and digital content.
While the material conditions of the interface of mobile media
seemed to be a crucial aspect for keitai shôsetsu enthusiasts, their choices
were not only based on functional and practical reasons but were also
96
underpinned by the commitment to the specific environment of using

mobile media. Many interviewees stated that their reading experiences
tended to exclusively take place at a designated time and place. For
example, a respondent described her emotional encounter with keitai
shôsetsu as follows:
I started reading keitai shôsetsu because I was suffering from insom-
nia. I had trouble falling asleep so I wanted to make my eyes tired
by reading something before sleeping. My first keitai shôsetsu was
Koizora; it was a hot topic then. I actually stayed up all night so I
could finish it. The story was so touching that I cried all night. From
that point on I was totally hooked on keitai shôsetsu. I read them
almost every night; that is, as long as I’m not so tired that I have to
zonk out. It’s ironic that it has now become another obstacle to sleep.
[S, female, 20, college student]
This case is not at all extraordinary, as a significant number of re-

spondents identified “in bed before sleeping” as the ideal situation for
reading keitai shôsetsu. Playing with one’s mobile media in bed before
sleeping was a widespread practice among youngsters, being a place
they experienced complete privacy and were the most likely to be able
to relax (Figure 3).
Affective attachment and mobile intimacy seemed to serve as an-
other pivot for creative activity, as many respondents mentioned their
emotional moments and intimate sensitivity in writing and reading
Image 3. Keitai shôsetsu often

delivers intimate and emotional
messages, sometimes with erotic
fantasy, suggesting readers’ taste of
reading alone before sleeping.
97
stories. A significant number of respondents related the experience of

writing and reading keitai shôsetsu to that of exchanging keitai emails
with close friends. They claimed that keitai shôsetsu was by no means
a new or fresh experience, as they were already accustomed to keitai
emails:
Keitai shôsetsu are more akin to personal messages than serious lit-
erature. I became accustomed to keitai shôsetsu so quickly, because
it doesn’t feel that new. [Y, female, 26, office worker]
From the standpoint of how insiders actually understand and translate

this phenomenon, cultural patterns of keitai shôsetsu – namely, how
to coordinate writing, reading, and commenting on the literature on
mobile broadband – should be positioned as the “remediation” (Bolter
& Grusin, 1999) of email rather than literature. By exploring the insider’s
voice around keitai shôsetsu, we can begin to understand the techno-
logical context of young creators in Japan, as well as the emotional and
intimate texture of creative labors with mobile media.
Literary creativity and a historical link

The preference for literary communication in Japanese mobile media
use was reported in a recent survey in Japan (Matsuda et al., 2014),
showing email (88%) rather than voice calls to be the preferred feature
of mobile media as a communication tool. According to the results,
this tendency was even prominent among the younger demographic
and female users, suggesting that this most up-to-date technology is
deliberately devoted to old-fashioned communications; that is, writing
and reading rather than richer visual expression. The prosperity of
literary expression and diverse creativity might be one of the distinct
characteristics of Japanese cyberspace, especially when the early ad-
aptation of wireless Internet with low bandwidth encouraged users
to develop mobile communication strategies whereby one consumed
less network capacity but could convey rich contexts. Certainly, keitai
shôsetsu, as an emerging type of literary creativity, can be understood
as an inheritor of this tendency.
Furthermore, as a creative use of a new device (keitai) within a con-
temporary social context (urban environment), the practical prototype
of keitai shôsetsu can be found the early stage of postal media in Japan
98
during the Meiji era (Kim, 2014). Today, postal media, such as a letter
or a postcard, may be suitably understood as parts of social system
rather than as communication technology. However, in the early era
of the postal system, sending and receiving a postal medium across
geographical spaces was a novel way to create feelings of telepresence
(Milne, 2010). When postcards first emerged as a medium for this new
attraction, ordinary people used them to write short fictional stories,
called hagaki-shôsetsu (hagaki means “postcard”; thus, “postcard novel”).
It is not difficult to find the similarity between keitai shôsetsu and
hagaki-shôsetsu, in the link of both the literary genre and the new me-
dium of the day. It is interesting to note that, in other countries such as
Mainland China and South Korea, there were attempts to build online
mobile novel platforms, mainly prompted by the mega-hit of Koizora
in Japan. However, neither of these countries achieved recognizable
success. In this sense, keitai shôsetsu certainly provides a concrete ex-
ample of the social appropriation and cultural customization of mobile
technologies in Japan, revealing how new technology (mobile media)
resonates with existing cultural prototypes (literature) to generate new
creativity.
Conclusion: Mobile media as a creative platform

This article has sought to delineate keitai shôsetsu as an emerging
creativity by the Japanese younger generation, by looking into a cul-
tural mechanism that allows to build and handle their creativity in
everyday experiences with mobile media. While keitai shôsetsu shares
many of the cultural displays of interactive literature in cyberspace,
this phenomenon cannot be fully understood without the consider-
ation of keitai as a medium, or the gendered socio-historical context
of Japanese society. In terms of the refashioning of email rather than
literature, keitai shôsetsu is rather a cultural practice for relocating
mobile media into one’s everyday experiences, revealing its possibility
as a new creative platform.
Many aspects of mobile media have been praised; however, the focus
has been on its technological novelty and social role as a communica-
tion tool. With the convincing case of keitai shôsetsu, we can begin to
understand how creative dynamism has been deployed around mobile
media, and how new creativity is being evolved and modified by an
99
outsider group: young Japanese females. We need to understand this

emerging issue surrounding new media in youngsters’ creative activism
in cyberspace, and to grasp diverse cultural moments in the midst of
everyday practices. This new form of creativity revealed tensions be-
tween social innovation and harmful effect, both old and new, and in
different social groups. The question of mobile media as a creative tool
for both society and individuals could be a starting point in reflecting
its path as a socio-cultural artefact.
Notes
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Line_(software)
2. BBS is an acronym for Bulletin Board System, commonly used in Japan to describe
an online content platform mainly for reading and writing.
3. http://internetcom.jp/research/20110708/1.html
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8
A Shared Literary Experience
Youth Reading, Creativity and Virtual Performances
Alejandra Ravettino Destefanis
W ith the consumption of young adult (YA) literature by young

adults position in git within the novelties of the publishing world,
we must consider that this phenomenon is associated with other practices
involving young people. In this regard, we need to recognize that an
important part of this literature’s success coincides with the emergence
of spaces on the Web where young people around the globe write and
create videos to give their opinion on recent releases. YA literature also
has its own broadcasting means, redesigned from traditional marketing
strategies. Books for young people circulate on virtual spaces which
spread literary novelties: literary blogs, YouTube channels dedicated
to recommending new book releases, communities, closed Facebook
groups, and other social media like Twitter and Instagram.
For some years, on the YouTube platform, a group of book lovers
have been occupying a space; they are what are known as booktubers,
and they present and review books for young people to their peers.
So, who are these booktubers? They constitute a virtual global
community which shares the pleasure of reading fictional works.
They record videos, discussing literature and the actions related to Ravettino Destefanis, Alejandra (2017)
the book: from the desires and expectations around a new release, A Shared Literary Experience. Youth
Reading, Creativity and Virtual Performan-
to ways of acquiring, collecting and storing books. They complain ces in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)
about the lack of money, time and space, poor editions, and the ex- Young & Creative. Digital Technologies
cess of novelties. They feel confident enough to recommend books or Gothenburg: Nordicom
103
authors. They do not follow professional critics or specialist opinions.

Besides reviewing the books, they show their personal libraries and
offer recommendations as to how future booktubers should become
initiated in booktubing.
Like the age group targeted by YA literature, this is a large social col-
lective which brings together adolescents and young people – both male
and female– aged between 11 and 30 years; and although the booktuber
phenomenon is originally an Anglo-Saxon movement it has moved to
different territories, firmly taking root in Spain, Mexico, Colombia and
Argentina. In Argentina in particular, the Feria del Libro (book fair)
presents a novelty every year, and each edition increasingly targets young
readers. In fact, for its 42nd edition, the Feria hosted the First International
Booktuber Meeting, with participating young readers from Chile, Peru,
Colombia, Argentina and other Spanish-speaking countries.1
Other activities that are gathering supporters among the younger
public, compatible with the YouTube platform, are booktalks (debates
about books involving different readers) and book hauls (presentations
of new publications and the most recent purchases made by booktubers
themselves).
Literature consumption by youngsters

In recent years, the literature choice for the younger audience has un-
dergone a marked transformation. Simultaneously with classic authors
–Charlotte Brontë (1847), Jane Austen (1813), Mark Twain (1876),
Jules Verne (1865) and Daniel Defoe (1719), to mention only a few– a
new wave of dystopian, romantic, fantastic and mythological works has
emerged. This type of literature, which is experiencing huge growth in
terms of publication numbers, is referred to as YA (Young Adult), a
term coined by the media and the readers themselves.2
For their part, publishers, aware of how this growth drives the
production of the book market, tend to have a label or a specialist
in youth literature with which they release at least one or two copies
per month.3
What subject do they tackle? These fictional works nearly always
have adolescents or young people as the protagonists and are presented
in the saga format, thus ensuring continuity in the story. The stories
tend to portray interpersonal relations –friendship, companionship,
104
sentimental relationships– in a “positive light”, and some even address

more complex themes like illness, bullying, unwanted pregnancy and
sexual abuse.4
Which youth literature classics, if published today for the first
time, would fit into YA literature? Possibly The Catcher in the Rye by
J.D. Salinger (1951), Pride and Prejudice by Jane Austen (1813), To Kill
a Mockingbird by Harper Lee (1960), The Outsiders by Susan Hinton
(1967), or Lord of the Flies by William Golding (1954).
Who are the readers? From the age of 12, young people consume
these books, and although some believe the upper limit of the age
range is 17 –given the subjects discussed, the characters and the nar-
rative core– many adults also enjoy the books. In particular, in a study
conducted among young Argentinians aged over18 years old, a large
proportion of those surveyed had recently read titles within this genre
(Ravettino Destefanis, 2016).
It is a niche market made up of a loyal and socially active audience,
keen to discover new experiences. Evidently, these YA book readers
constitute a coveted group in the publishing industry. According to a
study by Bowler (2012), these young people are:“the first to adopt”, for
example e-book reading; “committed”, since if the book they are seeking
is not available in electronic format they buy it in print; “loyal”, because
they tend to read a favourite author’s previous books; and “socially
active”, as although more than half of those surveyed admitted to not
taking part in a reading group, they are active on social networks and
often receive recommendations from friends.5
Some believe that it is sufficient to regard literature as a creative
reading offer; that it is an art form without adjectives. That is to say
that there is no need, except for the commercial aspect, to categorize
it into an age group. Although literature aimed at younger readers has
its idiosyncratic marks, “literature” is a whole, and this young group
should not need reading material marked by a transition from child-
hood to adulthood.
Two factors define the YA genre. One is the commercial aspect
seeking to renew its image and stop being labelled “juvenile”, which is
deemed antiquated, to announce a novelty in the market which offers
something different. The other defining factor of YA literature is the
need to segment a group of young readers, 18-year-olds and over, to a
105
product defined by the themes of love, sex and suspense in romantic

novels, epic sagas and vampirism (Perriconi, 2015).
What success do these books have? To answer this question, the
scope of young people’s expectations should be broadened to a space
where images, hopes, wishes and experiences converge; in essence,
we must decipher young people’s imaginary world. Reconstructing the
act of reading implies understanding how each community has genre
classification systems which differentiate between fiction and truth, but
also between the metaphorical and ironic discourse (Chartier, 1999);
an imaginary group which works on plots, themes and characters, and
simultaneously constitutes them.
Booktubers as acting readers

Can booktubers be considered “acting readers”? Yes, insofar as they
interpret their reading: they enthusiastically prepare their performances,
resorting to words, gestures, images and sounds. They construct elo-
quent stories. Their representations have become more sophisticated
over time, as one can tell by looking at their trajectory, seeing how they
have bettered themselves in terms of creativity and effort. They have
turned their practice into a trade, and in some cases their efforts yield
results every month. Their progress is greatly owed to their charisma,
ingenuity, wit and histrionics. Several of these young people read the
book they recommend in its original language; reading in both English
and Spanish allows them to offer even more sophisticated literary cri-
tiques. They create stories from the ones they read. They turn a book into
an audio-visual performance. Nevertheless, in their representations, a
personal style emerges that ends up resembling someone else’s style.
Booktubers share their similar tastes for literature, but also share the
style they use to represent their critiques: looking at the performances
alone, one will notice that although they are original, the style is shared
throughout the community.6
The multiplicity of virtual resources to which they have access means
that their confessional practices rapidly spread and become well-known
on the Web. As a sociological phenomenon, we need to consider how
young people, by becoming involved in the sphere of digital com-
munication, make the digitalized social context the centre of their life
experience. As a result, a new youth identity appears, constituted by the
106
pleasure of reading and the virtual community experience. In short, new

ways of being and acting in the world of young people emerge as a result
of the literary and cultural consumption that is shared and broadcasted.
The previously set ways of communicating reading material have
changed. We could go so far as to state that booktubers operate as real
reading facilitators. Likewise, they have opened a direct communication
channel between writers, publishers and readers. As such, the dynamic
imposed by these active readers has enabled publishers to approach
them with a sales strategy for their books, leaving the traditional
broadcasting channels to the side and teaming up with these young
readers, sending them copies to review and inviting them to specific
literary events such as book presentations and signings.
Another contemporary example uniting readers and producers is the
fanfiction phenomenon. For example, fans of the Twilight series wrote
a blog which gave rise to Fifty Shades of Grey by E.L. James7 –which
young people from the survey themselves mentioned having read, but
to a lesser extent (Ravettino Destefanis, 2016).
Another contemporary practice which gives an account of the
alliance between young readers and publishers is the recent initiative
by the producers of the Twilight saga to encourage the spread of stories
in order to continue it.8 Could this modus operandi not be considered
the modern version of the participation of 18th-century novel readers
who sent letters to authors? Even the blog novel phenomenon, which
has already been in the virtual literary circle for several years, is char-
acterized by the active –and at times, collaborative– participation of its
readers and by the immediacy between the writing and the publication
as it is made up of releases. In this regard, if until the 20thcentury,
newspapers were a first step towards the publishing of novels in a
book format, from the 21st century onwards, Internet publications
could be fulfilling that same role.9In short, readers’ participation in
the creative process and the periodic release of literature appear to go
back a long time.
New information and communication technologies favour the emer-
gence of the autobiographical story of the booktuber. Since the very
start, the media have modified the way in which information circulates,
demanding a redefinition of the discursivity and the appropriation of
contents. While in the past, newspapers, radio and television provided
107
a space for the reinterpretation of old discourses and reports, today it is

the Internet which has that role. In the same way that a self-report –the
creation of the I reader– emerges in the booktubers’ performances, an
interpretative community (De Certeau, 1996) appears, which keeps a
reduced space for traditional individual and silent reading, and revolves
more around participative and collaborative reading. In this regard,
digital technology does not only refer to the novelty of mobile devices
and appliances, but also to new ways of perceiving and of language, to
new sensitivities and writing which gradually alter the experience of
reading (Martin Barbero 2005).
In short, the booktuber phenomenon embodies the willingness to
create a community that is looking for common attributes with other
users/readers, to establish a conversational dynamic and present the
act of reading as a fundamental social act of its own accord. That is to
say, the identity-related axis in the self-report discourse is produced
in the performative practice itself and in the creation of bonds which
generate common, virtual and global narratives whereby books and
reading operate as a connection with “the other”.
Notes
1. The cultural eventgeared towards adolescent readers (which brought together
booktubers, bloggers and bookstagrammers) was boosted by the international
presence of young writers for several days at the fair. <http://www.el-libro.org.ar/
internacional/propuestas-culturales> [Accessed 31 January 2016].
2. Literature for Young Adults, abbreviated as YA or Ya-Lit, is gaining knowledge all
over the world and can be defined as literature for young people (12 to 17 years
old), despite having many readers from other age groups (over 18 years). It separates
itself from children’s literature by leaving aside the ingenuity of the protagonists
and concentrating on more adult themes.
3. According to the publishing company V&REditoras, James Dashner, author of the
The Maze Runner series, had sold 6,500,000 copies worldwide by last year. The first
two books of the trilogy already have a film version, and the adaptation of the next
book into a film is underway. The best-selling saga-film version dynamic is being
repeated in other YA titles around the world, for instance Twilight, The Hunger
Games and The 5th Wave. For its part, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone
by J. K. Rowling, first published nearly 20 years ago, set the standard for this new
youth trend. SOURCE: Oliva, Lorena. (2016). Literatura Young Adults: ¿negocio
o pasión por leer? La Nación, 08 mayo 2016 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/
lxwTrO>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
Alejandra Ravettino Destefanis, Ph.D. in Social Sciences, University of Buenos Aires,

Argentina, [email protected]
108
4. Oliva, Lorena. (2016). Literatura Young Adults: ¿negocio o pasiónpor leer? La

Nación, 08 May 2016 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/lxwTrO>. [Accessed
31 January 2016].
5. Bowker Market Research. (2012). Young Adult Books Attract Growing Numbers
of Adult Fans. Bowker, 13 September 2012 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/
NUglmH>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
6. As an example of renowned booktubers and pioneers in the trade, we can mention
Christine from PolandBananasBooks, with over a hundred thousand followers, and
JesseTheReader, who has exceeded 50thousand subscribers. At the following link, a
blogger recommends Argentinian booktubers <http://goo.gl/aeOcNG>. [Accessed
31 January 2016].
7. The idea came about between 2009 and 2011 as a fanfiction piece written by Twilight
followers, one of whom was E.L. James. Access to these texts was free and could be
gained through fanfiction.net. The British writer, who based her story on the pro-
tagonists of Meyer’s novel, shared the chapters she wrote, which eventually became
the trilogy Fifty Shades of Grey. At the beginning, the compendium of chapters was
called Master of the Universe, until the publisher acquired the publishing rights and the
stories were removed from the Web. Eventually, both author and publisher decided to
readapt the original texts and remove any references to the Twilight saga. SOURCE:
Melty (2013). Cincuenta sombras de Grey: 5 cosas que deberías saber. Melty.es, 14 April
2013 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/QP4C6a>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
8. Stephenie Meyer, the author of Twilight, and Lionsgate Entertainment, the produc-
tion company in charge of its cinematographic adaptation, reached an agreement
with Facebook that during 2015, the social network would release five short films.
Through the competition “The Storytellers: New Creative Voices of The Twilight
Saga”, five directors would be chosen to write the new stories. The winners were
selected by public vote as well as a panel of experts –made up exclusively of wom-
en– including the writer herself, actresses Kate Winslet, Julie Bowen and Octavia
Spencer, the protagonist and the president of the association Women In Film,
Cathy Schulman. SOURCE: Bishop, Brian. (2014). New ‘Twilight’ Short Films
Are Coming to Facebook. The Hollywood Reporter, 30 September 2014 [online].
Available at <https://goo.gl/y9lTpp>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
9. Furthermore, the blognovel has a format in which the posts replace what was
initially organized into chapters. Both saga and blognovel readers can access the
text through any release and can therefore “pick up the already commenced nov-
el”; this is why each of the releases is updated with the progression of the story,
which characters are acting at the time, and what has happened in the immediate
past. The difference between the saga and the blognovel lies in how it is updated.
While the saga presents an analysis summary of the facts and descriptions of the
characters, blognovels provide this information through hyperlinks on the names
of the characters (Ravettino Destefanis 2011).
References
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[Accessed 05 February 2016].
Barnes & Noble (2015). The Best Young Adults Books of 2015, Barnes & Noble, 03 Decem-
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Bishop, Brian (2014). New ‘Twilight’ Short Films Are Coming to Facebook. The Holly-
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Brontë, Charlotte (1847). Jane Eyne. [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/N3T7Ln>.
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[Accessed 31 January 2016].
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Golding, William (1954). Lord of the Flies. [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/BuW4dj>.
Hinton, Susan (1967). The Outsiders.[online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/7XkDTs>.
Lee, Harper (1960). To Kill a Mockingbird. [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/qmN-
rGM>. [Accessed 05 February 2016].
Martín-Barbero, Jesús (2005). “Los modos de leer”. Presentado en la semana de la lectura
CERLALC en el panel “Lectura y medios de comunicación”. Bogotá: Centro de
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Melty (2013). Cincuenta sombras de Grey: 5 cosas que deberías saber. Melty.es, 14 April
2013 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/QP4C6a>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
Perriconi, Graciela (2015). La construcción del géneroen la literaturainfantil y juvenil.
Buenos Aires: Editorial Lugar.
Oliva, Lorena (2016). Literatura Young Adults: ¿negocio o pasiónpor leer? La Nación, 08
mayo 2016 [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/lxwTrO>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
Ravettino Destefanis, Alejandra (2011). ”La producción de contenidos literarios en
Internet. Emprendimientos culturales y autogestión”, ponencia presentada en
las IX Jornadas de Sociología Capitalismo del Siglo XXI, crisis y reconfiguraciones.
Luces y sombras en América Latina, del 08 al 12 de agosto de 2011, Buenos Aires.
Ravettino Destefanis, Alejandra (2016). Cultura escrita, tiempo libre y jóvenes universi-
tarios. Acerca de las prácticas e imágenes vinculadas con la lectura, los contenidos y
los soportes. Buenos Aires: Teseo Press. Available at <https://www.teseopress.com/
culturaescrita/>. [Accessed 31 January 2016].
Salinger, Jerome David (1951). The Catcher in the Rye. [online]. Available at <https://
goo.gl/rhEpNp>. [Accessed 05 February 2016].
Twain, Mark (1876). The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. [online]. Available at <https://goo.
gl/GaEO4M>. [Accessed 05 February 2016].
Verne, Jules (1865). From the Earth to the Moon. [online]. Available at <https://goo.gl/
lcJalb>. [Accessed 05 February 2016].
110
9
Internet Mukbang
(Foodcasting) in South Korea
Seok-Kyeong Hong & Sojeong Park
A s the saying goes, “We are what we eat”; food is closely related to
one’s identity. Recently in Korea, Internet users have shed new
light on eating through online content called mukbang1. Mukbang is
primarily known as an online broadcast genre of Afreeca TV2, the
largest MCN (Multi-Channel Network) in Korea. Individuals called
BJs (Broadcasting Jockeys) can broadcast whatever content they want,
and viewers can tune in to any channel and enjoy watching them while
chatting with the BJs. At the time of writing (2016), about 3,500 chan-
nels are on air every day and typically 150-300 thousand users access
the live broadcasts. Afreeca TV provides a virtual space for people to
communicate whatever they want.
After Afreeca TV began service in 2006, it gained sudden popularity
during the anti-US beef import protest of 2008.3 Mukbang appeared on
Afreeca TV the same year, and has since then expanded dramatically
in numbers and formats. Today, 10-15 per cent of all the channels offer
the mukbang genre, with many BJs displaying their own styles of eating
and broadcasting.
The fact that BJs earn a great deal of money by eating on screen
surprised the media. They covered this new phenomenon with great Hong, Seok-Kyeong & Park, Sojeong
(2017). Internet Mukbang (Foodcasting)
attention, especially its economy system: Afreeca TV has a unique profit in South Korea in Ilana Eleá and Lothar
system entailing the “star balloon”, a type of currency within Afreeca Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Tech-
TV. Viewers send star balloons to BJs as a sign of appreciation. One star Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
111
copyright: AfreecaTV
balloon costs 10 cents, and viewers can send them to BJs as much as
they want while watching a program. Afreeca TV usually gets 30-40 per
cent of the profit, while the BJs get 60-70 per cent. Through this process,
popular mukbang BJs can earn as much as thousands of dollars a night.
As mukbang has gained in popularity, television programs have
adopted its terms and ideas, and new programs appropriating features
of mukbang have been successful. This phenomenon provides an inter-
esting case of Internet subculture transforming the legitimate discourse
produced by conventional media.
This article examines mukbang, as provided by Afreeca TV, and
analyzes its implications on contemporary Korean society. Defining
mukbang as a new and unique phenomenon developed in a specific
socio-historical context of Korea, we will discuss its aesthetics and
ethics, which break the norms of traditional food culture and challenge
the social norms governing the body and subjectivity. Furthermore, this
112
Internet Mukbang (Foodcasting) in South Korea
study addresses the question of how cultural practices on the Internet

have challenged the legitimate food culture on TV programs.
Eating in the wonderland of mukbang

BJs, the eaters
“The Diva”, an attractive young woman with a perfect body, is one of
the most famous mukbang BJs. Nearly every day she eats in front of the
camera, live broadcasting this for about three hours. Her meals usually
consist of multiple courses with abnormally large portions. For example,
she eats five portions of noodles and a kilo of chicken in two hours,
or four different kinds of large pizzas. Sometimes she stimulates her
viewers’ senses via sounds sizzling of meat, chewing, or the dripping
of sauce. This usually accompanies her description of the food’s taste.
Besides the Diva, over 1,000 BJs provide mukbang. We observed
30 mukbang BJs who are currently active, and tried to clarify some of
their typologies. The first type can be called the “big food fighter”. BJs
of this type have a large, over-sized physique. They frequently launch
food challenges: one of them once attempted to finish five bowls of
Chinese-style Korean noodles in a very short time. Another has finished
ten bowls of this noodle dish in ten minutes, which is a record no other
BJ has yet broken. Another has eaten a hundred pieces of sushi at one
sitting. And so it goes.
The second type is the “calm eater”. Calm eaters rarely make a fuss,
instead only focusing on eating. They do not attempt any extreme
challenges, but they do eat quite large portions of foods neatly and
with great delight. They provide information about the food and kindly
answer viewer questions. Some give detailed information about a new
brand or new food on the market, as well as a highly analytical expla-
nation of the food. Others show unique layouts on the screen in order
to stimulate viewers’ visual and auditory senses.
The third type is the “weirdo”, who broadcasts eccentric behaviors.
An overweight person displaying a grotesque and tough eating style
is considered so hilarious that it is even known among foreigners. A
man wearing strange makeup demonstrates odd mukbang, such as
wrestling with a large octopus while cooking or popping corn in a
frying pan, causing it to pop all around the room, which appeals a
great deal to viewers.
113
The fourth type is the “cook”. Cook BJs actually cook and eat the
foods they make, explaining the recipes to the viewers. Some have
previously worked as cooks at hotels or other institutions. Making use
of their experience, they provide both cookbang, and mukbang.
The fifth type is the “pretty boy/girl”. BJs of this type usually focus
on their looks and communicate with their fans. Mukbang seems to be
a subordinate theme here, since they do not eat much and talk very little
about food. They set up the lighting to make their facial complexion
look fair. Female BJs wear heavy makeup and sexy outfits, and some
male BJs show their pretty faces and slim bodies as well.
Fried chicken and convenience stores:

The social implications of food in mukbang
Fried chicken appears the most frequently on mukbang. In Korea, fried
chicken is popular as a late-night snack and is usually delivered. There
are two crucial moments that have formed people’s particular percep-
tion of fried chicken. The first was in 1997, when the economic crisis
struck Korea. Many of those who lost their jobs at the time opened fried
chicken stores with their severance pay; otherwise, a great number of
these people would have been ruined. Since then, there is a perception
in Korea that fried chicken stores are one of the last solutions for those
who have been fired or retire from their careers. Furthermore, during
the 2002 World Cup, the demand for fried chicken increased dramat-
ically as Koreans consume it, along with beer, while watching football
matches on TV. As a result, the number of fried chicken stores soared
from 10,000 to 25,000, creating the conception of fried chicken as the
most popular delivery food.
Many BJs also consume foods from convenience stores, buying
instant foods, and even ingredients such as eggs and onions, there.
According to Jeon (2013), the convenience store is an emblem of the
“McDonaldization of society” and is a new urban infrastructure in the
highly individualized contemporary society. Korean cities, especially
Seoul, are full of so-called “homo nomads”, students and workers living
apart from their families. To these people, convenience stores provide
food efficiently and comfortably, since they are stocked with all kinds
of items. In another sense, the convenience store is an impersonalized
space that economizes one’s efforts.
114
Besides fried chicken, a variety of delivery foods are consumed in

mukbang – not only pizza and Chinese food, but virtually everything,
is deliverable in Korea, from hamburgers to sukiyaki. Recently, the term
“nation of delivery’ was coined for Koreans, portraying the country’s
excellent food delivery system. According to Choi (2013), Korea’s
delivery system reflects the society’s exhaustion, whereby people are
obsessed with finishing things as quickly as possible.
In sum, what BJs eat contains multidimensional meanings that re-
flect the current history of Korean society. The prevalence of impersonal
relationships and individualization are materialized in their menus.
Even though they are consuming junk food, eating this food appeals
to many viewers and elicits empathy.
The aesthetics and ethics of mukbang

Mukbang exhibits unique aesthetics and ethics, which transgress the
conventional norms of the food culture in Korea. First of all, it detaches
itself from traditional values regarding meals, such as healthiness and
sincerity. Before 2008, all Korean TV food programs concentrated on
healthiness: they usually introduced high-quality foods provided by
legitimate restaurants, regional foods with a long history, healthy recipes
for homemade meals, and information about healthy ingredients. The
foods presented by the media were attractively prepared and served in
a pleasant atmosphere with many people gathered around. These are
fundamentally important aspects of the Korean traditional table, and
the media did their best to support them.
However, mukbang values neither the good nutrition nor the cozy
sentiment that comes from whole-hearted food. It encourages viewers
to enjoy instant meals, frozen foods, and junk foods that are easily af-
fordable at convenience stores. Also, BJs mostly eat spicy or greasy foods
with a high caloric content. Therefore, the mukbang menus are far from
what conventional food programs would portray. A few BJs do cook the
food themselves, but they still lack the cozy sentiment of the traditional
table and the common sense of cooking. For example, a BJ called Mr.
Jaw makes popcorn in a frying pan, enjoying the corn popping all over
the place, and BJ Pooh makes onigiri that is as big as his head.
Secondly, mukbang reverses table manners by showing people
grabbing or shoveling food, and devouring it sloppily. Since BJs con-
115
tinuously communicate with their viewers, they frequently talk with

their mouths full. They do not hide the sounds of their eating, but
rather emphasize them to deliver a liveliness and stimulate viewers’
senses. Some BJs moan, cough, and curse while they eat spicy foods.
They don’t mind blowing their noses, burping, or even spitting. While
some viewers express disgust at these behaviors, most accept them as
natural and authentic reactions of the BJs. These rude table manners
are typically detected among male BJs. This strengthens the gender
stereotype of eating, in which men are allowed to eat wildly but women
are expected to maintain their grace. Even though some female BJs are
known to eat large portions of food and shovel it in their mouths, they
still manage to look pleasant.
Thirdly, BJs repetitively challenge themselves to eat extremely spicy
food, which looks quite sadistic. They moan, cry out, cough, and have a
runny nose while eating these foods. Many viewers find this funny, and
copyright: AfreecaTV
116
ask them to eat other, new spicy foods or add more capsaicin powder
to increase the spiciness. This aspect is interesting, as it also shows a
gender difference: it is usually male BJs who challenge themselves to
eat foods in a sadistic way. They continue adding spiciness for fun, or
in desire of conquest: the more spiciness they endure, the more viewers
will like them and the more manly they believe they look. A few female
BJs enjoy eating spicy foods, but they hold back their pain or express it
in a calmer way. Sometimes they look erotic while eating this type of
food, breathing heavily and moaning, thereby exciting some viewers
and earning balloons from them.
Lastly, mukbang portrays BJs swallowing masses of calories of food,
neglecting the social pressure to have a slender body. In other words,
BJs explicitly show themselves abusing their own bodies. In contempo-
rary Korean society great attention is paid to body size, but mukbang
BJs do not seem to care about this tacit social requirement on body.
Many of them consume tens of thousands of calories at a time, usually
at night. Yet most female BJs are slimmer than the average Korean
woman. Many viewers find this surprising, and frequently ask about
their weight. This transgresses the universal law that the more one eats,
the more weight one gains.
The social context of mukbang

Single-person households
One of the most noticeable changes in Korea’s social structure is the
increase in single-person households. According to 2015 population
statistics, there are about 5.2 million single-person households; this
accounts for 27 per cent of all households and is the first household
type to surpass the traditional four- or three-person household. It is
predicted that this figure will rise continuously, to reach 34 per cent in
2035. This change is partly attributed to the increase in senior citizens
living alone due to aging, but also to the increase in young people in
their twenties and thirties living alone, reluctant to marry due to their
unstable careers. These young single-person households have affected
the industry and consumption structure to such a degree that the term
“single economy” has appeared.
This change serves as an important background to the advent of
mukbang. It is not pleasurable for single-person households to prepare
117
Table 1. Number and percentage of single-person households in Korea
Year 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Number 382,743 660,941 1,021,481 1,642,406 2,224,433 3,170,675 4,142,165 5,203,440

Percentage 4.8 6.9 9.0 12.7 15.5 20.0 24.9 27.2
Source: Statistics Korea (2015). Demographic Trend Census
food only for themselves and eat alone in silence, as this lacks the cozy
atmosphere of a family gathering. So they tend to face the TV or a
computer monitor while eating, with mukbang serving as their “meal
mate”, soothing their loneliness during mealtime. People usually access
mukbang around mealtime or late-night snack time.
The particularity of the Asian table culture can be a complementary
explanation for the advent of mukbang.4 Since the staple food of Asian
countries is rice, a culture of side dishes has developed. Therefore,
unlike Western countries, Koreans serve several kinds of side dishes
and consume them together. So regardless of whether one lives with
family or not, one has to set a table consisting of several dishes; this
is a great burden to single-person households, most of which contain
people in their twenties to early thirties, who lack the knowledge, ability
and time for cooking.
Mukbang fulfills both the physical and sentimental hunger of
single-person households. First, it fulfills viewers’ physical hunger by
providing simple recipes or tips for eating alone. BJs introduce newly
released small-portion foods that can be prepared easily. Also, while
people living alone often cannot order diverse menus at one time, many
BJs are gourmands who eat a great deal of diverse foods in one sitting,
thereby offering viewers a vicarious satisfaction.
As Georg Simmel said, “the shared meal…lifts an event of physiolog-
ical primitivity and inescapable commonality into the sphere of social
interaction” (Probyn, 1999), while eating alone lacks social interaction.
Food definitely plays a social role that creates bonds between people.5
Many single-person households are in want of this bond, but are
sufficiently individualized to have given up finding someone to share
a meal with. Instead, they try to overcome their sentimental hunger
through the interactive nature of mukbang. They soothe their loneliness
by eating in front of a computer and communicating via the keyboard.
118
Therefore, mukbang is a channel that somewhat drags people out toward

social communication. Still, the question remains as to whether this
can create a sincere bond and serve a communal function.
Internet, the surplusage generation, and media culture

As Korea entered an information-intensive society within a very short
period, the Internet became a very powerful media tool that influenced
society in general. The collective power formed in cyberspace satirizes
the mainstream culture; and people strengthen their online network-
ing with the object in which they can be immersed, weakening offline
networking (Lee, 2010). These characteristics are backgrounds to the
Korean Internet culture that began appearing in the 2000s.
Korea’s Internet culture accompanied the recent phenomenon of
“surplusage culture”. “Surplusage” (”(잉여; Ying-Yeo) is a neologism
indicating a person wandering around cyberspace, creating parodies,
compounds, and distorted expressions, investing their abundant time
capital. These activities that seem tedious and useless make up a great
cultural stream on the Internet. Surplusage culture is characterized as
useless, extreme, trivial, stupid, reckless, and immature.6 Kim (2011)
defines the activity of surplusage as something that is done with a great
self-satisfying passion but is not given any value at all in a social sense.
Mukbang is definitely an activity of surplusage in the sense that
Kim explains. Mukbang BJs consider themselves surplusage. Their
food challenges and eating in front of strangers are completely useless
things, except for a few BJs who earn enough money to allow them
not to have to hold other jobs. Most BJs start their broadcasts solely
for their own satisfaction and fun. Mukbang viewers consider them-
selves surplusage as well. They are conscious that they have nothing
to do except watch the dumb behavior of other surplusages and sneer
at themselves.
In contemporary Korean society, the young generation is suffering
from severe competition and high unemployment rates. Many young
people find themselves without a job or affiliation after a long educa-
tion, and feel lost. Officially, most of them can be classified as NEET
(Not in Education, Employment or Training). The number of NEET
in Korea has increased to 1.63 million, which accounts for 17 per cent
of youth aged 15 to 29 years. Some 42 per cent of these young NEET
119
%
50
47
45.3 45.4
44
45
40.9 40.5
42.3
40
39.3
35
30
2005 2008 2011 2014
Year
Figure 1. Rate of students and employed among non-NEET, aged 15 to 29 (per cent)
Source: Hyundai Research Institute (2015). Characteristics and Implications of Young NEET.
are without a job for more than a year. Graph 1 indicates the rate of
students and employed among the population aged 15 to 29, and shows
that the rate of students is rising while that of those who are employed
is decreasing. This implies that a growing number of students in their
twenties postpone graduation, failing to find a decent job. Since their
student status gives them a feeling of belonging or stability, they tend
to remain students. Thus, the percentage of the NEET could be more
than statistics indicators, and the fear of NEET being their near future
is a shared sentiment among the young population.
The parent generation of the NEET had to survive the post-eco-
nomic crisis of 1997, with many opening fried chicken or convenience
stores as their last resort, as mentioned. The NEET, who are in the
aftermath of the economic crisis of the late 2000s, do not even dare
start a business. The prevalent sense of “social loser” among young
people and their socioeconomic status as NEET sustain the online
surplusage culture. Consuming fried chicken and convenience store
foods on camera, and watching it, might be one of the ways of enduring
this time of defeatism.
120
Conclusion:
Subcultural power and the hegemonic process
As mukbang gained in popularity, a hegemonic process taken on by
conventional TV is observed: new TV food programs have recently
appropriated the culinary aesthetics and ethical attitudes developed by
Internet mukbang (Hong & Park, 2016). Conventional food programs
have typically introduced fancy foods cooked by professional chefs, or
exotic foods that are not available in everyday life. Also, they have always
emphasized the healthiness of foods and recipes. But, as they embrace
the ethics of mukbang, they have started portraying junk food such
as instant, frozen, and high-calorie foods. The standard of excellence
concerning food has been altered as well. Its excellence was originally
evaluated based on taste, presentation, the elaborateness of recipes,
and the professionalism of chefs. But after mukbang’s influence on TV,
it is judged only by the eater’s satisfaction. If the eater is content with
the food, it does not matter how much fat or spice is used to prepare
it. Thus, the hegemony of judgement for cooking and food has shifted
from top-class chefs to ordinary eaters.
TV programs do not exactly copy the formats of Internet mukbang,
but rather adapt them to the television platform by negotiating with
the norms of conventional food programs: they are either aired on a
cable channel (which requires less public responsibility than terrestrial
channels) or aired late at night on terrestrial channels; and they omit,
dilute or rework the components of Internet mukbang.
Also, TV appropriates Internet mukbang, rearticulating the domi-
nant differential system of gender into a new format. In traditional food
culture it is the woman who cooks for the family, with the exception
that the man does the cooking when it comes to “creation”.7 This role
division between the sexes seemed nullified in Internet mukbang, with
women and men eating on both sides of the screen and the cooking
diminished to an instant boiling or replaced with delivery foods. But in
the mukbang-influenced TV programs most cooking guests are men,
and professional male chefs are considered sexy; on the other hand,
men as everyday cooks and nurturers are portrayed as effeminate. This
representation still holds onto the dominant ideology of the sexual labor
division between the creator/producer and the re-creator/reproducer.
121
However, we can still say that it is a remarkable phenomenon that

mukbang is imposing negotiations for TV to deal with a new system of
value regarding the food culture, even though it is contrary to the justified
and consensual values of good nutrition. This proves how powerful the
influence of the Internet media culture on contemporary Korean society
is. Mukbang, marked by its special expressivity, resonates with the social
and communicational needs of the surplusage generation, the majority
of them living alone and eating alone. The generational dimension of
Internet mukbang and its anti-conventional aesthetics and ethics toward
the body and the diet permit us to interpret it as a unique subcultural
practice. The self-consciousness of viewers’ NEET situation and of the
nature of the time-consuming “useless” activities they are practicing
through mukbang creates a subcultural potential for the youth.
Notes
1. Abbreviation for food broadcasting in Korean, which can be translated to ‘food-
casting’. It includes all kinds of programs on TV and the Internet showing scenes
of eating as an important part of the content.
2. Abbreviation for ‘Any Free Casting’ TV.
3. During the protest, thousands of people occupied the streets and police took action
to control the demonstrators. People who were angry at the police brutality started
filming with their portable recording devices to deliver lively scenes and expose the
violence. In the process, Afreeca TV was mobilized as a main platform for these
recordings.
4. The high rate of single-person households alone cannot explain the advent of muk-
bang, since Western countries also have a great deal of single-person households. In
Northern European countries such as Denmark, Norway and Finland, the share of
single-person households reached 40per cent in the 2000s. (URL: http://ec.europa.
eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/People_in_the_EU_%E2%80%93_sta-
tistics_on_household_and_family_structures)
5. The word “companion” originates from the meaning “person who eats bread with
someone else”. In Korea as well, there are some words that indicate the importance
of food in human relationship, such as “bapjung, an attachment that grows between
people who share meals for a long time.
6. For example, some count the number of strawberry seeds in a strawberry yogurt
pot, collect all the bones after eating chicken, or hack a certain Internet server for
no reason.
7. The extreme majority of professional chefs are male.
Seok-Kyeong Hong, Associate Professor, Department of Communication, Seoul

National University, South Korea, [email protected]
Sojeong Park, Doctoral Student, Department of Communication, Seoul National
University, South Korea, [email protected]
122
References
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3 February 2014 [online]. Available at <http://edition.cnn.com/2014/01/29/world/
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Korean Society. Seoul: Green.
People in the EU – who are we and how do we live? (2015, 6). Retrieved from http://ec.eu-
ropa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/People_in_the_EU_%E2%80%93_
statistics_on_household_and_family_structures. [Accessed 13 February 2017].
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zine-31130947>. [Accessed 25 October 2016].
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(Foodcasting) and its Hegemonic Process in Media Culture. Media & Society,
24(1): 105-150.
Hyundai Research Institute (2015). Characteristics and Implications of Young NEET.
[online]. Available at <http://hri.co.kr/upload/publication/20151238612[1].pdf>.
[Accessed 25 October 2016].
Jeon, S. (2013). Exploration of Urbanites’ Life and Culture through Convenience Store,
pp. 207-234 in Suan Lee (ed.) Cultural Escape of Korean Society. Seoul: Green.
Jeong, H. (2011). Research on Social Structural Characteristics of Single-person House-
holds in Korea and Japan. Paper presented at the conference The 9th Symposium
of the Japanese Language Literature Association of Korea, 30 June – 2 July 2011, at
Keimyung University, Daegu.
Joo, C. Y. (2013). Hunger Society. Paju: Geulhangari.
Kim, Soo-Hwan (2011). The New Structure of Feeling in Webtoon. Beyond Borders
Humanities, 4(2):101-123.
Lee, Hyunjoo (2010). The Configuration of the Korean Cyberspace: A Tentative Study
on Cultural Traits of Korean Internet Users. Social Science Collection, 12: 123-153.
Probyn, Elspeth (1999). Beyond Food/Sex: Eating and an Ethics of Existence. Theory,
Culture & Society, 16(2): 215-228.
Rauhala, Emily (2014). South Korean ‘Diva’ Makes $9000 a Month Eating on Camera.
Time, 26 March 2014 [online]. Available at <http://time.com/38219/south-korea-
food-blogger>. [Accessed 25 October 2016].
Shin, C. (2013). South Korea-Japan French Fries Competition – Story about Teenagers’
International Competition. Joseilbo, 6 March 2013 [online]. Available at <http://
ent.joseilbo.com/htmls/173786.html>. [Accessed 25 October 2016].
Statistics Korea (2015). Demographic Trend Census. [online]. Available at <http://
kosis.kr/statisticsList/statisticsList_01List.jsp?vwcd=MT_ZTITLE&parm-
TabId=M_01_01>. [Accessed 25 October 2016].
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10
“Transmedia Storytelling
as a Narrative Expansion”
Interview with Carlos Scolari
C arlos A. Scolari has a Ph.D. in Applied Linguistics and Communication

Languages (Catholic University of Milan, Italy) and a Degree in Social
Communication (University of Rosario, Argentina). He is Associate Professor
(tenure) at the Department of Communication of the University Pompeu
Fabra (Barcelona, Spain). Researcher specialized in transmedia storytelling,
collaborative culture, user-generated contents, narratology, and semiotics
of new media. Professor in different master and PhD courses in Europe and
Latin America1.
Could you give us an introduction about the concepts of

Transmedia Literacy and Transmedia Storytelling?
As Henry Jenkins put it, at the most basic level transmedia stories “are
stories told across multiple media”. Transmedia Storytelling is not just an
adaptation from one media to another: it is a narrative expansion. This
textual dispersion is one of the most important sources of complexity
in contemporary popular culture. This narrative expansion is one of
the basic properties of transmedia storytelling; the second one is the
participation of users in that narrative expansion. How? Producing
new contents, for example parodies, new stories, trailers, mashups, or
recapitulations. Only in Fancfiction.net Harry Potter’s fans have shared “Transmedia Storytelling as a narrative ex-
pansion”. Interview with Carlos Scolari in
more than 730,000 new stories! This is the territory of participatory Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young &
cultures, one of the most interesting phenomena emerging from con- Creative. Digital Technologies Empowering
Children in Everyday Life. Gothenburg:
temporary media ecology. In this context, we are working around a Nordicom
125
new concept: transmedia literacy. From our perspective, transmedia

literacy could be understood as a set of skills, practices, values, pri-
orities, sensibilities, and learning/sharing strategies developed and
applied in the context of the new participatory cultures. If traditional
literacy was book-centred or, in the case of media literacy, mostly
television-centred, then multimodal literacy places digital networks
and interactive media experiences at the centre of its analytical and
practical experience. Traditional forms of literacy generally treated the
subject as illiterate, while media literacy focused on the consumer as a
passive spectator; transmedia literacy, however, considers the subject
to be a prosumer (producer + consumer). Another essential element
of transmedia literacy is the learning space. The institutional learning
environment for traditional forms of literacy is the school, but new
generations are now developing their transmedia literacy skills outside
the school (from YouTube to online forums, social media, and blogs).
These informal learning spaces will be a key component of transmedia
literacy research.
You are the researcher leader of Transmedia Literacy project fun-

ded by European Union. What can you tell us about it?
We want to introduce new questions and challenges to traditional media
literacy. If traditional media literacy was about how to teach youths to
deal with (broadcast) media, in this case we are proposing different
questions: What are teens doing with media? What do they know?
How did they learn to do it? Teens are doing many things with media!
They play videogames, share pictures, learn to solve problems, create
new contents, and manage their online life. Where did they learn to
do that? Outside the school. These are the main research questions of
the Transmedia Literacy H2020 research project. The research started
in April 2015 and will finish in March 2018. We are developing the
research in eight countries.
Why is it important to focus on non-formal educational settings

when investigating teens uses of media?
Because most of their knowledge about new interactive media comes
from non-formal and informal environments. When a child or a teen
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“Transmedia Storytelling as a Narrative Expansion”
Image 1 & 2. Students analyse and reflect on social media and transmedia narrative worlds
Image 3. Students during the narra-

tive workshop (fanfiction production
/ narrative expansions)
has a problem to solve (How to move to next level in this videogame?

How to manipulate an Instagram filter?), they do not ask their parents
or the teachers: they check their favourite YouTube channels, ask their
friends or consult an online community. We should be able to map this
territory, identify the ‘transmedia skills’ they are developing outside the
school and be able to exploit these skills inside the classroom. In this
context, at the end of the Transmedia Literacy project we will produce
a Professor’s Kit so any teacher can download didactic activities to
exploit the transmedia skills inside the school.
127
What is the project status until now and expected outcomes?

Right now (November 2016) we are finishing the fieldwork in the
different countries and starting the data processing. Even if we use
nVivo for Teams, this is a very slow process, we have so many inputs
(data from surveys, workshops, interviews, media consume diaries,
researchers’ notes, videos, pictures, etc.). In 2017, we will conclude the
data processing and final analysis, and we will work on the creation of
the Professor’s Kit. We will organise a couple of international events
in Europe and Latin America to disseminate the scientific outcomes
and present the kit.
In 2008, you co-edited the book “Colabor_arte. Medios y artes
en la era de la producción colaborativa” (Media and arts in the era of
collaborative production). Is there any need to distinguish between
creative and collaborative media production by youth from what is
considered art? How to delimit it?
That book presents different experiences of user-generated contents
in media and art. The editors – Mario Carlón, from the Universidad of
Buenos Aires, and I – consider there is a ‘continuum’ between art and
media practices. In that context, the user-generated contents move from
one side to the other. Many users produce content (like the parodies of
Hitler in Downfall) that follow the same logic of artists: they ‘intervene’
mainstream contents to generate new interpretations. Duchamp did
something similar when he drew a moustache and beard on a postcard
of Mona Lisa! The production of new contents by youth, both inspired
by media or art, is an unexplored territory. This could be one of the
next challenges of Transmedia Literacy research.
You have been doing research about transmedia storytelling,

user-generated content, and participatory culture for many years.
What are the most fascinating findings about your studies on
digital content creation by young people?
The creative of user-generated contents is incredible. Fans have a lot
of time, they know how to deal with the most advanced software and,
the most important thing, they have much passion. It is not easy to
separate between youth and adult fanfiction or user-generated contents
(sometimes the creators just use a nickname). However, fans know how
to organise themselves and generate emerging complex projects that
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“Transmedia Storytelling as a Narrative Expansion”
may involve hundreds of people. For example, fans have created movies
with professional-level special effects inspired by Star Trek, Halo, or The
Lord of the Rings. In our research, we have found teens that organise
international teams to play online videogames like Counterstrike, or
girls writing and sharing fanfiction in collaborative platforms like
Wattpad. Even if we do not believe in the mythology of the ‘digital
natives’ (like adults, not all teens are geeks or digital experts), in every
class it was not difficult for the research team to identify advanced
videogame players or media content creators.
And the most intriguing dilemmas?

As the research is developing in different countries, we only stay with the
teens for about a month, sometimes a month and a half. We are think-
ing about staying more time with them in future projects. In their last
book (The Class), Sonia Livingstone and Julian Sefton-Green describe
an interesting research experience: they stayed for almost one year in
the same school. That is possible if you only work in a single country.
In our case, it would be impossible to do something like that in eight
countries. However, we have obtained much data about transmedia
skills, media practices, and informal learning strategies.
From a general point of view, the big challenge is to redesign the
relationship between schools, teens, families, and media. The school
is an interface between kids and knowledge. That interface is in crisis.
Both ecologies, the media ecology and the educational ecology, are go-
ing through deep mutations and we must learn how to deal with them.
If you could send a message to parents and to teachers about child-

ren and youth media creative production, what would you say?
What do they need to be aware or inspired by?
Listen to the teens. When we tested our methodology in a school at
Barcelona, one of the kids said: “I can finally talk about the things that
interest me”.
Note
1. https://transmedialiteracy.org/the-people/
129
11
Conversations on
Creativity and Communication
Carmilla Floyd
H ow do children and young people use social media as a creative

outlet? As a journalist specialising in children and youth culture, I
have travelled extensively in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the United States,
collecting stories about children and young people’s lives.
For this book, I decided to reach out through my network to a select
number of youngsters who have sparked my curiosity through their
social media feeds. From teenagers to young adults, they all seem to
master the media in the sense that they have taken control of their digital
identities. Using visual imagery and words, they decide how they want
to be perceived by others, not the other way around.
The conversations took place online and some asked me not to
publish their real names or @handles.
• In my home country Sweden, I spoke to Alex, DJ, law student Va-
leria and high school student Xuan, who posts aesthetically about
everything from lipstick to kpop and xenophobia.
• In Shanghai, China, I chatted with Tony, who uses his social media
skills both privately and for profit, promoting luxury brands online.
Floyd, Carmilla (2017). Conversations on
Creativity and Communication in Ilana
• Ayanda “Yaya” Nhlapo, TV host and fashion designer, shared her Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young &
ideas from her home in Johannesburg, South Africa, for example Creative. Digital Technologies Empowering
about ‘making her dreams a reality one sequin at a time’. Nordicom
131
Carmilla Floyd
• In Los Angeles, United States, Xicana1 activist and DJ Roseli ex-

plained why she thinks that people of colour should use social
media to ’carve out their own culture’. In LA, I also chatted to Erik,
student and gay/queer activist who shared his feelings about being
creative but also stalked and threatened online.
• Finally, Phuong, from Hanoi in Vietnam, communicated from her
temporary home in Berlin, Germany, where she studies photography.
Below, read some excerpts.
Tell us a little bit about why and how you use social media
Erik: I use all of them relatively differently but also use them all together.
So there are things that I will post on Instagram that will always show
up on my Facebook and my Twitter. These will range from selfies to
places where I’ve been, but mostly selfies. I use a lot of # so that people
can look it up. Snapchat is more of a tool I use to send pics and chat
with people safely without giving my number out.
Phuong: I like to share both my photos and my opinions about world
politics, the environment, and social affairs, especially relating to chil-
dren and women, culture, and entertainment. I share stuff like breaking
news but also interesting stories, videos and photo essays that have
inspired me and that I think can inspire others.
Yaya: I use a wide range of social media platforms and each platform
has its own use, although many are similar. I go according to the use of
each one, feel and vibe, as well as the audience and reach. For example,
on Instagram and Facebook I share what I do in fashion and other areas
while I use Pinterest to be inspired, Snapchat for fun and Twitter for
information and news.
Alex: I use both Facebook and Instagram to promote when I am going
to DJ somewhere. For inspiration and ideas, I go on Instagram and
Youtube.
Roseli: For me, as a Xicana, social media is definitely an important way
to communicate with other people of colour, a way for us to ‘carve out
our own culture’ instead of being interpreted and appropriated by others.
It is via these social networks I have met many of the people that I’ve
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Conversations on Creativity and Communication
collaborated with on creative projects, as a model, an artist, DJ and more.

Social media is also usually the platform where we release the projects
we work on together. Social media is also my news outlet, where I find
out about issues in real time, often before they break in the established
news channels. I used to be active on more platforms but currently I only
use Twitter and Instagram, where I publish events related to activism,
my personal life – mainly my dog – and music. I also promote events,
hosted by friends, or that I am part of in any way. I used to have a Tumblr
and that definitely was an inspiration because of the amount of images I
was seeing being posted by the like-minded people I followed. Most of
them were also Xicanxs, queer and gender non-conforming people of
colour. It made me feel like I wasn’t alone and became a sort of lifeline.
Xicana activist and DJ Roseli uses social media to carve out her own culture
Image 1. Roseli’s images
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Carmilla Floyd
Valeria: I use Instagram to express myself, and to desperately try to

stay a tiny little bit creative while trying to stay alive in the world of ac-
ademics. I mainly use Facebook and Snapchat for communication with
friends, and for collaborating with people in different projects. With
my Chinese friends, I have to use WeChat, due to censorship and the
‘great fire wall of China’. I post and chat there to make sure my friends
remember me and don’t think I’m dead. I actually think WeChat and
its multitude of cute smileys are way more creative for chatting than
the stuff offered on Facebook.
Tony: I use only WeChat, I see it as a self-marketing tool. Not to further
my career, but as a way to show my personality and myself in the way I
want. When like-minded people see what I post, it gives me a chance to
meet interesting people and to build relationships. From a marketing
perspective, they are my ‘target audiences’ that consume my content. But
I don’t want them to buy a product, only to get to know me. Of course,
I also use social media for information and inspiration in general.
Xuan: I use social media for creative expression, to connect with
friends and new people, to promote my interests, and get inspiration,
information, and news. Facebook is mostly to communicate with
friends, others, and to call out racism, homophobia, and xenophobia.
If I experience racism or prejudices IRL (In Real Life), I will sometimes
share that story on Facebook, to let people know how they should not
act. Snapchat is for spontaneous fun and communication. I also use
Tumblr to be inspired and inspire others.
What type of content do you post?

Valeria: Instagram is the only creative outlet I have online where I post
stuff that I create myself. I post more personal content there, though
my followers might not realize that, as I rarely explain what a particular
picture means to me. It might be a photo taken when meeting someone
I love, when doing something I hate, or from when I’m feeling down
and sick and tired of everything and everyone.
Alex: I use my Instagram as a photo-diary so I can post pretty much
anything there. Facebook is a little more private so I don’t want too much
weird stuff there. I post things about my life that I think are interesting
134
to my friends. Cute stuff or selfies gets the most reactions and likes. A
photo of homemade food does well too.
Yaya: I post to inspire people and to influence them for the better. I
also post content that people can relate to, which affects the reactions
on my posts.
Phuong, from Hanoi in Vietnam, studies photography in Berlin, Germany and uses
social media to communicate and share her images and ideas.
4 3
Image 2. This is Phuong, in Hanoi, Image 3. Berlin Wall, Image 4. Berlin Street
Phuong: I post mostly my own documentary and street photos. I also

raise arguments, give my point of view about social problems, especially
on environmental issues and stories relating to journalistic ethics. And
I share my feelings about places, cities I live in or travel to.
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Carmilla Floyd
What don’t you share on social media?

Alex: I don’t like to advocate for issues I feel strongly about on social
media. It feels too private.
Phuong: I mostly try to be objective and I prefer a well-organised and
minimalist look. I rarely share private stuff, personal information, or
photos of family, publicly.
Valeria: On Facebook I never share anything private anymore. No feel-
ings, good or bad, no anxieties, no life happenings, nothing. Facebook
is overloaded with information, why would my information be more
important than others?  
Does your social media activity reflect who you really are?
Tony: I never share content that I feel doesn’t relate to me or reflect my-
self. I like to be spontaneous, the moment I feel like it, I share and post.
Xuan: It reflects the person I want to be on that account. Who I want
to be can change over time. I often change my handles to reflect that
change, and I have a lot of different accounts on, for example, Instagram.
Some are private, some public or semi-private. I allow my mother on
some but not on all! I often erase accounts, or my whole feed, and start
fresh with a new style.
Erik: What I put out there is really I. All my social media without a
shadow of a doubt screams I am a Queer, POC2, Native American and
more.
Valeria: My Instagram reflects who I am way more than Facebook does.
I feel like I mainly use Instagram for myself. Sometimes when I wonder,
“wth am I doing with my life?” I look through my feed over these last
two years or so, and I feel better. My Instagram is a storyteller, maybe
not to my followers, but to me, about myself.
Do you put in a lot of work when creating your content?

Tony: No, I don’t think it is creative to do too [much] stuff on social
media on purpose.
136
Yaya: I do both planned content that is well thought of, and spontane-
ous content as a channel of self-expression, which I post with a little
less structure and thought, and more freedom. I always stick to high
quality, visually stimulating images and videos. My captions are also
of a high standard, in the sense that I write to express myself and share
my story. That’s what primarily gets me the most reactions or likes too.
Ayanda “Yaya” Nhlapo, TV host and fashion designer in South Africa, shares glimpses of her life
and work on her SM accounts, and tries to inspire and influence her followers for the better.
Image 5. “Yaya”
Xuan: I do mostly, but sometimes I just get lucky with a shot. Angles,
location, and lighting is vital. I take a lot of selfies in the restroom in
my high school restroom, because I like the clean look of fluorescent
lights and white tiles. I always work with the images, picking filters and
colours that go with the tone and look of my different feeds.
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Carmilla Floyd
Xuan uses social media for creative expression, and always works with the images,
picking filters and colors that go with the tone and look of her different SM feeds.
6 7
4 8 9
Image 6. Xuan showing of her nails and a new bag, Image 7. Xuan showing off her brand new velvet shoes,
Images 8 & 9. These two photos were taken at an exhibition by Doug Aitken at MOMA in Los Angeles
What do you like and dislike most about social media?

Alex: I like that I can connect with people, and that I can brag about
stuff if I want.
Erik: The thing I dislike most is being too exposed. I have had death
threats, stalkers, and unwelcome attention, but there was not much
I was able to do other than change some privacy settings. The other
thing is the social shame that is connected to some of the content that
I provide, because it is considered taboo. I find it disgusting that em-
ployers check Facebook to see if people are ‘employable’ by their social
media appropriateness. Also, it is unfortunate that people are driven
138
by likes and sometimes to disconnect from life in order to connect to

the Internet. I don’t like sacrificing real life myself.
Erik, student and personality, brands himself online as #gay #gayinked

#queer #poc #indigenous and more.
10
11 12 13
Image 10. Erik hanging out doing homework, Image 11. Erik posing with the lamp post exhibit at the LACMA museum in
Los Angeles, Image 12. Caption on Instagram: “When I bathe my dogs always hang out right next me. The company of
my pups are the best. Sometimes Appa insists that I wash behind my ears and if I don’t he will.”, Image 13. Caption on
Instagram: “Just hanging out like a Leather Mary. Rocking my leather jacket”.
139
Carmilla Floyd
Xuan: I love having access the world at my fingertips. I hate the igno-
rance, racism, exotism, and sexism. Stupid comments and questions
from narrow minded people or douche guys (that I immediately block).
Followers asking: ‘Are you from Japan or Korea’, because stereotypes
tell them that cool Asians must be from there? But I like that social
media offer me and other young people a platform and safe spaces
where we can talk about our feelings, norms, and discrimination. Some
of the accounts I follow forbid white people to comment, although
they can read the posts and comments that POC and WOC3 make.
I think that’s really good, because social media is so full of hate and
stupid comments, sometimes we want to say stuff without worrying
about being attacked.
Rosie: Just the fact that it is available, I like. I believe that the reason
why young folks create and share via social media is because the reality
of our present and future is so overwhelming. We need any outlet to
express ourselves, support others, and unwind with memes.
Alex: Sometimes I get annoyed when people close to me write stupid
stuff.
Valeria: I like that social media lets people express themselves freely,
and can connect with other people they’ve never met before. I like that
it can be used for activism, for sharing knowledge, and for questioning
the status quo. I also dislike when people are too private. Some of my
friends, classmates and family members love to spill everything on
Facebook – even their arguments with other people. It’s embarrassing
and annoying.
Do you ever get tired of the digital life?

Xuan: Nope, although I just got an Instax camera that uses really ex-
pensive film. It’s weird because I can take endless shots with my phone
and fix them in different apps. But with this camera I have to be careful.
I click and out comes a tiny photograph that I can’t change! But it gives
me a good feeling! All my friends want that camera too.
140
Law student Valeria uses Instagram to express herself and stay a tiny bit creative as opposed
to what she can be in the academic world.
Images 14 & 15. Valeria´s pictures
Roseli: Well, I do have a lot of vinyls, and I DJ together with the Chulita
Vinyl Club in LA. A lot of my friends make artwork that is physical
and three dimensional. But then we share promote our stuff online, so
it works out well.
Valeria: Sometimes. I think it comes from the overload of information
we receive online all day, every hour, every minute and second. Then
I turn to something analogue, like a DVD or a vinyl record. Analogue
creativity takes us back to the roots, in a sense. It lets me relax for a
minute, and disconnect from the world. When I listen to my vinyl
records I live in the moment, not through the screen of my phone. I
can’t switch from one artist to the next in a second. I have the albums
I have, the songs I have, and that’s enough. But only until I pick up my
phone and have access to everything and nothing is ever enough. And
that’s great too! There’s always something new to learn and discover.
Carmilla Floyd, Journalist and Communications specialist, Walkie Talkie, Sweden,
[email protected]
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Carmilla Floyd
Notes
1. Xicana: a female Mexican-American.
2. POC: abbreviation for people of color, as in everybody except caucasians.
3. WOC: abbreviation for women of color.
142
Collecting and Sharing
Creativity
Display, share and communicate creative work, share

knowledge and exercise freedom of expression – in the
following section different platforms facilitating this are
in focus. We will also eavesdrop on creative peer teaching
and learning among two five-year-olds.
12
“My Portfolio Helps My Making”
Motivations and Mechanisms for Documenting
Creative Projects
Anna Keune, Naomi Thompson, Kylie Peppler & Stephanie Chang
W ithin the growing world of makerspaces with youth-oriented

educational programs, where youth make anything from robots
to costumes to digital games, much of the value of making lies in the
process of creating personally and communally meaningful projects
(Peppler, Halverson, & Kafai, 2016). By sharing their projects and
processes, makers invite constructive feedback, communicate their
maker journeys, share their efforts and struggles, and learn through
planning and reflection (Tseng, 2015a). In fact, the documentation of
making regained interest as makers’ portfolios became vital parts of
job application and college admissions processes (Byrne & Davidson,
2015). Emerging from the arts (Gardner, 1989), portfolios serve as a
response to the increased pressures of accountability, a hopeful alter-
native for standardized testing, and a way to provide a richer picture
of student learning (Niguidula, 1993). Portfolios become valuable
learning and community-building tools when they inform overall
classroom community learning and allow students to take ownership Keune, Anna, Thompson, Naomi, Peppler,
Kylie, & Chang, Stephanie (2017). “My
over their learning (Riconscente, 2000). In makerspaces, the over- Portfolio Helps My Making.” Motivations
and Mechanisms for Documenting Creati-
whelming majority of educators recognize both the importance of ve Projects in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos
portfolios as learning tools and the difficulty of capturing making as (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Technolo-
it happens without disrupting or taking time away from the making Gothenburg: Nordicom
145
(Keune, Peppler, Chang, & Regalla, 2015). This can lead to portfolios
becoming an afterthought that does not evoke the excitement often
connected with making.
Organizers of out-of-school spaces (e.g., after-school clubs, libraries,
museums) particularly find it challenging to meaningfully integrate
the documentation of hands-on projects; despite its perceived impor-
tance, documenting is tricky to implement, especially in out-of-school
settings without attendance requirements. Portfolio creation to bolster
college and job applications may not be sufficiently motivational for
youth, as this does not directly serve their immediate project needs.
It is unclear how to support the capturing and sharing of hands-on
creative work in out-of-school makerspaces in a way that is purposeful
and meaningful for youth. Educators need examples of youth capturing
their projects on their own terms, in their own ways, and on their own
time to inform out-of-school portfolio processes. This knowledge gap
prompted us to ask: what are the mechanisms and motivators that
make the documentation of creative projects immediately purposeful
and meaningful for youth?
To answer this question, we examined the youth portfolios of an
urban, out-of-school, and youth-serving makerspace in the eastern
United States through a year-long qualitative study. The makerspace
we worked with had a space-wide process whereby every youth had
their own online portfolio. In this article, we focus on three youth
who captured and shared their creative out-of-school work beyond
the adult-initiated process. The three cases concretize different ways
of documenting and allowed us to extract specific motivators and
mechanisms that could frame portfolio creation in other out-of-school
settings as immediately purposeful and meaningful for youth.
The maker movement and portfolios

Internationally, educators have created informal networks of people
interested in and supportive of learning through personally mean-
ingful projects within workshops for exploratory tinkering with tools
from looms to laser-cutters (Peppler & Bender, 2013). What many
educators and researchers aligned with the maker movement agree on
is the importance of the process of making, the possibility to run into
challenges and untangle them into personally meaningful projects that
146
can be shared to enrich a community of makers (Peppler, Halverson,

& Kafai, 2016). By sharing projects online, whether puppet shows or
programmed animations, makers call for others to comment on their
work; represent their processes, challenges, and approaches; and iterate
on their work (Tseng, 2015a).
The maker movement is closely aligned with the arts, from which
portfolios emerged in the 1990s (Gardner, 1989). Since then, port-
folios, and particularly electronic portfolios, have been talked about
as promising ways to capture rich learning, improve instruction, and
foster learning communities (Lamme & Hysmith, 1991). Through tight
coupling between standards and classroom practices, portfolios have
been praised as assessment tools that might expand flattened test scores
(Love, McKean, & Gathercoal, 2004). Beyond the K-12 education1, col-
leges and professional applications ask youth to share examples of their
creative work related to disciplinary practice within or outside schools
(Byrne & Davidson, 2015). Making out-of-school practices relevant for
future opportunities promises to provide a wider audience with access
to higher education and professional opportunities (Peppler, Maltese,
Keune, Chang, & Regalla, 2015). Thus, portfolios in out-of-school
makerspaces are increasing their relevance. Specifically focused on
making, software and hardware tools have been designed for capturing
and sharing processes and projects. For example, Spin is a tool that
allows youth to create revolving animated GIFs of their projects (Tseng,
2015b). However, it can be challenging for out-of-school makerspaces
to implement consistent space-wide portfolio practices. In the flow of
making it can feel disruptive to pause and snap a photograph, especially
if the photograph does not serve an immediate project purpose (Keune,
Peppler, Chang, & Regalla, 2015). It is unclear what immediate purposes
would motivate the capturing of making processes.
To better understand youth motivations that could guide portfolio
practices in out-of-school makerspaces, we took a sociocultural and
situative approach to motivation (Nolen, Horn, & Ward, 2015). Unlike
strictly cognitive approaches to motivation that focus on aspects of
the learning environment that stimulate internal shifts in individu-
al understanding and skills, situative approaches of motivation are
concerned with the meaning of particular social practices within the
broader context of a learning environment (Nolen, Horn, & Ward,
147
2015). For example, rather than considering how photographs of a

3D-printing process communicate an individual’s knowledge of the
disciplinary concepts of engineering, we focus on the underlying
objectives that called the youth to snap and share the pictures in the
first place, potentially to explore, engage, and enrich social practices.
Apart from understanding what drives youth to document, we are also
curious about how technology might mediate and support particular
motivations and sustained practice (Blumfeld et al., 1991). We refer to
this as mechanisms that facilitate capturing and sharing.
Introducing the Digital Harbor Foundation

The Digital Harbor Foundation (DHF) is a youth-serving, out-of-school
makerspace. The space offers a diverse range of youth programs, in-
cluding courses centered on 3D printing, constructing micro-controller
musical instruments, soldering robotic creatures, and open-ended
explorations. The long-standing history of portfolios in the space al-
lowed us to observe how youth documentation takes place, and what
motivates and facilitates the youth to create portfolios. The space has
been facilitating portfolios since early 2014, and since then has contin-
uously refined its portfolio practices in response to programs and youth
needs. Every youth has a WordPress-based portfolio page with a unique
URL, and all websites are linked to an umbrella page that displays the
latest posts of each portfolio. Overall, the space-wide system presents
an opportunity for the youth to document their out-of-school work in
an open portfolio that grows with them.
Over the course of a year, our engagement with DHF consisted of
online observation of 22 youth portfolios and two field site visits that
included observations of youth documentation, and semi-structured
portfolio walkthroughs with six youth whom the educators had identi-
fied as having exceptional portfolios2. The portfolio walkthroughs com-
bined a walkthrough approach from usability testing, in which designers
click through their interactive interfaces while performing a typical task
(Rieman, Franzke, & Redmiles, 1995), and (2) semi-structured inter-
views (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). During the walkthroughs, we asked
the youth to open all the online documentation of their projects and
to show examples of their work while we asked them questions about
their documentation and making practices as well as their motivations
148
for capturing and sharing their work. Portfolio walkthroughs typically

lasted 30 minutes, and were audio- and video recorded.
We chose to dive into three youth portfolio cases in our analysis
of motivators and mechanisms because these portfolios extended the
adult-initiated process.
Youth portfolio cases

A portfolio for building an extended professional network
Akida was most intrigued by electronics, coding, and Minecraft. Re-
cently, he had created an interactive project in collaboration with staff
and other youth: the makerspace donation box. This project involved
the creation of a cube with red and blue laser-cut walls (Image 1). The
front side had laser-engraved instructions that read: “Give a donation
and get an instant thank you.” Below this, Akida’s name and the year
of making were engraved. While the box seemed to have been cut
and assembled with precision through anchoring the laser-cut pieces
tightly together, it was in fact prototypically held together with mask-
ing tape. The sides of the boxes had carefully aligned holes similar to
those found on speakers, so that sound could escape from the hidden
electronics inside the box. Inside, microcontrollers were connected to
speakers and programmed to play a recording of makerspace youth
Image 1. Akida’s Donation box
149
and staff members saying “thank you” when someone dropped coins
into the box. The donation box was positioned on a small table next
to the entrance of the makerspace.
Although the donation box was one of his favorite projects, Akida
did not document it on his makerspace portfolio. He planned to share
the code for the project in the future, and the fact that the project was
displayed and in use at the makerspace made it possible to go back and
capture the work online. More importantly, the project was displayed
along with other youth projects, including a cardboard sign with em-
bedded LEDs that changed color depending on the hashtags posted
to the social media feed of the makerspace. This project inspired the
creation of a large light installation for the White House art festival
SXSL (South by South Lawn) in 2016. Besides serving as inspiration
for potentially larger projects, photographs of the donation box were
often shared on social media. For example, sharing a photograph of
Akida presenting the donation box at a local manufacturing company
made it possible for his work to be amplified and to reach an audience
outside the makerspace (see Image 2).
Presenting work to audiences outside the makerspace can be a moti-
vator for youth to preserve their projects. Displaying and using projects
inside the makerspace was one mechanism for achieving this, while
another was to provide opportunities for anyone to capture and share
by encouraging visitors to post pictures for their online network. The
interplay of online and offline sharing of youth work in the makerspace
and beyond can create dynamic impacts on the way youth experience
the possibilities of their projects.
A portfolio for spinning off new projects based on old threads

Alma was a high school senior at a STEM (science, technology, en-
gineering, and mathematics)-focused school, where she centered her
academic interests on engineering. Her school activities differed from
those at the makerspace, where she could engage engineering concepts
through hands-on creative projects.
The DHF required the youth to create a project combining the
many skills and techniques they had learned, including circuitry and
3D printing. Alma created an installation that she titled “Wonderland
2.0” (Image 3). The installation consisted of blue 3D-printed mush-
150
Image 2. A social media post

showing Akida presenting the
donation box
rooms that were positioned on a painted cardboard box and connected

with copper tape and wires to a Makey Makey breakout board. Using
sound-editing software, Alma coordinated eerie sounds to different
wires and programmed the computer to play them when the mush-
rooms were touched.
Incorporating different skills into the project, Alma constructed it
one idea at a time, without knowing its final shape or form when she
started:
Everything came together. As I first set out in doing this, I would
have never expected this to happen. (...) When I first started I began
151
Image 3. Alma’s installation “Alice

in Wonderland 2.0”, combining the
skills she learned at the makerspace
with an idea of a mushroom, a table, and a setting created with a 3D

printer. Once the sounds and the painting got in, the project grew
and ideas started flowing. It was not planned from the start.
In the flow of making, Alma’s ideas emerged as she layered more and
more skills onto the project while working toward her final project.
One example of layering prior skills was related to the stackability of
the mushrooms. Similar to a birdhouse she had previously documented
on her portfolio (Image 4), Alma had to consider the tolerance setting
of the 3D printer she was using to create removable parts. Each of the
printers at the makerspace was assembled and calibrated by hand, so it
was important to know the settings of the printer in use while working
on a project that required precision.
Alma started documenting projects on her DHF website when she
joined the makerspace. At designated times, she wrote periodic posts
throughout the beginner’s course, addressing her audience through
witty writing and usually including project photographs. These allotted
times presented checkpoints for Alma to remember to keep track of
capturing the making in order to better serve the creation of her final
project:
152
Image 4. Screenshot of Alma’s bird-

house post
I think [my portfolio] helps making. (…) It helps when you’re well
on your way, you can always go back and remember what you did
and what you may not remember in the present. Going back, you
can get a fresh look on things, and that changes your perspective
and that would also help your current making.
For Alma, consistent documenting was a way to mindfully work to-

ward completing her final project. Jotting down notes online helped
her plan ahead. Knowing that the posts would serve to inspire her
next moves motivated Alma to document regularly. Prompts and
specifically allotted timelines helped her capture her work easily; this
portfolio creation became part of her creative flow and facilitated
idea spin-offs.
A portfolio for overcoming social apprehension

Evan joined the makerspace hoping to overcome his shyness and learn
to work more easily with others. At the makerspace he could move at
153
his own pace, from working on personal projects alongside peers, which
he called working “human-adjacent,” to contributing to collaborative
projects in small groups. In this move to overcome his shyness, Evan’s
portfolio played a strong role. Just how important the portfolio was to
Evan can be seen in the sheer number of project posts he published
online. Over the course of a year he published a total of 33 posts, the
highest number in the makerspace. In nine of these posts, he reflected
on his social interactions with others. This was nearly triple the average
of the other youths, suggesting that Evan was deliberately seeking to
capture his progress in this area.
One of the projects Evan highlighted for us as particularly inter-
esting to him was part of a Zombie-centered design course, in which
makerspace educators asked the youth to prototype a solution for
escaping from zombies across a ravine. Evan created a pulley bridge
out of cardboard and string (Image 5, left). He explained that it was
challenging to make the bridge function and to plan for a clean, func-
tional design. To show how the bridge would function, Evan shared a
video on his portfolio that demoed his prototype (Image 6, right). He
explained that he looked across the portfolio entries of other youth
working alongside him and noticed that “there were different ways
for people to get across the gorge.” The process offered by the online
portfolio infrastructure motivated Evan to reflect on face-to-face and
online social engagement.
Another example of Evan’s social engagement at the makerspace was
related to a Minecraft course, in which small groups of youth collab-
orated to build a small virtual town. Evan led one of the construction
groups, coordinating the actions of his group members with other
groups by moving in and out of the virtual space:
When everyone had different pieces of the map, we had to do it twice,
because the first time things collapsed. But the second time it worked
a lot better when people were forming groups. (...) It was the same
when we built the final colony in the final project. Before we worked
more organized, we elected leaders and worked in groups. But the
first day of building a colony a few people did random stuff and a
leader (of another group) got distracted and (the joined) leadership
was difficult to keep going. Once everyone decided to build in the
same place, the group came together.
154
Image 5 & 6. Snapshot of Evan’s pulley bridge (left) and portfolio (right)
Using the portfolio to reflect on social engagements and capture strat-

egies for successfully working with peers seemed to motivate Evan to
continue documenting and sharing his work. The mechanism that made
this possible was that he could choose how many posts he wanted to
share about his engagement, and to follow this own progression through
the chronological organization of his posts. Working with these projects
and documenting his experiences led Evan to take on new challenges,
such as presenting his work outside the makerspace in front of adults he
had not previously met. Neither Evan nor the educators had imagined
this possibility when he first joined the makerspace.
Discussion and conclusions

All the cases explored in this article tell unique stories: Akida’s portfolio
served to extend his professional network through combining online
and offline sharing; Alma’s portfolio helped her spin off new projects
based on old threads; and Evan used his portfolio to overcome social
apprehension.
Looking across the cases, we identified important motivators and
mechanisms in the creation of the three youths’ portfolios that could
inform the establishment of portfolio practices in other out-of-school
makerspaces. Table 1 summarizes these motivators and mechanisms.
155
Table 1. Motivators and mechanisms of portfolios at the Digital Harbor Foun-

dation
Motivators Mechanisms
Connecting to authentic audiences • Provide physical and online spaces for sharing
projects.
• Encourage visitors to capture and share youth
projects.
Taking ownership over portfolios • Offer choice over how and where to document
and share.
• Make customization features available.
• Encourage use of existing tools and support
multiple spaces.
Working toward a final project • Make it known to youth that small projects can
build toward final projects.
• Allot time for documenting and browsing portfo-
lios.
Comparing project solutions • Initiate a space-wide portfolio system.
• Encourage sharing portfolio posts among youth.
Encouraging following passions • Be flexible about number of posts.
and elaborating interests • Provide opportunities for shifting between
personal and shared projects.
• Give space to track progress over time.
The three cases show how possibilities arise as youth are given the space
and resources for making and for taking ownership of documenting and
sharing their work. This way, portfolios are not simply a requirement
set by adults, but a way to share with peers, follow passions, and elab-
orate interests. Their portfolios allowed these three youth to share their
projects on their own terms, in their own ways, and on their own time.
At the DHF, adult-driven portfolio practices ignited and spread
documentation throughout the makerspace. All the portfolios present-
ed in this article took the adult-driven portfolio process and turned it
into an adult-initiated process that was flexible enough for the youth
Anna Keune, Doctoral Student, Department of Learning Sciences, Indiana University,

USA, [email protected]
Naomi Thompson, Doctoral Student , Department of Learning Sciences, Indiana
University, USA, [email protected]
Kylie Peppler, Associate Professor, Department of Learning Sciences, Indiana Uni-
versity, USA, [email protected]
Stephanie Chang, Director of Programs , Maker Ed (Non-profit organization), USA,
[email protected]
156
to adapt to their personal purposes and needs. For example, they were
motivated by the ability to follow their passions and elaborate their
interests through a flexible number of required posts, opportunities to
shift between personal and collaborative projects, and visual tools for
seeing their personal development.
The youth connected to authentic audiences who were genuinely
interested in their projects presented outside the makerspace, and
found their projects being shared on social media by visitors. This
speaks to the importance of providing opportunities for youth to engage
communities with specialized interests within the safe confines of the
out-of-school makerspace. Treated in these ways, portfolios can become
tools for uncovering interests and possibilities for future opportunities
and community memberships.
The youth were motivated by taking ownership over their portfolios,
which was encouraged by giving them the power to make choices
about aesthetics as well as location(s) in the matter of how and where
their work would be viewed by others. The immediate usefulness of
the portfolios was also perceived when the youth were allowed to use
their portfolios to work toward a final project; for example, when the
makerspace provided time and space for documenting and browsing
portfolios. Viewing projects and portfolios could inspire comparing pro-
ject solutions, new ideas or ways in which challenges could be overcome.
While youth are creating projects in makerspaces, preparing for
college or future jobs might be a far-away goal; however, these cases
show that the social context of portfolios – creating and sharing work
within and outside local learning spaces – may be more immediately
useful and personally relevant for youth and serve as a driver to con-
tinue documenting. Through diverse tools, the youth took ownership
over the process of capturing and sharing their work, and beyond this,
took ownership of their future making opportunities and possibilities.
Acknowledgement
This work was part of the Open Portfolio Project, a research initiative concerned
with the use of open and decentralized portfolio systems as tools for lifelong learning
and assessment, funded by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation. We thank
the youth and educators of the Digital Harbor Foundation for their participation
and contribution.
157
Note
1. The expression is a shortening of kindergarten (K) for 4- to 6-year-olds through
twelfth grade (12) for 17- to 19-year-olds.
2. More information about the Open Portfolio Project: http://makered.org/opp/
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13
Pockets of Freedom,
but Mostly Constraints
Emerging Trends in Children’s DIY Media Platforms
Deborah A. Fields & Sara M. Grimes
T he spread of “web 2.0” and WYSIWYG (“what-you-see-is-what-

you-get”) content creation tools has led to a massive increase in
user-generated content across the connected digital landscape. Accord-
ing to a survey conducted by YouTube and Ipsos Reid, over 90 per cent
of online “millennials” create content at least once a month (YouTube,
2014). From citizen journalism to personal “vlogs,” producing do-it-
yourself (DIY) media has become a key component of many young
people’s digital experience. One of the most important aspects of this
phenomenon is how it expands even younger children’s access to “mass”
media production and distribution. Whereas child-made media was once
relegated to refrigerator doors and classroom bulletin boards, it can now
be published online.
From an educational perspective, this shift has the potential to open
up numerous social learning practices that build on long-acknowledged
aspects of learning (e.g. Buckingham, 2009; Vygotsky, 2004). From a
rights perspective, increased participation in media making has im- Fields, Deborah A. & Grimes, Sara M.
portant implications for children’s cultural rights and potential rights (2017). Pockets of Freedom, but Mostly
Constraints. Emerging Trends in Children’s
as authors, artists and performers. At the same time, designing DIY DIY Media Platforms in Ilana Eleá and
media platforms for children is situated at the crossroads of a number Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative.
of challenging – and oftentimes competing – social expectations and in Everyday Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
159
controversies. These include geographically bound regulatory require-

ments (Grimes, 2013), commercial influences, parental concerns, digital
divides, and emerging “hierarchies of access” (Grimes & Fields, 2012).
The Kids DIY Media Partnership seeks to identify the types of sup-
port systems – regulatory, infrastructural, and technical – that most
effectively and sustainably foster a rights-based, inclusive, child-centric
approach to addressing children’s cultural participation online. The first
stage1 of this project consisted of a media scan aimed at identifying
websites describing themselves as having a focus on DIY media, that
were determined to be targeted to children or otherwise child-inclu-
sive (for a few examples see Images 1-4)2. The sites identified through
this scan were then subjected to two forms of content analysis: first a
broad analysis of their graphic user interface (GUI) designs (herein
referred to as “designs”) and texts, and second a review of their privacy
policies and terms of service documents. The third stage consisted of
two workshops that brought together designers, educators, researchers,
and children’s media policy advocates to discuss some of the challenges
and issues associated with children’s DIY media creation and sharing.
Drawing on the findings and discussion of the research above, in this
chapter we argue that children’s freedom of expression is constrained
within the online DIY media landscape in three main ways: the low
Image 1. Tate Kids homepage

(partial view). Users create art and
games, and browse ideas from the
Tate Museum.
160
Pockets of Freedom, but Mostly Constraints
Image 2. Scratch.mit.edu homepa-

ge (partial view). Users share their
computer programming creations
as well as browse other users’ work.
The homepage on Scratch is domi-
nated by user-generated content.
Image 3. Storybird.com homepage

(partial view). Users write and share
stories by assembling professionally
created illustrations.
Image 4. DIY.org homepage (partial

view). Users share a wide range of
things they have made both digitally
and physically.
161
availability of sites where children can lawfully share their DIY media
creations; the limited design features for sharing and creating found on
these sites that are available to children; and the absence of adequate
guidelines and policies prioritizing children’s freedom of expression
currently available to designers.
Literature review
Previous academic research on children’s digital media making has been
limited in many ways. For one, large surveys of Internet use tend to
exclude children entirely, focusing instead on teens and young adults.
Important exceptions to this include works associated with the EU Kids
Online project (Livingstone, 2008), longitudinal research conducted as
part of the Young Canadians in a Wired World project (Steeves, 2014),
and research by Svoen (2007). Even here, younger children aged 0 to 8
years are absent from most available data sets. While a growing number
of qualitative studies examine the experiences of younger children cre-
ating and sharing content online (e.g. Burn & Richards, 2014; Willett et
al., 2013), it remains an underexplored area of research. Among recent
studies that do attend to children’s DIY media production, there is a
tendency to focus on classroom contexts, and most do not explicitly
consider children’s sharing of their creations (for an exception to this,
see Fields, Kafai & Giang, 2016). Instead, sharing behavior is implied
instead of described, or simply noted as a potential implication of
creative production (e.g. Kearney, 2007).
As with other aspects of children’s digital technology use, few (if any)
previous studies consider the overall scope and quality of the available
spaces, tools and platforms for children’s DIY media making, especially
with consideration for how larger policy influences might shape these
designs. To date, much of the scholarship on children’s online spaces
has focused on single websites, some of which were developed under
highly unique circumstances – such as at a university (e.g. Scratch), or
through a special funding initiative (e.g. YouMedia). Similar trends can
be found in the literature on children’s games, apps and other digital
technologies (e.g. Rafalow & Salen Tekinbas, 2014; Bailey, 2016) – leav-
ing a dearth of comprehensive and comparative research to draw on.
These gaps in our understanding are problematic, as we cannot
assume that trends exhibited by teens and young adults will hold for
162
children, or that the features found on one site are universal. This is
especially the case when we consider not only the vast differences in
development experienced between the preschool and teenage years, but
also differences in family structures and supervision of online activities.
For instance, even among users of similar ages, sharing behaviors can
differ substantially (e.g. Svoen, 2007). Concurrently, however, emerging
research suggests that increased participation in media making and
sharing can provide children with a myriad of valuable opportunities
from giving and receiving constructive criticism (e.g. Black, 2008), to
public and civic engagement (e.g. Bennett, 2007), to exercising one’s
communication rights (e.g. Coombe, 2010). Furthermore, the spread of
child-created content has the potential to make media as a whole more
diverse and democratic, through the inclusion of the voices, ideas and
perspectives of a group that has until recently been largely excluded
from directly contributing its content (Grimes & Fields, 2015).
The kids DIY media online landscape

The first step in our research was to map out the scope and shape of
online DIY media platforms available to children under the age of 13
years. A media scan was conducted with the goal of identifying all
available English-language websites where children could make and
share media content they themselves had created, remixed or heavily
customized. While our search yielded a handful of intergenerational
websites previously known to include child users, we largely focused
on those that described themselves as, or otherwise indicated that they
were, targeted specifically to youth, kids and/or children. The scan
was completed over a four-month period in 2013-2014 by researchers
located in different geographic regions using multiple search engines
(e.g. Google, Bing) and search terms (e.g. “DIY media,” “stories by kids,”
“children’s music websites”).
The media scan produced several unexpected findings. First, we
were surprised by the relatively small number of sites it yielded. Our
preliminary data set counted in the low hundreds, and was further
reduced once we eliminated sites that claimed to be for children
(e.g. in their self-descriptions) but contained terms of use or privacy
policies that forbade children under the age of 13 from participating.
Second, relatively few DIY media sites for children contained sharing
163
features. A significant number of our early search results contained

tools or resources for creating media, but did not provide any features
or systems for sharing this media with others. During the early stages
of coding, 107 sites – nearly half the sites in our preliminary data set –
were eliminated for failing to include built-in sharing features, despite
containing descriptions or other indications that such features would
be provided. In terms of major trends within the online children’s DIY
media landscape, “making” clearly trumped “making and sharing.”
Ultimately, our media scan identified only 140 websites that allowed
children under the age of 13 to both make and share their own media
content (Grimes & Fields, 2015).
What do kids DIY media sites look like?

The content of 120 of the sites identified in the media scan was subse-
quently analyzed using a standardized, 83-item coding protocol. The
content analysis did not extend to content made or posted by the sites’
users, but instead focused solely on content created by the sites’ own-
ers/operators, including features of the sites’ designs, descriptive texts
(e.g. About Us pages, instructions), advertisements, terms of service,
and privacy policies. While a comprehensive overview of the content
analysis findings is beyond the scope of this chapter, a discussion of
dominant trends can be useful for understanding what the children’s
online DIY media environment looked like in 2014 (see Table 1 for
layout of results discussed below).
As this was a criterion for inclusion, all the sites examined provided
tools, features and/or forums for users to either make or upload some
form of DIY or user-generated content, which could then be shared with
either the public or other registered users. The vast majority enabled
on-site sharing, while another significant proportion enabled users to
share through third-party sites such as Facebook. We examined the
extent to which user creations were included in the construction of
the site’s public face or “front page,” and found that most, seven out of
ten, showcased their users in some way. The most popular means of
showing user involvement on the front page was by displaying users’
shared content, their DIY media creations.
Another key consideration was the extent to which children’s
content was moderated, censored or otherwise restricted on the sites.
164
Table 1. Qualities of Kids DIY Media Websites (per cent)
Supports for sharing user-generated content %
On-site sharing 96
Sharing in third-party sites 68
Visibility of users on front page

Showcase users on front page 74
Showcase users’ creations on front-page 65
Moderation
Moderate users’ content before posting 19
Site moderates content of users’ communication 26
Instructions to report unacceptable content 65
Networking residues
Commenting 80
Liking/favoriting/rating 68
Private messaging 48
Text chat 16
Curate projects in a gallery or list 49
Finding and following other users

Friend users 37
Follow users 52
Search for other users 56
Support for creating content
Support for creation within the site 55

User forums 44
Expert support 22
User-generated tutorials 17
No support from site 45
N=120
Note: Sites provided multiple features wich is why the sum within each category is exceeds 100.
Source: Compiled by the authors
Notably, only a fifth of the sites analyzed moderated user content before
it was posted, while less than a third monitored users’ contributions
to on-site forums, comment sections, and other communication
channels. Support for various forms of peer moderation was more
prevalent: 65 per cent of the sites instructed users to “report” unac-
ceptable or offensive content. It is important to note that the content
analysis did not extend to the sites’ own creation tools, which may
very well have contained design limitations that restricted users at the
165
point of creation (including banned words filters, missing features, or

reduced menu options).
Creation does not happen in a vacuum: many supports, both tech-
nical and social, are needed to help children develop the skills and
understanding to be creative in a particular area, as well as to cultivate
the conditions in which a shared cultural experience might emerge.
As such, we also examined the ways, and the extent to which, the sites
fostered community and allowed for users to provide one another with
peer support. Eight out of ten sites did provide users with features al-
lowing them to leave (public) comments on other users’ projects. Many
also enabled users to “like,” “favorite” or otherwise rate each other’s
creations. Other forms of communication were less common. Less
than half the sites offered private messaging or text chat features, and
less than half enabled users to curate projects to a public list or gallery.
In terms of friending and following, just over half the sites allowed
members to friend, follow or search for other users. Many of the sites
provided means of creative support from within their own communi-
ties, but most did this through the inclusion of user forums – a feature
that previous research has found to often be used by only a small
proportion of core users (e.g. Kafai & Fields, 2013). In addition, some
sites were designed for other means of community support such as
expert support and user-generated tutorials. However, at nearly half
the sites analyzed, there were no places explicitly designed for users to
find help from each other.
Overall, we found that some children’s DIY media sites do provide
a range of technical and social supports for younger users to engage in
media making and sharing, but also that this is far from consistent or
even pervasive. Although most of the sites showcased user content on
their front pages, thereby including children’s voices in the construction
of the site’s “public face,” tools for socializing, networking, and providing
peer support were sparse and limited. An unexpected finding was the
lack of identifiable moderation policies found on so many of the sites.
While this could potentially have beneficial implications for children’s
freedom of speech rights, it also raises serious questions about compli-
ance with the US Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)
and the status of children’s privacy, safety and well-being within the
DIY media realm.
166
Navigating a complex terrain

Since the partnership was launched in 2013 we have hosted two work-
shops, bringing together project partners with established children’s
media producers and designers, educators, policy experts, and academic
researchers. These workshops have presented a unique opportunity to
share and receive feedback on our preliminary findings, and discuss
relevant issues with a cross-sector group of key stakeholders. The first
workshop was held in early 2014, included 22 participants (along with 8
members of the research team), and focused on the theme “sharing.” The
second was held in early 2016, included 18 participants (in addition to
11 members of the research team), and centered on the theme “agency.”
An important set of issues brought up by our participants concerned
the legal requirements, regulatory protections, and costs associated with
maintaining a DIY media platform for children online. Some reported
that designers often choose to exclude children (through the inclusion
of formal age restrictions, for instance) because of governmental reg-
ulations on collecting data from users under the age of 13, particularly
those established by COPPA. If companies do target users under 13, they
risk opening themselves up to potential litigation and civil penalties. The
challenges involved in moderating online content and communication
in order to make sites “safe” for children were raised as a related con-
cern. Effective moderation requires people who can review all content
and comments, which necessitates a significant investment of time and
money. In both cases, money spent on legal fees or moderator salaries
was described as detracting investment from the sites themselves – for
making them better, expanding their features, and so on. Participants
discussed the implications these legal and moderation concerns had on
the kinds and quality of digital media available to children.
Another issue raised by our workshop participants was the per-
ceived lack of resources available to help designers navigate regulatory
requirements, as well as evaluate and apply appropriate ethical stand-
ards to the design and management of children’s online DIY media
spaces. Some of our participants suggested that placing strict limits on
certain words, themes or images was an unavoidable part of hosting a
space where children post and view user-made content, but they also
acknowledged that defining these limits was sometimes difficult. This
discussion shifted to the lack of appropriate standards and guidelines to
167
refer to when making such decisions. Relatedly, participants discussed

tensions around the privacy policies and terms of service contracts
contained within children’s websites, games and apps, specifically
those that arose when the desire to ensure that children (and parents)
understood the policies conflicted with the various legal requirements
associated with such documents. Some reported that although they had
wanted to include child-friendly language about privacy, intellectual
property ownership and other terms of service in their policies, their
legal departments had ultimately nixed these plans, opting instead for
standard, legalese-laden documents.
Our participants also expressed concerns about younger children’s
access to adequate information on the implications of posting content
online. A number of them proposed that at least some of the problems
we discussed might be addressed through digital literacy curricula spe-
cifically aimed at teaching younger users about their rights and respon-
sibilities as content creators. Others mentioned that many parents and
educators also lack a firm understanding of the various issues involved,
and did not have the adequate resources to effectively guide their chil-
dren through complex copyright and privacy issues. This led to some
concerns about the ability of both children and parents to make informed
decisions about the legal relationships they enter online, as well as some
preliminary questions about how digital literacy can be addressed in, or
perhaps even built into, privacy policy and terms of service documents.
The discussions that unfolded during these workshops thus provided
additional context for understanding the findings of our media scan
and content analysis, while introducing some contradictions as well. On
the one hand, the participants revealed some of the probable reasons
behind the paucity of sites available to children for creating and sharing
their own DIY media content, highlighting the various challenges that
designers face at various points in the development process, as well as
the lack of adequate support available to them when it comes to tack-
ling the emerging ethical and legal issues involved. On the other hand,
our findings suggest that not all sites are equally limited by the types
of considerations raised by our workshop participants – at least not in
ways discernable through our content analysis. For instance, very few
of the sites we examined appeared to moderate or review user-made
content. As mentioned, this raises important questions about the rates
168
of COPPA compliance found in this area of the children’s digital land-

scape, as well as the implications for children’s freedom of expression
and other cultural rights. It also raises new questions about how and
where regulatory requirements and industry standards relating to the
publication of children’s content might both overlap and conflict.
Conclusion and next steps

Overall, the findings of our media scan and content analysis show that
many sites did not sufficiently afford or support users’ sharing content
with the public or sharing ideas with other creators. This trend is con-
cerning, since sharing and interacting with others play such an instru-
mental role in many of the benefits associated with media making. It is
important to note, however, that our research also identified a number
of promising exceptions to the dominant trends identified above. This
included a site that incorporated creative commons licensing and a site
that provided detailed editorial feedback on all user-created submis-
sions, as well as a handful of sites featuring peer mentoring tools and
support systems. While these exceptions were not discussed in this
chapter, they do form the basis of the next planned step in our research
– a series of in-depth case studies aimed at better understanding the
workings, rationale and uses of sites (as well as digital games and apps)
found to contain particularly noteworthy, child-centric, and ethical
approaches to supporting children’s DIY media making and sharing.
The findings described here have informed our research in other
ways as well. Key among them are the contradictory findings that
emerged around issues of content moderation, COPPA compliance,
and children’s freedom of expression rights. Previous research suggests
that many web 2.0 platforms opt to ban children under the age of 13 in
order to avoid the costs and potential challenges associated with mod-
erating children’s content and ensuring COPPA compliance. Many of
our workshop participants confirmed that this was often the case, and
some related anecdotes about projects or features that were ultimately
discontinued on these very grounds. Our media scan results appear
to support this finding; however, our content analysis results do not.
The discrepancy raises a number of questions: Does the lack of on-site
moderation observed among these sites translate into greater freedoms
for children to express themselves and be creative? Or are these trends
169
evidence of a lack of accountability and responsibility on behalf of

the site creators? Or, were our results skewed by the limited scope of
our coding protocol, or alternatively, by a lack of transparency about
underlying content moderation and censorship practices?
On these and other issues, our findings have raised more questions
than answers. This is especially the case when it comes to thinking about
why children’s DIY media sites are designed the way they are, and what
the implications are for children’s creativity, learning and cultural rights.
In addition to justifying the need to conduct an in-depth comparative
case study, our findings to date inform some of the questions we will
be asking in our upcoming interviews with children’s DIY media site
designers. We are also drawing on these findings, particularly the issues
and questions that emerged during our workshops, in our planning
of a daylong consultation event with a select group of child media
makers, to be held in the final year of the Kids DIY Media Partnership.
While there is still much work to be done, we anticipate that at the
project’s end our study will yield a rich and detailed mapping of the
contemporary children’s DIY media landscape, and provide a set of
recommendations for building and managing child-centric, ethical
and rights-based platforms, policies and approaches for supporting
children’s media making and sharing online.
Notes
1. Additional research stages associated with this project include a transnational
policy analysis and a series of in-depth case studies, both of which are currently
underway. Once the data from these stages have been analyzed, we furthermore
plan to hold a daylong “child advisory” event, which will bring together Kids DIY
Media partners and child creators to discuss the implications of our findings, and
establish a series of next steps and priority areas.
2. The sites covered a broad range of media, from writing and art to game-making
and science. A few examples are Scratch.mit.edu, storybird.com, youtube.com, diy.
org, roblox.com, gamestarmechanic.com, and kids.tate.org.uk.
Deborah A. Fields, Temporary Assistant Professor, Instructional Technologies and

Learning Sciences, Utah State University, USA, [email protected]
Sara M. Grimes, Associate Professor, Faculty of Information, University of Toronto,
Canada, [email protected]
170
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14
Peer Teaching and Learning
A Case of Two Five-year-olds as Minecraft Creators1
Sara Sintonen, Maj-Britt Kentz & Lasse Lipponen
M inecraft is a highly interesting form of the digital culture of our

time. Oakley (2014) speaks of Minecraft as a sandbox, because just
like in a sandbox, Minecraft players create the game world themselves
while building content in it (Banks & Potts, 2010). While the Minecraft
world could be researched from the perspective of play, we became more
interested in looking at it as a pedagogical phenomenon and creative
production that encourages peer learning from the perspectives of both
learning and teaching. In our research on Minecraft creation by two
Finnish five-year-old children, our attention was strongly drawn to their
spontaneous pedagogical activities: peer learning and teaching. We were
amazed at how two five-year-olds were capable of acting in a self-directed
manner, teaching each other, working together to solve rather complex
challenges arising from the Minecraft environment, and building a co-
hesive and intensive session in collaboration.
Minecraft as a digital environment for children

Minecraft is often characterized as a (game) world without any rules,
storyline, or predefined objectives (Bebbington & Vellino, 2015). Its Sintonen, Sara, Kentz, Maj-Britt & Lip-
desktop version (PC/Mac) has five game modes, each of which has ponen, Lasse (2017). Peer Teaching and
Learning. A Case of Two Five-year-olds as
clearly defined rules. Creative mode, the freest of the five, allows for Minecraft Creators in Ilana Eleá and Lothar
endless construction, collection and peaceful living. In contrast, in the Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Tech-
Survival, Adventure, Spectator and Hardcore modes, the boundary Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
173
conditions are clearly defined (Koutsouras et al. 2016). Weapons, po-

tions, protective gear, and traps used in different modes also have clear
instructions: what kinds and amounts of construction or raw materials
are needed, and the order in which the construction and preparation
can progress. Following the guidelines also requires precise knowledge
of the location of the necessary materials, as well as the courage and
skill to acquire them. For example, before you can prepare a healing
potion (vs a harming one), you will first need to craft a brewing stand,
a cauldron and a glass bottle (Milton, 2014).
Playing Minecraft on a server brings a collaborative multiplayer di-
mension to the game (PVP, person versus person). Any user can choose
to set up a Minecraft server and, as administrator, define the rules on
their platform (for example, they might choose to authorize or disable
the option for live team playing), which further elicits the players’ cre-
ativity. The multiplayer genre is closely linked to sharing game sessions
and following them on YouTube channels. YouTube offers Minecraft
enthusiasts game instructions and solutions for survival, and also new
ideas for creating and building their own game culture. The vocabulary
used in YouTube’s Minecraft videos reflects the fact that Finnish players
generally prefer to use English as their interface language.
The transparency and flexibility of Minecraft has prompted players
to create complex worlds, amazing works of art, and performances
(Duncan, 2011). Minecraft is currently one of the bestselling PC games
in the world, making it a point of interest for many researchers from dif-
ferent academic disciplines. Globally, it is also one of the digital brands
best known to pre-school and primary-school aged children (Chaud-
ron et al. 2015; Noppari, 2014). In the context of learning, Minecraft
and its environment have been studied in terms of the development
of teenagers’ information literacy (Bebbington & Vellino, 2015), as a
learning environment that reflects and supports high school students’
creativity in literature studies (Cipollone et al. 2014) and inspires the
production of art, develops students’ collaborative planning (Wu, 2016),
and promotes social learning (Banks & Potts, 2010). These researchers
seem to have focused on looking at Minecraft as a tool for achieving a
certain learning objective.
174
Collaborative activities in digital environments and the

basis for peer learning
Many environments of digital culture are community platforms.
Bruns (2008), for example, speaks of produsage, whereby an open
and wide-ranging community of participants is an active producer of
content that is continually modifiable and developable. Such environ-
ments promote peer learning: Minecraft encourages users to be creative
and supportive of each other, and in doing so, support peer learning
(Wernholm & Vigmo, 2015).
Peer learning is typically defined as an event in which the learner
serves as a teacher to his or her peers and the community works to-
gether to solve a problem (Fawcett & Garton, 2005). We approach peer
learning through a socio-cultural frame of reference with Vygotskian
roots (Greeno, 1997; Säljö, 2001). From this perspective, learning first
and foremost entails an involvement in activities by a set community.
Knowhow is seen as communal, a practical skill of doing and acting.
In participation, knowledge is created from and mediated through the
variety of perspectives of the participating actors. People learn to use
the tools of thought and action, and especially those of the communi-
ties they take part in. In addition to participation, the socio-cultural
learning framework emphasizes the importance of tools in human
action (Säljö, 2001; Vygotsky, 1978). Peer learning is defined here as
learning from others, including the teaching aspect, on the one hand,
and communal learning as a mutual, shared process on the other.
In young children, peer learning is often studied from the perspec-
tive of what children learn about themselves and their own abilities in
relationships with others of their own age, with the peer group acting
as a model for thinking and behaviour (Bandura, 1997). In light of this
material, peer learning is based on teaching each other. It is manifested
as mutual negotiation and the search for a solution born out of the
creative process.
From peer learning to mutual knowledge-building

The focus of this article is an analysis of the shared Minecraft creation
activity of two five-year olds from the perspective of peer teaching
and learning. Our qualitative data consist of a video recorded session
(22:13 minutes), which represents peer learning and teaching, as well
175
as the players’ Minecraft competence and ability to perform sovereign

actions in digital environments. Our data show children who are com-
petent in their own digital cultures communicate in a way that can be
characterized as an expert interaction, through teaching and learning.
The video data were collected in an environment that was natural for
both five-year-olds in the study. Both players were in their own homes,
using laptops and communicating at the same time via FaceTime on
mobile devices (iPads). They themselves had come up with the idea
for this technological setting for sharing their game.
Image 1. One of the players showing

the screen to the other player
through FaceTime.
We will now consider the five-year-olds’ digital creation in Minecraft

through five episodes. These episodes represent the nature and quality
of the intersubjective, shared idea and understanding the players have,
and show how they engage in a participatory and collaborative social
teaching and learning context.
The game session (22:13 min) is divided into two clear subsets. Most
of the first ten minutes (9:26 min) covers the use of the EMC (energy
matter currency) generator. The session continues with a focus on build-
ing a versatile and powerful tool for Minecraft (the morning star). It is
176
worth noting that the players, Topi and Mikael, do not see each other
playing in real time, except when their communication is mediated via
the iPad. In other words, the two create in ‘different worlds’, and do not
play side by side during this session.
During the first part of the session, Topi’s primary role is to advise
and explain the EMC generator’s operating principles and benefits, as
the tool is new to Mikael. The two friends’ comments are distributed
fairly evenly, with Mikael slightly more active (61 comments) in his
role as the primary learner than Topi (53). Since the boys are working
separately, Topi (for whom the EMC generator is already a familiar
tool), has the ability to do other things on his own, like looking after his
bee farm. Thus, in addition to explaining the use of the EMC generator
and advising, explaining, and justifying his choices, Topi himself has
an opportunity to experiment and learn new things.
In this first part of the session, the cooperation between the boys
starts easily and naturally. They work on the EMC challenge for ten
minutes, but to begin, only one direct question from Mikael and one
straight answer from Topi are required. The rest of Topi’s EMC responses
(15) are explanatory, specifying and justifying, and also include ques-
tions guiding Mikael’s progress and comments supporting his choices,
such as ‘Yes’, ‘So’ and ‘Okay’ (10).
Mikael’s role as a learner manifests itself in the discussion in a va-
riety of ways. He explains his actions quite richly from a pedagogical
point of view. He asks Topi for clarification six (6) times, expresses
his understanding of the instructions/advice (3) and his acceptance
of and compliance with the instructions given (7), and slows Topi’s
pace down once (1). Mikael justifies his solutions and choices re-
lating to the construction phases (8), and explains and shares his
achievements (13).
Although Mikael is immersed in his work, he follows (5) what Topi
is doing the whole time and comments briefly, for instance saying
‘Okay’ and ‘Yep’. In Mikael’s case, our attention turned to his reflective
speech, which also acts to guide his own actions when faced with new
things (12). The role of learner prompts Mikael (4) to also thank Topi
and express his enjoyment: ‘Thanks for telling me that, that it’s this I
mean, it’s so cool that I can copy these now…’
177
The second half of the session also starts very spontaneously. Mi-
kael has just managed to get the EMC generator to work and grasped
the principle of ‘duplication’, although complete success still requires
some fine tuning, and at the same time the phone rings at Topi’s and
he leaves to report this to an adult. Mikael continues fine tuning and
Topi returns. Topi begins to persuade Mikael to pursue new challenges,
asking ‘You know Morning Star?’.
The second half of the session, therefore, focuses on the construc-
tion of the Morning Star. As the tool is new to Topi as well, he starts
learning by doing, meaning that he begins to build while explaining the
building process at the same time. The work becomes less synchronized,
as Mikael was not prepared for the change, and it takes him a while to
gather the necessary materials and working space. During the session
Topi himself becomes a learner, trying his best to figure out how the
morning star can be constructed. The players gather dark matter, du-
plicate it their own, and take turns counting how many stacks (=64) of
red matter the EMC generator has produced.2 As the gaming session
progresses, the vocabulary they use becomes more professional and
incorporates more English terms mixed into the Finnish.
Although the setup of the activity changes (both players are now
learners), the narration shows that the action is intentional. Morning
Star is a common goal that is achieved through peer learning in a
nuanced way, and through deeper mutual intersubjectivity. Intersub-
jectivity requires initiative, listening to the other and understanding
perspective, as well as linguistic exchange. According to Kronqvist
(2004), these are obligatory conditions for successful collaboration.
In the final stage, when the players are close to the target, they are cre-
ating the same, new thing in the game almost synchronously. At this
point, the negotiations, questions and mutual teaching have turned
into talking out loud to themselves (Episode 1). Finally, the players
manage to reach their goal:
Topi’s parent: Five minutes. Boys, now, five minutes.
Mikael: Okay, that’s fine.
Topi: Okay.
Mikael: Now, yes, I have mor[e]…I just take a little like this…
Topi: Dark matter, picks, dark, no but… what am I doing…
Mikael: Dark matter, picks [pickaxes] over there. Okay, I put some
178
of those here, like this, this, this, this, this. Now we do this, like this.
Now, yes, now. Now a lot of these come... really… I take only a little
of this dark matter…
Topi: Guess what I have?
Mikael: What?
Topi: Morning Star.
Mikael: Yes.
In the second period of the gaming session, Mikael starts acting more
independently, and tries different solutions on his own. The players
might work on their own for longer periods of time, but when one of
them needs help, both are immediately drawn back into the joint action
and dialogue (Episode 2):
Topi: I really need to make a chest.
Mikael: Like so, so, so… [mumbles]
Topi: I have an invi… [inventory] full of red matter.
Mikael: Okay. I’ll just put some things in there. What…okay, one
can’t do that. So, can one put any of these in? No, only Silver Ingots…
[explains his own testing]
Topi: Okay, now I have also Dark Matter in here, good.
Mikael: I just take some of these…Silver Ingots…not really, let’s
take some of these…
Topi: Dark Matter
Mikael: So, let’s check one of those over here…
Topi: I did…[mumbles]
Mikael: [mumbles] Th-th-this is way, not that way, yes, now!
Topi: Okay!
Mikael: [lifts his arm] Mum, come and see! [mumbles] a couple of
stacks of these…
Mikael: Here is my red matter! Then one creates some more…let’s
take some more
Topi: How much red matter do you have?
Mikael: Wait, see, let me tell you soon, as soon as I’ve put these
emeralds in here…
Mikael: Forty-two.
Peer learning emerges in the material as negotiation and guidance,

but also includes commanding the other and reflecting out loud. It is
179
clearly not simply a discussion as an exchange of ideas; a discussion

during a Minecraft gaming session manifests itself as social, shared
thinking (Mercer, 1996) that also progresses synchronously at the
level of the players’ activities. Mercer noted that not all speech helps
learning, but found exploratory talk – characterized by collaborative
reflection, problem analysis, comparison of explanations and making
joint decisions – particularly important for community and peer learn-
ing. This feature of peer learning (exploratory talk, shared thinking)
are visible in Episode 3:
Topi: The other option is, that you write in there…wait a minute.
Write. Wait a minute. Can you write the same thing, the one, how
did you get the EM…EMC machine?
Mikael: Hmm…?
Topi: That E N E R G Y.
Mikael: Yes?
Topi: Write it down.
Although in our material peer learning is based primarily in linguis-

tic activities, the gaming sessions also emphasized the importance of
sharing the game view (Episode 4). Sharing the representation and
looking at it together gives the boys an opportunity to point at this
representation. This makes it possible for them to ‘see’ what the other
is thinking. In this way, tools serve primarily to facilitate interaction
and participation between people. Minecraft is a framework for the
action, but does not limit or determine it:
Mikael: [shows his screen via FaceTime to Topi]
Topi: See there, at the top, a chest.
Mikael: Oh, those?
Topi: That’s the place for those, for those chips
Mikael: Oh, you mean those, with that kind of, chest, with a lot of
colours, you mean?
Topi: Y-yes
Mikael: Yes, yes, I’ll take them both, because I’m not sure which
one it is.
Topi: Mmm, oh, are there two of those?
Mikael: Yes.
Topi: ...equal?
180
Mikael: Yes.
Topi: Okay, then it’s right.
The learners have equal decision-making power (because both are

building on their own, but with the same content), and mutual respect.
This is in line with Slavin’s (2014) view of peer learning as being about
a common will to succeed, rather than competition. Slavin emphasiz-
es the role of a shared, clearly defined objective in a successful peer
learning experience. In his view, the objective and the action have to
be sufficiently challenging, with none of the parties acting as a helper
to another, but everyone is supposed to learn. The situation must be
enjoyable, as peer learning is strongly social and communal in nature.
This is illustrated in Episode 5:
Topi: You know morning star?
Mikael: Oh, what?
Topi: You know morning star?
Mikael: Yes, I... [is listening while working]
Topi: Have you ever managed to make one?
Mikael: No, what’s morning star? [stops for listening]
Topi: Well, it’s like, if you right-click [on the mouse], it will attract
a lot of that kind of cobblestone, and will leave the ores in there.
Mikael: Okay, how you do it, I want to know?
Topi: You need to put, wait a minute, I need to check that too. Blah.
You need to have a lot of red matter.
Mikael: Okay, I’m already copying them here, it works!
Topi: Okay, let me see.
In the above exchange, one player probes the other for his knowledge of
Minecraft’s morning star tool. As the dialogue progresses, it is discov-
ered that the asker himself is slightly unsure how to use it. However, the
players solve this together. Ogden (2000) brings up an interesting point
concerning collaboration and peer learning: making sense together.
He argues that, in addition to a common language, the parties need to
have an understanding of others and the environment. This includes
mutual respect (De Lisi, 2002). Shared Minecraft creating sessions, like
the episodes presented here, are possible only when both parties are
familiar with each other’s — partly unspoken — intentions, goals and
beliefs, in addition to a very sophisticated communication system (ibid.,
181
215). In this case, this includes knowledge of the game’s terminology.

Interestingly, the players have taught themselves the sophisticated
communication system without adult guidance.
Discussion
Minecraft is an environment where young people can create, play and
communicate with others. In this case, two five-year-olds were on their
way to doing this, for instance, collaborating as multiplayers in a local
setting. They were creating and producing their own digital culture,
whereby ‘communities entice learning by initiating a give and take
dialogue between individuals across all backgrounds and skill levels’
(Kuznetsov & Paulos, 2010:7). Our study shows that also these very
young children are comfortable in a digital environment, exploiting it in
highly diverse and rapidly developing ways. The players’ collaboration
conveys both insensitivity and sensitivity in cheering, encouraging and
helping the other player. As well as skills related to playing Minecraft
(e.g. IT skills, English, mathematics), the players learn social skills and
how to settle conflicts. They also develop new rules for the game, as a
kind of in-game play, expressing their creativity. Game discourse is a
dialogue between two amateur experts, whereby ideas, experiences and
observations related to other digital cultures are also shared. Further,
our own analysis of the players’ creative and productive actions shows
that digital tools are not an ‘addition’ to their activity, but rather an in-
tegral part of it. These tools mediate player communication and actions.
In this case, the five-year-olds’ gaming knowhow and the skills and
knowledge associated with the game are a product of participation and
playing together, rather than a prerequisite for participation. This is an
interesting finding: these five-year-olds are capable of intersubjective
digital production and scaffolding. It is particularly remarkable that
the two players spontaneously and continuously created new tools
for shared action: different concepts and stories related to the action.
Sara Sintonen, Associate Professor, Senior Lecturer, Department Faculty of Educa-

tional Sciences, University University of Helsinki, Finland, [email protected]
Maj-Britt Kentz, Ph.D. student, School of Educational Sciences and Psychology/
Philosophical Faculty, University of Eastern Finland, [email protected]
Lasse Lipponen, Professor of Early Childhood Education, Faculty of Educational
Sciences, University of Helsinki, Finland, [email protected]
182
Thus, they deliberately sought to change their social practices and their
material, instrumental world. At the same time, they moved towards
a common understanding of which resources are available, where to
find them, and how they are used and reproduced.
Notes
1. This article has been modified by the writers of the original Finnish version. It will
be published in Kasvatus & Aika, 2017, http://www.kasvatus-ja-aika.fi/site/
2. Dark matter is an extremely powerful material for buildings in Minecraft that is
undestructible. Red matter is an item that can be used to upgrade other items.
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184
15
“Children Love to be Hilariously
Silly and Dead-Serious Alike”
Interview with Margret Albers
M argret Albers has been managing director of the Children’s Media

Foundation GOLDENER SPATZ and director of the German Children’s
Media Film Festival of the same name from 1996 to 2016. She developed the
festival from a film and television only festival to a media festival where chil-
dren are engaged at several levels. In addition, she is the board spokeswoman
of the Association for the Promotion of German Children’s Film. Together with
Thomas Hailer and Greg Childs, she is responsible for the direction of studies at
the Academy for Children’s Media. She is also project director for the initiatives
Outstanding Films for Children, and Television from Thuringia1. Albers was
recently nominated president of the European Children’s Film Association.
You have been the managing director of the German Children’s

Media Festival “Goldener Spatz” from 1996 to 2016. How did you
come up with the idea to introduce the Spixel-Award for television
productions of children into the festival in 2005?
From the mid-90s on, we had an increasing amount of submissions
from projects and institutions which enable or support children to
produce films. Some of these films were of remarkable quality. Since
the festival’s competition is aimed at professionals, we started to pres-
ent a selection of films in a side-programme called “Up- and Coming “Children Love to be Hilariously Silly
and Dead-Serious Alike”. Interview with
Talents” in 1999. Facing an increase of productions made by children Margret Albers in Ilana Eleá and Lothar
that have been aired either on Public Access or Regional TV, on the Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Tech-
long term this non-competitive slot turned out to be unsatisfactory. Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
185
Therefore we teamed up with the Thuringian Media Authority, which

runs the “Public Access Children’s Channel PiXEL” in Gera and started
with this competition for TV productions made by children.
Image 1. SPiXEL- Logo

Source: Deutsche Kindermedienstiftung
GOLDENER SPATZ
What is the main idea behind the Spixel Award and which age
groups do you address?
There are different awards that have their focus on the media-educa-
tional process, which leads to an audio-visual product. In the case of
the Spixel the focus lies on the production itself. To submit a film it has
to be aired on TV or (since 2016) been made available on the internet.
The aim is to support and award high quality and experimental TV
productions made by children, age 8 to 14.
What kind of challenges did you have to manage with the Spixel
Award in the beginning?
We had to make it known at the right places, but that actually happened
quite fast because the approach of the competition is quite unique. In the
first year, the age group was “up to 12 years”. This turned out to be difficult.
One of the main criteria of the award is that the films have to express the
children’s viewpoint. Especially in case of productions made by young
children, the viewpoint of the educators became very evident. Therefore
we changed the age range into 8 – 14, which actually works quite well.
186
“Children Love to be Hilariously Silly and Dead-Serious Alike”
Why do you differentiate between animation productions, feature

film productions, and information or documentary productions?
To display the variety of TV productions made by children. Most of the
TV formats made by children can be differentiated in these categories,
as animation, feature film and information/documentary.
How would you describe the creative process behind

the productions?
As different as the productions are, [so are] the creative processes be-
hind them: Sometimes friends join in their spare time together to be
creative. In some cases, children who have never met before take part
in a media summer camp, develop an idea, and make a film. “Making a
film or magazine” could also be part of a project week at school. There
are also children who do every step of filmmaking on their own, but
that is rather an exception, like Midas Kempke’s 7-minute stop motion
“Harry Potter and the Lego-Philosopher’s Stone – Part III”, which won
the animation Spixel in 2013.
The Toolbox available for children to display their creativity has
grown larger and more technical. Most of them have at least access to
small high resolution cameras or smartphones and you don’t have to
pay a fortune for editing-software anymore. Nonetheless, the produc-
tion of a TV programme, either as a magazine or short film, is a craft.
While developing and finally producing a programme, children figure
out that it is more difficult than it seems on first sight. Skilful media
educators who are not eager to realise their own visions are crucial
at this point – they give advice and support and don’t intend to lead
throughout the process.
Usually children develop basic skills quickly and react to production
restrictions (e.g. huge explosions) with new, more manageable ideas.
Being part of a film or TV project is for the participants being part of
a creative process and in most cases a positive teamwork experience.
The Spixel competition has now been running for 12 years. Can you
summarize some tendencies in the production of the participating
children regarding style, topics, professional role models for the
children, passion for television or….?
187
Image 2. Happy Award Winners & Jury 2016. Source: Deutsche Kindermedienstiftung GOLDENER SPATZ
The popularity of crime/detective stories is unbroken since we started

with the Spixel Award. Also, picking up topics that are relevant while
growing up, like friendship and first love. In recent years, we had an
increasing number of productions dealing with mobbing in its analogue
and digital variations.
Throughout all categories, children display a strong sense of justice
and [show] that they care about the environment and the fate of other
people. In magazine formats, grown-up interview partners often have
a hard time to deal with the frankness of the interviewing children.
Regularly the difference of what grown-ups say and what they do is
unmasked. In this context, the young TV makers also like to provoke.
In the street-interview format “What makes you ask these stupid
questions?” (2010) passers-by in Hamburg are asked questions like
“Who is lazier – we schoolkids or unemployed people?” The answers
188
“Children Love to be Hilariously Silly and Dead-Serious Alike”
are revealing. Also, in terms of style children display a sometimes very

quirky sense of humour, like in the stop motion production “Who let the
plopp out” (2014): Rapper “Bottle” (actually a beer bottle) is abducted
by two Ninja-Pine-Cones.
Over the years there have been a lot of parodies of popular TV-for-
mats, especially casting shows, which makes obvious how well known
and liked TV-formats are.
Could you please summarize your experiences with the award in

term of children’s creativity?
The use of audiovisual means to display their creativity becomes more
and more natural for children. They are quick adaptors of formats and
like to play with them. They love to be hilariously silly and dead-serious
alike. Unfortunately neither media nor education acknowledge, value
or support this immense creative potential as they should.
Note
1. http://www.kids-regio.org/speakers/albers-margret/
189
Training Teachers to
Spark Young People’s Creativity
The educational setting is a place where creative expressions

can stimulate learning and facilitate the appropriation of
new knowledge. In this section, the reader will find exam-
ples of how this can be done through different teaching
methods.
16
AMORES
Discovering a Love for Literature Through
Digital Collaboration and Creativity
Geoff Walton, Mark Childs, Janet Hetherington & Gordana Jugo
What is AMORES and why was it necessary?

More than a fifth of children and young people (23 per cent) rarely or
never read (GB: Department for Education, 2012) on their own time,
and nearly a fifth (17 per cent) would be embarrassed (Clark, 2012) if
their friends saw them reading. Many school children lack knowledge
of their own national or broader European literature. Teachers find it
challenging to interest children (especially boys) in reading literature,
but agree that the use of ICT could help raise the level of student interest.
To implement ICT in literacy teaching, we argue that teachers need not
only expertise in using ICT but also a new teaching methodology in
order to find effective ways of using ICT to engage pupils in reading and
writing through the creation of e-artefacts. What we mean by e-artefact
is anything that can be communicated digitally, such as a photograph,
video, digital comic strip, blog entry, tweet or Facebook post, and that
is based in some way on a story that the schoolchildren are reading.
What we mean by literature is more contested, but keeping in mind
Walton, Geoff, Childs, Mark; Hetherington,
the rationale that reading is of value in a person’s development – for Janet & Jugo, Gordana (2017). AMORES.
example because it requires extended focus and concentration – and Discovering a Love for Literature Through
Digital Collaboration and Creativity in
that storytelling is imperative, while wanting to be flexible concerning Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young &
what was important to the children, we regarded extended narratives Creative. Digital Technologies Empowering
in any format as literature. Hence, from the examples given by the Nordicom
193
children themselves, fanfiction, autobiographies and graphic novels

were included, while magazines, websites and computer code were
excluded. AMORES was designed to address the issue of children’s
disengagement with literature through a new teaching methodology
of interactivity and collaboration using ICT and the pupils’ creativity,
which requires teachers to become more digitally literate and use these
new capabilities in their teaching in the classroom.
Image 1. AMORES logo competition

winner designed by Rafaela Familia
from 1st Model Experimental Prima-
ry School of Rhodes, Greece
How did we do this?

The project used an approach called Participatory Research in Action,
or PRA (Fetterman, Kaftarian & Wandersman, 1996). This treats teach-
ers as experts, placing them at the heart of the process, empowering
them to express their opinions and identify what they need to know
to become digitally literate. It is also based on the idea that learners
construct meaning through the act of design and collaborative learning,
whereby meaning is constructed jointly by a community (social con-
structivism). Teachers are excellently positioned to be actively engaged
in the research process, and are able to introduce young people to this
method. Using this technique and working with children and young
people to create e-artefacts, the researchers and the participants learn
from each other as equals (Tavares, Hepworth & De Souza Costa, 2011).
Ultimately, this not only enables teachers to deliver the research aims
194
AMORES
AMORES, a two-year European Union-funded project under the

Comenius Multilateral strand of the Lifelong Learning Programme,
is a collaboration between schools from Croatia, Denmark, Poland,
Sweden and the UK, led by CARNet (Croatia) and three UK higher
education institutions (Coventry, Northumbria and Staffordshire
Universities). It secured €299,500 and ran until the end of Novem-
ber 2015. All the resources mentioned here are freely available for
download via the AMORES website: www.amores-project.eu.
but also enables each teacher to incorporate his or her own personal
goals into the process.
PRA is seen as favoured because it takes into consideration local
knowledge and experience, and is therefore arguably more practical
and thus findings may be more deliverable in the future (Reason &
Bradbury, 2011). Thus, ownership of the AMORES process by teachers
is more secure because they are involved in both the research itself
and the outcomes of the project. This ultimately leads to improved
research results and an enhancement of teachers’ professional practice
in digital literacy.
The teachers’ face-to-face workshops

We held a teacher workshop in Stoke on Trent in March 2014, led by
the UK partners (Northumbria, Staffordshire and Coventry Universi-
ties). This not only established the PRA community of practice but also
informed the creation of a six-week online course (May-June 2014) as
well as a second workshop, held in Stoke in March 2015.
The benefit of engaging teachers as co-researchers is twofold:
not only do we gain their expertise and knowledge regarding using
technology in this context; they also get the experience of embedding
technology as part of their teaching practices, and are able to use the
research process to procure time for learning and to reflect upon their
teaching experiences.
In developing the PRA methods, specific issues which may impact
upon the teachers’ involvement were also taken into account. Prior to
the workshop a questionnaire had been disseminated to gather data
on current practice and user needs. The questionnaire’s findings were
195
Image 2. Teacher workshop, Stoke

on Trent, UK, March 2013
summarized to provide an introduction to all the schools involved, and

to inform the selection of which technologies to suggest to the teachers
for use. These activities were included to enable participants to feel
more comfortable in working with each other, and to demonstrate that
their views and experiences were highly valued. This approach helps
participants feel more able to influence decision-making, even though
the project objectives had been established in the EU bid beforehand.
This approach ensured that the group felt an ownership of the objectives.
The first workshop comprised three sections, over three days (a
second workshop was held in March 2015). Two teachers from each
participating country (except Poland, from which one teacher attend-
ed) as well as representatives from the lead partner (CARNet Croatia)
and the quality assurance organization 36.6 from Poland, participated.
Section 1: Each teacher was encouraged to think about the wider school
environment and consider how technology was being used within the
home, in out-of-school settings (including libraries), and in the home
environment.
Teachers talked about and shared their experiences of using tech-
nology, and reflected upon their learning needs.
196
AMORES
Section 2: The research team presented potential ways in which tech-

nology could be used to help support literacy work, and worked with
the teachers to reflect on and develop these uses.
Section 3: The teachers discussed how their learning and the relation-
ships that had developed over the course of the workshop could influ-
ence the structure of the next part of the project, and began drawing
up initial plans to implement this. Through this process they developed
content for the online teacher-training plan.
Mapping and asset-building

While we used a number of interactive techniques in the workshop,
here we describe one in particular. Participants were asked to work in
small groups to develop images of a typical learner in their education
system. The teachers were placed in groups of two and given a large
piece of flipchart paper. One drew around the other to create a rep-
resentation of a learner. They then drew a line down the middle of the
outline drawing and began discussing the typical characteristics of their
learners, listing these in the drawing. The advantage of this task was
that participants were able to start identifying with the similarities and
differences between education systems, societies, and the experiences
of the young people. It also helped them reflect upon their assumptions
and knowledge concerning the lives of their learners. It prompted
discussion concerning how to best work with learners, and indicated
points of similarity that could be exploited to support communication
between learners from the different schools.
Online course
Based on the outcomes of the workshop, a plan was devised for the
teachers’ online training course to further enhance and embed their
digital literacy capabilities. In brief, the online course lasted approx-
imately six weeks and consisted of the following activities: creating
videos and comic strips, and learning about games-based learning.
The platform used was Edmodo (a secure social medium specifically
designed for schools), and using videoconferencing for collaborative
learning. The course, delivered via Moodle, can be found at http://www.
amores-project.eu/results.html .
197
Teachers engaged strongly with the video creation section of

the online course as well as the comic strips, and the evidence for
this comes through very clearly in the final artefacts created by the
students. However, they were less engaged with the games-based
learning and the Edmodo platform itself. Edmodo was used more as
a repository for students’ e-artefacts than for genuine discussion and
collaboration between students. Our teacher colleagues were generally
positive regarding the online course, but one teacher mentioned that
it may have been better to “use the online module as a test for the
ideas in the implementation phase, pick a specific book and try to
create some lesson plans so we can compare approaches in different
school systems. That way everyone could see how it could actually be
incorporated into reading in the classroom; [in other words,] building
the ship while sailing.”
In parallel with the online course, the project team drew up a Tech-
nology Selections Report based on what the teachers felt they needed in
order to enhance their digital literacy capabilities. This report used the
SECTIONS model (Students [i.e. users], Ease of use, Costs, Teaching &
learning, Interactivity, Organization, Novelty and Speed) developed by
Bates and Poole (2010), which is a framework for evaluating technology
and can be found at http://www.amores-project.eu/results.html .
Drafting and piloting a new teaching methodology

The teachers involved in the project and the research team jointly draft-
ed an innovative teaching methodology – the most important result of
the AMORES project – which promotes student creativity, interaction
and engagement with literature. As opposed to simply reading a book
and writing a book report, the methodology includes the following
steps: reading the book, creating e-artefacts based on the book, sharing
these e-artefacts with peers via social networks and videoconference,
and finally reflecting on the process.
The literature review, accessible at http://www.amores-project.eu/
d1-1-download indicates that creating artefacts is a learning strategy
that involves the highest-order learning skills, found at the top of the
revised Bloom’s taxonomy (Anderson & Krathwohl, 2011). The peda-
gogical theory that best describes learning by creating is that of Papert’s
idea of constructionism. This emphasizes not only the learning that is
198
AMORES
triggered by the constructivist approach of activity-based learning (or

learning by doing), but also the importance of the learning that occurs
as a result of discussion leading to shared meanings.
The recommended instructional strategy is therefore collaborative
creation, which is underpinned by the theory of social constructivism.
In brief, collaborative learning is described within social constructivism
as a means by which meaning is constructed jointly by a community
(Conole, Littlejohn, Falconer & Jeffery, 2005). Lewis, Pea and Rosen
(2010) summarize social constructivism as the process in which “by
together questioning texts and situations, conceptualizing problems,
designing solutions, building artifacts, redesigning, re-conceptualizing
and reinterpreting, people generate forms of public knowledge that in
turn provide conceptual and relational support for further interaction
and learning”. Lewis, Pea and Rosen (2010) remark that “students engage
in deep learning when they research, design and construct an artifact
or model as a representation of their knowledge” and that “construc-
tionism links personal and social influences on learning because the
artefact produced is an output of the interaction of personal and social
knowledge construction that needs to be meaningful and made public”.
The model for this online collaboration was Dahlsveen’s storytelling
arc (Tilkin, Paulus, Biesen, & Land, 2011), which was reinterpreted by
the authors as a cycle.1 When viewed as a cyclical process, the story-
telling arc closely resembles Kolb’s experiential learning cycle2 (Kolb,
Rubin & Osland, 1991). The act of telling the story is motivational for
the creation of the story, and feedback from audiences promotes further
motivation for creating more stories.
These two forms of interaction resulted in marked differences in the
success of their implementation. The use of the social media platform
was used as a collaborative tool only in its later stages, and only to the
extent that students commented on and “liked” particular artefacts.
Reasons for this included unfamiliarity with using social media for
learning, and difficulty organizing content within the platform, resulting
in its being used purely as a content repository.
The videoconferencing was highly effective, however, commonly on
the second attempt. Initial attempts displayed the usual initial barriers
to interaction through the medium (indicating that the initial training
course had not been successful in relaying how to circumvent these
199
barriers). Students displayed the storytelling and audience relationships

indicated by the Dahlsveen model, with no discernible impairment due
to the distanced mode. Unanticipated barriers involved the small age
difference between participants (small to us but large to the students)
and students’ self-consciousness over a (misplaced) perception of poor
language ability.
The conclusions from this interaction are that rehearsal, planning
and playfulness will help students develop the confidence to present and
respond in videoconferencing activities. Modelling learning activities
online will help teachers comprehend how social media can be used
to facilitate the sharing and co-creation of content.
Students need time to reflect on the creation of e-artefacts. Reflec-
tion as a whole class exercise, in which students can see each other’s
work, can also be motivational and is the point at which learning about
the meaning and content of the literature can be investigated in more
depth. In fact, we would argue that it is because the creation of artefacts
requires reflection that the AMORES methodology is such an effective
learning process. In this regard, videos (in which students appear) seem
to work best as shared classroom activities as students find them more
personally engaging and because they take a longer time to create, thus
extending the period for which a text is investigated and resulting in
deeper reflection.
Bilateral videoconferences
A number of bilateral videoconferences (VCs) took place; here we de-
scribe a typical event. Having read the book Mio my Son (original title
Mio min Mio, by children’s author Astrid Lindgren), Swedish students
presented the e-artefacts they had created to Croatian students. The 28
students on the Swedish side, and the 16 Croatian students with their
teachers, met online in May 2015. The Swedish students presented
their e-artefacts about Swedish author Astrid Lindgren and her story.
They had made films in iMovie in which they presented parts of the
book (iMovie e-artefacts were shared through Edmodo). The films
were sent to Croatia in advance, so that the Croatian students could
prepare questions to ask during the VC. The Croatian students also
voted for the best e-artefact.
200
AMORES
Image 3. Danish students visit

Poland
World Book Day

All five schools taking part in the project held a joint VC on World
Book Day, 23 April 2015. Around 60 students and ten teachers from
Denmark, Croatia, Poland, Sweden and the UK shared their experi-
ences in the project up to that point, and talked about some of the
books they had read.
E-artefacts competition
We launched a competition open to all schoolchildren in the EU.
Contestants were invited to enter their e-artefact in the form of a video
or digital comic strip. Five judges, including Dr Jane Secker (Chair of
ILG), chose the winning entry, which was announced in August 2015.
The winning videos and comic strips are displayed on our website, and
the prize was a visit to Dubrovnik, Croatia.
Research results
Students were surveyed through a number of mechanisms suggested
by the central research team of the project, but individual schools were
201
Image 4. An example of an e-artefact

from a cartoon generator
allowed to apply those they considered appropriate for their learners,

in keeping with the participative and egalitarian ethos of the project.
Where surveys were conducted, data were anonymized by allowing
the children to select a pseudonym for their responses. A master list of
pseudonyms and real names was kept by teachers on paper, and never
left the classroom. This meant that all electronic files contained only
pseudonymized information.
In the UK we found that Diary of a Wimpy Kid is a very popular
book amongst ten-year-olds, and that the most popular author is Da-
vid Walliams. From the data we have gathered since the new teaching
methodology was tried out, we know that our participant schoolchil-
dren now get more from the stories they are reading; this is manifest
in a much greater depth of understanding for both plot and characters.
UK schoolchildren created video e-artefacts that explored the story in
their own words, which demonstrated a richness in comprehension
and knowledge of the text.
In Sweden, we found that the factors encouraging children to read
were numerous. We asked them what they had read most recently
(a mechanism for finding a randomly selected cross-section of their
reading material). Amongst the older children (14 and 15 years old)
202
AMORES
who responded, we found that the most recent literature they had read
fell into one of the following categories:
• A text set by the school (or a sequel to a set text), cited by half the
sample
• A film tie-in (either the novelization of film, or a book on which a
recently released film had been based)
• A book within the fantasy genre
• A biography of a sports star or heavy metal musician (i.e. Zlatan
Ibrahimović, AC/DC or Ozzy Osbourne)
• Fanfiction3
• Responses we did not count as literature (magazine, website or social
media)
The inclusion of soccer and heavy metal is a reflection of the issues of
masculinity that surround the issue of reading. Many of the respondents
(particularly those who used male pseudonyms) reported that they did
not like reading, but still reported that they frequently read for fun.
This was interpreted by teachers as an aversion to boys categorizing
themselves as readers, even though they read, as they perceived this
as un-masculine. Boys with higher social status, and self-confidence,
had no qualms about self-identifying as readers. The interpretation of
the “sports or metal” finding is that some boys will admit to reading a
book if it is about what they perceive as an uncontestably male subject.
Amongst the younger readers (12 to 13 years old), the greatest
difference was that they read more texts that were not set by teachers:
only two of 42 children reported that the last book they had read was
a set text, compared with 44 of 88 of the older age group. This indicates
that at this age they are far more proactive in finding texts that interest
them. As with the older students, fantasy, film tie-ins and the “sports
or metal” biographies also featured, whereas differences included the
presence of graphic novels and teen dramas. Responses regarding the
last item read that were not regarded as literature included newspapers,
subtitles in a movie, an inode (a text descriptor in Linux or Unix) and
the survey tool itself!
203
Impact of the project

The most important impact of the project is the success of the
AMORES teaching methodology, with 14 participating teachers and
around 400 students, which brought about a change in the teaching
of national literature by increasing students’ engagement with literary
works. This is clearly visible in the evaluation report, showing that
the use of the AMORES methodology contributes to greater student
engagement. The teachers who took part in the project were very
pleased with how the use of the methodology had an impact on their
classes. All participating teachers were willing to use the AMORES
methodology after the pilot implementation and after the end of the
project in their literature classes. Additionally, there have also been
examples of teachers using the AMORES methodology in other sub-
jects, such as the social sciences.
There were several examples of establishing partnerships with
schools and other stakeholders outside the project. The project team
held a number of workshops for teachers on how to use the teaching
methodology and meetings with the aim of presenting the AMORES
methodology and facilitating its adoption by teachers, principals and
librarians. This has helped establish a network that will make it possible
to encourage more educators to use the AMORES methodology in their
classes. This network includes about 40 teachers from the workshops
who did not participate in the pilot implementation, and about 70 stake-
holders who were present at meetings with members of the AMORES
team. The stakeholders included teachers and principals, school librar-
ians, publishers, and a national volunteer reading programme.
Furthermore, at the project website there have been more than
380 registered downloads of the project outcomes, the most popular
of which is the AMORES Revised Methodology. The digital training
materials intended to help educators make the best use of the meth-
odology in their classrooms have undergone several stages, and are
available at the project website: http://www.amores-project.eu/results .
These training materials, available in English, Croatian, Danish, Polish
and Swedish, have been accessed about 800 times.
Teachers formed a community of practice, sharing ideas and ex-
amples of good practice as well as supporting each other in the imple-
mentation of the AMORES methodology. The communication went
204
AMORES
through different channels, including the AMORES teacher mailing

list, the AMORES Facebook community, and the AMORES teacher
closed group.
What was encouraging in terms of the AMORES methodology
extended beyond changes in the learning of literature. Although the
project promotes the reading of literature and digital literacy, it is in its
development of students’ personal sense of self-efficacy and co-oper-
Image 5. Poster of AMORES teaching

methodology
205
ation that it has its strongest transformative power. There were many
stories of students from all the countries who had not previously had
the opportunity to present their abilities finding a new presence in the
classroom as a result of making videos or comics, or participating in the
VC. Students also developed skills in co-operation and language ability.
Through their videoconferencing, they acquired a greater knowledge of
other cultures and an appreciation of the strength of their own.
What the results also show, however, is an absence of impact on the
extent to which children report that they like reading. In the analysis
of the Swedish schoolchildren at the start of the project, the percent-
age of children who claimed a love for literature fell at a rate of 12
per cent per year. At the end of the project, the fall-off rate remained
unchanged. The sample is too small for any clear-cut declarations; and
of course, these are only the reported opinions, which are distorted by
the children’s self-perceptions and how they choose to be perceived.
Also, as seen above, reading is tied up with many gender-related anxi-
eties concerning identity. Despite this, the children’s engagement with
literature within the classroom is heightened, and far more enjoyable.
Successful strategies for translating this to transform daily habits of
reading still need to be identified.
Notes
1. The storytelling arc defines the beginning and the end of a story, it’s the process of
storytelling. Traditionally a story comes to an end, but in participatory environ-
ments it is possible to create an interactive way of storytelling in which the story
unfolds in a circle between storyteller and listeners who participate in the creation
of the story (Tilkin, Paulus, Biesen, & Land, 2011: 8-10)
2. Kolb’s learning cycle suggests that learners’ ideas are formed and reformed contin-
uously through experience, and that they bring their own ideas and preconceptions
to differing levels of elaboration to the iterative learning process. In summary this
Geoff Walton, Senior Lecturer, Information and Communications, Department

Languages, information and Communications, University Manchester Metropolitan
University, UK, [email protected]
Mark Childs, Affiliate Consultant, OCSLD, Oxford Brookes University, Honorary Visitor,
Coventry University, UK, [email protected]
Janet Hetherington, Senior Lecture, Creative Communities Unit, Staffordshire
University, UK, [email protected]
Gordana Jugo, Head of Educational Technology, Education Support Department,
Croatian Academic and Research Network - CARNet, Croatia, [email protected]
206
AMORES
cycle involves: doing, reflecting, processing, thinking and understanding, which

are governed by the learner’s needs and goals, and all elements are necessary for
learning to be achieved.
3. Fanfiction websites are communities of devotees of various books, comics, films
or games, who write their own short stories based on the characters. The teachers
reported that children read these because they were simpler (often having been
written by other children), had an “underground” appeal, and were part of an
online community to which they belonged (Black, 2007).
References
Anderson, Lorin, & Krathwohl, David (eds.) (2001). A taxonomy for learning, teaching
and assessing: A revision of Bloom’s Taxonomy of educational objectives: Complete
edition. New York: Longman.
Bates, Tony & Poole, Gary (2010). Assessing technology: Using the SECTIONS model.
[Online] Available at http://wiki.ubc.ca/File:SECTIONS_Framework.pdf (Accessed
6th December 2016).
Black, Rebecca (2007). Fanfiction writing and the construction of space, E-Learning 4
(4) page 387.
Clark, Christina (2012). Children’s and young people’s reading today. Findings form the
National Trust’s 2011 literacy survey. National Literacy Trust. [Online] Available
at http://www.literacytrust.org.uk/research/nlt_research/p4s3 (Accessed 6th
December 2016).
Conole, Grainne; Littlejohn, Alison; Falconer, Isabel & Jeffery, Ann (2005). Pedagogical
review of learning activities and use cases, LADIE project report, JISC; August 2005.
Fetterman, David; Kaftarian, Shakeh & Wandersman, Abraham (1996). Empowerment
Evaluation. California: Sage.
GB: Department for Education; Education Standards Research Team (2012). Research
evidence on reading for pleasure. [Online] Available at < https://www.gov.uk/
government/publications/research-evidence-on-reading-for-pleasure > (Accessed
6th December 2016).
Kolb, David; Rubin, Irwin & Osland, Joyce (1991). Organizational behavior; an experi-
ential approach. (5th ed.). Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.
Lewis, Sarah; Pea, Roy & Rosen, Joseph (2010). Special issue: Digitize and transfer. Social
Science Information, Vol. 49(3): 1–19 .
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inquiry and practice. London: Sage.
Tavares, Rosemeire; Hepworth, Mark & De Souza Costa, Sely (2011). Investigating
citizens’ information needs through participative research: a pilot study in Can-
dangolandia, Brazil. Information Development, 27(2), pp. 125-138.
Tilkin, Guy; Paulus, Michèle; Biesen, Alden & Land, Jennifer (2011). 1001 Stories for Adult
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eu/sites/default/files/manuals/Manual_English.pdf (Accessed 6th December 2016).
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17
Bringing Maker Literacies
to Early Childhood Education
Jill Scott & Karen Wohlwend
L iteracies are proliferating at a rapid pace as new ways of making

meaning become possible with the advent of powerful technologies
and innovative practices. This is especially evident in makerspaces (Pep-
pler & Bender, 2013) where new forms of literacy emerge in encounters
with digital media (e.g., filmmaking and animation) and manufacturing
technologies (e.g., sewing, woodworking, and robotics). Museums, li-
braries, after-school clubs, and other out-of-school spaces offer informal
learning spaces for children and youth in an ever-expanding network of
youth makerspaces.
Despite this burst of innovation outside schools, classrooms in
the United States look eerily similar to classrooms of the last century,
perhaps the chalkboards have been replaced with whiteboards, but the
books and seatwork paper-pencil lessons remain squarely situated in
traditional literacy practices. However, a quick scan of the playground
in those same schools reveals a lively peer culture, enlivened and cir-
culated by digital media that fills children’s new textual landscapes.
We know from our ongoing literacy playshop research with young
children in early childhood classrooms that popular media toys are
an important resource for children’s media production (Wohlwend et Scott, Jill & Wohlwend, Karen (2017) Bring-
ing Maker Literacies to Early Childhood
al., 2013; Medina & Wohlwend, 2014; Wohlwend, 2015, 2016). When Education in Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos
children are given an opportunity to play together at school, their play (Eds.) Young & Creative. Digital Technolo-
often turns to making as they pause to make props for their characters: Gothenburg: Nordicom
209
from paper crowns for Elsa and Anna (Disney’s Frozen) or fashion a
cape for Thor (Marvel’s Avengers) from a play kitchen tablecloth. It has
also become evident pre-service teacher training must better prepare
teachers to respond to the student’s interests in popular culture, play,
and making. Maker literacies (Wohlwend et al., in press 2017) that in-
clude popular media, toyhacking, and creating films can be included
in literacy practices if pre-service teachers develop an understanding
of their value and place within the literacy curriculum. How do we tap
into the creative potential of play and making interests in a way that
aligns with school literacy goals? How could early literacy curriculum
and instruction expand to incorporate making into primary literacy
methods courses?
This study documents maker literacies pre-service teachers used
when a “play, toyhacking, and filmmaking module” was added to their
primary literacy methods class. The pre-service teachers completed
this module during their literacy methods course at the university.
The main purpose was to encourage pre-service teachers to transform
and expand their notions about what counts as literacy and literacy
curriculum in early childhood education.
Theoretical framework
Play is a literacy that creates action texts (Wohlwend, 2011), stories
enacted with bodies, toys, props, and puppets rather than print on
paper. During play, players collaborate and pretend scenarios or “as
if ” worlds (Holland et al., 1998), attaching agreed-upon meanings to
bodies, materials, and actions (Vygotsky, 1978; Thiel, 2015). The no-
tion of toyhacking in this article enables redesign of toys’ and puppets’
materials but also their embedded texts (e.g., characters, narratives)
(Rowsell & Pahl, 2006). Digital technologies save and document play
and open further opportunities for redesign through video-editing.
In Literacy Playshop, four processes contribute to children’s mean-
ing-making with media: play, storying, collaboration, and produc-
tion. While the three levels move inside-out and back again, the four
processes are represented here as loosely-defined domains so there
is no production sequence or curricular “cycle” but rather recursive
connections spreading across domains in multiple and unruly direc-
tions. Each of the four processes contributes a critical, productive, and
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Bringing Maker Literacies to Early Childhood Education
interdependent aspect of meaning-making that also links to a larger

curricular field: drama, literature, diversity and community, and media
and cinema arts (Wohlwend, et al., 2013, p. 46).
Methods and research context of the study

This project is excerpted from a five-year study on literacy play, the
data from this particular study documents the ‘play, toy hacking, and
filmmaking module’ added to four sections of a PK-31 early literacy
methods course at a US Midwestern university. Three instructors and
about 140 university students participated in this project. Data sources
include video of pre-service teachers’ toyhacking and filmmaking, the
films they made with their fellow university students and their hacked
toys, the elementary student’s films, and post project reflective blog
entries written by the university students.
We used mediated discourse analysis (Scollon & Scollon, 2004;
Wohlwend, 2007, 2014) to analyse students’ and children’s making and
film production, tracking collaborative meanings and shifts in participa-
tion. Video analysis identified and coded maker literacies and patterns
of improvisation and collaboration in the agreed-upon meanings of
characters and props as well as roles for students as toy animators, cam-
era crew, directors, musicians, and sound effect synthesizers through
the process from toyhacking to video-production. Mediated discourse
analysis filtering identified moments of collaborative transformation
(e.g., agreements to change characters’ texts, the emerging storyline,
or students’ production roles). Transformative clips were triangulated
with students’ reflective blog posts (e.g., value of maker literacies in class
and in later filmmaking with children in field experiences).
Findings
The sessions progressed in three stages of media pre-production, pro-
duction, and post-production: toyhacking and character development,
storyboarding and filming, and video-editing and sharing.
Participants began the pre-production module by deconstructing
familiar characters and narratives of popular culture toy franchises,
such as Barbie and Star Wars. They looked closely at each toy to iden-
tify its commercial franchise, its character traits and filmic narrative,
211
and the material messages in its materials. Toys are designed with
anticipated identities (Wohlwend, 2009), that is, companies produce
toys and games with a particular consumer demographic in mind. This
guides the selection of colours, textures, shapes, and other material
decisions about toys and products in order to appeal to boys or girls
or age groups of children.
In this study, as university students examined a commercial mass
media toy, they pondered questions like,
• What is the toys intended text?
• Who is the toy intended for?
• Who could be left out by this toy?
• What could I do to change the toy’s text?
Following this critical deconstruction, the participants proceeded
eagerly down the hallway to visit the university’s designated maker-
space where they worked to modify toys’ popular culture texts, social
meanings, and the material features. In this space students were given
boxes full of inexpensive commercial mass media toys that they cut,
glued, painted, combined, and otherwise decorated.
When newly revised characters emerged, the participants worked in
small collaborative groups to create a storyline for their toys. Through
Image 1 & 2. Sally and Linus telling a new story.
212
collaborative negotiation and improvisation, stories were enacted and

filmed as students animated the toys with hand movements. Once the
film footage was gathered, students worked together to share their
expertise to edit the short films using the iMovie app on iPads. Most
groups added voice-overs, captions, music, sound effects, setting
backdrops, and textual elements. Upon completing the editing process,
students shared their films with the entire class.
Pre-service teachers expressed enthusiasm about the project through
comments such as, “It was a blast!” and “I was surprised by how much
fun I had”. They also predicted they would incorporate playful making
and filmmaking in the future, saying that they felt very engaged in the
process and could see value in doing similar activities in their own
classrooms someday. One participant explained,
The day of class that we made our toys and filmed was one of the
most fun days of college I have ever had. Even just putting together
the toys stretched my brain into ways it was not used to; having to
break things apart and put them back together. I can definitely see
students boosting their imagination and creativity through this
process. I also can see students enjoying the filming and editing
because they love technology so much.
In the following weeks, during their field placements, the pre-service

teachers dedicated two sessions to working with a focus student to share
their hacked toys, create child initiated stories, build props and sets for
them, and film their stories. In a third session with their child, the team
worked together to edit their original films and celebrate their accom-
plishments. Upon reflection, many pre-service teachers wrote about
how the activities opened doors for creativity and meaning making.
One noted that the creativity followed their child home,
When I came in today, the teacher informed me that Max2 had so
much fun that he went home and made his own toys for our time
together this week. They were made of clay and they matched the
colour scheme and shape of the hacked toys we brought in two weeks
ago. I was so excited that instead of just watching the finished film
we also made a new film with his toys and our extra time. Needless
to say, I think it was a really successful experience for both of us, and
I would definitely try to implement similar projects in the future!
213
While children are participating in collaborative socially constructed

new literacies constantly in out and of school spaces, these participatory
literacy practices typically are not welcomed in school. We currently
live in an age of accountability, in which, the central driving force of
education is increasing standardized test scores (Cochran-Smith & Lytle,
2009). Top-down policies about schooling bring scripted curricula, data
driven teaching practices, standardization, and little room for exploring
new literacy practices. We hope that by introducing this creative play,
toyhacking, and filmmaking module to literacy coursework that pre-ser-
vice teachers will find value in the practices and create spaces in their
future classrooms for expanded literacies. A majority of the university
students, found that participation in the module legitimised an alter-
native conception of meaning making. Many of the university students
completed this project with reflections that expressed strong commit-
ments to using maker and digital literacies in their future classrooms.
Throughout this project, active engagement and collaborative
participation was evident as the university students expressed their
excitement about creating new characters and producing digital sto-
ries. Many of the pre-service teachers noted that they were initially
sceptical about maker literacies and their place in literacy instruction.
One student reflected,
Had I seen the makerspace before this class, I would have probably
thought that it seemed out of place [in a college of education]. After
the assignment, however, I realize its huge potential.
This potential, for literacy instruction, student engagement, involve-

ment, and collaboration, was referenced by a many of the participants,
and often was accompanied by reflections of transformed understand-
ings. Many students responded with positive comments,
I think this project was a really great way to introduce a different
kind of literacy learning. While I can only hope my future school
has a space for my students to be this creative, I definitely hope to
do a film making process of some sort with them, hacked toys or
not. I also think they will enjoy working together to come up with
the funniest, scariest, silliest, or most clever movie they can think
of. Creativity is essential, and this project hands the opportunity to
use their imagination to them.
214
Image 3. These toys were hacked,

but their gendered storyline remai-
ned untroubled.
As university literacy instructors, we noticed increased laughter, smiles,

and enhanced engagement from our students when we compared mak-
erspace activities with the traditional literacy activities encountered
throughout the semester.
Multiple and fluid transformations of the toys’ texts occurred
through maker literacies in toyhacking, collaborative storying, and
media production. Pre-service teachers commented that the ability
to create new toys without the traditional marginalizing effects was
empowering and fun. Many students pointed out that the toys that they
created reflected their worlds more appropriately than the often-exag-
gerated gender coding of pre-packaged toys. A participant explained, “I
loved creating my own toy, that was gender neutral. I purposely chose
a usual male dominated toy, a Flintstone dinosaur, and a Hello Kitty
doll toy bank to work with”.
215
It is interesting to note that while the participants were encouraged

to change the narratives of their toys by hacking them, we also found
that the pre-service teachers relied on their own shared knowledge of
popular media culture to recreate familiar stories for their characters.
Often, these remixed stories (Ito, 2007) did not look at the appropriated
text critically, but instead reified stereotypes. Pre-service teacher’s talk,
jokes, and films tended to reproduce stereotypical toy texts, gendered
roles, or popular culture tropes. For instance, one group of six par-
ticipants developed a film that mimicked Monty Python and the Holy
Grail (1975). In planning for their film they relied on their shared
media knowledge. Despite that the characters had been hacked, the
film provided the basis for remixing a commonly-shared and socially
understood text. Even though the characters were different, the gen-
dered storyline was not troubled.
Seeking popular culture and social media tropes peers would easily
recognize was evident across many of the filming groups in all classes
during the literacy module. Groups gained inspiration for their films
from popular music videos, damsel in distress tropes, and viral vid-
eos. But students can also hold fond memories and other emotional
commitments to these shared texts, making them difficult for groups
to revise. Children have strong passions for beloved characters and fa-
vourite stories that anchor their story making. One pre-service teacher
observed this tension in remixing with his focus child,
He did find the (hacked) toy much more interesting, but even though
it was a half horse/half man with a Peanuts head [Woodstock], he still
automatically decided that the toy was in fact simply a weird-looking
Batman. The story that he created was a classic story about Joker be-
ing a bad guy, and Batman saving the day. He was somewhat creative
in explaining that Joker was “disguised,” and adding in the “sneaky
Penguin” who was Joker’s accomplice, but in general, his story was
very much like popular culture stories we had read about before.
A great strength of this project is that the university students were able
to actively consider their assigned elementary child’s media interests
and funds of knowledge (Moll et al., 1992) as they were hacking their
toys. In addition, they welcomed children’s toys and popular culture
connections from home into their field experience activities. Allowing
216
children’s favourite storylines and narratives into the classroom vali-

dated each child’s interests.
The enthusiastic reactions from the children who participated in
the project indicated the time spent creating digital films was fun, col-
laborative, productive, and engaging. Many pre-service teachers noted
changes in their focus child’s participation level and in their engagement
in story making. One university student wrote,
My student had a blast filming and wanted to make a part two to the
video. She was so excited she asked if we could do it next time too.
She liked telling stories and I feel like it allowed her to express her
emotions. She loved that she was able to do impromptu and make
up the story with no restrictions. Overall, I thought this was a great
experience and I was able to learn new ideas from it.
Another pre-service teacher noted,

The move from traditional school literacies to newer ideas of litera-
cies certainly engaged the student – he was enjoying himself but also
working diligently to produce a story and a film.
Importance for engaged learning in and out of school

If literacy is a socio-cultural activity then we must provide students
with opportunities to create meaning together. The image of children
sitting alone, writing at desks needs to vanish. It is through projects
like this one that invitations to co-construct can emerge and we can
expand our notions of a solitary writer and reader into collaborative
makers and producers.
Maker literacies are best supported by playshop models, which
expand reading and writing workshops to include play-enriched new
literacies curricula. (Wohlwend, 2011, 2013; Wohlwend & Peppler,
2015). The playshop model empowers children to collaboratively pro-
duce with digital literacies and new technologies. These literacies will
require new kinds of teaching and learning by practitioners in and out
of classrooms. While this article has documented learning in a univer-
sity classroom and elementary school field experience, the learning
and teaching applies to out-of-school sites such as museums, arts,
after-school programs, and so on. Other practitioners could similarly
217
visit a makerspace, engage in toyhacking, and experience the power

of collaborating creatively, producing digital stories, and exploring the
potential of expanded literacies.
We know it is critically important to offer children engaging activ-
ities that matter to them. Maker literacies validate children’s interests
and passions, promote student generated ideas and stories, and allow for
co-creation of collaborative texts in socially significant ways. Playshops
and maker literacies reveal the exciting possibilities in teaching for col-
laboration, creativity, storying, technology, and placing play at the core.
Notes
1. Pre-kindergarten (also called Pre-K or PK) is a classroom-based preschool program
for children at or below the age of five in the United States, Canada and Turkey.
An applicant for PK3 must be three years old by Sept. 30. https://en.wikipedia.org/
wiki/Pre-kindergarten
2. All names are pseudonyms.
References
Cochran-Smith, Marilyn & Lytle, Susan L. (2009). Inquiry as Stance: Practitioner research
for the next generation. New York: Teachers College Press.
Forstater, Mark & White, Michael (Producers); Gilliam, Terry, & Jones, Terry (Directors).
(1975). Monty Python and the Holy Grail (Motion Picture). United Kingdom,
Michael White Productions, National Film Trustee Company, Python Pictures.
Holland, Dorothy; Lachicotte, William; Skinner, Debra, & Cain, Carole (1998). Identity
and agency in cultural worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Ito, Mizuko (2007). Technologies of the Childhood Imagination: Media Mixes, Hyper-
sociality, and Recombinant Cultural Form. Médiamorphoses, 21 Available at http://
documents.irevues.inist.fr/handle/2042/23561.
Medina, Carmen & Wohlwend, Karen (2014). Literacy, Play, and Globalization: Converging
Imaginaries in Children’s Critical and Cultural Performances. New York: Routledge.
Moll, Luis; Amanti, Cathy; Neff, Deborah, & Gonzalez, Norma (1992). Funds of
Knowledge for Teaching: Using a Qualitative Approach to Connect Homes and
Classrooms. Theory into Practice 31:132-141 doi: 10.1080/00405849209543534.
Peppler, Kylie & Bender, Sophia (2013). Maker Movement Spreads Innovation One Proj-
ect at a Time. Phi Delta Kappan 95(3): 22-27 doi: 10.1177/003172171309500306.
Rowsell, Jennifer & Pahl, Kate (2006). Sedimented Identities in Texts: Instances of
Practice. Reading Research Quarterly 42(3): 388-404 doi: 10.1598/RRQ.42.3.3.
Jill Scott, Doctoral Student, Literacy, Culture and Language Education, School of
Education, Indiana University, USA, [email protected]
Karen Wohlwend, Ph.D, Associate Professor, Literacy, Culture and Language Educa-
tion, School of Education, Indiana University, USA, [email protected]
218
Scollon, Ronald &, Scollon, Suzanne (2004). Nexus analysis: Discourse and the Emerging
Internet. Routledge, New York.
Thiel, Jayne Johnson (2015). Bumblebees in Trouble: Embodied Literacies During
Imaginative Superhero Play. Language Arts 93(1): 38-49
Vygotsky, Lev S. (1978). Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Pro-
cesses. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
Wohlwend, Karen; Buchholz, Beth & Medina, Carmen (In press for 2017). Playful
Literacies and Practices of Making in Children’s Imaginaries. In Mills, Kathy;
Stornaiuolo, Amy; Smith, Anna & Pandya, Jessica Zacher (Eds.), Handbook of
Writing, Literacies, and Education in Digital Cultures. New York, NY: Routledge.
Wohlwend, Karen; Buchholz, Beth; Wessel-Powell, Christy; Coggin, Linda, & Husbye,
Nicholas (2013). Literacy Playshop: New Literacies, Popular Media, and Play in the
Early Childhood Classroom. Teachers College Press, New York.
Wohlwend, Karen (2009). Damsels in Discourse: Girls Consuming and Producing
Gendered Identity Texts through Disney Princess Play. Reading Research Quarterly
44(1): 57-83 doi: 10.1598/rrq.44.1.3.
Wohlwend, Karen (2011). Playing their Way into Literacies: Reading, Writing, and Child-
hood Classroom. Teachers College Press, New York.
Wohlwend, Karen (2012). The Boys who would Be Princesses: Playing with Gender
Identity intertexts in Disney Princess Transmedia. Gender and Education 24(6):
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Wohlwend, Karen (2014). Mediated Discourse Analysis: Tracking Discourse in Action,
pp. 56-69 in Albers, Peggy; Holbrook, Teri & Flint, Amy Seely (Eds), New Methods
in Literacy Research. New York: Routledge.
Acknowledgement
An earlier version of this article was originally published in the Spring 2016 issue
of the Elon Journal of Undergraduate Research in Communications.
The author would like to extend thanks to Kenn Gaither, associate professor
and associate dean at Elon University, for his constant guidance throughout this
process, without which this article could not have been written. The author also
thanks the School of Communications and the many reviewers who have helped
revise this article.
219
18
Meeting Change with
Creativity
Interview with Kirsten Drotner
K irsten Drotner is chair of media studies at University of South Denmark

(SDU) and founding director of a national programme Our Museum,
and of DREAM (Danish Research Centre on Advanced Media Materials). She
is a leading researcher on children’s and young people’s interactions with
media at present and in the past, on the formation of creative, digital media
literacies, and on users’ engagements with museums, libraries and similar
cultural institutions1.
Tell us how your interest (and approaches) regarding children,

youth, media and creativity have developed over your career. How
about the projects you are involved in at the moment?
Early in my career I was involved in organizing academic collaboration
in Denmark in the area of children’s culture. This was a time when the
Scandinavian countries of Europe developed a lively interest in ap-
proaches to culture that would later be termed cultural studies, based
on parallel developments in the UK. In Scandinavia, the particular
interest in children’s culture tied in with welfarist notions of children
as agents in their own lives, not merely as future citizens or denizens of
the state. So, my interest in children’s and young people’s own cultural
expressions and the creative processes behind them took inspiration
Meeting Change with Creativity. Interview
from these trends. with Kirsten Drotner in Ilana Eleá and
More specifically, I had already conducted historical research on Lothar Mikos (Eds.) Young & Creative.
juvenile media representations, resulting in a DPhil. in 1985 followed in Everyday Life. Gothenburg: Nordicom
221
by a book three years later2. Having spent the best part of my twenties
in historical archives, I wanted to turn to more contemporary media
issues. So in line with the wider interests at the time in cultural agency,
I chose to conduct a media-ethnographic study, not of dedicated fan
culture, but of ‘ordinary’ young people’s video-making. I followed about
25 informants for about a year across a range of sites and settings in
which they moved, and I analysed their video-making processes as
well as their results3. This work allowed me to gain insight into the
fascinating processes of creative collaboration; and that fascination has
stayed with me, even if I have worked on many other media projects
since then.
Naturally, the pervasive uptake of digital media technologies that
offer immediate and easy options for shaping and sharing all sorts of
images, sound and text have turned what 25 years ago seemed like a
niche research area into a key concern. I have just finished a project,
conducted with my colleague Heidi Philipsen, on children’s film-making
practices and the didactics needed to further these practices4. That work
has made it absolutely evident that today children’s digital content cre-
ation is at the core of exercising their freedom of expression. But it has
equally documented that children are not digital natives who already
know how to exercise this freedom. They need sustained training to
Image 1. Making stop-motion film

offers an easy pathway to producti-
ve media and information literacy.
222
Meeting Change with Creativity
competently use what Uwe Hasebrink and colleagues in the major EU

Kids Online project have called the digital ‘ladder of opportunities’5.
While children naturally have a voice, they must learn how to apply
digital media to shape its modes of expression so that others may hear
and understand, even if these others choose to disagree or reject the
result. While 25 years ago I studied young people’s media production
as a form of peer production within a leisured participatory culture,
our current research has illuminated that today children’s digital con-
tent creation is critically about securing pathways to their citizenship.
“Leisure is hard work” is the title of one of your articles, published in

2008. Could you explain how you came to this conclusion?
The title is really the result of two key findings in our studies on digital
content creation. First, we have documented that there is a mismatch
between young media users’ technical options of production and their
abilities to exercise these options in such a way that others understand
the result. Many have the technical skills needed, but fewer know how
to communicate with media in terms of, for example, narrative, fram-
ing or editing; and surprisingly few have a clue about the contexts of
power in which their results circulate. They may know about the privacy
settings of their Facebook profiles, but they are at a loss to understand
Facebook’s platform power over their data. Second, we have seen that
school provides very little in terms of systematically training students’
digital content creation, despite the fact that this training is at the core
of 21st-century skills. School, in Denmark as elsewhere, is very focused
on reproductive learning (reading, math), rather than on the forms of
productive learning that are involved in digital processes of creation.
Young media users primarily train these creative resources in their
leisure time – hence the title.
If you could send a message to parents and teachers about child-

ren’s and youth’s media creative production, what would you say?
What do they need to be aware of and/or inspired by?
We all need to rethink the purpose of media and information literacy
in view of the resources needed in the 21st century. In the past, much
effort has focused on offering students critical skills of representation,
for example spotting ideological bias and marketing efforts. More re-
223
Image 2. Sharing the fun of production is a serious matter, even for very young children.
cently, we have witnessed an upsurge in a technology-driven emphasis

on information skills in terms of handling hardware and teaching
students how to code. When it comes to children’s and young people’s
own media output, not only third-sector organisations and school but
also parents are keen to guide the young about what (and whom) to
avoid online. Given the high-profile and very tragic cases of harm, this
is a natural first step. Naturally, children need critical awareness and
there is nothing wrong in promoting coding. But the pervasive focus
on technological skills and on online avoidance very easily implies that
adults are sidestepping the key perspective of how we may guide chil-
dren’s freedom to express themselves online. We need a better balance
in teaching about media obstacles and options here.
Parents or school authorities, who may not be persuaded by such
fluffy democratic arguments, may take note of a report issued by the
224
Meeting Change with Creativity
World Economic Forum in 2016 and stating that of the generation pop-
ulating schools today 65 per cent will hold future jobs not yet perceived
or invented6. To prepare for such dramatic changes, creative skills are
needed by all, not merely a select creative class. For without creativity,
no innovation, and no training in meeting change with a capacity to
act on that change. And where better to start than by advancing chil-
dren’s and young people’s creative media competences. They have the
resources; they already apply these in their leisure time. But mobiles
and tablets are still often banned in the classroom as distracting gadgets
diverting attention from the main elements of teaching. We need to
turn the tables.
Notes
1. http://findresearcher.sdu.dk/portal/en/persons/kirsten-drotner(b0d73222-74a5-
417c-b313-0bccaaf812fa)/cv.html?id=79386239
2. Drotner, Kirsten (1988). English children and their magazines, 1752-1945. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
3. Drotner, Kirsten (1989). Girl meets boy: Aesthetic production, reception, and
gender identity, Cultural Studies 3, (2): 208-225. Drotner, Kirsten (1991). At skabe
sig – selv: unge, æstetik, pædagogik. Copenhagen: Gyldendal. Rev. ed. 1995.
4. Drotner, Kirsten & Philipsen, Heidi (2016). Udvikling af tværfaglig filmpædagogik:
Kreativitet, kreation og kollaboration [Developing interdisciplinary film pedagogy:
Creativity, creation and collaboration]. Odense: Kulturregion Fyn. See: http://
filmportalfyn.dk/ny-forskningsrapport-udvikling-af-tvaerfaglig-filmpaedagogik/
Philipsen, Heidi & Drotner, Kirsten (2017). Praksiskatalog: Produktiv læring med
film i dansk og de praktisk-musiske fag. Hvordan udvikles praksis? [Best practice:
Productive learning through film in Danish and cultural subjects]. Odense:
Kulturregion Fyn. See: http://filmportalfyn.dk/praksiskatalog-om-filmunder-
visning-til-skolerne/
5. Hasebrink, Uwe; Görz, Anke; Haddon, Leslie; Kalmus, Veronika; Livingstone,
Sonia. et al. (2011). Patterns of risk and safety online: In-depth analysis from the EU
Kids Online Survey of 9- to 16-year-olds and their parents in 25 European countries.
London: London School of Economics. See: http://www.lse.ac.uk/media@lse/re-
search/EUKidsOnline/EU%20Kids%20II%20(2009-11)/EUKidsOnlineIIReports/
D5%20Patterns%20of%20risk.pdf
6. The future of jobs: Employment, skills and workforce strategy for the fourth industrial
revolution (2016). World Economic Forum.
225
Publications from the International Clearinghouse on Children, Youth and Media
Yearbooks
Dafna Lemish & Maya Götz (Eds.) Beyond the Stereotypes? Images of Boys and Girls, and their Consequences. Yearbook 2017
Magda Abu-Fadil, Jordi Torrent, Alton Grizzle (Eds.) Opportunities for Media and Information Literacy in the Middle East
and North Africa. Yearbook 2016
Sirkku Kotilainen, Reijo Kupiainen (Eds.) Reflections on Media Education Futures. Contributions to the Conference Media Education Futures in
Tampere, Finland 2014. Yearbook 2015
Ilana Eleá (Ed.) Agentes e Vozes. Um Panorama da Mídia-Educação no Brasil, Portugal e Espanha. Yearbook 2014. Portuguese/Spanish Edition.
Cecilia von Feilitzen & Johanna Stenersen (Eds): Young People, Media and Health. Risks and Rights. Yearbook 2014.
English Edition.
Thomas Tufte, Norbert Wildermuth, Anne Sofie Hansen-Skovmoes, Winnie Mitullah (Eds): Speaking Up and Talking Back? Media Empowerment and
Civic Engagement among East and Southern African Youth. Yearbook 2012/2013.
Cecilia von Feilitzen, Ulla Carlsson & Catharina Bucht (Eds): New Questions, New Insights, New Approaches. Contributions
to the Research Forum at the World Summit on Media for Children and Youth 2010. Yearbook 2011.
Ulla Carlsson (Ed.) Children and Youth in the Digital Media Culture. From a Nordic Horizon. Yearbook 2010.

Thomas Tufte & Florencia Enghel (Eds): Youth Engaging With the World. Media, Communication and Social Change. Yearbook 2009.
Norma Pecora, Enyonam Osei-Hwere & Ulla Carlsson (Eds): African Media, African Children. Yearbook 2008.
Karin M. Ekström & Birgitte Tufte (Eds): Children, Media and Consumption. On the Front Edge. Yearbook 2007.
Ulla Carlsson & Cecilia von Feilitzen (Eds): In the Service of Young People? Studies and Reflections on Media in the Digital Age. Yearbook 2005/2006.
Cecilia von Feilitzen (Ed.): Young People, Soap Operas and Reality TV. Yearbook 2004.
Cecilia von Feilitzen & Ulla Carlsson (Eds): Promote or Protect? Perspectives on Media Literacy and Media Regulations. Yearbook 2003.
Cecilia von Feilitzen & Ulla Carlsson (Eds): Children, Young People and Media Globalisation. Yearbook 2002.

Cecilia von Feilitzen & Catharina Bucht: Outlooks on Children and Media. Child Rights, Media Trends, Media Research, Media Literacy, Child
Participation, Declarations. Yearbook 2001.
blogging,
Cecilia otherwise
von Feilitzen & Ulla Carlssonknown as invlogging,
(Eds): Children the New MediaaLandscape.
common Games,feature
Pornography, Perceptions. Yearbook 2000.
among viewers. Some vloggers have become world famousYearbook 1999.

Cecilia von Feilitzen & Ulla Carlsson (Eds): Children and Media. Image, Education, Participation.
Ulla Carlsson & Cecilia von Feilitzen (Eds): Children and Media Violence. Yearbook 1998.
Other publications
Ilana Eleá (Ed.) Agents and Voices. A Panorama of Media Education in Brazil, Portugal and Spain, 2015.
Jagtar Singh, Alton Grizzle, Sin Joan Yee & Sherri Hope Culver (Eds): MILID Yearbook 2015.
Media and Information Literacy for the Sustainable Development Goals
Sherri Hope Culver & Paulette Kerr (Eds): MILID Yearbook 2014. Global Citizenship in a Digital World.
Catharina Bucht & Eva Harrie: Young People in the Nordic Digital Media Culture. A Statistical Overview, 2013.
Ulla Carlsson & Sherri Hope Culver (Eds): MILID Yearbook 2013. Media and Information Literacy and Intercultural Dialogue.
Catharina Bucht & Maria Edström (Eds): Youth Have Their Say on Internet Governance. Nordic Youth Forum at EuroDig, Stockholm June 2012.
Sirkku Kotilainen & Sol-Britt Arnolds-Granlund (Eds): Media Literacy Education. Nordic Perspectives, in cooperation with the Finnish Society on
Media Education, 2010.
María Dolores Souza & Patricio Cabello (Eds): The Emerging Media Toddlers, 2010.
Young People in the European Digital Media Landscape. A Statistical Overview with an Introduction by Sonia Livingstone
and Leslie Haddon. 2009 (For the EU conference ‘Promoting a Creative Generation’, July 2009)
Cecilia von Feilitzen: Influences of Mediated Violence. A Brief Research Summary, 2009.
Ulla Carlsson, Samy Tayie, Geneviève Jacquinot-Delaunay & José Manuel Pérez Tornero (Eds): Empowerment Through Media Education. An
Intercultural Dialogue, in co-operation with UNESCO, Dar Graphit and the Mentor Association, 2008.
Ulla Carlsson (Ed.): Regulation, Awareness, Empowerment. Young People and Harmful Media Content in the Digital Age, in co-operation with
UNESCO, 2006.
Maria Jacobson: Young People and Gendered Media Messages, 2005.
Simon Egenfeldt-Nielsen & Jonas Heide Smith: Playing with Fire. How do Computer Games Influence the Player?, 2004.
This book YOUNG & CREATIVE – Digital Technologies Empowering Children in Every-
day Life aims to catch different examples where children and youth have been active
and creative by their own initiative, driven by intrinsic motivation, personal interests
and peer relations. We want to show the opportunities of digital technologies for cre-
ative processes of children and young people. The access to digital technology and
its growing convergence has allowed young people to experiment active roles as cul-
tural producers. Participation becomes a keyword when “consumers take media into
their own hands”. Digital technologies offer the potential of different forms of partici-
patory media culture, and finally creative practices.

YOUNG and CREATIVE is a mix of research articles, interviews and case studies. The
target audience of this book is students, professionals and researchers working in the
field of education, communication, children and youth studies, new literacy studies
and media and information literacy.
Tube.Eleá,
Ilana In this
PhDsection, authors
in Education frompresent
PUC-Rioexamples of Brazil,
de Janeiro, videois former scientific coor-
blogging,
dinator otherwise
at The knownClearinghouse
International as vlogging, a on
common feature
Children, Youth and Media, Nordicom,
Sweden.
through
Lothar theirProfessor
Mikos, presenceofonTelevision
the screen, some of
Studies, them are still
Department of Media Studies, Filmuni-
versität Babelsberg KONRAD WOLF, Potsdam, Germany, and Honorary Professsor at
University of International Business and Economy, Beijing, China.
Box 713, SE 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden
Telephone +46 31 786 00 00 • Fax + 46 31 786 46 55
ISBN 978-91-87957-85-7
E-mail [email protected]
9 789187 957857
www.nordicom.gu.se

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YOUNG &

The Creative YouTubers

Somewhere around 300-400 hours of video is uploaded

Ilana Eleá &

The Creative YouTubers

literacy and media competence. Moreover, it is hoped that the

Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos (Eds.)

© Editorial matters and selections, the editors; articles, individual

ISBN 978-91-87957-85-7 (print)

The publication is also available as open access at www.nordicom.gu.se

Images reprinted with permission from copyrightholder

THE CREATIVE YOUTUBERS

5 Top Girls on YouTube. Identity, Participation, and Consumption

EXPRESSIONS OF CREATIVITY AMONG CHILDREN AND YOUTH

8 A Shared Literary Experience. Youth Reading, Creativity and Virtual Performances

10 “Transmedia Storytelling as a Narrative Expansion”: Interview with Carlos Scolari 125

11 Conversations on Creativity and Communication

COLLECTING AND SHARING CREATIVITY

14 Peer Teaching and Learning. A Case of Two Five-year-olds as Minecraft Creators

TRAINING TEACHERS TO SPARK YOUNG PEOPLE’S CREATIVITY

17 Bringing Maker Literacies to Early Childhood Education

18 Meeting Change with Creativity: Interview with Kirsten Drotner 221

T oday´s digital technology provides opportunities to create and reach

Göteborg, December 2017

Catharina Bucht Ingela Wadbring

T he 21st century saw the rise of digital media technologies which

In order to explore young people’s affinity spaces and new literacies

The tone and sections of the book

novels on mobile phones. The genre of keitai novels is also presented in

European project AMORES (Geoff Walton, Mark Childs, Janet Hether-

Some final words

Stockholm and Potsdam

Ilana Eleá and Lothar Mikos

Ilana Eleá, PhD in Education by PUC-Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, is former scientific

The first section of this anthology revolves around discus-

T his article introduces understandings of creativity in relation to social

The rhetorics have complex histories; in the following sections, brief

Creativity: Unique or democratic?

requisite skill and inspiration to maintain a link with what is regarded

Creative socialization and ‘successful’ societies?

‘elite’ one: ‘Imaginative activity fashioned so as to produce outcomes

Serious or playful stuff?

thinking. Dixon and Webber (2007) point to links between adults’

A digital ‘creativity pill’ or a damaging potion?

Evaluation, learning and pedagogy

ways in which broader inflections of discourses of creativity relate to

Shakuntala Banaji, Dr, Media and Communications, London School of Economics

Vygotsky, Lev [1994(1931)]. Imagination and Creativity in the Adolescent (pp.266-288)

Danah Henriksen & Megan Hoelting

I n today’s globalized media, a new type of individual has emerged as

Graceffa had the creative power to use YouTube to decide how he

The changing landscape of content creators

of hours of YouTube videos are watched, generating billions of views.

New media redefines systems of creativity

Figure 1. Csikszentmihalyi’s model of traditional creativity systems

Understanding new media through a Deweyan lens

indulge these four impulses. The affordances offered by the YouTube

Exploiting the potential for creative education

explore for the sake of exploration, to value risk-taking and learning