Bandura - Self Eficcacy and Agency PDF

Self-Efficacy Mechanism in
Human Agency
ALBERT BANDURA Stanford University
ABSTRACT: This article addresses the centrality of the Recent years have witnessed a growing conver-
self-efficacy mechanism in human agency. Self-per- gence of theory and research on the influential role
cepts of efficacy influence thought patterns, actions, of self-referent thought in psychological function-
and emotional arousal. In causal tests the higher the ing (DeCharms, 1968; Garber & Seligman, 1980;
level of induced self-efficacy, the higher the perfor- Lefcourt, 1976; Perlmuter & Monty, 1979; Rotter,
mance accomplishments and the lower the emotional
Chance, & Phares, 1972; White, 1959). Although
arousal. Different lines of research are reviewed, show-
ing that the self-efficacy mechanism may have wide the research is conducted from a number of dif-
explanatory power. Perceived self-efficacy helps to ac- ferent perspectives -under a variety of names, the
count for such diverse phenomena as changes in coping basic phenomenon being addressed centers on peo-
behavior produced by different modes of influence, ple's sense of personal efficacy to produce and to
level of physiological stress reactions, self-regulation of regulate events in their lives. ,
refractory behavior, resignation and despondency to Efficacy in dealing with one's environment is
failure experiences, self-debilitating effects of proxy not a fixed act or simply a matter of knowing what
control and illusory inefficaciousness, achievement to do. Rather, it involves a generative capability
strivings, growth of intrinsic interest, and career pur- in which component cognitive, social, and behav-
suits. The influential role of perceived collective effi- ioral skills must be organized into integrated
cacy in social change is analyzed, as are the social con-
courses of action to serve innumerable purposes.
ditions conducive to development of collective inefficacy.
A capability is only as good as its execution. Op-
Psychological theorizing and research tend to cen- erative competence requires orchestration and
ter on issues concerning either acquisition of continuous improvisation of multiple subskills to
knowledge or execution of response patterns. As manage ever-changing circumstances. Initiation
a result the processes governing the interrelation- and regulation of transactions with the environ-
ship between knowledge and action have been ment are therefore partly governed by judgments
largely neglected (Newell, 1978). Some of the re- of operative capabilities. Perceived self-efficacy is
cent efforts to bridge this gap have been directed concerned with judgments of how well one can
at the biomechanics problem—how efferent com- execute courses of action required to deal with
mands of action plans guide the production of ap- prospective situations.
propriate response patterns (Stelmach, 1976,1978).
Others have approached the matter in terms of
algorithmic knowledge, which furnishes guides for Function and Diverse Effects of Self-
executing action sequences (Greeno, 1973; Newell, Percepts of Efficacy
1973). ,
Knowledge, transformational operations, and Self-percepts of efficacy are not simply inert es-
component skills are necessary but insufficient for timates of future action. Self-appraisals of opera-
accomplished performances. Indeed, people often
do not behave optimally, even though they know
full well what to do. This is because self-referent This article was presented as a Distinguished Scientific Contri-
thought also mediates the relationship between bution Award address at the meeting of the American Psycho-
logical Association, Los Angeles, August 1981.
knowledge and action. The issues addressed in this The research by the author reported in this article was sup-
line of inquiry are concerned with how people ported by Research Grant M-5162 from the National Institutes
judge their capabilities and how, through their self- of Health, U.S. Public Health Service.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Albert Bandura, De-
percepts of efficacy, they affect their motivation partment of Psychology, Stanford University, Building 420, Jor-
and behavior. dan Hall, Stanford, California 94305.
122 • FEBRUARY 1982 • AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST Vol. 37, No. 2, 122-147

Copyright 1982 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
0003-066X/82/3702-Ol22$00.75
tive capabilities function as one set of proximal tionally influence their thought patterns and emo-
determinants of how people behave, their thought tional reactions during anticipatory and actual
patterns, and the emotional reactions they expe- transactions with the environment. Those who
rience in taxing situations. In their daily lives peo- judge themselves inefficacious in coping with en-
ple continuously make decisions about what courses vironmental demands dwell on their personal de-
of action to pursue and how long to continue those ficiencies and imagine potential difficulties as more
they have undertaken. Because acting on misjudg- formidable than they really are (Beck, 1976; Laz-
ments of personal efficacy can produce adverse arus & Launier, 1978; Meichenbaum, 1977; Sar-
consequences, accurate appraisal of one's own ca- ason, 1975). Such self-referent misgivings create
pabilities has considerable functional value. Self- stress and impair performance by diverting atten-
efficacy judgments, whether accurate or faulty, tion from how best to proceed with the undertak-
influence choice of activities and environmental ing to concerns over failings and mishaps. In con-
settings. People avoid activities that they believe trast, persons who have a strong sense of efficacy
exceed their coping capabilities, but they under- deploy their attention .and effort to the demands
take and perform assuredly those that they judge of the situation and are spurred to greater effort
themselves capable of managing (Bandura, 1977a).* by obstacles.
Judgments of self-efficacy also determine how
much effort people will expend and how long they
will persist in the face of obstacles or aversive ex- Microanalytic Research Strategy
periences. When beset with difficulties people who
entertain serious doubts about their capabilities Psychological theories postulate intervening mech-
slacken their efforts or give up altogether, whereas anisms through which external factors affect be-
those who have a strong sense of efficacy exert havior. Attempts to verify a theory commonly seek
greater effort to master the challenges (Bandura evidence of covariation between behavior and the
& Schunk, 1981; Brown & Inouye, 1978; Schunk, external factors believed to instate the intervening
1981; Weinberg, Gould, & Jackson, 1979). High events, without including independent probes of
perseverance usually produces high performance the postulated mediator. Demonstrations of envi-
attainments. ronmental-action covariation increase confidence
High self-percepts of efficacy may affect pre- in a theory, but they do not establish firmly its
paratory and performance effort differently, in validity because the covariation can be mediated
that some self-doubt bestirs learning but hinders through other mechanisms capable of producing
adept execution of acquired capabilities. In apply- similar effects. A postulated mediator is not di-
ing existing skills strong self-efficaciousness inten- rectly observable, nevertheless it should have ob-
sifies and sustains the effort needed for optimal servable indicants other than the actions it pre-
performance, which is difficult to realize if one is sumably governs. Hence the most stringent test of
beleaguered by self-doubts. In approaching learn- a theory is provided by anchoring the hypothesized
ing tasks, however, those who perceive themselves mediator in an independently measurable indicant
to be supremely self-efficacious in the undertaking and confirming that external factors are indeed
feel little need to invest much preparatory effort linked to an indicant of the internal mediator and
in it. Salomon (in press) provides some evidence that it, in turn, is linked to overt behavior.
bearing on this issue. He found that high perceived In testing propositions about the origins and
self-efficacy as a learner is associated with heavy functions of perceived self-efficacy, a microana-
investment of cognitive effort and superior learn- lytic methodology is employed (Bandura, 1977a).
ing from instructional media that children consider Individuals are presented with graduated self-ef-
difficult, but with less investment of effort and ficacy scales representing tasks varying in diffi-
poor learning from media that they believe to be culty, complexity, stressfulness, or some other di-
easy. Thus some uncertainty has preparatory ben- mension, depending on the particular domain of
efits. An aid to good performance is a strong sense 1
of self-efficacy to withstand failures coupled with In the case of habitual routines, people develop their self-
knowledge through repeated experiences, to the point where
some uncertainty (construed in terms of the chal- they no longer need to judge their efficacy on each occasion
lenge of the task, rather than fundamental doubts that they perform the same activity. They behave in accordance
about one's capabilities) to spur preparatory ac- with what they know they can or cannot do, without giving the
matter much further thought. Significant changes in task de-
quisition of knowledge and skills. mands or situational circumstances, however, prompt self-ef-
People's judgments of their capabilities addi- ficacy reappraisals as guides for action under altered conditions.
AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST • FEBRUARY 1982 • 123

behavior was measured. In one experiment the
level of perceived self-efficacy was raised through
enactive mastery of progressively more threaten-
ing activities. This was achieved through a se-
quential procedure in which mastery of each task
was followed by a self-efficacy probe until subjects
achieved their preassigned low, moderate, or high
level of self-efficacy. The next phase of the study
included successive modifications of self-efficacy
INTRASUBJECT level within the same subjects.
Inspection of Figure 1 shows that performance
I I I
MEDIUM HIGH LOW MEDIUM HIGH varies as a function of perceived efficacy. Increas-
LEVEL OF SELF-EFFICACY
ing levels of perceived self-efficacy both across
groups and within the same subjects gave rise to
Figure 1. Mean performance attainments as a function
progressively higher performance accomplish-
of differential levels of perceived self-efficacy. (The left
panel shows the performances of groups of subjects whose
ments.
self-percepts of efficacy were raised to either low, me- Judgment of self-efficacy from enactive infor-
dium, or high levels; the right panel shows the perfor- mation is an inferential process in which the rel-
mances of the same subjects at different levels of self- ative contribution of personal and situational fac-
efficacy [Bandura, Reese, & Adams, in press].) tors must be weighted and integrated. Fine-grain
analysis of enactive mastery and the growth of self-
functioning being explored. They designate the efficacy during the course of treatment reveals that
tasks that they judge they can do and their degree self-percepts of efficacy may exceed, 'match, or
of certainty. An adequate efficacy analysis requires remain below enactive attainments, depending on
detailed assessment of the level, strength, and gen- how they are appraised.3 That self-efficacy is not
erality of perceived self-efficacy commensurate
2
with the precision with which performance is mea- The question arises regarding whether making self-efficacy
judgments in itself can affect performance by creating public
sured. This methodology permits microanalysis of commitment and pressures for consistency (Rachman, 1978).
the degree of congruence between self-percepts of In applying the microanalytic procedure, special precautions
efficacy and action at the level of individual tasks.2 are taken to minimize any possible motivational effects of the
assessment itself. Judgments of self-efficacy are made privately,
Of central interest to self-efficacy theory is the rather than stated publicly. Judgments of level and strength of
dynamic interplay among self-referent thought, efficacy are made for a variety of activities in different situa-
action, and affect. In this approach, self-referent tions in advance of behavior tests, rather than immediately prior
to each performance task. Research on the reactive effects of
thought is indexed in terms of particularized self- efficacy assessment shows that performance and fear arousal
percepts of efficacy that can vary across activities are the same regardless of whether people do or do not make
and situational circumstances rather than as a prior self-efficacy judgments (Bandura, Adams, Hardy, & How-
ells, 1980; Brown & Inouye, 1978). Nor are people's perfor-
global disposition assayed by an omnibus test. Mea- mances affected by whether they make their self-efficacy judg-
sures of self-percepts are tailored to the domain ments publicly or privately (Gauthier & Ladouceur, 1981;
of psychological functioning being explored. A spe- Weinberg, Yukelson, & Jackson, 1980). Contrary to the consis-
tency demand notion, degree of congruence between self-ef-
cial merit of the microanalytic approach is that ficacy judgment and action is unaffected or reduced when self-
particularized indices of self-efficacy provide re- efficacy judgments are reported publicly, with knowledge that
'fined predictions of human action and affective they will be inspected, rather than if they are made privately
under conditions in which no one will ever see them (Telch,
reactivity. Bandura, Vinciguerra, Agras, & Stout, 1981). When public in-
spection of their judgments is made salient, people are inclined
to become conservative in their self-appraisals, which creates
Causal Analysis of Self-Percepts efficacy-action discordances. Veridical self-appraisal is thus best
achieved under test conditions that reduce social evaluative fac-
of Efficacy tors.
3
During the efficacy-induction phase the mastery tasks were
Some of the research conducted within the efficacy presented in a standard hierarchical order, rather than varied
in accordance with changes in subjects' perceived efficacy. If
framework has sought to clarify the causal link a small success instilled a large increase in perceived self-effi-
between self-percepts of efficacy and action (Ban- cacy, to present next a correspondingly high mastery task would
dura, Reese, & Adams, in press). For this purpose risk raising self-efficacy beyond the preassigned level. These
treatment process data reveal the impact of each incremental
differential levels of perceived efficacy were in- mastery experience on subsequent self-percepts of efficacy.
duced in phobic subjects, whereupon their coping After subjects reached their preassigned level of perceived self-
124 • FEBRUARY 1982 • AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST

10
predictor of subsequent behavior than was perfor-
<8 100 -
K-
o
t
f mance attainment in treatment. The finding that
t
0 80
_ 0--0—0—0--0-1! ,o--o self-percepts of efficacy often surpass final perfor-
z ?- -°
. / -o-o- * mance as predictors of future performance re-
i 60 ~ • v°''°
0
s^"*' -i'."'•-•-•^.^ ceives support from other studies concerned with
. </'' ""•—•""*
UJ 40 _
markedly different activities (Bandura & Adams,
0.
• — • ENACTIVE 1977; DiClemente, 1981; Kendrick, Craig, Law-
t- MASTERY
g 20 — o— o SELF- son, & Davidson, Note 1; Mclntyre, Mermelstein,
o -
Q:
I l l 1 i i
EFFICACY
i
& Lichtenstein, Note 2).
n" 0
PRE M TREATMENT PRE M TREATMENT In preliminary explorations of the cognitive pro-
Figure 2. Data from two moderately phobic subjects, cessing of enactive experiences, people register
illustrating how similar mastery experiences have vari- notable increases in self-efficacy when their ex-
able effects on perceived self-efficacy over the course of periences disconfirm misbeliefs about what they
treatment. (PRE represents the subjects' pretest status; fear and when they gain new skills to manage
M, the changes produced in perceived self-efficacy by threatening activities. They hold weak self-per-
the preparatory modeling alone; and TREATMENT, the cepts of efficacy in a provisional status, testing their
changes in subjects' self-percepts of efficacy measured newly acquired knowledge and skills before raising
after each task mastery [Bandura et al., in press].) judgments of what they are able to do. If in the
course of completing a task, they discover some-
merely an isomorphic reflection of past perfor- thing that appears intimidating about the under-
mance can be illustrated by a few representative
cases. For the female subject presented in the left
panej °f Figure 2, modeling and initial enactive 100
successes heightened self-efficacy substantially. u cr'
/
But her self-percepts of efficacy did not subse- < 80
quently change, even though progressively more ^
o:
tasks were mastered. An additional success pro- o / >•-•"'*
60 / ^0
duced maximal self-efficacy. The male subject por-
trayed in the right panel judges himself to be more
and more efficacious with each enactive success.
However, self-percepts of efficacy consistently ex-
z
UJ
: *•***/
ceed prior enactive attainments. UJ
20
; / y
In Figure 3 the patterns of changes are plotted o- n T i i i
for two markedly phobic subjects. The subject in PRE M TREATMENT
the upper panel gains considerable self-efficacy UJ
from merely observing the feared activities mod- 100 - P

eled, but subsequent enactive successes produce K
4
2
^ •,
little additional change for some time. Thereafter, 'Q: 80 — m-^*^^
o
advancing mastery is accompanied by variable u. ^ '
growth of self-percepts of efficacy that, at each 0 60 1 /* "*&'
hierarchical step, are well above the preceding task

^
mastery. For the subject in the lower panel, self- z ^
LU
a~o •— * ENACTIVE
efficacy outstrips performance in the initial phase /^ / MASTERY
of treatment, reaches a plateau in the intermediate Ct
UJ
20 - P i °—° SELF-
o' •' EFFICACY
phase, then drops below performance, and remains D-
beneath it until self-efficacy eventually surpasses o T"iY
PRE M TREATMENT
performance.
Because people are influenced more by how they Figure 3. Data from two severe phobics, illustrating
read their performance successes than by the suc- how similar mastery experiences have variable effects
cesses per se, perceived self-efficacy was a better on perceived self-efficacy over the course of treatment.
(PRE, represents the subjects' pretest status; M, the
changes produced in perceived self-efficacy by the pre-
efficacy, the performance test gauged fully what they were able paratory modeling alone; and TREATMENT, the changes
to do; at which point actions corresponded closely to self-per- in subjects' self-percepts of efficacy measured after each
cepts. task mastery [Bandura et al., in press].)

taking or suggests limitations to their mode of cop- ! tooF
ing, they register a decline in self-efficaciousness
despite their successful performance. In such in- 90
stances apparent successes leave them shaken 80
rather than emboldened. As they gain increasing
ability to predict and to manage potential threats, 70
they develop a robust self-assurance that serves
them well in mastering subsequent challenges. 60
50
VICARIOUS INDUCTION OF DIFFERENTIAL LEVELS
OF PERCEIVED SELF-EFFICACY INTER6ROUP INTRASUBJECT
40
I I
A further experiment was designed to provide an LOW MEDIUM LOW MEDIUM
eyen more stringent test of the causal contribution LEVEL OF SELF-EFFICACY
of perceived self-efficacy to action by creating Figure 4. Mean performance attainments by different
differential levels of self-efficacy vicariously. In groups of subjects at different levels of perceived self-
this mode of efficacy induction, persons observe efficacy (intergroup) and by the same subjects at higher
coping strategies being modeled, but they them- levels of perceived self-efficacy (intrasubject) [Bandura
selves do not execute any actions. Consequently, et al, iii press].
motoric mediators and their effects do not come
into play. In vicarious influence observers have to functions, and in both intergroup and intrasubject
rely solely on what they see in forming generalized experimental designs. Microanalyses of efficacy-
perceptions of their coping capabilities. action congruences reveal a close fit of perfor-
The same causal paradigm was used in which mance to self-percepts of efficacy on, individual
level of performance was examined as a conse- tasks. People successfully execute tasks that fall
quence of induced differential levels of self-effi- within their enhanced range of perceived self-ef-
cacy. The model displays emphasized two as- ficacy, but shun or fail those that exceed their per-
pects—predictability and controllability—that are ceived coping capabilities.
conducive to the enhancement of self-percepts of
efficacy. In demonstrating predictability the model Predictive Generality Across Modes
repeatedly exemplified how feared objects are of Influence
likely to behave in each of many different situa-
tions. Predictability reduces stress and increases In the social learning view, judgments of self-ef-
preparedness in coping with threats (Averill, 1973'; ficacy, whether accurate or faulty, are based on
Miller, 1981). In modeling controllability the four principal sources of information. These in-
model demonstrated highly effective techniques clude performance attainments; vicarious experi-
for handling threats in whatever situation might ences of observing the performances of others; ver-
arise. bal persuasion and allied types of social influences
Self-efficacy probes were made at selected that one possesses 'certain capabilities; and phys-
points in the modeling of coping strategies until iological states from which people partly judge
subjects' perceived self-efficacy was raised to their capability, strength, and vulnerability.
preassigned low or medium levels. The" third Enactive attainments provide the most influ-
level—maximal self-efficacy—was not included ential source of efficacy information because it can
because some phobics would undoubtedly have be based on authentic mastery experiences. Suc-
required at least some performance mastery ex- cesses heighten perceived self-efficacy; repeated
periences to attain complete self-efficaciousness. failures lower it, especially if failures occur early
As shown in Figure 4, the higher level of perceived in the course of events and do not reflect lack of
self-efficacy produced the higher performance at- effort or adverse external circumstances..
tainments. People do not rely on enactive experience as the
The combined findings lend validity to the thesis sole source of .information about their capabilities.
that self-percepts of efficacy operate as cognitive Efficacy appraisals are partly influenced by vicar-
mediators of action. The efficacy-action relation- ious experiences. Seeing similar others perform
ship is replicated across different modes of efficacy successfully can raise efficacy expectations in ob-
induction, across different types of phobic dys- servers who then judge that they too possess the

capabilities to master comparable activities. By the is lacking, people tend to behave ineffectually,
same token, observing others who are perceived even though they know what to do. Social learning
to be of similar competence fail despite high effort theory postulates a common mechanism of behav-
lowers observers' judgments of their own capabil- ioral change—different modes of influence alter
ities (Brown & Inouye, 1978). Vicariously derived coping behavior partly by creating and strength-
information alters perceived self-efficacy through ening self-percepts of efficacy.
ways other than social "comparison. As previously The. explanatory and predictive power of this
noted, modeling displays convey information about theory was tested in a series of experiments in
the nature and predictability of environmental which severe snake phobies received treatments
events. Competent models also teach observers ef- relying on enactive, vicarious, emotive, and cog-
fective strategies for dealing with challenging or nitive modes of influence (Bandura & Adams,
threatening situations. 1977; Bandura, Adams, & Beyer, 1977; Bandura,
Verbal persuasion is widely used to get people Adams, Hardy, & Howells, 1980). This type of
to believe they possess capabilities that will enable disorder permits the most precise tests of mecha-
them to achieve what they seek. Although social nisms of change because participants rarely, if
persuasion alone may be limited in its power to ever, have contact with reptiles while the treat-
create enduring increases in self-efficacy, it can ment is in progress. Consequently, the changes
contribute to successful performance if the height- accompanying treatment are not confounded by
ened appraisal is within realistic bounds. Persua- uncontrolled experiences arising from contact with
sive efficacy influences, therefore, have their great- the threats between sessions. In each study in this
est impact on people who have some reason to series, the1 level, strength, and generality of coping
believe that they can produce effects through their self-efficacy for a variety of threatening tasks was
actions (Chambliss & Murray, 1979a, 1979b). TO measured prior to and after treatment.
the extent that persuasive boosts in self-efficacy In the treatment employing enactive mastery as
lead them to try hard enough to succeed, such the principal vehicle of change, phobies are as-
influences promote development of skills and a sisted by performance induction aids in dealing
sense of personal efficacy. with what they fear. As treatment progresses the
People rely partly on information from their provisional aids are withdrawn, and self-directed
physiological state in judging their capabilities. mastery experiences are then arranged to authen-
They read their visceral arousal in stressful and ticate and generalize personal efficacy. In the vi-
taxing situations as an ominous sign of vulnerabil- carious mode of treatment, phobies merely observe
ity to dysfunction. Because high arousal usually the model perform progressively more threatening
debilitates performance, people are more inclined activities without any adverse effects. In the third
to expect success when they are not beset by aver- treatment tested, which draws heavily on a cog-
sive arousal than if they are tense and viscerally nitive modality (Kazdin, 1973), phobies generate
agitated. In activities involving strength and stam- cognitive scenarios in which multiple models of
ina, people read their fatigue, aches, and pains as differing characteristics cope with and master
indicants of physical inefficacy. threatening activities. As a further test of the gen-
Information that is relevant for judging personal erality of efficacy theory, an emotive-oriented pro-
capabilities—whether conveyed enactively, vicar- cedure was also examined. In this desensitization
iously, persuasively, or physiologically—is not in- treatment people visualize threatening scenes while
herently enlightening. Rather, it becomes instruc- deeply relaxed until they no longer experience any
tive only through cognitive appraisal. The cognitive anxiety arousal. Imaginal conquest of fear and ac-
processing of efficacy information concerns the quisition of a self-relaxation coping skill can boost
types of cues people have learned to use as indi- perceived self-efficacy.
cators of personal efficacy and the inference rules Results of these studies confirm that different
they employ for integrating efficacy information modes of influence all raise and strengthen self-
from different sources (Bandura, 1981). percepts of efficacy. Moreover, behavior corre-
The aim of a comprehensive theory is to provide sponds closely to level of self-efficacy change, re-
a unifying conceptual framework that can encom- gardless of the method by which self-efficacy is
pass diverse modes of influence known to alter enhanced (Figure 5). The higher the level of per-
behavior. In any given activity skills and self-be- ceived self-efficacy, the greater the performance
liefs that ensure optimal use of capabilities are re- accomplishments. Strength of efficacy also predicts
quired for successful functioning. If self-efficacy behavior change. The stronger the perceived ef-

100
90 - o SELF-EFFICACY
• PERFORMANCE
80
tn
70
60
o
I- 50
40
111 30
Q. — ENACTIVE
20 -- VICARIOUS
• • • • CONTROL
10
PRETEST POSTTEST PRETEST POSTTEST PRETEST POSTTEST
Figure 5. Level of perceived self-efficacy and coping behavior displayed by subjects toward
threats after receiving treatments relying on either enactive, vicarious; emotive, or cognitive
modes of influence. (In the posttest phase, level of self-efficacy was measured prior to and
after the test of coping behavior. The scores represent the mean performance attainments with
similar and generalization threats [Bandura & Adams, 1977; Bandura, Adams, & Beyer, 1977;
Bandura, Adams, Hardy, & Howelis, 1980].)
ficacy, the more likely are people to persist in their computing the probability of successful perfor-
efforts until they succeed. Consistent with self-ef- mance as a function of strength of perceived self-
ficacy theory, enactive mastery produces the high- efficacy. All three indexes reveal a close relation-
est, strongest, and most generalized increases in ship between self-percepts of efficacy and action
coping efficacy! The latter finding is corroborated regardless of whether efficacy is instated by enr
by other comparative studies demonstrating that active mastery, vicarious experience, cognitive
enactive mastery surpasses persuasive (Biran & coping, or elimination of anxiety arousal (Bandura,
Wilson, 1981), emotive (Katz, Stout, Taylor, Home, 1977a; Bandura et al, 1980).
& Agras, Note 3), and vicarious (Feltz, Landers, Influences that operate through nonperfor-
& Raeder, 1979) influences in creating strong self- mance modes are of particular interest because
percepts of efficacy; they provide no behavioral information for judging
Self-efficacy theory explains rate of change dur- changes in one's self-efficacy. Persons have to infer
ing the course of treatment as well (Bandura & their capabilities from vicarious and symbolic
Adams, 1977). Self-percepts of efficacy formed sources of efficacy information. Even in the case
through partial mastery experiences at different of enactiyely instated self-efficacy, performance
points in treatment predict, at a high level of ac- is not the genesis of the causal chain. Performance
curacy, subsequent performance of threatening includes among its determinants self-percepts of
tasks that subjects had never done before. efficacy. We know from the research of Salomon
The degree of relationship between self-percepts (in press), for example, that self-perceived learning
.of efficacy and action can be quantified in several efficacy affects how much effort is invested in
ways. Correlations'pan be computed between ag- given activities and what levels of performance are
gregate scores of perceived self-efficacy and per- attained. Thus, judgments of one's capabilities
formance attainments. At a more particularized partly determine choice of activities and rate of
.level of analysis, "degree of congruence between skill acquisition, and performance mastery, in turn,
self-percepts and action can be gauged by record- can boost perceived self-efficacy in a mutually en-
ing whether persons judge themselves capable of hancing process. It is not as though self-rpercepts
performing each of the various tasks using a cutoff of efficacy affect future performances but play no
strength value and computing the percentage of role whatsoever in earlier performance attain^
accurate correspondence between self-efficacy ments. Questions about causal ordering of factors
judgment and actual performance on individual arise in enactively based influences when inter-
tasks. Dichotomizing self-efficacy judgments on active processes are treated as linear sequential
the basis of a minimal strength value inevitably ones and causally prior self-efficacy determinants
loses some predictive information. The most pre- of past performance accomplishments go unmea-
cise microanalysis of congruence is provided by sured.

Predictive Generality Across Domains choice and development (Betz & Hackett, 1981;
of Functioning Hackett & Betz, 1981; Hackett, Note 5). In these
diverse lines of research, predictive success is
The preceding experiments examined the explan- achieved across time, settings, performance vari-
atory and predictive generality of self-efficacy the- ants, expressive modalities, and vastly different
ory across different modes of influence applied to domains of psychological functioning. Moreover,
the same type of dysfunction. Tests of the gener- measures of self-percepts of efficacy using the
ality of this theory have been extended to diverse microanalytic approach predict variations in level
areas of functioning. One study designed for this of changes produced by different modes of influ-
purpose included severe agoraphobics, whose lives ence, variations among persons receiving the same
were markedly constricted by profound coping mode of influence, and even variations within in-
inefficacy that makes common activities seem dividuals in regard to the particular tasks they are
filled with danger (Bandura et al., 1980). likely to master or fail (Bandura, 1977a; Bandura
The treatment included group sessions in which et al., 1980). Some of these areas of research are
the participants were taught how to identify sit- discussed more fully because they clarify different
uational arid ideational elicitors of anxiety, how to aspects of the mediating self-efficacy mechanism.
manage anxiety arousal through thought and self- Although self-efficacy judgments are function-
relaxation, and how to use proximal goal setting ally related to action, a number of factors can af-
in gaining coping skill. But the critical ingredient fect the strength of the relationship. Discrepancies
of treatment involved field mastery experiences. may arise because of faulty self-knowledge, mis-
Therapists, who accompanied the agoraphobics judgment of task requirements, unforeseen situa-
into community settings, drew on whatever per- tional constraints on action, disincentives to act on
formance induction aids were required to enable one's self-percepts of efficacy, ill-defined global
their clients to cope successfully with what they measures of perceived self-efficacy or inadequate
dreaded. As treatment progressed therapists re- assessments of performance, and new experiences
duced their guided participation and assigned the that prpmpt reappraisals of self-efficacy in the time
clients progressively more challenging tasks to per- elapsing between probes of self-efficacy and ac-
form on their own. • , tion. These and other sources of discordance are
Assessment of self-efficacy and performance ac- discussed fully elsewhere (Bandura, in press) and
complishments in previously dreaded situations— will not be reviewed here.
traveling by automobile, using elevators and es-
calators, climbing stairs to high levels, dining in Perceived Self-Regulatory Efficacy
restaurants, shopping in supermarkets, and ven^
turing forth alone into public places—reveals sub- Exercise of influence over one's own behavior is
stantial increases in perceived coping efficacy not achieved by a feat of willpower. Self-regula-
(Figure 6). In microanalyses conducted both pripr tory capabilities require tools of personal agency
to and at the completion of treatment, behavioral and the self-assurance to use them effectively
change corresponded closely to level of self-effi- (Bandura, in press). People who are skeptical of
cacy change. their ability to exercise adequate control over their
A variety of studies applying different modes actions tend to undermine their efforts in situations
of influence to diverse domains of functioning that tax capabilities. Relapses in self-regulation of
speak further to the issue of perceived self-efficacy refractory consummatory behavior provide a fa-
as a common mechanism mediating psychological miliar example.
changes. Perceived self-efficacy predicts degree of Marlatt and Gordon (1980) have postulated a
change in diverse types of social behavior (Kazdin, common relapse process in heroin addiction, al-
1979; Barrios, Note 4); varieties of phobic dys- coholism, and smoking in which perceived self-
functions (Biran & Wilson, 1981; Bburque & La- regulatory efficacy operates as a contributing fac-
douceur, 1980); stress reactions and physiological tor. People who have the skills and assurance in
arousal (Bandura et al., in press); physical stamina their coping efficacy mobilize the effort needed
(Weinberg et al., 1979; Weinberg, Yukelson, & to succeed in high-risk situations. Mastery of pro'b-
Jackson, 1980); self-regulation of addictive behav- lem situations further strengthens self-regulatory
ior (Gondiotte & Liechtenstein, 1981; DiClemente, efficacy. In contrast, when coping skills are under-
1981); achievement strivings (Bandura & Schunk, developed and poorly used because of disbelief in
1981; Collins, 1982; Schunk, 1981); and career one's efficacy, a relapse will occur. Faultless seuv

control is not easy to come by for pliant activities, smokers to resist smoking under various social and
let alone for addictive substances. Nevertheless, stressful inducements after they had quit smoking
those who perceive themselves to be inefficacious through various means (DiClemente, 1981; Mc-
are more prone to attribute a slip to pervasive self- Intyre et al, Note 2). Although all participants
regulatory inefficacy. Further cpping efforts are achieved the same terminal behavior, they did not
then abandoned, resulting in a total breakdown in exhibit the same level of self-regulatory efficacy.
self-control. Compared to abstainers, relapsers expressed lower
Studies of behavior that is amenable to change self-efficacy at the end of treatment about their
but difficult to sustain over an extended period ability to resist smoking under subsequent insti-
confirm that perceived inefficacy increases vul- gating conditions. The higher the perceived self-
nerability to relapse. In this research, investigators regulatory efficacy, the more successfully smoking
measured the self-judged efficacy of cigarette was checked during the follow-up period. In con-
100 - 0---0 SELF-EFFICACY 100

• • PERFORMANCE
90 90
80
< 70 70
u. 60 60
o
i- 50 50
I 40 40
ct
a 30 30
20 WALKING ALONE
20
PRE- POST- PRE- POST-

TEST TEST TEST TEST
100 100
90 90
CO Qr.
x: 8O 80
c/)
K 70 70
LL
0 60 60
o
1 50 50
Si 40 o 40
HEIGHTS 30
RESTAURANT
20 20
I
PRE- POST- PRE- POST-
TEST TEST TEST TEST
Figure 6. Level of perceived self-efficacy and coping behavior displayed by subjects in
different areas of functioning before and after receiving treatment (Bandura, Adam's, Hardy,
& Howells, 1980).

trast, neither demographic factors nor smoking psychological recovery is slow for patients who
history and degree of physical dependence on nic- believe they lack the physical efficacy to resume
otine differentiated relapsers from abstainers. their customary activities. They avoid physical ex-
In a microanalysis of the relation between self- ertion and recreational activities that they previ-
percepts of efficacy and smoking, Condiotte and ously enjoyed, they are slow to resume vocational
Lichtenstein (1981) assessed, at the completion of and social life in the belief that they will over-
treatment, subjects' perceived capability to resist burden their debilitated cardiac capacity, and they
the urge to smoke in a variety of situations. Per- fear that sexual activities will do them in. The re-
ceived self-regulatory efficacy predicted months habilitative task is to restore a sense of physical
later which participants would relapse, how soon efficacy so that postcoronary patients can lead full,
they would relapse, and even the specific situations productive lives.
in which they experienced their first slip. More- Physicians typically use one or more of the four
over, perceived self-efficacy at the end of treat- principal sources of efficacy information to raise
ment predicted how participants were likely to and strengthen perceptions of cardiac robustness
respond to a subsequent relapse, should it occur. in postcoronary patients. Enactive efficacy infor-
The highly self-efficacious subjects reinstated con- mation is compellingly conveyed through stren-
trol following a slip, whereas the less self-effica- uous treadmill exercises. Vicarious efficacy infor-
cious ones displayed a marked decrease in per- mation is provided by enlisting the aid of former
ceived self-efficacy and relapsed completely. patients who exemplify active lives. Persuasive
Evidence that changes in self-percepts of efficacy efficacy information is furnished by informing
predict coping and self-regulatory behavior sug- patients about what they are capable of doing. A
gests that self-efficacy probes during the course of heart attack is apt to give rise to overattentiveness
treatment can provide helpful guides for imple- to cardiac activity and misattribution of fatigue to
menting a program of personal change. an impaired heart. The meaning of physiological
efficacy information is explained to ensure that
patients do not misread their physiology, for ex-
Interactive Perceived Efficacy and ample, by interpreting cardiac acceleration as por-
Postcoronary Rehabilitation tending a reinfarction.
As a first step toward clarifying some aspects of
Social environments may place constraints on what the efficacy restoration process, a research project
people do or may aid them to behave optimally. being conducted in collaboration with Ewart, Tay-
Whether their endeavors are socially impeded or lor, DeBusk, and Reese is examining the impact
supported will depend, in part, on how efficacious of enactive and persuasive efficacy information on
they are perceived to be. The impetus for inter- resuming physical activities. Several weeks after
personal judgments of efficacy is strongest in close patients have experienced a myocardial infarction,
relationships involving interdependent conse- their self-percepts of physical efficacy are mea-
quences. This is because actions of a partner based sured for physical exertion, cardiac capability,
on faulty self-percepts of efficacy can produce emotional stress, and sexual >activities.
detrimental consequences for, all concerned. Since Psychological recovery from a heart attack is a
risky actions are also the means of securing valued social, rather than an individual, matter. Because
benefits, veridical mutual judgments of efficacy one spouse's notions about the other's physical ca-
provide a reliable basis to promote advantageous pabilities can aid or retard the recovery process,
endeavors and to dissuade foolhardy ones. Full the spouse's judgments of the patient's physical
understanding of how perceptions of efficacy af- efficacy are measured under three levels of in-
fect courses of action under close social interde- volvement in the treadmill activity. All of the pa-
pendencies requires analysis of interactive efficacy tients being studied are men, so the wives' judg-
determinants. ments of husbands' efficacy are tested: when she
Recovery from a heart attack presents an im- is uninvolved in the treadmill exercises; when she
portant problem in which to study both the impact is present to observe the husband's stamina as he
of interactive efficacy and the contribution of self- performs on the treadmill under increasing work-
percepts of efficacy to health-promoting habits. In loads; or when she performs the strenuous tread-
recovering from a heart attack, the restoration of mill exercises, to experience personally the physical
perceived physical efficacy is an essential ingre- demands of the task, whereupon she observes her
dient in the process. The heart heals rapidly, but husband do the same. In the informative consul-

IUU
• • PATIENT'S JUDGMENT
90 o--o SPOUSE'S JUDGMENT
80 -
v 70
CJ
^"*
'^^'^
< 60 ^,+" o
CJ ^**^^ .--* —'"' **^"
LL
LL 50 - •^^'"0
UJ o-^
IL 40 -
_.
ID 30
in
• '
<
20
<J
to 10 -
I 0 1 I I
0_ PRE T C PRE
Q
ii
LLJi inn
i \j\j
LU
CJ
90 -
CC
HI 80 - /
0. x**°
LL
O
70 ^-*^
O
I60
x/
2 /
50
LU /^ . ' ^^0
Ct
1- 40 _ 8<::
-^^^ ^^
t/> ^—~*~m^'^
30 -
20 -
10 -
n 1 1 1
PRE PRE T
TREATMENT PHASES
Figure 7. Illustrative variations in patterns of perceived physical efficacy for different
couples at pretest (PRE), after treadmill exercises (T), and after the combined influence of
treadmill exercises and medical consultation (C).
tation with the medical staff, which follows the perceived self-efficacy thus provide refined feed-
treadmill activity, couples receive information back of what various treatments are doing.
about the patient's cardiac functioning and its re- Wives who are actively involved in the test of
lation to physical, vocational, and sexual activity. their husbands' physical stamina judge their phys-
Self-efficacy probes are taken at each step in the ical efficacy more highly than if they do not ob-
process. In addition, before and after the efficacy serve their treadmill performances. Patterns of
enhancing program and six months later, patients' perceived efficacy vary, sometimes widely, for
cardiac output and physical activity level are mon- different couples. Figure 7 illustrates the major
itored continuously for several days to determine variations. The recovery process is expected to be
how much they are exerting themselves. Prelimi- fastest under congruent high efficacy; slowest un-
nary findings reveal that treadmill exercises and der congruent low efficacy; and at an intermediate
medical consultation have differential impact on level when the patient and the spouse differ in
self-percepts of physical efficacy in different do- judgments of the patient's capability to resume
mains of functioning. Microanalytic measures of daily activities.

COMPETENCE-CONTINGENT INCENTIVES
Cultivating Intrinsic Interest Through
Development of Self-Efficacy The controversy over the effects of performance-
irrelevant reward on high interest has led to ne-
Most of the things people enjoy doing for their own glect of the important issue of whether incentives
sake originally had little or no interest for them. for performance attainments cultivate interest and
But under appropriate learning experiences, al- self-percepts of efficacy. Rewards for task mastery,
most any activity, however silly it may appear to which reflect on personal efficacy, should be dis-
many observers, can become imbued with consum- tinguished from performance-contingent rewards
ing significance. The process by which people de- gained by performing routine activities. A garment
velop interest in activities in which they initially worker paid on a piece-rate basis for sewing shirts
lack skill, interest, and self-efficacy is an issue of day in and day out is unlikely to develop a growing
some importance. Positive incentives are widely fondness for sewing, even though rewards are
used to promote such changes. Some writers (Deci, highly contingent on performance.
1975; Lepper & Greene, 1978) have questioned the Conceptual analyses of intrinsic interest within
wisdom of such an approach, on the grounds that the framework of social learning theory (Bandura,
rewarding people for engaging in an activity is in press) and the theory of intrinsic motivation
more likely to reduce than to increase subsequent (Deci, 1975; Lepper & Greene, 1978) assign per-
interest in it. Extrinsic incentives presumably de- ceived competence a mediating role. The alter-
crease interest by weakening competency drives native theoretical approaches, however, postulate
or by shifting causal attributions for performance somewhat different underlying mechanisms. In
from internal motivators to external rewards. cognitive evaluation theory (Deci, 1975), interest
The effects of extrinsic incentives have received is an expression of an inborn drive for competence
extensive study. Results show that rewards can in- and self-determination; in attribution theory (Bern,
crease interest in activities, reduce interest, or have 1972; Lepper & Greene, 1978), interest is a product
no effect (Bates, 1979; Kruglanski, 1975; Lepper, of retrospective judgments of the causes of one's
1980; Ross, 1976). In evaluating the role of incen- performances; in social learning theory (Bandura,
tives in human functioning, it is important to dis- 1981, in press), interest grows from satisfactions
tinguish between whether incentives are used to derived from fulfilling internal standards and from
manage performance or to cultivate personal ef- perceived self-efficacy gained from performance
ficacy. accomplishments and other sources of efficacy in-
formation.
TASK-CONTINGENT INCENTIVES There are several ways in which incentives for
task mastery can contribute to the growth of in-
Extrinsic rewards are most likely to reduce interest terest and self-efficacy. Positive incentives foster
when they are given merely for performing over performance accomplishments. Gaining knowl-
and over again an activity that is already of high edge and skills that enable one to fulfill personal
interest (Condry, 1977; Lepper & Greene, 1978). standards of merit tend to heighten interest and
In such situations rewards are gained regardless of a firm sense of personal efficacy. Success in at-
the level or quality of performance. However, even taining desired outcomes through challenging per-
under the limiting conditions wherein rewards are formances can further verify existing competen-
believed to produce reductive effects, incentives cies. This is because people usually do not perform
sometimes enhance interest (Arnold, 1976; Dav- maximally, though they possess the constituent
idson & Bucher, 1978), boost low interest but di- skills. It is under incentives that test upper limits
minish or do not affect high interest (Calder & that people find out what they are able to do. By
Staw, 1975; Loveland & Olley, 1979; McLoyd, mobilizing high effort, incentives can help to sub-
1979), or reduce low interest but do not affect high stantiate talents, even though no new skills are ac-
interest (Greene, Srernberg, & Lepper, 1976). Ap- quired in the process.
parently a wide array of other factors—level of Rewards also assume efficacy informative value
preexisting interest and ability, magnitude and sa- when competencies are difficult to gauge from
lience of rewards, type of activity, degree of re- performance alone, which is often the case. To
ward contingency, accompanying social mes- complicate further the competence validation pro-
sages—can radically alter or override the effects cess, most activities involve diverse facets so that
of rewards given simply for undertaking a task. perceived adequacy may vary widely, depending
AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST • FEBRUARY 1985J • 133

on how the differing aspects are subjectively their capabilities. Subgoal attainments provide
weighted. Because of these ambiguities level of clear markers of progress along the way to verify
reward imparts social information on the quality a growing sense of self-efficacy.
of performance. In this process competent perfor- There are at least two ways in which proximal
mances are perceived as the reason for the rewards, goals might contribute to enhancement of interest
rather than the rewards being viewed as the cause in activities. When people aim for, and master,
of competent performance (Karniol & Ross, 1977). desired levels of performance, they experience a
Several lines of research confirm that positive sense of satisfaction (Locke, Cartledge, & Knerr,
incentives promote interest when they enhance or 1970). The satisfactions derived from subgoal at-
authenticate personal efficacy. Both children and tainments can build intrinsic interest. When per-
adults maintain or increase their interest in activ- formances are gauged against distal goals, similar
ities when rewarded for performance attainments, accomplishments may prove disappointing be-
whereas their interest declines when they are re- cause of wide disparities between current perfor-
warded for undertaking activities irrespective of mance and lofty future standards. As a result in-
how well they perform (Boggiano & Ruble, 1979; terest fails to develop, even though skills are being
Ross, 1976). The larger the extrinsic reward for acquired in the process. As already noted, a sense
performances signifying competence, the greater of personal efficacy in mastering tasks is more apt
the increase in interest in the activity (Enzle & to spark interest in them than is self-perceived
Ross, 1978). Even incentives for undertaking a inefficacy in performing competently.
task, rather than for performance mastery, can That proximal self-motivation can build intrinsic
raise interest if engagement in the activity provides interest in disvalued activities receives support
information about personal competence (Arnold, from a study in which children who exhibited gross
1976). When material reward for each task com- deficits and disinterest in mathematical tasks pur-
pletion is accompanied by self-verbalization of sued a program of self-directed learning under
competence, fchildren sustain high interest in the conditions involving either proximal subgoals, dis-
activity (Sagotsky & Lewis, Note 6). tal goals, or no reference to goals (Bandura &
Schunk, 1981). Under proximal subgoals children
PROXIMAL SELF-MOTIVATION progressed rapidly, in self-directed learning,
achieved substantial mastery of mathematical op-
Contingent incentives are not necessarily the best erations, and developed a strong sense of self-ef-
vehicle for enlisting the type of sustained involve- ficacy in solving arithmetic problems (Figure 8).
ment in activities that builds interest and self-ef- Distal goals had no demonstrable effects. In ad-
ficacy where they are lacking. In social learning dition to its other benefits, goal proximity fosters
theory an important cognitively based source of veridical self-knowledge of capabilities, as re-
motivation operates through the intervening pro- flected in high congruence between judgments of
cesses of goal setting and self-evaluative reactions mathematical self-efficacy and subsequent math-
(Bandura, 1977b, in press). This form of self-mo- ematical performance.
tivation, which involves internal comparison pro- As shown in Figure 9, it was mainly children
cesses, requires personal standards against which in the proximally self-motivated condition, all of
to evaluate performance. By making self-satisfac- whom felt highly efficacious, who displayed the
tion conditional on a certain level of performance notable level of intrinsic interest. Children in the
mastery, persons create self-incentives for their other conditions generally expressed self-doubts
efforts. concerning their capabilities and showed little
Self-motivation is best summoned and sustained spontaneous interest in solving arithmetic prob-
by adopting attainable subgoals that lead to large lems. Regardless of treatment conditions, self-per-
future ones. Whereas proximal subgoals provide cepts of moderate to high strength were positively
immediate incentives and guides for action, distal related to interest.
goals are too far removed in time to effectively The relationship of the growth functions of self-
mobilize effort or to direct • what \one does in the efficacy and interest warrants systematic investi-
here and now. Proximal goals can also serve as an gation. There may exist some temporal lag be-
important vehicle in the development of self-per- tween newly acquired self-efficacy and corre-
cepts of efficacy. Without standards against which sponding growth of interest in activities that are
to measure their performance, people have little disvalued or even disliked. In the temporal lag
basis for judging how they are doing or for gauging pattern, self-efficacy fosters mastery experiences

90 •—• PROXIMAL GOALS
90
•--• DISTAL GOALS
o—o NO GOALS
80 - o— -o CONTROL 80
70
O 70
60
HI
u. 6O 50
UJ
if)
u. 40
o 50
30
40
20
30 10
.1 2 'PRETEST PQ3JTEST
PRETEST POSTTEST
Figure 8. The left panel shows the strength of children's self-percepts of arithmetic efficacy
at the beginning of the study (pretest) and before (1) and after (2) taking the arithmetic
posttest; the right panel displays the children's level of achievement on the arithmetic test
before and after the self-directed learning (Bandura & Schunk, 1981).
that, over a period of time, provide self-satisfac- tant issues addressed in this line of research is how
tions conducive to growth of interest. If, in fact, the career interests and pursuits of women are con-
effects follow such a temporal course, then in- stricted by self-beliefs that traditionally male oc-
creased interest would emerge as a later, rather
than as an instant, consequence of enhanced self-
efficacy. The threshold notion suggests an alter- 14
native pattern. It may require at least moderately
high self-efficacy to generate and sustain interest
in an activity, but interest is not much affected by 12
small variations above or below the threshold level.
Indeed, supreme self-assurance may render activ-
10
ities unchallenging and thus uninteresting. Both LU
strength and optimal level of perceived self-effi-

cacy correlate with intrinsic interest, but the O 8
threshold notion yields the more consistent positive <f>
z
relationships (Bandura & Schunk, 1981; Schunk, o:
Note 7). Temporal lag and threshold effects are
by no means incompatible. In fact both probably
operate in the developmental process.
SELF-EFFICACY DETERMINANTS OF CAREER

INTERESTS AND PURSUITS
Choices during formative periods shape life paths

through selective development of competencies, PROXIMAL DISTAL NO CONTROL
interests, and affiliative preferences. Hackett and GOALS GOALS GOALS
Betz (1981) have been developing a causal model Figure 9. Average number of arithmetic problems
of career choice in which perceived self-efficacy children in the different conditions chose to solve when
functions as a major mediator. One of the impor- given free choice of activities (Bandura & Schunk, 1981).

cupations are inappropriate for them because they of anxiety and stress reactions to unfamiliar or
lack the capabilities to master requisite skills. potentially aversive events. Self-efficacy theory
Efficacy analyses of career decision making, suggests an alternative way of looking at human
(Betz, 1981) reveal that males perceive themselves anxiety. Psychodynarnic theories generally attrib-
jto be equally efficacious for traditionally male and ute anxiety to intrapsychic conflicts over the
female vocations. In contrast, females judge them- expression of tabooed impulses. The external object
selves highly efficacious for the type of occupations of anxiety is considered to be of limited signifi-
traditionally held by women, but inefficacious in cance because the threat posed by the impulse can
mastering the educational requirements and job be projected onto any number of things. In this
functions of vocations dominated by men. These approach anxiety is rooted in the prohibited im-
differential perceptions of personal efficacy are pulse.
especially striking because the groups do not differ Conditioning theory assumes that formerly neu-
in their actual verbal and quantitative ability on tral events acquire fear-provoking properties by
standardized tests. It is not the subskills that se- association with painful experiences. This theory
lected college students possess, but how they per- externalizes the cause in the stimulus—It is the
ceive and use them that makes the difference. stimulus that is said to1 become aversive. If a person
Regardless of sex, level of perceived self-efficacy develops a phobia of mountain driving as a result
correlates positively with range of career options of running into a stately roadside redwood, it is
seriously considered and the degree of interest not the road that is changed by the aversive ex-
shown in them. perience. Rather, it is perceived competence in
Hackett (Note 5) has devoted special attention driving and anticipatory thought patterns that
to perceived mathematical self-efficacy because undergo change.
modern technologies have made quantitative skills From the social learning perspective, it is mainly
increasingly important to a wide range of career perceived inefficacy in coping with potentially
options and professional advancement. Using a aversive events that makes them fearsome. To the
path analysis, Hackett found that sex, sex role so- extent that one can prevent, terminate, or lessen
cialization, and high school preparation affect per- the severity of aversive events, there is little reason
ceived self-efficacy in quantitative capabilities. to fear them. Hence experiences that increase cop-
Perceived self-inefficaciousness in dealing with ing efficacy can diminish fear arousal and increase
numbers in turn affects mathematical anxiety and commerce with what was previously dreaded and
math relatedness of college major. avoided.
The causally prior contribution of perceived ef- A sense of controllability can be achieved either
ficacy to socialization practices and educational behaviorally or cognitively (Averill, 1973; Lazarus,
preparation remains an important problem of fu- 1980; Miller, 1979). In behavioral control individ-
ture research to determine through longitudinal uals take actions that forestall or modify aversive
analysis. It follows from the present model of ca- events. In cognitive control people believe they can
reer development that parental career-related ef- manage environmental threats, should they arise.
ficacy will influence the range of vocational options These two forms of controllability are distin-
they consider viable for their offspring. Students' guished because the relationship between actual
differential self-percepts of efficacy for mastering and self-perceived coping efficacy is far from per-
occupational entry requirements are likely to in- fect. Indeed, there are many competent people
fluence what types of courses they choose to pursue who are plagued by a sense of inefficacy, and many
during their secondary educational preparation. less competent ones who remain unperturbed by
Societal practices require of women a robust sense impending threats because they are self-assured of
of self-efficacy not only to enter careers dominated their coping capabilities.
by men, but to fulfil the heavy demands arising
from dual workloads of career and household. BEHAVIORAL CONTROL
The effects of behavioral control on fear reduction

Self-Efficacy Conception of and stress responses have been amply documented
Fear Arousal with both children and adults. Ability to exercise
behavioral control over potentially aversive events
Perceptions of self-efficacy affect emotional re- eliminates or decreases autonomic reactions to
actions as well as behavior. This is especially true them (Gunnar-vonGnechten, 1978; Miller, 1979).

Control over events makes them predictable, thus exceeds the objective hazards. In an intensive anal-
reducing uncertainty, which in itself can be ame- ysis of .acute anxiety reactions, Beck, Laude, and
liorative. It might, therefore, be argued that it is Bohnert (1974) found that almost without excep-
predictability, rather than behavioral mastery, that tion, frightful cognitions occur just prior to the
is stress reducing. However, behavioral control onset of anxiety attacks. The ideation often centers
decreases arousal over and above any benefits de- around profound coping inefficacy, which results
rived from the ability to predict they occurrence in dreadful physical and social catastfophies.
of stressors. If anything, having foreknowledge of Because stress-inducing thought plays a para-
when aversive events will occur without being able mount role in human arousal, self-percepts of cop-
to do anything about them increases anticipatory ing efficacy can reduce the level of arousal before,
stress reactions, (Gunnar, 1980; Miller, 1981). But during, and after a trying experience. In laboratory
since predictability signals safety as well as danger studies of perceived control, people who believe
(Seligman & Binik, 1977), it can have opposite that they can exercise some influence over aversive
effects at different points in time—raising antici- events display less autonomic arousal and impair-
patory arousal just prior to stressful events while ment in performance than those who believe they
reducing arousal during safe interim periods. lack any personal control, even though both groups
Being able to manage what one fears can di- are subjected to the same aversive stimulation
minish arousal because the capability is used to (Averill, 1973; Miller, 1979, 1980). Mere belief in
reduce or to prevent pain. But there is more to the coping efficacy similarly increases ability to with-
process of stress reduction by behavioral control stand pain (Neufeld & Thomas, 1977).
than si'mply curtailing painful stimuli. In some
forms of behavioral mastery, previously frighten- SELF-EFFICACY AS A MEDIATING MECHANISM
ing events occur undiminished, but they become
nonthreatening when activated personally (Gun- That perceived self-efficacy operates as a cognitive
nar-vonGnechten, 1978). Here it is the personal mechanism by which controllability reduces fear
agency of causality, not curtailment of the events arousal receives support in the previously cited
themselves, that reduces fear. And in situations in research designed to enhance coping efficacy in
which the opportunity to wield control exists but severe phobics (Bandura & Adams, 1977; Bandura
is unexercised, it is the self-knowledge of coping et al., 1977; Bandura et al., 1980). In these studies,
efficacy, rather than its application, that reduces after completing the various forms of treatment,
anxiety arousal (Glass, Reim, & Singer, 1971). phobics designated the strength of their perceived
efficacy in performing different tasks varying in
COGNITIVE CONTROL threat value. During later behavioral tests they
reported the intensity of fear arousal that they ex-
A painful event has two arousal components to it- perienced in anticipation of performing each task
discomfort produced by the aversive stimulation and, again, while they were performing the
and the thought produced arousal. It is the thought activity.
component—the arousal generated by repetitive In Figure 10 the intensity of fear arousal is plot-
perturbing ideation—that accounts for much of ted as a function of self-efficacy strength enhanced
human distress. As noted earlier, people who judge through four different modes of influence. People
themselves1 inefficacious dwell on their coping de- experience high anticipatory and performance dis-
ficiencies and view trying situations as fraught with tress on tasks in which they perceive themselves
peril. They not only magnify the severity of pos- to be inefficacious, but as the strength of their self-
sible threats but worry about perils that rarely, if judged efficacy increases, their fear arousal de-
ever, happen. As a result- they experience a., high clines. At high strengths of self-efficacy, threat-
level of cognitively generated distress. Elevated ening tasks are performed with virtually no ap-
arousal, in turn, heightens preoccupation with per- prehensiveness.
sonal inefficacy and potential calamities. Studies in which perceived self-efficacy is in-
Anticipatory thought that does not exceed reduced to differential levels (Bandura et al., in
alistic bounds has functional value in that it mo- press) shed further empirical light on the notion
tivates development of competencies and plans for that fear arousal arises from perceived coping
dealing with foreseeable threats. But to those who inefficacy. Here the data of interest are the amount
doubt their coping self-efficacy, the anxious antic- of distress phobics at different levels of perceived
ipation can become a preoccupation that often far self-efficacy experience while performing the same

common task (Figure 11). The relationship be- and performance of intimidating tasks correspond-
tween perceived inefficacy and subjective distress ing to strong, medium, and weak strength of per-
is replicated, regardless of whether self-percepts ceived self-efficaciousness. In the next phase of the
of efficacy are instated enactiyely or > vicariously study, self-percepts of efficacy were raised to max-
or whether the analysis involves anticipatory or imal strength, whereupon autonomic reactions to
performance fear based on intergroup or intrasub- the same tasks were again measured. Figure 12
ject changes. The less efficacious subjects judge shows the mean change from the baseline level in
themselves to be, the more fear they experience. heart rate and blood pressure as a function of dif-
The generality of the relationship between per- ferential strength of self^percepts of efficacy.
ceived inefficacy and stress reactions is further Subjects were viscerally unperturbed by tasks
corroborated in a study using physiological indices that they regarded with utmost self-efficacious-
of arousal (Bandura et al., in press). Elevation in ness. On tasks about which they were moderately
blood pressure and cardiac acceleration were mea- insecure concerning their coping efficacy, how-
sured in severe spider phobics during anticipation ever, their heart rate accelerated and their blood
J 7 - o
• • ANTICIPATORY
CO o--o PERFORMANCE
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or
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UJ 2
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UJ N
J ENACTIVE \ VICARIOUS
~ 1
o i i i i v ¥
10-20 30-40 50-60 70-80 90-100 10-20 30-40 50-60 70-80 90-100
EFFICACY STRENGTH
(0
ct 5
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UJ .
u. 4
u.
o 3 o—
UJ
EMOTIVE
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10-20 30-40 50-60 70-80 9O-100 10-20 30-40 50;60 70-80 90-100
EFFICACY STRENGTH
Figure 10. Relationship between strength of self-percepts of efficacy and level of anticipatory
and performance fear arousal, after enhancement of self-efficacy through enactive, vicarious,
emotive, or cognitive influence. (Participant modeling created such strong self-efficacy that
there were only a few instances in which subjects receiving this form of treatment displayed
self-percepts of efficacy below a strength value of 80 [Bandura, Adams, Hardy, & Howells,
1980].)

10 F
-•ANTICIPATORY
—^PERFORMANCE
LOW MEDIUM HIGH LOW MEDIUM HIGH LOW MEDIUM LOW MEDIUM
INTERGROUP LEVELS INTRASUBJECT LEVELS INTERGROUP LEVELS INTRASUBJECT LEVELS
LEVEL OF PERCEIVED SELF-EFFICACY
Figure 11. Mean intensity of anticipatory and performance fear arousal experienced by
different groups of subjects at different levels of perceived self-efficacy (intergroup) and by
the same subjects at successively higher levels of perceived self-efficacy (intrasubject). (Self-
percepts of efficacy were raised through eriactive mastery in the two left panels and through
modeling in the two right panels [Bandura et al., in press].)
pressure rose during anticipation and performance pabilities. Cardiac reactivity subsided, but blood
of the activities. After self-percepts of efficacy pressure continued to climb. After self-percepts of
were fully strengthened, these same task demands efficacy were strengthened to the maximal level,
were managed unperturbedly. everyone performed these previously intimidating
When presented with tasks in the weak self-ef- tasks without any visceral agitation.
ficacy range, most subjects promptly dismissed Heart rate is likely to be affected more quickly
them as too far beyond their coping capabilities than blood pressure by personal restructuring of
to even attempt. Indeed, only a few subjects were stressful demands, which may explain the differ-
able to do any of them. Although too few instances ential pattern of physiological reactivity at extreme
were available for a meaningful analysis of per- self-inefflcaciousness. There exists some evidence
formance arousal, data from the anticipatory phase that catecholamines are released in different tem-
shed some light on how visceral reactions change poral patterns in response to external events (Mef-
when people preclude transactions with threats ford et al., 1981). Heart rate is especially sensitive
that they judge will overwhelm their coping ca- to momentary changes in hormonal patterns, with
in 6
SYSTOLIC DIASTOLIC
8s 84
3
£D 3
Z
uj 2
19
1'
o
1°
1-1 B,
zO
W B j S(S)S(M)S(W) S M W B2 S(S)S(M)S(W)
i B, S M W B2 S(S)S(M)S(W)
STRENGTH OF SELF-PERCEPTS OF EFFICACY
Figure 12. Mean change from the baseline level in heart rate and blood pressure during
anticipatory and performance periods, as a function of differential strength of self-percepts
of efficacy. (B refers to baseline, and S, M, and W signify strong, medium, and weak strengths .
of perceived self-efficacy, respectively. For each physiological measure the figure on the left
in the panel shows the autonomic reactions related to self-percepts that differ in strength
[performance arousal at weak self-efficacy is based on only a few subjects who exhibited partial
performances]; the figure on the right in the same panel shows the autonomic reactions to the
same set of tasks after self-percepts of efficacy were strengthened to maximal level [Bandura
et al., in press].)

epinephrine, which is rapidly discharged, having OUTCOME JUDGMENT
a more pronounced effect on cardiac activity than
on arterial pressure. Understanding of the phys-
iological mechanisms by which self-percepts of SOCIAL ACTIVISM ASSURED,OPPORTUNE
efficacy give rise to stress reactions can be carried PROTEST ACTION
one step further by linking strength of perceived
UI
self-efficacy to hormonal releases. GRIEVANCE
o
Perceived self-efficacy and emotional arousal Q MILIEU CHANGE
undoubtedly involve, interactive (though asym-
metrical) effects, with coping efficacy exercising U
the much greater sway. That is, perceived ineffi- U
caciousness in coping with potential threats leads
people to approach such situations anxiously, and
experiencing disruptive arousal may further lower u. RESIGNATION SELF-DEVALUATION
their sense of efficacy that they will be able to (0 ui
APATHY DESPONDENCY
perform skillfully. However, self-percepts of effi-
cacy predict avoidance behavior, whereas auto-
nomic arousal bears no uniform relationship to it
(Bandura, 1978a; Bolles, 1972; Herrnstein, 1969;
Figure 13. Interactive effects of self-percepts of effi-
Leitenberg, Agras, Butz, & Wincze, 1971). People
cacy and response outcome expectations on behavior and
are thus much more likely to act on their self-per- affective reactions.
cepts of efficacy than on visceral cues. This should
come as no surprise, since information derived
the benefits of the competencies they already pos-
from past accomplishments and comparative ap-
sess.
praisals is considerably more indicative of capa-
In any given instance behavior would be best
bleness than are the indefinite stirrings of the vis-
predicted by considering both self-efficacy and
cera. For example, accomplished actors interpret
outcome beliefs.4 As can be seen in Figure 13, dif-
their brief nervousness before a play as a normative
ferent patterns of outcome and efficacy beliefs are
situational reaction, rather than as an indicant of
likely to produce different psychological effects.
personal .incapability, and are in no way dissuaded
A high sense of personal efficacy and a responsive
by their viscera from going on stage and perform-
environment that rewards performance attain-
ing well what they assuredly know they can do
ments fosters assured, active responsiveness. Con-
once they get started.
sider next the pattern combining high self-efficacy
Perceived Self-Inefficacy, Futility, 4
The types of outcomes people expect depend largely on
their judgments of how well they will be able to perform in
and Despondency given situations. For example, drivers who judge themselves
inefficacious in navigating winding mountain roads will conjure
Inability to influence events and social conditions up outcomes of wreckage and bodily injury, whereas those who
that significantly affect one's life can give rise to are fully confident of their driving capabilities will anticipate
feelings of futility and despondency as well as to sweeping vistas rather than tangled wreckage. Similarly the
social reactions people anticipate for asserting themselves de-
anxiety. Self-efficacy theory distinguishes between pend on their judgments of how adroitly they can do it. In
two judgmental sources of futility. People can give social, intellectual, and athletic pursuits, those who judge them-
up trying because they seriously doubt that they selves highly efficacious will anticipate successful outcomes and
self-doubters will expect mediocre performances of themselves
can do what is required. Or they may be assured and, thus, less favorable outcomes. For activities in which out-
of their capabilities but give up trying because they comes are either inherent to the actions or are tightly linked
expect their efforts to produce no results due to by social codes, expected outcomes cannot be disembodied from
the very performance judgments on which they are conditional.
the unresponsiveness, negative bias, or punitiveness Outcome expectations are dissociable from self-efficacy judg-
of the environment. These two separate sources of ments when extrinsic outcomes are loosely linked to level or
futility have quite different causes and remedial quality of performance. Such structural arrangements permit
social biases to come into play, so the same performance at-
implications. To change efficacy-based futility re- tainments may produce variable, and often inequitable, out-
quires development of constituent competencies comes. Expected outcomes are also partially separable from self-
and strong percepts of self-efficacy. In contrast, to efficacy judgments when extrinsic outcomes are fixed to a min-
imal level of performance, as when a designated level of work
change outcome-based futility necessitates chang- productivity produces a fixed pay but higher performance
ing the social environment so that people can gain brings no additional monetary benefits.

with low environmental responsiveness. Effica- believed to operate in many situations or only a
cious persons who cannot achieve positive out- few? Attributing one's failures to personal defi-
comes by their actions will not necessarily cease ciencies of generalized and enduring nature, which
behaving. Those of low efficacy will give up is postulated to be most debilitating and depress-
readily, should their efforts fail to produce results. ing, constitutes a profound sense of personal inef-
But self-efficacious individuals will intensify their ficacy. Biases toward ascribing poor performances
efforts and, if necessary, try to change the envi- to basic personal deficiencies increase proneness
ronment. to depression (Seligman, Abramson, Semmel, &
The pattern in which competency goes unre- von Baeyer, 1979).
warded or is punished underscores the need to The adequacy of performance attainments de-
differentiate two levels of control—control over pends on the personal standards against which they
outcomes and control over the social systems that are gauged. A comprehensive theory of depression
prescribe what the outcomes will be. In addressing must therefore be concerned not only with the
this issue Gurin (in press) and Lacey (1979) give perceived causality of failure but also with internal
considerable attention to the exercise of influence standards by which attainments will be self-judged
over social systems, which typically receives scant as successes or as failures to begin with. Depressive
notice in psychological analyses of controllability. reactions often arise from stringent standards of
Conditions combining high self-efficacy with en- self-evaluation, which make objective successes
vironmental unresponsiveness tend to generate re- personal failures. Individuals who are prone to
sentment, protest, and collective efforts to change depression impose on themselves high perfor-
existing practices (Bandura, 1973; Short & Wolf- mance demands and devalue their accomplish-
gang, 1972). Should change be difficult to achieve, ments because they fall short of their exacting stan-
given suitable alternatives people will desert en- dards (Kanfer & Hagerman, 1980; Rehm, 1977;
vironments that are unresponsive to their efforts Simon, Note 8).
and pursue their activities elsewhere. A theory must specify when perceived ineffi-
Considering the joint influence of self-efficacy cacy will give rise to anxiety or despondency. The
and outcome beliefs provides a basis for differ- nature of the outcomes over which personal control
entiating conditions conducive to apathy from is sought is one differentiating factor. People ex-
those likely to induce despondency. When people perience anxiety when they perceive themselves
have a low sense of personal efficacy and no ill equipped to manage potentially injurious events.
amount of effort by themselves or comparative Attenuation or control of aversive outcomes is cen-
others produces results, they become apathetic and tral to anxiety. People are saddened and depressed
resigned to a dreary life. The pattern in which by their perceived inefficacy in gaining highly
people perceive themselves as ineffectual but see valued outcomes. Irreparable loss or failure to gain
similar others enjoying the benefits of successful desired rewarding outcomes figures prominently
effort is apt to give rise to self-disparagement and in despondency. In the extreme cases individuals
depression. Evident successes of others make it become so chronically preoccupied with self-de-
hard to avoid self-criticism. preciation and their sense of worthlessness that the
In the original theory of learned helplessness pursuit of personal satisfactions becomes futile
(Seligman, 1975), people become inactive and de- (Beck, 1973). There are certain situations, of
pressed if their actions cannot affect what happens course, in which perceived inefficacy in gaining
to them. Because they come to expect future re- highly valued outcomes can be anxiety provoking
sponding to be futile, they no longer try, even in as well. When the valued outcomes one seeks also
situations in which they can achieve results through serve to forestall future aversive events, as when
their behavior. The reformulated theory (Abram- failure to secure a job jeopardizes one's livelihood,
son, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) shifts the causal perceived inefficacy is both distressing and de-
locus of detrimental effects from belief that one's pressing. Because of the interdependence of
performances will go unrewarded (response-out- events, both apprehension and despair often ac-
come independence) to belief that one cannot pro- company perceived personal inefficacy.
duce the performances. It singles out three di-
mensions in causal judgments of failure: In- Undermining Self-Efficacy by
ternality—Are failures ascribed to personal or to Relinquishing Personal Control
external factors? Stability—Are the ascribed causes When personal control is easy to exercise and en-
enduring or transient? Generality—Are the causes ables one to deal effectively with everyday events,

it is highly desired. Indeed, in laboratory studies controllers do the work and suffer the distress over
in which aversive stimuli can be controlled by sim- risks of failure.
ple responses requiring neither skills nor expen-
diture of effort and entailing no risks, controlla- UNDERMINERS OF PERSONAL EFFICACY
bility is decidedly preferred (Miller, 1979). But
there is an onerous side to personal control that is The preceding discussion focused on personal inef-
rarely, if ever, incorporated in most of the para- ficacy- arising from the costs and demands of ef-
digms-designed to study personal control. Self-de- ficacious behavior. Many factors operate in every-
velopment of efficaciousness requires mastery of day life to undermine efficacious use of the
knowledge and skills that can be attained only knowledge and skills that people possess. In an in-
through long hours of arduous work. This often formative program of research on illusory incom-
necessitates sacrificing many immediate rewards. petence, Langer (1979) has given us a better un-
Moreover, maintaining proficiency in given en- derstanding of the diverse conditions that impair
deavors, which constantly change with social and the exercise of capabilities: Situational factors that
technological advances, demands continued heavy often accompany poor performance can in them-
investment of time, effort, and resources. selves instill a sense of incompetence that is un-
In addition to the work of self-development, in warranted. The mere presence of a highly confi-
many situations the exercise of personal control dent individual undermines effective use of routine
carries heavy responsibilities and risks. For ex- skills. Attending to what is strange in new tasks,
ample, presidents of corporations are granted con- rather than what is familiar and clearly within
siderable controlling power, but they must bear one's range of capability, may similarly hinder
personal responsibility for the negative conse- performance. And when people are cast in sub-
quences of their decisions and actions, some of ordinate roles or are assigned inferior labels, im-
which have widespread repercussions. These bur- plying limited competence, they perform activities
densome aspects dull the appetite for personal con- at which they are skilled less well than when they
trol. Attractive incentives, privileges, and heady do not bear the negative labels or the subordinate
social rewards are therefore needed to get people role designations.
to seek control involving complicated skills, labo- The intervening mechanism through which de-
rious responsibilities, and heavy risks. moralizing conditions undermine effective use of
well-established skills remains to be clarified. Stud-
PROXY CONTROL
ies in which self-percepts are measured under in-
People are not averse to relinquishing control over duced illusory self-efficacy suggest that perceived
events that affect their lives in order to free them- inefficacy, with its concomitant effects on choice
selves of the performance demands and hazards behavior, effort expenditure, persistence, and self-
that the exercise of control entails. Rather than debilitating thought, may be the operative mech-
seeking personal control, they seek their security anism. This evidence comes from experiments
in proxy control—wherein they can exert some demonstrating that changes in physical stamina in
influence over those who wield influence and competitive situations are partly mediated through
power. Part of the price of proxy control is restric- self-percepts of efficacy (Weinberg et al., 1979;
tion of one's own efficacy and a vulnerable security Weinberg et al., 1980). The lower the illusorily
that rests on the competencies and favors of others. instated self-percepts of physical efficacy, the
Perceived inefficacy fosters dependence on proxy weaker the competitive endurance in new physical
control* which further reduces opportunities to activities. Even the mere sight of a formidable
build the requisite skills for efficacious action. The looking oponent instills lower self-percepts of ef-
influential role of comparative self-ability evalu- ficacy than does one who looks less impressive. As
ation in proxy control is revealed in studies by might be expected preexisting self-percepts of ef-
Miller and her associates (Miller, 1980). People ficacy have greatest impact on initial competitive
who are led to believe that they possess superior performance, whereas socially induced self-per-
coping ability handle potential threats themselves, cepts affect the subsequent course of competitive
whereas those who believe themselves to be less endurance (Weinberg, Gould, Yukelson, & Jack-
skilled readily yield control to others to cope with son, in press). The power of self-efficacy belief over
the aversive environment. The dependent ones brawn is underscored further by evidence that self-
enjoy the protective benefits without the perfor- percepts of physical efficacy illusorily boosted in
mance demands and attendant stresses, and the females and illusorily diminished in males oblit-

crates large preexisting sex differences in physical ditch, 1970). In many nations university students,
strength (Weinberg et al, 1979). rather than the severely underprivileged segments
of the society, are the spearhead of political activ-
Collective Efficacy ism (Lipset, 1966). They are the ones who often
initiate the protest movements that eventually
The discussion thus far has focused mainly on the force social reforms and topple governments. Re-
personal effects of perceived self-efficacy. People sults of comparative studies indicate that people
do not live their lives as social isolates. Many of who are most disposed to social action generally
the challenges and difficulties they face reflect come from familial backgrounds in which the ex-
group problems requiring sustained collective ef- ercise of social influence has been modeled and
fort to produce any significant change. The strength rewarded (Keniston, 1968; Rosenhan, 1970). Mod-
of groups, organizations, and even nations lies eling influences, however, which serve as a major
partly in people's sense of collective efficacy that vehicle of social diffusion, can substantially alter
they can solve their problems and improve their the personal and social correlates of activism over
lives through concerted effort. Perceived collective time. Those who initiate collective action usually
efficacy will influence what people choose to do differ in characteristics from later adopters.
as a group, how much effort they put into it, and Research including efficacy probes speaks more
their staying power when group efforts fail to pro* directly to the issue of whether perceived efficacy
duce results. It should be noted that knowledge of serves as one mechanism through which social dis-
personal efficacy is not unrelated to perceived content gives rise to social activism. Much of this
group efficacy. As will be shown shortly, collective research relies on global indices of efficacy, often
efficacy is rooted in self-efficacy. Inveterate self- blending mixed contents (Balch, 1974). Even so,
doubters are not easily forged into a collectively the relationships obtained are fairly consistent. The
efficacious force. higher the perceived efficacy, the greater the pro-
pensity to social activism (Forward & Williams,
COLLECTIVE EFFICACY AND SOCIAL CHANGE 1970; Marsh, 1977; Muller, 1972, 1979). However,
sharper empirical tests of theory will require par-
The task of social change has never been an easy ticularized multifaceted measures of efficacy, tap-
one. Those who seek to alter social systems and ping perceived capabilities for fashioning and ex-
their practices encounter opposition from power ecuting different types of strategies designed to
holders and influential vested interests. Should influence the course of social events. Since social
challengers resort to forceful social protest, puni- outcomes are typically achieved in concert with
tive sanctions can be brought to bear against them. others, perceptions of group as well as personal
The numerous obstacles and coercive threats deter efficacy warrant examination.
attempts to alter social conditions that adversely
affect human lives. UNDERMINERS OF COLLECTIVE EFFICACY
It is often said that hopelessness breeds militant Rapidly changing conditions, which impair the
social action. However, the evidence would seem quality of social life and degrade the physical en-
to dispute this view. Consistent with self-efficacy vironment, call for wide-reaching solutions to hu-
theory, studies of social and political activism in- man problems and greater commitment to shared
dicate that detrimental conditions prompt forceful purposes. Such changes can be achieved only
action, not in those who have lost hope, but in the through the mutual effort of people who have the
more able members whose efforts at social and skills, the sense of collective efficacy, and the in-
economic betterment have met with at least some centives to shape the direction of their future en-
success (Bandura, 1973). Consequently, they have vironment. As the need for efficacious group action
reason to believe that some changes can be brought grows, so does the sense of collective powerlessness.
about through forceful group action. One can point to a number of factors that serve
Among the members of dissident groups, those to undermine the development of collective effi-
who protest social inequities, compared to non- cacy. Modern life is extensively regulated by com-
participants, are generally better educated, have plex physical technologies that most people neither
greater self-pride, have a stronger belief in their comprehend nor believe they can do much to in-
ability to influence events in their lives, and favor fluence. Pervasive dependence on technologies
coercive measures, if necessary, to improve their that govern major aspects of life imposes depen-
living conditions (Caplan, 1970; Crawford & Na- dence on specialized technicians. The social ma-

chinery of a society is no less challenging. Layers cally of people's geheral sense of political efficacy,
of bureaucratic structures thwart effective social their confidence in their social institutions, and
"action. Even the more efficacious individuals, who how they view the competence of those they
are not easily deterred, find their efforts blunted choose to lead them. Though such omnibus mea-
by mazy organizational mechanisms that diffuse sures leave much to be desired, they do provide
and obscure responsibility. Rather than developing evidence of growing erosion of perceived efficacy
the means for shaping their future, most people of the citizenry and its social institutions to solve
grudgingly relinquish control to technical special- human problems (Guest, 1974; Lipset & Schneider,
ists and to public officials. 1982).
Effective action for social change requires merg-
ing diverse self-interests in support of common FACTIONAL EFFICACY AND COLLECTIVE ENDEAVOR
goals. Disagreements among different constituen-
cies that have a personal stake in the matters of In analyzing impediments to human endeavors, it
concern create additional obstacles to successful is all too easy to lose sight of the fact that human
group action. Recent years have witnessed growing influence, whether individual or collective, oper-
social fragmentation irito narrow-interest constit- ates in reciprocal, rather than in unidirectional,
uencies. Pluralism is taking the form of militant ways (Bandura, 1978b; Cairns, 1979; Endler &
factionalism. As a consequence it is easier to enlist Magnusson, 1976; Pervin & Lewis, 1978). Although
diverse factions to block courses of action than to the degree of reciprocality may vary from one
merge them into a unified force for social change. domain of activity to another, social transactions
In addition to the difficulties in enlisting shared are rarely unilateral. The amount of imbalance of
purposes and collective effort in their service, the social power partly depends on the extent to which
institutions that are the objects of change mount people exercise the influence that is theirs to com-
their own forceful countermeasures. Because of the mand. The less they bring their influence to bear
many conflicting forces that come into play, at- on others, the more control they relinquish to them.
tempts to produce socially significant changes do It is the internal barriers created by perceptions
not bring quick successes. Long delays between of collective inefficacy that are especially perni-
action and noticeable results discourage many of cious because they are more demoralizing and be-
the advocates along the way, even though changes haviorally self-debilitating than are external im-
of long-term significance may eventually occur. It pediments. People who have a sense of collective
is; difficult to develop and sustain a sense of col- efficacy will mobilize their efforts and resources
lective efficacy when the effects of group effort to Cope with external obstacles to the changes they
are not readily noticeable. seek. But those convinced of their inefficacy will
To complicate matters further, life in today's cease trying even though changes are attainable
societies is increasingly affected by transnational through concerted effort.
interdependencies (Keohane & Nye, 1977). What The social system is not a monolith. Rather, it
happens in one p&rt of the world can affect the comprises numerous constituencies, each vying for
welfare of vast populations elsewhere". There are power and lobbying for its own interests. In this
no handy direct mechanisms by which people can continual interplay one and the same faction is
exercise reciprocal influence on transnational sys- transmuted from a challenger of the system to an
te'ms that affect their daily lives. Profound global influential confederate in the system opposing rival
changes—burgeoning populations, shrinking re- factions, depending on the issues at stake. Thus,
sources, deteriorating environments—are creating for example, the tobacco constituency fights the
new realities requiring transnational remedies. system in federal efforts to curtail smoking, but
The subject of collective efficacy calls for broad it becomes the system fighting the efforts of others
and comprehensive research effort. Advancement to curtail federal subsidies to tobacco growers.
in this field of study requires development of suit- Whether people want government in or out of
able tools for gauging groups' perceptions of their their lives depends on the particular interests being
efficacy to achieve varying levels of results. Great- serviced.
est progress will be made in elucidating the de- The rise of narrow-interest groups flexing their
velopment, decline, and restoration of collective factional efficacy does not jibe with the diagnoses
efficacy arid how it affects group functioning, if of growing public apathy and feelings of help-
measures of perceived group efficacy are tied lessness. Clearly there exists a paradox to be ex-
closely to explicit indices of group performance. plained. Viewed from the efficacy perspective, in
National surveys have been conducted periodi- the absence of shared imperatives, growing fac-

tional efficacy undermines the exercise of collec- 7. Schunk, D. H. Overt verbalization as a facilitator of chil-
tive efficacy through mutual immobilization. Ef- dren's achievement, self-efficacy, and interest. Unpublished
manuscript, University of Houston, 1981.
ficacious factional initiatives, often fragmented 8. Simon, K. M. Effects of self comparison, social comparison,
and rivalrous, create an overload of programs and and depression on goal setting and self-evaluative reac-
regulations, force divisive issues on officeholders, tions. Unpublished manuscript, Stanford University, 1979.
weaken their capabilities to deal with them satis-
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England: Pergamon Press, 1978. (a)
As a society we enjoy the benefits left by those Bandura, A. The self system in reciprocal determinism. Amer-
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REFERENCE NOTES
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Self-Efficacy Mechanism in

122 • FEBRUARY 1982 • AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGIST Vol. 37, No. 2, 122-147

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from merely observing the feared activities mod- 100 - P

growth of self-percepts of efficacy that, at each 0 60 1 /* "*&'

hierarchical step, are well above the preceding task

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100 - 0---0 SELF-EFFICACY 100

PRE- POST- PRE- POST-

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strength and optimal level of perceived self-effi-

SELF-EFFICACY DETERMINANTS OF CAREER

Choices during formative periods shape life paths

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The effects of behavioral control on fear reduction

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INTERGROUP LEVELS INTRASUBJECT LEVELS INTERGROUP LEVELS INTRASUBJECT LEVELS

LEVEL OF PERCEIVED SELF-EFFICACY

STRENGTH OF SELF-PERCEPTS OF EFFICACY

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