Scribd Logo
Upload

Welcome to Scribd!

  • 369 views

    BURY LateRomanEmpire02 PDF

    Uploaded by

    Nilgun Elam
    This document provides a list of Caliphs from 632 to 800 AD and two chronological tables related to the Later Roman Empire and the early Islamic Caliphates. The first table covers major events from the accession of Justin II in 565 AD to the death of Irene in 802 AD. The second table lists Caliphs who ruled the early Islamic empires from the death of Muhammad in 632 AD. Both tables provide brief details on political, military, and religious events during these time periods.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd

    BURY LateRomanEmpire02 PDF

    Uploaded by

    Nilgun Elam
    369 views301 pages
    This document provides a list of Caliphs from 632 to 800 AD and two chronological tables related to the Later Roman Empire and the early Islamic Caliphates. The first table covers major events from the accession of Justin II in 565 AD to the death of Irene in 802 AD. The second table lists Caliphs who ruled the early Islamic empires from the death of Muhammad in 632 AD. Both tables provide brief details on political, military, and religious events during these time periods.

    Original Title

    BURY LateRomanEmpire02.pdf

    Copyright

    © © All Rights Reserved

    Available Formats

    PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd

    Did you find this document useful?

    Is this content inappropriate?

    This document provides a list of Caliphs from 632 to 800 AD and two chronological tables related to the Later Roman Empire and the early Islamic Caliphates. The first table covers major events from the accession of Justin II in 565 AD to the death of Irene in 802 AD. The second table lists Caliphs who ruled the early Islamic empires from the death of Muhammad in 632 AD. Both tables provide brief details on political, military, and religious events during these time periods.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Download as pdf or txt
    369 views301 pages

    BURY LateRomanEmpire02 PDF

    Uploaded by

    Nilgun Elam
    This document provides a list of Caliphs from 632 to 800 AD and two chronological tables related to the Later Roman Empire and the early Islamic Caliphates. The first table covers major events from the accession of Justin II in 565 AD to the death of Irene in 802 AD. The second table lists Caliphs who ruled the early Islamic empires from the death of Muhammad in 632 AD. Both tables provide brief details on political, military, and religious events during these time periods.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Download as pdf or txt
    of 301
    At a glance
    Powered by AI
    The document provides a chronological table and list of caliphs from the 6th to 8th century in the Eastern Roman Empire and early Islamic caliphates.

    The document covers the time period from the accession of Justin II in 565 AD to the death of Irene in 802 AD, as well as a list of early Islamic caliphs from 632-800 AD.

    Some of the major events mentioned include the overthrow of the Gepid kingdom by the Lombards and Avars, the Lombards entering Italy, wars with Persia, invasions by Avars, Slavs and Bulgars, and the early conquests of the Islamic caliphates.

    A HISTORY

    OF THE

    LATER ROMAN EMPIRE


    FROM ARCADIUS TO I R E N E

    (395 A.D. TO 800 AD.)

    BY

    J. B. B U R Y , M.A.
    LIST O F CALIPHS (632-800 A.D.)

    A.D.
    Abn Bekr . 632
    Onlar I 634
    Othman 644
    Muaviah I
    Ali
    Muaviah I .
    Yezid I
    Muaviah I1 .
    Mervan I .
    Abd Almalik .
    Welid I
    Sulein~an .
    Oinar I1
    Yezid I1
    Hischam
    Welid I1 .
    Yezid I11 .
    Mervan I1 .
    End of Onleyyad dynasty in 750.

    Abd Allah (Abu-1-Abbas) .


    Abu Djafar Manssur ,
    Mahdi .
    Hadi .
    Harun Arraschid .
    CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE FROM THE ACCESSION
    OF JUSTIN 11, 565, TO THE DEATH OF
    IRENE, 8 0 2

    Justin 11. Embassy of Avars arrives at


    Constantinople.
    Lombards and Avprs overthrow
    Gepid kingdom.
    Lombards enter Italy.
    Embassy of Turks to Constan-
    tinople.
    Duchy of Beneventum founded.
    War with Persia begins. Cam-
    paign of Dlarcian.
    Ronlaii victory at Sargathon.
    Persians invade Syria.
    Death of Alboin.
    Daras taken by Persians.
    Tiberius defeated by Avars.
    Tiberius made Caesar and
    regent.
    Peace for three years with
    Persia (except
    . - In Persar-
    menia).
    Chosroes defeated near hIeli- i
    tene.
    Slaves invade Illyricunl and
    Thrace, and settle in Roman
    territory. Mamice invades
    Arzanene and Cordyene (date

    I I 11-12
    12-13 I 6070-1
    6071-2
    / Tiberius 11.
    1 De-iath i f Chosmes Nushirvan. /
    Sirmiurn lost to the Ava~s.
    Treaty with Avars. Roman

    1 6074-5 Maurice.
    I
    victory at Constantina.
    !
    viii CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES CHKONOLO GICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES ix

    Avars seize Singiduilum, etc. Herarlius. Revolt of J e r s in Antioch.


    Battle of the Nymphius. Phocas overthro\rn by Hera-
    Treaty with Avars. Autharis, ci;us.
    king of Lombards. Death Birth of Epiphania.
    of Chilueric. Revolt of Birth of Constantine.
    Hermeiligild against Leovi- Persians invade Syria and take
    gild. Damascus. Treaty of Hera-
    Birth of the prince Theo- clins with Sisibut of Spain.
    dosius. Palestine invaded ; Jerusalein
    Victory of Romans (under taken.
    Philippicus) a t Solachon. Egypt lost to the Persians ((late
    Avars harry hloesia. uncertain).
    Campaign of Comentiolus Persians take Chalcedon.
    against Avars. Heraclius thinks of migrating
    Disaffection i n eastern army. to Carthage.
    Martyropolis taken by Persians. Heraclius flees from Avars.
    Comentiolus wins a battle Peace with Avars.
    near Nisibis. Heraclius sets out for the
    Varahran rebels and becomes Persian war. (1) Campaign
    king of Persia. Monte of Cappadocia and Poatus.
    Cassino rendered desolate. (16th Julv, " . era of the
    Agilulf king of Lombards. ~egira.)
    Gregory (the Great) becomes End of first campaign.
    Pope. (2)First campaignof Azer1)iyan.
    Maurice restores Chosroes I1 to Last imperial to\vlis i n Spain
    the Persian throne. Peace taken by Svinthila. (3)
    with Persia. Avars invade Campaign of Albania. arid
    Thrace. Armenia.
    Expedition of Priscus against (4) Campaign of Cilicia.
    the Slaves. (5) Second campaign of Azer-
    Campaign of Peter. biyan. G ~ e a tsiege of Con-
    Mission of St. Augustine to stantinople by Avars and
    Britain. Persians.
    Peter's expedition against (6) Campaign of Assyria.
    Slaves. Avars besiege Thes-
    salonica.
    Avars besiege Singidunum and
    invade Dalmatia.
    { Mohammed writes to
    Heraclius.
    Battle of Bluta. Heraclius re-
    stoms cross to Jerusalem.
    Avars invade Moesia. Peace Death of Dlohainmed. Abu
    between Lombards and ex- Bekr first caliph.
    archate. Battle of Adjnadein (July).
    Great victories of Priscus over Omar becomes caliph.
    the Avars. Battle of Yermuk (August).
    Phocas. Gudwin's campaign against Saracens take Damascus.
    Slaves. Revolution, and Capture of Emesa and Heli-
    overthrow of Maurice. opolis. "Farewell " of Hera-
    Revolt of Narses. clius. Conquest of Antioch,
    Death of Pope Gregory. Chalcis, Beroea, Eclessa, etc.
    Treaty n-ith Avars. Battle of Cadesia.
    Conspiracy against Phocas. J e i ~ ~ s a l etaken.
    n~ Battle of
    Daras taken by Persians. In- Yalulah.
    vasion of Syria. Ecthesis published. Constan-
    Persians invade the Empire. tine attempts to recover
    Persians advance to Chalcedon. Syria. Aluaviah becomes
    Revolt of Africa and of Alex- emir of Syria. Conquest oi
    andria. Ilesopotamia.
    x C'HRONULOGICAL A N D G E N E A L O G I C A L T A b J L E S CHRONOLOGICAL A N D G E N E A L O G I C A L T A F L E S xi

    6131-2 Amru invades Egypt. Death of Muariah. Sixth


    6133-4 Constantine 111. Death of Heraclius. Death of Ecumenical Council begins.
    Heraclor as. Constantine 111. Pall of Kairowan taken by Christians.
    Justinian 11. Treaty with Abd Almalik.
    1 1 Alexandria. Battle of Ne- Death of Constantine.
    havend.
    Fall of Heraclonas and Mar- Transmigration of Mardaites.
    tins. Battle of Scultenna. S1a.r-es settled in Opsikion.
    and conquest of Liguria by Expedition of Justinian against
    Lombards. Bulgarians and Slaves.
    Othman becomes caliph. Quinisext Council.
    Foundation of Cairo (Fostkt). Battle of Sebastopolis. Revolt
    Manifesto of Africa against of Symbatius. Armenia
    monothe1et:sm. finally subjected to the
    Revolt in Africa. Arabs.
    Typo of Constans issued. Leontius. Fall and banishment of Jns-
    Saracen expedition against tinian.
    Cvarus. Lateran Council Lazica revolts. Asia Minor
    ciidemns the Type. invaded by Saracens. Has-
    Aradus conquered. san's expedition against
    Saracens invade Asia Minor. Africa. Takes Carthage
    Armenia lost. and recovers ~airowa;.
    Saracens take Rhodes. Pope John retakes Carthage.
    IIartin at New Rome. Election of first doge of
    Naval battle of Phoenix. Pope Venice.
    Martin banished to Cherson. Tiberius 111. John driven from Carthage.

    658
    1
    1-2 1 6150-1 1 /
    Murder of Caliul. Othman.
    Double caliphate.
    Expedition of Constan:. against
    Leontius overthrown.
    Romans invade Syria.
    Mopsuestia taken by Saracens.
    Slaves. Loss of Fourth Armenia.
    Treaty with Saracens. Victory of Heraclius over Sara-
    Sylvanus founds a Paulician cens in Cilicia.
    community. 6196-7 Another victory of Heraclius.
    Death of Ali. 6197-8 Justinian (11) Fall of Tiberius.
    Constans sets out for Italy. Rhinotmetoa

    1
    Saracens invade Romania in 6201-2 Tyana destroyed by Saracens.
    this and following years. 6202-3 Expeditions against Cherson
    Constans assassinated. Re- and Ravenna.
    volt of Paborios on Armenian 6203-4 Philippicus. Fall of Justinian. Saracens
    frontier. cross to Spain.
    Saracens attack Sicily. 6204-5 Bulgarians invade Thrace.
    Foundation of Kairowan. Amasea taken bv Saracens.
    Expedition of Muaviah against Anastasius 11. Saracens take ~ k i d i a n An-
    Constantinople. tioch. Fall of Philippicus.
    Siege of Constantinople con- Roman embassy sent to
    tinued until 677. Damascus.
    Slaves besiege Salonica. Theodosius 111. Fall of Anastasius (near the
    Capture of Iiairowan by Chris- end of 715). Gregory I1
    tians, but soon recovered. becomes Pope.
    Siege of Constantinople raised. Saracens invade Asia Minor ;
    Slaves again besiege Salonic?. besiege Amorium. Leo the
    Peare with the caliphate. Em- Isaurian defeats the son of
    bassies of western nations
    to Constantinople. Slaves
    besiege Salonica.
    Leo 111. 1
    Theodosius.
    Fall of Theodosius. Saracens
    besiege Pergamus. Siege of
    Founrlation of Bulgarian king- Constantinople begins (Au-
    dom. gust).
    xii CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES CHIIONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES xiii
    --

    1- A.D.

    -1
    IIIDICTIOS. A.31.

    Siege of Coilstantinople raised


    -
    A.D.

    762 Boman victory over Bulgarians


    at Anchialus.
    (August). Birth of Con-
    764 " Martyrdom " of Stephanus
    stalltine V.
    Constantine cro~vned. Death (date uncertain).
    of Iiing Terbel. 765 Unsuccessful campaign in Bul-
    Hischanl becomes calinh. garia. Conspiracy against
    First decree &gains< inlave- Emperor.
    worship. Cappadocia ?n- 766 Aqueduct of Valens restored.
    vaded by Saracens. Executions of Paul and
    Revolt in Greece. John of Da- Andreas of Crete. Expcution
    mascus writes first oration of Patriarch Constantinos.
    against iconoclasm. Council Constautine Anti-pope.
    at Rome against iconoclasnl. 767 Stephen 111 Pope.
    Revolt in Italy. 771 Hadrian I. becomes Pope.
    Silelztium against image- 773 Victory over Bulgarians at
    .worship. Deposition of Lithosoria.
    Germanus. 774
    Gregory I11 becomes Pope. 775 Leo IV. Expedition against Bulgaria.
    Couucil at Rome against Death of Constantine.
    1 iconoclasni. 778 Successes against Saracens.
    Leo separates Churches of 780 Constantine VI Har~lntnkes Si.maltios. Death
    Sicily, Calabria, and Illyri- and Irene. of Leo IV.
    cum from Rome. 781 Revolt of Elpidius in Sicily.
    Census of births proclaimed. 782 Harun invades Asia Minor.
    Heavy taxation in Sicily. 783 Reduction of Slaves of Mace-
    Saracens invade Asia Minor. donia and Greece.
    Saracen invasion. Battle of 784 Tarasius becomes Patriarch.
    Acroinon. 786 Harun be~oinescaliph.
    Constantine V. Eclognpublislled. DeathofLeo 787 Seventh Ecumenical Council
    Zacharias becomes Pope. (at Nicaea).
    Revolt of Artavasdos. 788 Bnlgarjan victory on the Stry.
    Artavasdos suppressed. 1110n.
    Death of Liutprand. 789 Romania invaded by Arabs.
    Great Plague begins, and lasts 790 Struggle of Irene and Constan-
    till 747. tine begins.
    Saracens attack Cyprus. 791 Expedition against Bulgarians.
    Aistnlf king of Lombards. 792 Conspiracy in favour of the
    Fall of Omeyyad dynasty. Caesars. Irene restored to
    Lolnbards take Ravenna. dignity. Second Bulgarian
    Collstantine takesMelitene and campaign of Constantine VI.
    Theodosiopolis. Stephen I1 793 Revolt of Ar~neniactheme.
    Pope. 794 Council of Franlrfnrt.
    Council at Constantinople in 795 Constantine divorces Maria,
    favour of iconoclasm. Pipin and leads a campaign in
    invades Italy. Asia. Leo I11 Pope.
    B u l g a r i a n s invade Thrace. 796 Third Bulgarian campaign of
    Pipin again in Italy. Constantine.
    Paul I. Pope. 797 Constantine blinded and de-
    Constantine's expedition posed. Conspiracy in favour
    against the Sclavinias. of the Caesars.
    Bulgarian victory at BerQgaba. 798 Peace with Saracens.
    Eclipse of sun (15th August). 799 Revolt in Hellas.
    Execution of Peter KaIybites 800 Corozliltion o f Charles the
    and John of Monagria. Great.
    802 Fall of Irene.
    For the suppression of an indiction and my revision of the chronology, see Note on Bk. r i
    1
    cap. il. (vol. ii. p. 425). 1 Here one indiction has been extended over two years in order to rectify the chronology.
    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    BOOK I V
    T H E HOUSE O F J U S T I N

    PART I
    T H E AGE O F J U S T I N I A S

    CHAPTER XI
    JUSTIKIAN'S CAESAROPAPISY

    Justinian's ecclesiastical policy-Paganism-llonopl~ysitis~n-Agapetus-The


    three articles-Vigilius-Fifth Ecumenical Council--Al~hthartodocetisn~-
    Prima Justiiiiana-Conversion of the Nobadae-Jacobitism . Pages 1-10

    CHAPTER XI1
    THE SLAVES

    Sketch of the geography of Thrace-JIount Haemus-Thraco-Illyrians-Early


    settlements of the Slaves-Character of the Slaves-Slavonic iavasions-
    Justinian's fortifications . 11-24

    CHAPTER XI11
    CHAXGES IX THE P R O V I S C I S L AD3ZINISTRhTIOS

    Justinian's changes a preparation for the theme systenl-Combinztion of civil and


    military powers-Abolition of diocesan governors-Breaking up of provinces
    -The fonr Armenias-Double aspect of Jnstinian's reforl~ls. . 25-30
    CONTENTS

    C H A P T E R XIV

    C H A P T E R 111
    Changes in the map of Europe Letween 395 A.D. and 565 A.D.-The legencl
    relating to Britain-Lmbards and Gepids-Prefecture of Africa-Sardiuia
    -The Tandal kingdom-Strat@gia of Sicily-Exarchate of Italy-Greek Causes of war-The Turks-Invasion of Syria-Death of two thousand virgins-
    character of the Empire . . Pages 31-39 Truce-Battle of Melitene-Romans invade Persia-Death of Chosroes 1.-
    Battle of Solnchon-Mutiny in Roman army--Civil war in Persia-Maurice

    C H A P T E R XV
    restores Chosroes 11-Peace-Reign of Chosroes I. . . Pages 95-113
    BYZANTINE ART

    Paganism and christian art-Problem of uniting the areh with the colnmn-
    Rarenna - Parenzo -Thessalonica - An themius of Tralles- St. Sophia- CHAPTER IV
    Carving-Painting ; illumination- Synlbolism . .
    40.51
    SLAVES A N D AVARS I N ILLYRICUJf AND THRACE

    The Avars-Invasions of Slaves-Avsrs take Sirmium-Slaves in Astica-


    C H A P T E R XVI Monembasia-Campaign of Comentiolus in 567 A . D . - T ~ ~progress of
    Maurice-Campaign of Priscus in 591 against the Avars ; in 592 against the
    SOTES ON T H E UANNERS, INDUSTRIES, I S D C03fAIERCE I N T H E
    Slaves-Campaign of Peter, 593-Peter against the Slaves in 597-Siege of
    AGE O F JUSTINIAN Salonica-Relief of Singidnnum-Avars invade Dalmatia-Priscas a t Tomi
    Population, drrellings, food, amnsements of Byzantium-A scene in the hippo- -Peace with the Avars-Great victories of Priscus at Viminacium and on
    drome-Lam against immorality-Comnlerce and industries-The Je~vs-
    tile Theiss . . 114-142
    Taugast . 55-61
    Note on Slavonic settlements in Greece .
    P A R T I1
    T H E COLLAPSE O F J U S T I N I A N ' S SYSTEM CHAPTER V
    T H E LOMBARDS I N ITALY
    CHAPTER I
    The Lombard conquests-Resulting geography of Italy-Pope Gregory the
    JUSTIY I1 AND TIBERIOS I1 Great-His life-His relations with the Lombards-Patrin~oniunL Petri-
    Gregory's position in western Christendom-His relations with Brunhilda-
    Collapse of Jnstinian's system-Ceremonies attending Justin's accession-Sol~l~ia His relations with Maurice-His reforms and theology-IIis historical im-
    -Justin's reactionary policy-Forces of disintegration-Religious persecution portance . . 145-158
    -The Emperor's madness - Tiberius regent - Anastasia -Character of
    Tiberins 11-His extravagance-Arians-Death .
    of Tiberius . 67-82

    CHAPTER VI
    C H A P T E R I1
    THE EMPIRE AND T H E FRANKS
    MAURICE
    Relations of the Empire with the sons of Chlotar 1.-Embassies-Gundovald the
    Character of 3Ianrice-His relations to the Patriarch and the Pope-IIis un-
    pretender-Franks and Romans combine against the Lombards-Childebert
    popularity-Insurrection of the army-Fall of Naurice-Political significance
    of the demes-The mill of Maurice . . 83-94 the "son " of Maurice-The Roman Empire recopised as the first power in
    Europe . . 159-166
    VOL. I1 2,
    CONTENTS xix
    xviii CONTENTS

    CHAPTER VII CHAPTER I11

    THE LANGUAGE O F THE ROXAIOI IN THE SIXTH CENTURY THE PERSIAN WAR

    Disuse of Latin-Three kinds of Greek: (1) the vulgar dialect, (2) the lan- (1) Campaign of Cappadocia and Pontus, 622-623 AD.-(2) First campaign of
    guage of the educated, (3) the ~vrittenlanguage-Use of the words lZoma?~ Azerbiyan, 623 A.D.--(3) Campaign of Albania and Armenia, 624 A.D.-(4)
    and Latin-Latin words Graecised: ,9aurA~lir, Hellene, 6arbaria?a, pagcm, Campaign of Cilicia, 625 A.D.-Battle of the Sarus-(5) The second campaign
    ctc. . . Pages 167-174 of Azeibiyan-The victory of Theodorus-The siege of Constantinople, 626
    A.D.46) Calnpaign of Assyria, 627-628 A.D.-Battle of Gaugamela-Over-
    tlipow of Chosroes-Heracliad of George of Pisidia-Mistakes in policy after
    Hie peace with Persia-Shahr Barz . Pages 227-248
    CHAPTER VIII
    LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY

    Last Greek pliilosophers-John Philoponus-Cosmas Indicopleustes-Historians C H A P T E R IV


    -Procopius - Agathias - Menander - Writings of Justinian - John the
    Lydian-Poetry-Agathias-Paul the Silentiary-Latin literature-Cassio- MOSOTHELETISJI
    darns-Boethins . . 175-194
    Doctrine of One Energy-Sergins-Cyrus of P hasis-Sophronius-Pope Honorius
    -Ecthesis . 249-253

    CHAPTER V
    BOOK V
    LITERATURE IN THE REIGX OF HERACLIUS

    T H E HOUSE OF HERACLIUS Tlieophylactus Simocatta-George of Pisidia . . 254-257

    CHAPTER I CHAPTER VI

    PHOCAS DISMEMBERMENT OF THE EXPIRE BY THE SARACENS

    Arabia before 'Rlohammed-Nohammed-The Koran-Battle of IIuta-A1


    Character of tlie reign of Phocas-Persian invasions-Revolts in Syria and
    Wakidi-Conquest of Syria-Battles of Adjnadein and the Yern~uk-
    Egypt-Consyiracies of Constant~na's party-Africa-Expedition of Hela-
    clins and fall of Phocas . .
    197-206
    Fall of Antioch, Jerusalem, ete.-Battle of Cadesia and conquest of Persia-
    Foundation of Bassra and Iiufa-Conquest of Egypt by Amru-Foundation
    of Cairo (Fost2t)-Death of Heraclius . .
    258-273

    CHAPTER 11

    CHAPTER VII
    Critical situation of the Empire-Character of Heraclius-His cautious policy- THE SLAVONIC SETTLEMENTS IN ILLYRICUM AKD THRACE
    His marriages-Persian invasions-Loss of Palestine and Egypt-Heraclius'
    policy in rcgard to the Jelvs-Embassy to Chosroes-The troe cross-Hem- Extension of the Slovenes-Origin of the Croatians-Invasion of Daln~atia-
    clius' project of making Cnrthage the capital-Sergius tlle Patriarch- Foundation of Spalato, Ragnsa, etc.-The Croatians and Serbians-Slaves of
    Reforn~sof Heraclius-Lonn from the C11u1cl1-Treachery of the Arars- Macedonia and Thessaly-Tribes around Salonica-Settlements in Greece
    Peace with Avars-Preparations for the Persian war . .
    207-226 274-280
    CONTENTS CONTENTS

    CHAPTER XI1
    CHAPTER VIII
    ORIGIN OF T H E SYSTEM O F THEMES

    Treatise of Constantine VII-Origin of later thevzes-Justinian's reforms pre-


    Reign of Constantine I11 and Heraclonas-Death of Constantine-Dilartina- paratory to the theme system-What we learn from Theophanes and N~ce-
    lievolt of Talentinus and elevation of Constans 11-Flight of Pyrrhus- phorus-Theory as to the origin of the Asiatic themes-Armeniacs, Anatolics,
    Fall of hlartina and Heraclonas-Speech of Constans-Saracen hostilitics- etc.-System of Leo I11 . . Pages 339-351
    Battle of Phoenix-Contest of Ali and hfuaviah-Peace with the Saracens-
    Expedition against the Slaves-The Type-Lateran Synod-Fortunes of
    Pope Martin-Policy and aims of Constans-His brother Theodosius-
    Co~lstansgoes to the West-Siege of Beneventnm and battle of the Calor- CHAPTER XI11
    Col~stansat Rome and Syracuse-His death-The tyrant Mizizios-Estimate
    TWENTY YEARS O F AEARCEY
    of Constans and of 11is policy-Revolt of Saborios-The Saracens at
    Amorium . . Pages 281-307 General survey-Reign of Leontius-Loss of Africa-Tiberius III-Armenia-
    Cyprus-Cherson-Adventures of Justinian Rhinotn~etos-Restoration of
    Justinian-Bulgarian mar-Loss of Tyana-Justinian's vengeance on Cherson
    -His fall-His expedition against Ravenna-Philippicus-Anastasius II-
    CHAPTER I X
    Revolt of the Opsikians-Theodosius 111-Adventures of Leo the Isaurian in
    CONSTANTINE I V Alania-His operations against the Saracens-Fall of Theodosius-General
    reflections , . 352-386
    Constantine Pogonatos-Anatolic theme-Great siege of Constantinople-
    " Ro~naic" fire-Peace with the Saracens-Embassies come to Consta~ltinople
    from western povors-Ecclesiastical affairs-Sixth Ecumenical Council-
    Anathema on Pope Honorius . , 308-319 CHAPTER XIV
    SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS DECAY I N T H E SEVENTH CENTURY
    Note on Greek fire . . 319
    Prevalence of superstition-Ecclesiastical complexion of the Empire-Coronation
    oath-Decline of culture-Study of Greek in western Europe-Theodore of
    Tarsus-Morality of the clergy-Survivals of paganism-Paulicianism
    CHAPTER X 387-398
    JUSTINIAN I1

    Unpopularity-Removes the Dlardaites-" Supernumerary corps " of Slavrs-


    Battle of Sebastopolis-Armenia-Policy of transplanting peoples-The
    finance ministers Stephanus and Theodotus-History of financial bureaux- BOOK VI
    Buildings of Justinian-Quinisext Council-Jostinian overthrown 11y
    Leontius-Conjecture tllat Justinian I1 desired to imitate Justiuian I.
    320-330 THE HOUSE OF LEO THE I S A U R I A N

    CHAPTER X I CHAPTER I
    FOUNDATION O F T H E BULGARIAN KINGDOH T H E REPULSE O F T H E SARACENS

    The Bulgarians-Legend of Kobrat and his five sons-The historical Kobrat- Constantinople besieged by the Saracens-Egyptian Christians desert-Plague in
    Bulgarians revolt against Avars-Bulgarians in Onglos-They defeat Con- the army of the besiegers-Siege raised-Disasters of the Saracen fleet-
    stantine IV and settle in Moesia-Treaty with Constantine-Features of Importance of this event-Caliph Hischam-Battle of Acroinon-Successes
    Slavonic history-Bulgarian institutions-Bulgarian war of Justinian II- of Constantine V against the Mosleut-Fall of the Omeyyad dynasty
    Great (or Black) Bulgaria-Macedonian Slaves-Siege of Salonica 331-338 401-407
    CONTENTS CONTENTS xxiii

    CHAPTER I1 CHAPTER VI

    THE ADMINISTRATION OF LEO 111 ICONOCLASTIC POLICY OF CONSTANTINE

    Conspiracy of Artemius-Artavasdos-Birth, coronatiall, and marriage of Con- Hostility of Constantine t o monasticism-His merry court-Attitude to art-
    stantine-Revolt in Sicily-Leo's policy of reform-The Ecloga--Its ecclesi- Council of 753 A.D.-Persecution of monks-Stephanus-Michael Lachano-
    astical complexion-Tendencies of Roman law-Ecloga contrasted with drakon-The population question-Secularising of monastic property-The
    Code of Justinian-Marriage laws-Patrizpotestas-Maritime Code-Agricul- charistic system-The Patriarch Constantinos . .
    Pages 460-469
    tural Code-Disappearance of the colonate-Causes thereof-Military and
    financial reforms of Lao-Aberration in the chronology of the eighth century
    -Hypothesis to account for it-Taxes-Finance officers .
    Pages 408-424 CHAPTER V I I
    BULGARIA
    Note on the chronology of the eighth centnry . . 425-427
    Succession of Bulgarian kings-KormisoL-Teletz-Expeditions of Constantine
    An explanation and defence of the author's revislou of the chronology from i27 against Bulgaria-Scamars-Telerig-Death of Constantine V-Expeditions
    t o 773 A.D.
    of Constantine VI . 470-476 .
    C H A P T E R VIII
    CHAPTER 111
    LEO IV
    T B E ICONOCLASTIC DfOVEDIENT
    Ecclesiastical policy-Creation of the Caesars-Saracen war-Death of Leo
    The true significance of the iconoclasm of Leo and Constantine-Rationalism-
    477-479
    Connection with Monotheletism, Paulicianism, and Islamism-Decree of
    Leo-The Antiphonetcs-Educational policy of Leo-The Ecumenical Doctor
    -Opposition of Germanus-The silentiuna of 729 A.D.-Revolt of Greece- CHAPTER IX
    The Helladikoi . 428-438 . COXSTANTIBE V I AND IRENE

    Conspiracies of the Caesars-Revolt of Elpidins-Struggle of Irene and Constan-


    tine -The Armeniac theme -Constantine divorces Maria - Constantine
    blinded-Stauracius and Aetius-Charles the Great-Fall of Irene-Saracen
    IMPERIAL ITALY I N THE EIGHTH CENTURY
    war . .
    480-493

    Effects of iconoclasm on the history of Italy-Gregory I1 and the exarchs-


    Council of 727 A.D.-Liutprand and the Lombard dukes-Gregory III- CHAPTER X
    Churches of southern Italy and Sicily separated from Roman see-Flight THE REACTION AGAINST ICONOCLASM
    of iconodule Greeks westward-Legend of the HodegBtria-Graecisation of
    southern Italy , 439-449 . Paul the Patriarch-Tarasius the Patriarch-Letters of Pope Hadrian-Icono-
    clasm ill the army-Seventh Ecumenical Council . 494-498 .
    CHAPTER V
    CHAPTER X I
    CONSTANTINE V
    THE POPES, THE LOMBARDS, AND THE FRANKS
    Revolt of Artavasdos-The great plague-Effects thereof in Greece and in Eyzan-
    Appeal of the Popes to the mayors of the palace-Their relations with Liutprand
    tium-The Slaves in Greece-Restoration of the aqueduct of Valens-
    Economic policy of Constantine-His family . 450-458 . -Pipin the Patrician-Desiderius-Charles the Great conquers the Lom-
    bard kingdom-Donation of Charles to the Roman see-Charles and Hadrian
    -Council of Frankfurt-Coronation of Charles and foundation of the Western
    Genealogical table of the Isanrian dynasty . . 459 Roman Empire-Significance of this event . 499-509
    xxiv CONTENTS

    CHAPTER XI1
    THE GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT O F EUROPE AT THE END O F
    THE EIGHTH CENTURY

    The Empires and the caliphates-Comparison of the Roman Empire and the
    Frank kingdom in eighth century-The I\loslem in Gaul ; in Spain-Ex-
    tension of Frank powet-The Franks in Italy-Lonzbnrdy-The Bomaglia
    - Principality of Beneventum-Venice - Bulgaria- The functions of the
    rival Empires compared . .Pages 510-517 C H A P T E R XI

    CHAPTER XI11
    SOCIETY I N T E E EIGHTH CENTURY THE ahsolutisni of Justinian extended to the ecclesiastical
    Literature revived-Theodore Studites-John of Damascus-Superstition-Effects world, and in church as well as in state history he occupies a
    of the iconoclastic reform3-Attractions of monastic life--The abbot Plato position of ecumenical importance. H e was a sort of imperial
    and Theoctiste-Life of Theodore-Theophanes-Armenian and Slavonic pontiff, and this Caesaropapism, as it has been called, represents
    elements-Metropolitan arrangements of Byzantium-Private life-Saracen
    civilisation-Bagdact-Orientalism of Byzantium-Romances-Tale of Bar-
    tlie fulfilment of the policy which Constantius tried and failed
    laam and Josaphat . . 518-534 to reslise.
    Justinian's ecclesiastical policy rested on his support of the
    council of Chalcedon, and thus accorded in principle with the
    CHAPTER XIV policy by which his uncle Justin had restored unity to Christen-
    CONCLUSION
    dom. But this unity was only a unity of the western Church
    with the chief Church in tlle East; whereas the East itself
    Function performed by tlle later Roman Empire-It was the bulwark of Europe was divided. The nionophysites were a large and important
    against the Asiatic danger-It kept alive Greek and Roman culture-It
    maintained European commerce-It preserved the idea of the Bornan Empire body, and the Ernperor was not content not to make an effort
    -It embodied a principle of permanence . . 535-540 to reconcile this difference, especially as the Empress Theodora
    was an adherent of the heretical creed. His object was to
    secure a unity in the Church, which should exclude all sectari-
    anism, and embrace both East and West. Consequently he
    did not rest in the policy of his uricle Justin; he tried to
    accomplish what Zeno and Anastasius had failed to accomplish,
    a conciliation of the Chalcedonians and monophysites.
    One of his first acts was to deal a final blow to paganism.
    He shut up the philosophical schools at Athens, with which
    Theodosius I1 had not interfered when he founded the uni-
    versity of Constantinople. The abolition of the Athenian
    ulliversity has two aspects. I n the first place, it was the last
    blow dealt by Christianity to the ancient philosophers and
    their doctrines, and was one of the acts whicll mark tlie reign
    VOL. I1 rr
    2 HISTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOIC rv CHAP. X I J U S T ~ N I A ~ VCAESAROPAPISM
    S 3

    of Justinian as the terminus of the ancient world. I n the Eutychian Theodora was synlbolic of the division of the
    second place, it was a measure in which Justinian's design of Empire in the matter of theological beliefs.
    establishing a unity of belief and thought in the Empire was Justiniaxl's achievement was to overcome this dilemma.'
    manifested ; and it is to be taken closely with the law that He was powerful enough to carry a measure which tended to
    pagans and heretical Christians were not to hold ofice in either unity by modifying the synod of Chalcedon without breaking
    the civil service or the army. His general principle is laid with the Church of Rome.
    down clearly in a constitution (published shortly before his Apart from their personal opinions-which, while we
    uncle's death)' : " All will be able to perceive that from those admit that they co-operated, we must set aside in order to
    who do not worship God rightly, human goods also are with- observe the influence of cirsumstances-the policies of Zeno,
    held,"-a most concise expression of religious intolerance. I t Anastasius, and Justin in regard to this problem were natural.
    may be observed that in this constitution the Manichaeans are To Zeno and Anastasius, who had no thought of recovering
    mentioned with special acrimony, and rendered liable to the power in Italy, the opposition of the bishop of Rome was
    extreme penalties of the law. I t was the instinct of Chris- a matter of smaller importance than division in the Empire.
    tianity, which was essentially monistic, though not with Semitic Justin's policy was naturally anti-monophysitic, because it was
    monism, to fight against all forms of dualism as the most odious a reactioii against Anastasius; and such a policy implied a
    kind of heresy. renewal of relations with Rome. Justinian's intervention in
    The monophysites held a peculiar position. They were the political world of western Europe altered the position
    very numerous, and they were supported by the sympathy of of the bishop of Rome, and in the fifth Council of Con-
    the Empress Theodora, who shared their creed. Justinian stantinople the Emperor exercised an unprecedented authority,
    considered it an important political object to unite them with which would have pleased Constantius 11.
    the orthodox Church, and it was a tileological problem to I n 5 3 6 A.D., by the influence of Theodora, Anthimus, a man
    accomplish this-to make concessiolls to the heretics without of moiiophysitic opinions, was appointed Patriarch of Constan-
    abandoning the basis of Chalcedon. tinople. I n the following year Pope Agapetus visited that
    Justinian might have carried this out in the East without city on political business, to treat for peace on behalf of
    much difficulty, if he had been content to sacrifice union with Theodahad ; it was the second time that an Ostrogothic king
    the western Church. Rut that would have been to undo what had despatched a Pope on a message to an Emperor. Agapetus
    Justin had done and he himself had confirmed ; and the union of succeeded in obtaining the deposition of Anthimus, and the
    the eastern and western Churches was of primary importance for election of an orthodox successor, Mennas. That Justinian
    the restorer of Roman rule in Italy and Africa. His political was not aware of the real opinions of Anthimus, before Agapetus
    designs exercised a perceptible control on his ecclesiastical unveiled his heterodoxy, is unlikely, but the supporter of ,
    measures. orthodoxy could not refuse to oppose him, once it was made
    This has the dilemma that beset every Roman Emperor- public, and that by the bishop of, Rome. Dante represents
    quite apart from his personal opinions-ever since the council Justinian as originally holding monophysitic opinions, and
    of Chalcedon. If he chose to attempt to establish unity i11 the owing his conversion to Agapetui2
    East, he must sacrifice unity with the West, as Zeno and Ana-
    E prima ch' io all' opra fossi attento,
    stasius had done. If he chose to seek unity with the West, U n a natura in Cristo esser, non pine
    like Justin, he must be satisfied to see his dominions distracted Credeva, e d i tal fede era contento.
    by the bitter opposition of synodites and monophysites. The
    imperial throne shared by the orthodox Justinian and the Procopius (de Aed. i. 1)says of the 6803s GrcrpbEaro Jv r 4 ~ e P a l 75s
    y nlur~ws
    Emperor's ecclesiasticalpolicy,uvv.rpi$as @ a 1pr&s 1urdv ar ~ p ~ n i 6 o s .
    Cod. J u t . i. 6 , 12. Compare the other laws under the same title. h i u a s rcs hnl rhs ~Abvas $~povuas ' Pnradiso, cant. vi. 13 sqq.
    CHAP. XI ]US TINIAN'S CAESAROPA PZSM 5
    4 HISTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROrJfAN EMPIRE Booe IV

    Ma il benedetto Agapito, che fne edict; but Mennas made his adhesion conditional on the
    Sonlmo pastore, alla fede sincera approval of the bishop of Rome, and it is just the attitude of
    R l i dirizzb con le parole sue. the bishop of Rome that lends an interest to the controversy.
    Vigilius had been elevated to the papal see of Rome under
    The controversy of the " three articles," a long chapter in
    circumstances which appear at least unusual. H e was at
    the ecclesiastical history of the sixth century, began in 544,
    Constantinople when Agapetus died in 5 3 7 , and his election
    and lasted for eight years. We need not follow its details, but
    rested on the support of Theodora, with whom he is said to
    the elements that were involved in it as well as its conse-
    have made a sort of bargain not to act against the monophysite
    quences must be briefly explained. Three points to be noticed
    Anthimus, the deposed Patriarch. Before he arrived at Rome,
    are-(1) that it was externally connected with an Origenistic
    Silverius had been elected Pope in Italy, and the deposition and
    controversy which had disturbed Palestine for some years past ;
    banishment of the latter, on the charge of treason, by Belisarius;
    (2) that the difficulty of concluding the question depended on
    give room for suspicion that corrupt dealings were practised for
    the wavering position of Pope Vigilius; (3) that Justinian's
    the benefit of Vigilius.
    desire to carry his point was at first quickenecl by the mono-
    When Vigilius was called upon to sign the edict of the
    physitic leanings of his consort, who died before the dispute
    " three articles " he felt himself in a dilemma. The western
    was decided.
    Church, especially the Church of Africa, cried out loudly against
    At Justinian's desire the Patriarch Mennas held a local
    the document, while Vigilius felt himself under obligations to
    synod, at which tlie writings of Origen were condemned.
    Theodora and the Emperor. A synod at Carthage went so far
    Theodore Ascidas, bishop of Caesarea, a monophysite who
    as to excommunicate the Pope (549).
    believed in the Origenistic theology, did not oppose this
    At first he refused to sign. When he was at Rome, at
    sentence, but made a fruitful suggestion to Justinian, of
    a safe distance from the Caesar-Pope, resistance did not seem
    which the apparently exclusive aim was to reunite the mono-
    hard. But Justinian summoned him to Constantinople, where
    physites, but which really contained a blow at a prominent
    he remained until 554. During this time he wavered between
    opponent of Origen's methods, Theodore of Mopsuestia. The
    the two forces in whose conflict he was involved-the ecclesi-
    import of this suggestion was that what really repelled
    astical opinion of the West and the imperial authority. The
    the monophysites was not any point of doctrine, but the
    latter finally conquered, but not until the Pope had been con-
    countenance given by the council of Chalcedon to certain
    demned in the fifth general Council, held at Constantinople in
    Nestorians.
    553, after which he retracted his condemnation of the articles?
    Accordingly in 544 Justinian promulgated an edict: where-
    attributing it to the arts of the devil.
    in the Three Articles (/ce+&a~a),which gave tlie name to
    The fifth general Council, it should be observed, has an im
    the controversy, were enunciated-(1) Theodore of Mopsuestia
    portance beyond the rather trivial subjects discussed. Its
    and his works were condemned ; (2) certain writings of Theo-
    basis-its agenda-was an edict drawn up by the Emperor ;
    doret against Cyril were condemned; and (3) a letter of Ibas,
    addressed to a Persian and censuring Cyril, was condemned. it adopted theological tenets formulated by the Emperor. This
    is the most characteristic manifestation of Justinianean Caesaro-
    The council of Chalcedon had expressly acknowledged the papism.
    ortllodoxy of these writings and their authors, and thus the
    authority of that council seemed called in question, though the ' See Liberatus, Brev. 22 ; Aria- pression i n its proper sense, as the con-
    stasius, vita A'ilverii. Libeiatns wrote dernuation of the three proposals of
    edict expressly professed to respect it. his Breviariun~causae nbstorianorum Justinian's edict. But in popular usage
    The bishops of the East, including Mennas, signed the ct Et~tychianorurn,about 560, against the Three Articles meant the opinions
    aastinian's Articles. which the edict condemned, and thus
    The " Condem~~ation of the Three one who opposed the edict was said to
    This determination of ecclesiastical note of Caesaropapism. Basiliscus had Articles " is ambiguous. I use the ex- defend the Articles.
    matters by imperial edicts is the key- attempted this policy i n his brief reign.
    6 HISTOR Y OF THE LA TEX ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. X I ]U.YTh%X4A7'S CklESd ROPA PISM 7

    The election of Pelagius as the successor of Vigiliusl to the I have mentioned aphthartodocetism. I t obtained a certain
    see of Rome is noteworthy, because the Roman Emperor exer- notoriety in the last years of Justinian's reign, for the old
    cised the right of confimnling the election, which had belonged Emperor adopted the doctrine himself, and enforced i t on his
    to the Ostrogothic monarch. This right gave Justinian an subjects by an edict. His death cut short the full execution
    ecclesiastical power of European extent, and introduced an of his last and least Caesaropapistic undertaking.
    important theory into Christendom. "According to the Liber Among his acts of ecclesiastical autocracy we must mention
    Diurnus (a collection of forms ~ ~ ~ h represents
    ich the state of the edict which raised the see of Prima Justiniana, in his own
    things in those days or shortly after), the death of a Roman native province of Dacia Mediterranea, to the rank of an arch-
    bishop was to be notified to the exarch of Ravenna ; the suc- bishopric (53 5 A.D.) " Desiring," this document begins, " to
    cessor was to be chosen by the clergy, the nobles of Rome, the increase in rriaiiy and divers ways our native land, in which
    soldiery, and the citizens ; and the ratification of the election God first granted us to come into this world, which He him-
    was to be requested in very submissive terms both of the self founded, we wish to augment it and make it very great
    Einperor and of his deputy the exarch." in ecclesiastical rank."' This decree was confirmed in
    Pelagius upheld the three articles of the council, but the another decree ten years later (545 A.D.) I do not consider
    unity of the East and the consent of the Pope were purchased at it justifiable to say, as ecclesiastical historians sometimes
    the expense of the unity of the West. Milan and Aquileia do,-hat Justinian desired to found a sixth patriarchate;
    would know nothing of the fifth Council, and although the on the contrary, the new archbishop, as I understand the
    invasion of the Lombards soon drove Milan into the arms of second edict, was to depend on the Pope of Rome, and to
    Rome, the see of Aquileia and the bishop of Istria seceded hold the same position, for example, as the archbishop of
    from the Roman Church for more than a hundred and forty Ravenna.
    years. I n regard to the missionary activity which Justinian
    I n Egypt monophysitism was ineradicable. Alexandria encouraged for the conversion of heathen nations, I cannot do
    " the Great" was a scene of continual religious quarrels be- l Novel xix. (ed. Zacharia von hood, and from having been the lead-
    tween the Eutychians and the Melchites, as they called the Lingenthal, 1881). Below, t h e im- ing city, would be most naturally
    perial style speaks of Dacia Mediter- pointed out for restoration and decora-
    orthodox Catholics. I n Syria monophysitism continued under ranea as nostm fclicissintapatria. For tion." " Von Hahn [the Austrian
    the name of Jacobitism-a name derived from its propagator the confirmation of the privilege, see traveller], who passed by here in 1858,
    Nov. cli. The old idea that Tauresium, has shown that the names Taiiresiuni
    in the sixth century, Jacob a1 Baradai, a travelling monk. which Justinian restored because i t mas and Bcdcriana may be traced in those
    his birthplace, and called by the name of Taor and Bader," two villages hard
    The Armenian Church also adopted the Eutychian heresy, of Justiniana Prima, was identical with
    and in the ultra-Eutychian form of aphthartodocetism, the Achrida, arose from the circumstance by; Robertson, ii. 333, " to erect
    that the title of the archbishop was a sixth patriarchate." The express
    doctrine that Christ's body was incorruptible. I t is curious " Ar+bishop of Justiniana and Ach- words of Justinian are (Nov. cli. y')-
    that the same cause favoured the survival of the two opposite rida. See Appendix E in vol. ii. of ~ a itv adrais rais L ? T O K E L ~ !adr$
    V~LS
    Mr. Tozer's delightful book on the 1rapxLars [Dacia M., Qacia Ripensis,
    doctrines, Eutychianism and Nestoriaaism, in Armenia znd highlands of Turkey. "The explana- Prevalitana (IIpepaAQa), Dardania,
    Persia respectively. The Persian government tolerated tion of the double title is, that while Upper Moesia, Pannonia] rbv 7 6 7 ~ 0 ~
    Justinian had established the metro- E)?T~XELY a d ~ b v706 ~?TOUTOA[KOD'Phpjl*?~
    Nestorian Christianity in its dominions, and looked with politan see a t the place on \~liichhe 8pFou ~ a r hr b dp1u8Qvra d ? ~ 700
    b kylou
    favour on a monophysitic Armenian Church, because both bestowed his name, it was transferred r a r a B~yrAiou. That is, the arch-
    to Ochrida when that place was made bishop was to hold the place of, or be
    creeds were opposed to the State religion of Byzaatium. the capital of the Bulgarian kingdom." the representative of, the Pope in these
    Mr. Tozer agrees with Mannert in iden- provinces. The Patriarchs did not
    Vigilius died a t Syracuse on his h~vaders, vo;. iv., entitled "The Sorrows tifying Uskiub with Justiniana. " I t "hold the place " of the Pope. This
    wav back to Rome i n June 555. Those of Vigilius, as well as to ecclesiastical fell within the district of Dardania, and disposes of Robertson's remark that
    whb are cuiious about the details of histories. was situated a t a moderate distance Justinian's design " proved abortive. "
    these transactions may be referred to a Robertson, History of the Christian from Oclirida ; i t was also the most Robertson is also wrong i n the date,
    chapter in Mr. Hodgkin's Italy and her Church, vol. ii. p. 334. important position in that neighbour- which he gives as 541.
    CHAP. X I JUSTINIAiV'S CAESAROPAPISM 9

    better than quote the following little-linown account of the made my preparations and was desirous of sending you onward, ambas-
    conversion of the Nobadae l :- sadors from the queen arrived and fell upon me with violence, and
    took away the beasts of burden I had got ready, and have passed onward ;
    " Among the clergy i n attendance on the Patriarch Theodosius was a and I am too well acquainted with the fear i n mhicl~the queen is held to
    proselyte named Julianus, an old man of great worth, who conceived an venture to oppose them. But abide still with me until I can make
    earnest spiritual desire to christianise the wandering people who dwell on fresh preparations for you, and then you also shall go i n peace.' And
    the eastern borders of the Thebais beyond Egypt, and who are not only not when he heard these things he rent his garments, and threatened him
    subject to the authority of the Roman Empire, but even receive a subsidy terribly and reviled him ; and after some time he also was able to proceed,
    on condition that they do not enter nor pillage Egypt. The blessed and followed the other's track without being aware of the fraud which had
    Julianus, therefore, being full of anxiety for this people, went and spoke been practised upon him.
    about them to the late Queen Theodora, i n the hope of awakening in her " The blessed Julian meanwhile and the ambassadors who accompanied
    a similar desire for their conversion ; and as the queen 11-as fervent i n him had arrived at the confines of the Nobadae, whence they sent to the
    zeal for God, she received the proposal with joy, and promised to do every- king and his princes informing him of their coming ; upon which an
    thing in her power for the conversion of these tribes from the errors of armed escort set out, who received them joyfully, and brought them into
    idolatry. I n her joy, therefore, she informed the victorious King Jus- their land unto the king. And he too received them with pleasure, and
    tinian of the purposed undertaking, and promised and anxiously desired her majesty's letter was presented and read to him, and the purport of it
    to send the blessed Julian thither. But when the king [Emperor] heard explained. They accepted also the magnificent honours sent them, and
    that the person she intended to send was opposed to the council of Chal- the numerous baptismal robes, and everything else richly provided for
    cedon, he was not pleased, and determined to write to the bishops of his their use. And immediately with joy they yielded themselves up and
    own side in the Thebais, with orders for them to proceed thither and in- utterly abjured the errors of their forefathers, and confessed the God of the
    .struct the Nobafae, and plant among them the name of synod. And as Christians, saying, ' He is the one true God, and there is no other beside
    he entered upon the matter with great zeal, he sent thither, without a Him.' And after Julian had given them much instruction, and taught them,
    moment's delay, ambassadors with gold and baptismal robes, and gifts of he further told them about the council of Chalcedon, saying that 'inasmuch
    honour for the king of that people, and letters for the duke of the Thebais, as certain disputes had sprung up among Christia~stouching the faith,
    enjoining him to take every care of the embassy and escort then1 to the and the blessed Theodosius being required to receive the council and
    territories of the Nobadae. When, however, the queen learnt these having refused was ejected by the king [Emperor] from his throne,
    things, she quickly, with much cunning, wrote letters to the duke whereas the queen received him and rejoiced i n him because he stood
    of the Thebais, and sent a mandatory of her court to carry them to him ; firm in the right faith and left his throne for its sake, on this account
    and which were as follows : 'Inasmuch as both his majesty and myself her majesty has sent us to you, that ye also may walk i n the ways of
    have purposed to send an embassy to the people of the Nobadae, and I am Pope Theodosius, and stand in his faith and imitate his constancy. And
    now despatching a blessed man named Julian ; and further my will is that moreover the king has sent unto you anibassadors, who are already on their
    my ambassador should arrive at the aforesaid people before his majesty's ; be way, i n our footsteps.' "
    warned, that if you permit his ambassador to arrive there before mine, and
    do not hinder hinl by various pretexts until mine shall have reached you and
    The Emperor's emissaries arrived soon afterwards, and were
    shall have passed through your province and arrived at his destination, your dismissed by the Iring of the Nobadae, who told them that if
    life shall answer for i t ; for I shall immediately send and take off your head.' his people embraced Christianity at all it would be the doctrine
    Soon after the receipt of this letter the king's ambassador also came, and of the holy Theodosius of Alexandria, and not the "wicked
    the duke said to him, 'You must wait a little while we look out and pro- faith " of the Emperor.
    cure beasts of burden and men who know the deserts, and then you will
    be able to proceed.' And thus he delayed him until the arrival of the I n his own dominions too the activity of christian mission-
    merciful queen's embassy, who found horses and guides i n waiting, and aries was necessary, for in the devious recesses of Asia Minor
    the same day, without loss of time, under a show of doing it by violence, there were many spots, pagi, where heathenism survived.
    they laid hands upon him, and were the first to proceed. As for the duke,
    I t is remarkable that for the conversion of his heathen subjects
    he made his excuses to the king's ambassador, saying, 'Lo ! when I had
    Justinian employed a monophysitic priest, John of Ephesus,
    (L'empire byzantin, p. 75) remarks :
    who afterwards wrote an ecclesiastical history in Syriac from
    I have extracted this curious nar-
    rative from R. Payne Smith's transla- " Les missions voil& donc 1'Qli.ment the monophysitic point of view. We shall see how the mono-
    tion of the ecclesiastical history, written nouveau qui donne B la politique by-
    in Syriac, of the monophysite John of zantine son caractere distinctif." physites were persecuted by a zealous Patriarch and an
    Ephesus. On mlssions M. Gasquet unwise Emperor after Justinian's death. Towards the close of
    the century, when the heresy was almost exterminated from
    the Empire, it was revived, as has been already mentioned,
    by one Jacob a1 Baradai, who, dressed as a beggar-hence
    his name "the Ragged "-travelled about in the provinces of
    Syria and Mesopotamia and organised anew the monophysitic
    Church. To the renascent illonophysites was attached the
    name of the second founder of the sect; they were called
    Jacobites.
    CHAPTER XI1

    ORIGIN OF THE SYSTEM O F THEMES

    ONE of the most obscure and also most interesting problems


    of seventh-century history is the origin of the "Byzan-
    tine themes." I n the tent3 century the Emperor Con-
    stantine Porphyrogennetos mote a treatise on the themes
    or districts into which the Empire was at that time divided,
    and he distinctly assigns their origin to the seventh century.
    The assertion of the imperial writer would by itself weigh
    little, because he was lamentably ignorant of history and quite
    destitute of critical ability, but it is confirmed by the unde-
    signed testimony of the historians Nicephorus and Theophanes,
    whose narrative of the latter years of the seventh century
    presupposes at least the beginning of a thematic division, if I
    may be permitted to use the expression. Nicephorus and
    Theophanes lived indeed a century later, but they made use of
    earlier sources. Constantine further fixes the latter part of
    the reign of Heraclius as the date of the introduction of the
    theme system. This statement is not contradicted by the
    scanty records of the history of that time; but it is not
    necessitated. The passages in Theophanes and Nicephorus
    which bear on the question prove only that the new division
    was partially made before the death of Constans (668 A.D.)
    There are, however, reasons for supposing that Constantine was
    in a certain sense right.
    Many of the themes which existed in the middle of the
    tenth century had been created recently, within the preceding
    fifty or sixty years. Such were either smaller districts of
    subordinate importance, which had previously been subdivi-
    12 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK 1V CHAP. XI1 THE SLA L'ES 13

    barbarians, and having reaped part of the fruits to carry off with tileill, of the Nestos (Mesta). The easterly range, Rhodope proper,
    destroy what they cannot take away. The Byzantines can only murmur forms the western boundary of the great plain of Thrace, while
    indignantly, and endure."
    the range of Orbelos separates the Nestos valley from the
    This passage might have been written of the depredations Strymov valley.
    of the Huns, the Ostrogoths, the Avars, or the Slaves. The great Haemus or Balkan chain which runs frorn east
    Of these four peoples, the first three were only comets of to west is also double, like Rhodope, but is not in the same
    ruin in the Ballran peninsula, while the Slavonic peoples, to way divided by a large river. The Haemus mountains begin
    whose early history this chapter is devoted, probably began to near the sources of the Timacus and Margus, from which
    filter into the provinces of Illyricum and Thrace as settlers they stretch to the shores of the Euxine. To a traveller
    before the invasions of Attila, and in later times pouring in approaching then1 from the northern or Dariubian side they
    as formidable invaders, gradually converted those provinces do not present an impressive appearance, for the ascent is
    into Slavonic principalities, which, according to the tide of war, very gradual; plateau rises above plateau, or the transition is
    were sonietimes dependent 011, sometinles independent of, the accomplished by gentle slopes, and the height of the highest
    government of Constantinople. parts is lost by the number of intervening degrees. But on
    To understand the history of the Haemus countries, the the southern side the descent is precipitous, and the aspect is
    extension of the Slavonic races there, and the campaigns of the imposing and sublime. This capital difference between the two
    Roman armies against the invaders, a general notion of the very sides of the Haenius range is closely connected with the exist-
    difficult and still imperfectly explored geography of Thrace is ence of the second and lower parallel range, called the Sr6dna
    indispensable? Gora, which nms through Roumelia from Sofia to Sliven. I t
    We may consider Mount Vitos", and the town of Sardica, seems as if a convulsion of the earth had cloven asunder an
    now Sofia, which lies at its base as the central point of the original and large chain by a sudden rent, which gave its
    peninsula. Rising in the shape of an immense cone to a abrupt and sheer character to the southern side of the Haemus
    height of 2300 metres, Vitos" affords to the climber who mountains, and interrupted the gradual incline upwards from
    ascends it a splendid view of the various complicated moun- the low plain of Thrace.
    tain chains which diversify the surrounding lands-a view The important chain of Sr6dna Gora, which is often con-
    which has been pronounced finer than that at Tempe or that founded with the northern chain of Haemus, is divided into
    at Vodena. I n the group of which this mountain and another three parts, which, following Hochstetter, we may call the
    named Ryl, to southward, are the highest peaks, two rivers Karadga Dagh, the Sr6dna Gora, and the Ichtimaner. The
    of the lower Danube system, the Oescus (Isker) and the Karadia Dagh mountains aJe the most easterly, and are
    Nigava have their sources, as well as the two chief rivers separated frorn Srbdna Gora by the river Strbma (a tributary
    of the Aegean system, the Hebrus (Maritsa) and the Strymon of the Maritsa), while the valley of the Tundia (Talvapoq),with
    (Struma). its fields of roses and pleasantly situated towns, divides it froill
    Frorn this central region stretches in a south-easterly direc- Mount Haemus. Sr6dna Gora reaches a greater height than the
    tion the double chain of Ithodope, cleft in twain by the valley mountains to east or to west, and is separated by the river
    In the geography, as throughout vanyami is unfortunately out of print. Topolnitsa from the most westerly portion, the Ichtimaner
    this chapter, the invaluable work of C. A lucid account of the divisions of the
    Slavonic race will be found in Mr. mountains, which form a sort of transitioll conaecting the
    JiriEek, Die Geschichte der Bulgaren, has
    been my guide. I have also consulted Morfill's article " Slavs " in the E ~ ~ c u . Balkan system with the Rhodope system, whilst at the same
    the famous SlawiseJLe Alterthumer (ed. Brit., an article which is not o111y very
    XTuttke) of P. J. Safarik, esp. vol. ii. learned but very readable. In the time they are the watershed between the tributaries of the
    p. 152 sqq. ("Uebersirht der Geschichte present chapter we have only to do Hebrus and those of the Danube. I t is in this range too
    der bulgarischen Slawen "). Drinov's with the south-eastern Slaves (chiefly
    Zaselenie balkanskago poluostroaa Sla- Slovenes). that the inl~ortantpass of Succi is situated, througll which
    BOOK IV CHAP. ?(I1 THE SLd VES 15
    14 NZSTOR Y OF THL LA TER ROMAN b-BIPIKE
    into two main divisions, the Thracian and the Illyrian. The
    the road led from Constuntinople to Singidunum, Sirnlium, ~ b ~ ~ c i occupied
    ans the eastern, the Illyrians the western, side
    and Italy. of the ~eninsula,the boundary between them being roughly
    The river Islter divides the Balkan chain into a western the courses of the Drave and the Strymon. Any descendants
    and an eastern half. Of the western mountains, which com-
    of the Thracians who still survive are to be found among
    mand a view of the middle Danube, we need only mention the Roumanians, while the Albanians l represent the Illyrians
    the strange region which Kanitz, the Austrian traveller, dis-
    and Epirotes. The Epirotes stood in much the same relation to
    covered near the fort of B&lgraddik. " Gigantic pillars of
    the Illyrians as the Macedonians stood to the Thracians. Of
    dark red sandstone, crowned by groups of trees, rise in fan-
    the numerous Thracian tribes (Odrysians, Triballi, Getae,
    tastic shapes to heights above 2 0 0 metres, and, separated by
    Mysians, Bessi, etc.), the Bessi or Satri, in the region of Rhodope,
    rivulets and surrounded by luxuriant green, they form remark-
    remained longest a corporate nation in the presence of Roman
    able groups and alleys, as it were a city changed to stone, witL
    influences ; they were converted to Christianity2 in the foarth
    towers, burgs, houses, bridges, obelisks, and ships, men and
    century, and in the fifth century they still held the church
    beasts." l
    ~ervicein their own tongue. The Noropians, a subdivision of
    I n the central part of the eastern Haemus mountains is the
    the Paeonians, whose lake dwellings are described by Herodotus,
    now celebrated pass of Sipka, which connects the valley of the
    deserve mention, because the name survived in the Middle Ages
    Tundia with the valley of the Jantra (Jatrus), and is the chief
    (nerop'ch, mQrop'ch) as the name of a class of serfs in the
    route from Thrace into Lower Moesia. Between this spot and
    Serbian kingdom. Of the Illyrian tribes the most important
    the pass of Sliven farther east extend the wildest and most im-
    were the Autariats, Dardanians, Dalmatians, Istrians, Libur-
    pervious regions of the Balkans, regions which have always
    nians. As to the Thracian and Illyrian languages, a general
    been the favourite homes of scamars and klephts, who could
    but vague idea can be formed of them by the help of modern
    defy the justice of civilisation in thick forests and inaccessible
    Albanese, whence Dalniatia has been explained to mean
    ravines-regions echoing with the wild songs and romances of
    " shepherd land " ; Skodra, "hill "; Bora, " snow " (a moun-
    outlaw life. Beyond the pass of the Iron Gates ( I I B X ~ L
    tain in Macedonia) ; Bessi, " the faithful " (originally the name
    Demir Kapu), connecting Sliven with Trnovo, the
    range splits itself into three prongs ; the north prong touching of priests); Dardania, " land of pears," etc. The difficulty
    experienced by the Romans in subduing and incorporating in
    the river of the Great Kambija, the middle touching the meet- their Empire all these brave mountain tribes is well knom~n.
    ing of the Great and the Little Kam&ija, and the southern
    I t must be clearly understood that Latin became the
    touching the sea. I n this part there are three passes, one of
    general language of the pehinsula when the Roman con-
    which is reached from Sliven, the other two from Karnabad. quests were consolidated, except on the south and east coast-
    The east side of the great Thracian plain is bounded by the
    lines of the Aegean, Propontis, and Euxine, where the towns,
    Strandia range, which separates it from the Euxine, and throws many of them Greek colonies and all long familiar wit11
    out in a south-westerly direction the Tekir Dagh, which
    Greek, continued to speak that language. That Latin was the
    stretches along the west of the Propontis, shooting into the
    language of the greater part of the peninsula there are many
    Thracian Chersonese and extending along the north Aegean
    proofs. Priscus tells us expressly, in speaking of his expedi-
    coast as far as the Strymon. The Thracian plain is a flat tion to the country of the Huns, that Latin was the language
    wilderness, only good for pnor ~nsture. The bishops of Marcianopolis used Latin in their
    The oldest inhabitant? of J. hose exl,cence in the peninsula
    we know, were s ranch of the Indo-European family, which ' Hahn finds the descendants of the south Albania, the river Skumli aepa-
    is generally called the Thraco-Illyrian branch, falling as it does I l l ~ l i a n sin the Cegi of north Albania, rating them.
    those of +lie Epirotes in the Toski of 2 Ry Xieetas, bishop of Remesiana.
    1 translaxu from JiriEek, op: cit. p. P.
    CHAP. XI1 THE SLA VES 17

    correspondence with the conncil of Chalcedon. At the end of Galerius settlecl along with the Bastarnae in the provinces of
    the sixth century words used by a peasant are recorded, which nfoesia and Thrace (298) were a Slavonic race, as some
    are the first trace of the Ronmanian language, which developed authorities believe, we cannot be certain. I t is possible,
    in these regions and was born of the union of Latin with however, that Slaves formed part of the large mass of barbari-
    old Thracian.' The Emperor Justinian, a native of Dardania, ans-2 0 0,O 0 0-to whom the Emperor Carus assigned habita-
    speaks of Latin as his own language. tions in the peninsula ; and there are certainly distinct traces
    We need not discuss here the wild theories, resting chiefly of the existence of Slavonic communities in itineraries com-
    on accidental similarity of names which may be made to prove posed in the fourth century.' There were many generals
    anything, that Slavonic races dwelled along with the Thraco- of Slavonic origin in Roman service in the fifth century,
    Illyrian from time immemorial; they have been refuted by and in the sixth century Procopius has preserved to us
    Jirizelr. The pedantic Byzantine custom of calling contem- many names of Slavonic towns.
    porary peoples by the name of ancient peoples who had dwelt We are then, I think, justified in assuming that in the
    in the same lands led to a misunderstandiag, and originated fifth century there was a considerable Slavoiiic element in
    the idea that the Slavonic races were autochthon~us.~ the lands ~ o u t hof the Ister, holding the position of Roman
    But if this theory assigns to the presence of the Slaves a coloni. They formed a layer of population which would give
    too early period, we must beware of falling into the opposite security and permanence to the settlenlents of future invaders
    mistake of setting their advent too late. The arguments of of kindred race. And here we touch upon what seems a
    Drinov, which are accepted by the historian of the Bulgarians, strong confiri~lation of the conclusion to which stray
    make it possible that the infiltration of Slavonic elements vestiges lead us, regarding an early Slavonic colonisation.
    into the cis-Danubian lands began about 3 0 0 A.D., before tlie The Ostrogoths, who invaded and settled in Italy, held
    so-called wandering of the nations. out there but a short tinie ; tlie duration of Loi~ibarcliniluence
    I t is probable enough that there were Slaves in the great in Italy was longer, but not long; the Vandals were soon dis-
    Dacian kingdom of Decebalus, which was subverted by Trajan. lodged from Africa. On the other hand, the Franks held per-
    At all events, the Roman occupation of Dacia beyond the manent sway in the lands in which they settlecl, just as Slavonic
    Danube for a century and a half between Trajan and Aurel- nations still dominate the countries between the Adriatic and
    ian, left its traces in that country, and also among Slavonic the Euxine. Now the main difference between the conquest
    races ; for Trajan or Troja,n figured prominently in Slavonic of Gaul by the Franks and the conquest of Italy by the Ostro-
    legend as the deliverer from the Dacian oppressor, and was goths was, that the former had been preceded by centuries
    even deified. " Bnlgarian songs at the present day celebrate of gradual infiltration of Frahk elements i11 the countries to ,.
    the Tzar Trojan, the lord of inexhaustible treasures, for whom the west of the Rhine, whereas for Theocloric there was no
    burning gold and pure silver flow from seventy wells."3 Slavo- such basis on which to consoliclate a Gothic kingdom. The
    nic tradition called the Romans Vlachians, and the first appear- natural induction is that the cause whose presence secured
    ance of the Vlachians beyond the Danube was long remembered. the permanence of the Frank kingdom in Gaul, and whose
    The Slaves doubtless played a considerable part in the absence facilitated the disappearance of the Gothic race from
    frontier wars of the third century, but whether the Carpi, whom
    The credit of pointing oat this be- the Slavonic origin of Justinian ( Uprnv-
    longs t o Drinov. Zemae = modern da), which vas often ailcluced in proof
    1 See JiriEek, p. 66, where he collects balli, the Albanesc Acasnanians, the Trcma, on the Hebrus ; Beodizum = of early Slave settlements. But this
    these points. Nieetas, bishop of Rem- Hungarians Pnimo~~inns, etc. Voditza, in the Itinar. IIieron. and l'iece of evidence may bc replaced by
    esiana (fourth century), who converted "raja11 is a usual name among the Itiner. A Z ~ O I L .
    Bafarik (ii. 159) places another, if my explanation of the namc
    the Bessi, was a Latin writer. Bulgarians. The name of the old Sla- the first Slavonic settlements south of Be2isari?cs as Slavollic (White Dawn)
    2 Thus tho Servians are called Tri- vonic feast day, Koleda, is said to be Danube a t the en11 of the fifth century. is correct ; see above, vol. i. p. 341
    derived from Iialendae. Mr. Bryce's researches have discredited
    VOL. I1 C
    18 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. XI1 THE SL d YES 19

    Italy, co - operated to render permanent the Slavonic con- gives us an account of the Slavonic methods of warfare. They
    quests. This induction, of course, is not strict ; we have were unable to fight well in regular battle on open ground,
    not excluded the possibility of like effects resulting from and thus they were fain to choose mountains and morasses,
    different causes, and the case of the Visigoths in Spain is ail ravines and thickets, in which they could arrange ambuscades
    obvious, though explicable, exception. But the fact that we and surprises, and bring into play their experience of forest and
    have distinct traces of early Slavonic settlements supplenlents mountain life. I n this kind of warfare skill in archery was
    the defect of the a yrio~iinduction. The circumstance that serviceable, and they used poisoned arrows. Their weapons
    there is no direct mention of such settlements by writers of in hand - to - band fight were battle-axes and battle - mallets.
    the time can have little weight in the opposite scale ; such Maurice advises that campaigns against them should be under-
    things often escape the notice of contemporaries.' taken in the winter, because then the trees are leafless and the
    The great political characteristic of the Slavonic races was forests less impenetrable to the view, while the snow betrays
    their independence, in which they resembled the Arabs. They the steps of the foe, and the frozen rivers give no advantage to
    could not endure the idea of a monarch, and the comn~uiles, their swimniiiig powers. I t was a common device of a hard-
    independent of, and constantly at discord with, one another, pressed Slovene to dive into a river and not emerge, breathing
    united only in the presence of a dangerous enemy. Owing to through a reed whose extremity was just above the surface.
    this characteristic their invasions cannot have been efficiently It required long experience and sharp eyes to see the encl of
    organised, and an able general should have been able to cut the reed and detect the fugitive.
    them off in detachments. The family, governed and repre- The Slaves believed in a supreille God, Svarog, the lord of
    sented by the oldest member, was the unit of the commune or lightning, who created the world out of the sand of the sea ;
    tribe; the chiefs of the community, whose territory was called in lesser gods, among whom was reckoned Trajan ; and in all
    a $ups, were selected from certain leading families which thus sorts of supernatural beings, good and bad (Bogy and Besy) ;
    formed an aristocracy. for instance, in ?;ll;ocllaks or vampires, from which the modern
    The character of the Slaves is described by a Greek Greek / 3 p o v ~ 6 ~ ais~borrowed,
    a~ in lake nymphs (judi) a sort
    Emperor as artless and hospitable; but it was often, no doubt, of long-haired mermaids who draw down fishermen entangled
    the artlessness of a heathen barbarian. They practised both in their locks to the depths below. The most interesting
    agriculture and pasture. Physically they were tall and strong, of these beings are the Sainovili or Samodivi, who live and
    and of blond complexion. Women occupied an honourable dance in the mountains. " They hasten swiftly through the
    position, and the patriarchal character of their social life, by air; they ride on earth on stags, using adders as bridles and
    which the family was the proprietor and every individual be- yellow snakes as girdles. Their hair is of light colour. They
    longed to a family, excluded poverty. Only an excommunicated are generally hostile to men, whose black eyes they blind and
    person could be poor, and therefore to be poor meant to be quaff," but they are friends of great heroes, and live with them
    bad, and mas expressed by the same word.2 I n the sixth as sworn sisters.'
    century their abodes were wretched hovels, and their chief food Until the last years of the fourth century, wl~enthe Visi-
    was millet. gothic soldiers tookup their quarters in the land and exhausted
    The Emperor Maurice, in his treatise on the art &if war? it, the Balkan peninsula had elljoyed a long peace ; and after the
    JiriEek mentions a similar case in 3 &faupr~[ouu r p a ~ y r r b vpublishedat
    ,
    the sevcnteenth century, when the Upsala, 1664, by J. Scheffer, alongwith foreigu nations. He groups Teutonic in bad condition on account of vinter
    great migration of Serbs from Servia to Arrian's Tactics. This is the only ex- peoples together as faveb EBvv. I n Bk. hardships (11. 137).
    the Banat and south Russia took place isting edition, and is very rare. The vii. cap. 1, he says that Huns and Scy- P o s e s t r i ~ ~ ?that
    ~ ~ js
    ? ~in
    , tho relation
    without being mentioned by a historian imperial treatise is divided into Twelve thians should be attacked in February of Povmtimstvo, a sn orn brotherhoot1 of
    of the time. Rooks, and the subject of the eleventh or March, becauqc their horses are then young men like that of Orestes and
    JiriCek, p. 97. is the customs and tactics of various Pylacles, or Alnis and Aniile.
    CHAP. X I I THE SLA VES 21
    20 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROflfANErWIIZE BOOK 1%
    Besides the outer line of strong places on the river, an inner line
    filial departure ofAlaric for Italy, it was allowed almost forty years of defence was made in 530, connecting Ulpiana and Sardica.
    of comparati\.e freedoin from the iilvasions of foes to recover its But, in 5 3 4 the death of Chilbudius in a battle with the Slaves
    prosperity. Gut the rise of tlie Hunnic inonarcliy under Attila left the frontier without a capable defender, a i ~ dthe old ravages
    iu tlie countries north of tlle Danube meant tliat evil days were renewed.' A grand expedition in 5 4 0 penetrated to
    were in store for it ; and the invasions of the barbarian Attila, Greece, but the Peloponnesus was saved by the fortific at'ions
    a scourge far worse than the raids of Alaric, reduced the plains of the isthmus. Cassandrea, however, was talcen, and the in-
    and valleys of Tlirace and Illyricum to uncultivated and desert vaders crossed froill Sestos to the coast of Asia -Minor. The
    solitudes, the inhabitants fleeing to the mountains. And when havoc wrought in tliis year throughout Thrace, Illyricnm, and
    tlie Huiinic empire, that transitory pllenomenon which united northern Greece was so serious that Justinian set about making
    lliany nations loosely for a monlent without any real bonds of new lines of defence on an extensive scale, which xvill presently
    Inw or interest, was dissipated, the races wllich liacl belonged be described.
    to it, Gernians and Slaves and Huns, hovered on the Danube Two Slavonic tribes are mentioned a t this period, the
    watcliing their chance of pluncler. The chief of these were the Slovenes2 and the Antai or Wends. They did not differ fronr
    Ostrogoths, who, while they mere a checl\- on the Huns and on each other in either language or pliysical traits 3 ; both enjoyed
    Gerninns illore uncivilised tlinn tliemselves, infested the lands kingless government of a popular nntnre, both worshipped one
    of the Haenlus, Illyria, ancl Epirus, until in 5 8 8 Theodoric, God, both mere intolerant of the Greek ancl oriental conception of
    lilie Alaric, went westmnr;ls to a new liome. The clepnrtnre fate. Procopius relates that about this tinie hostilities arose
    of tlle Ostrogoths was like tlie opening of a slnice : tlie Slaves between the two tribes, and the Slovenes conqnerecl the Antai ;
    and Ilulgnriaiis, ~110111tlieir presence lind kept back, were let but it has been conjectured that this is an ill-informed
    loose on the Empire, and begzan periodical iiivasions. It must foreigner's account of a totally different transaction, nanlely the
    be noted tliat, beside tlie Ostrogoths, soiiie non-German nations reduction of the Slavoiiic tribes by the Bulgarians. Ho~vevel.
    liacl settled in corners; the S,ztngesl ancl Alans in Lower this may be, it is certain tlint the Bulgarians (whom Procopins
    illoesia, and Huns i11 the J )obruclZa. calls Huns), the Slovenes, and the h t a i were in the habit of'
    I have already mentioned what is known of these in- invading the Empire together, and tliat some bond must liave
    vasions in the rcign of Anastasius, nncl how that Enlperor united the two different races. I t is to be observed, however,
    built the Long Wall to protect the capital. Tlle invasiulls tliat it is the Slaves w l ~ oare always in tlie foregrouild from tliis
    continued in the reign of Justinian and througliout the sixth time forth, and tliat the Gulgariails are alnlost never iiientioiied ;
    century, but the Bulgarians soon cease to be mentioned, ancl it \~llel~ce the reverse relation, ii:/mely the conqnest of tlle Bul-
    appears probable that th5y were subjugated by the neighbour- g>lrians hy tlie Slaves, might seeill inore probable. Tliose
    ing Slaves. Bulgarians of the sixth century had, it mnst be renlembered,
    No real opposition was offered to the invasions of thc bar-
    barians, until lluiidus the Gepicl, who afterwards assisted in An accouilt of the i~iq>ostornlio The scttlcmcnts of tlie Slovenes
    p~ctcndetl to he Cliilbuilius, and the \yere 11robably in tlie oltl trans-Istrim
    quelling the Nika insurgents, defeated and repelled the Bul- off(,rmade by Jnstini:tn t o the Antai prorince of Dncin. I t is said that
    garians in 530. For tlle following years, uncil 534, tlie that they should settle i ~ Turris
    i (per- their ilcscendmits in tliis co~mtryn e w
    ha113Turnu Magnrel, as Safarik, ii. 1 5 3 , ~ncorporated anlong tlie Ronilinninns,
    Haeiiius provinces enjoyed immunity from the plunderers, ant1JiriEck~n~gcst) xi11 11efonnd in 1'1.0- n.lio luigmted from the south ill thr
    owing f o the ability of Chilbudius, niaster of soldiers in Thrace, coljius, B. U.i ~ i14.
    . Theophsnes recoide Middle Ages.
    all cx]~editionof two Blllgnrinli princes J Accordilig to Piocopius, B. G. iii.
    ~ l i owas appointed to defend the Danube frontier, and to t l ~ e YES) in 6031 A.M. =538-539 A.n., 14. The TYcnds of Lausitz l ~ e l o l ~tog
    uleniures wliich were taken for strengthening the fortification>. aK,li~lstXIoesia nntl Scythia. Justin, tlic " \yestern " divisioii of the Slnvollic
    tile com~lianderill Rlocsia, was slain (cf. family.
    bhlalas, p. 4 3 i , 19, ed. Bonn).
    ' Ti11Y mcrc 11aihnlls Slaves, as kafarik conjectliies ; cf. Sotiks in noitli
    11~111,:t l i
    22 HfiToX Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. X I 1 THE SLA VES

    nothing to do with the foundation of the Bulgarian killgdom, Tile walls that hedged in the Thracian Chersonese were re-
    which took place in the seventh century. stored. Sestos was made impregnable, and a high tower was
    I n 546 another Slavonic incursion took place, but on this erected at ElaiQs. Further west Aenns, near the mouth of
    occasion Justinian's principle of " barbarian cut barbarian " came the Hebrus, was surrounded with walls ; while north-westward,
    into operation, and they were repulsed by the Heruls. TWO in the regions of Rhodope and the Thracian plain, one hundred
    years later the Slaves overran Illyricum with a numerous army, and three castles were restored. Trajanopolis (on Hebrus),
    and appeared before Dyrrhachium, and in 5 5 1 a band of three Maximianopolis, and Doriscus were secured with new walls ;
    thousand crossed the Danube unopposed and divided into two Ballurus was converted into a fortified town ; Philippopolis and
    parties, of which one ravaged Thrace and the other Illyricum. Ylotinopolis, on the Hebrus, were restored and strengthened ;
    Both were victorious over Roman generals ; the maritime city of while Anastasiopolis was secured by a cross wall ( 8 ~ a . r e i ~ ~ r ~ a ) .
    Toperus was taken ; and the massacres and cruelties committed The middle Danube was in the same way lined with
    by the barbarians make the readers of Procopius shudder.l I n castles and fortified towns, protecting the frontier of Illyricum;
    552 the Slaves crossed the Danube again, intent on attacking the most important were Singidon (Singidunum, now Bel-
    Thessalonica, but the terror of the name of Gernlanus, who was grade), Octavum, eight miles to the west, Pincum, Margus,
    then at Sardica preparing for an expedition to Italy, caused Viminaciuin, Capus, and Novae. I n Dardania, Justinian's
    them to abandon the project and invade Dalmatia. At the native province, eight new castles were built, and sixty-one of
    beginning of Justinian's reign Germanus had inflicted such an older date restored. When invaders had penetrated this second
    annihilating defeat on the Antai that the Slaves looked upon line of fortresses they entered Macedonia, where a third system
    him with fear and The p e a t expedition of Zabergan of strong defences obstructed their path. We are told that
    and the Cotrigur Huns (whom Roesler calls Bulgarians) in forty-six forts and towers were restored or built in this district.
    55 8 was probably accompanied by Slavonic forces. Among those which were restored may be mentioned Cassandrea,
    I t is at this point that the Avars, whose empire considerably which had been taken by the Slovenes, and among those which
    influenced the fortunes of the Slaves, appear on the political were newly built we may note Artemisium in the neighbourhood
    horizon of the West. But as their presence did not afTect the of Thessalonica.
    Ronlan Empire until after the death of Justinian, we may From Macedonia an invader might pass either southwards
    reserve what is to be said of them for a future chapter. into Thessaly or westwards into Epirus. I n Thessaly the fortified
    The wall of Anastasius had been the first step to a system towns of Demetrias-the " fetter of Greece "-Thebae, Phar-
    of fortifications for defending the peninsula. Justinian carried salus, Metropolis, Gomphi, and Tricca formed a line of works
    out the idea on an extensive scale by strengthening old and across the country. The walls of Larissa were restored by
    bliilcling new forts in Thrace, Epirus, Dardania, Macedonia, Jnstinian, and new towns, Centanropolis, on Mount Pelion,
    Thessaly, and southern Greece. Eurymene, and Caesarea (probably new), testified to the
    To protect Thrace there was first of all a line of fifty-two Elnperor's anxiety to protect his spbjects. If an enemy wished
    fortresses along the Danube, of which Securisrna (or Securisca) to proceed into Greece-supposing that he had succeeded in
    and others were founded by Justinian, while the rest were entering the Thessalian plains-it was necessary for him to
    strengthened and improved. South of the Danube, in Moesia, overpower or elude the garrison of two thousand men who
    there were twenty-seven strong fortresses. On the Sea of were stationed in the fortresses that guarded the memorable
    Marnlora '~hoedestuswas built, a steep and large sea-washed defile of Thermopylae. These fortresses were restored and
    town, while Perinthus (Heraclea) was provided with new walls. strengthened, the walls were made higher and more solid, the
    See B. G. iii. 38 ; for the incursion of the preceding year, see iii. 33.
    bastions and battlements were doubled, and cisterns mere pro-
    Ib. 40. vided for the use of the garrison. The town of Heraclea, not
    24 N I S T O R Y O F THE LATER R O d l A N EdfPIRE BOOK rv

    far from Thermopylae, was also the object of imperial solici-


    tncle ; the Euripus was protected by castles; the wails of
    Plataea, Athens, and Corinth were rene~ved,ancl the wall across
    the istl~musmas solidified and inlproved by ~vatch-towers
    (+vhalcr$p~a). If, on the other band, the foe turned his
    course westwwd, Justinian had secured those regions by erect-
    ing thirty-two new forts in the New Epirus, twelve new forts
    in the Old Epirus, and rehabilitating about twenty-five in each
    province.
    I11 r e ~ a r dto this elaborate system of fortification, which was CHAPTER XI11
    n conspicuous and not clishonourxble feature of Justininn's
    reign, me must notice tliat he ailoptecl an architect,ural innova- CHANGES IN TIIE PR@TIi\'CIAL ADIlINISTRATlON
    tioi1.l Old-fashioned fortl.esses had been content ~ v i t hsingle
    towers, and were hence called p o v o ~ ~ p y: ~the a new erections THE changes which were made by Justinian in the provincial
    of J l ~ s t i ~ ~ iwere
    a n on a larger scale, and mere crowned with adillinistration were only of a partial nature, but they are
    llially towers. It was probably found that the barbarians, nevgrtheless imprtant, b e c a ~ ~ sthey
    e form a stage of transition
    who had learned a l i t t k about the art of besieging since they between tile arraagement of Diocletian ancl the later Thematic
    came illto contact wit11 tlie Enlpire, were not baMed by the systeal which was developed in the seventh and eighth
    one-towered battlen~ents,and that stronger forts were neces- centuries.
    sary. I n the earlier system, instituted by Diocletian and Con-
    We cannot hesitate to assuille that these nleasures of Jus- stantine, three points are especially prominent -(1) the
    tininn were of great service for resisting the Slavonic and sub- separatioll of the civil from the military administration; (2)
    serrucnt A\-nric invasions. But it must be observed that some the hierarchical or ladder-like principle by which not only the
    of tllein were intended as barriers not only against external praetorian prefect intervened between the Emperor and the pro-
    invatlers, but also against barbarians who had settled within vincial governors, but wiccwii or diocesan presidents intervened
    the boundaries of the En~pire. This, me are told expressly," l~etweenthe provincial govenlors and the praetorian prefect;
    mas the case witll the renovation of Philippopolis and Plotin- (9) the tendency to break up provinces into smaller divisions.
    opolis. We cannot doubt that these barbarian settlers were On the otlzer hand, the Thematic system, of which I shall
    Slaves. speak in a fiiture chapter, was oharacterised by features exactly
    the reverse. Civil and lllilitary admillistration are combined
    is an expression
    ~ ~ 0 8 o p j u ~atvo~~py4uas
    a~o o f t r ~ ernployecl.
    l Procopius' \~<irli
    " OII li:ilihces " is our >ource for these fortifications. i l l the hands of the same governor; the principle of inter-
    l'roc. dc Aal. iv. 5. mediate dioceses has disappeared, as well as the principle of
    praetorian prefectures; and the districts of the governors are
    Comparatively large.
    It is then instructive to observe that, though Justiriian
    made no thoroughgoing change in the system that had pre-
    vailed during the fonrth and fifth centuries, alnlost all the par-
    ticular changes which he did introduce tended in the direction
    of the later system. I n certain provinces he invested the same
    Persolls with military, civil, and fiscal powers ; he did away
    26 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V rHAP. XI1 I THE PRO VZNCIAL ABA'MINISTRATION 27

    with some of the diocesan governors, and he combined some of hand was not supposed to know what his left hand was doing.
    the small divisions to form larger provinces. These changes Justinian introduced a new principle and a new kind of gover-
    were made in the years 535 and 536 A.D. nor, in whose hands the two f~~nctions were not merely put
    (1.) " I n certain of our provinces, in which both a civil and side by side but mere organically united. The truth of this
    a military governor are stationed, they are continually conflict- is distinctly demonstrated by the fact that he was obliged to
    ing and qnarrelling with each other, not with a view to the reorgani~ethe office of count of Isauria so that the military
    benefit, but with a view to the greater oppression of the sub- and civil powers should c0here.l I t should be noticed that
    jects ; so we have thought it right in these cases to combine the epithet Justinianus is only connected with the titles of
    the two sepwate charges to form one office, and to give the old such new governors as were vested with the double function.
    name of praetor to the new governor." l The new n1,oderator of Arabia, who was purely a civil officer,
    This principle was applied in three cases at the same time did not receive the imperial name.
    (18th May 535). The praeses of Pisidia was invested with (2.) In 535 A.D. (15th April) three diocesan governors
    authority over the military forces stationed in the province, and were abolished. The vicar of Asiana became the eonles Justini-
    so likewise the praeses of Lycaonia. Each of these officers ceased anzrs of Phrygia Pacatiana, invested with civil and military
    to be called praeses, and assumed the more glorious title of powers and enjoying the rank of a " respectable." On the
    praetor Justinianus, which was accompailied with the rank of same conditions the vicar of tile Pontic diocese became the
    spcctabilis. The vicurizcs Thmciccrzc~i~,or governor of the con~esJzcstinianus of Galatia Prima. The count of the East
    Thracian diocese, and the inaster of soldiers in Thrace-officers was deprived of his authority over the Orient diocese and,
    whose spheres, as experience proved, tended to conflict-were retaining his " respectable " rank, became the civil governor of
    abolished and superseded by a praetor Justinianus per Thracinnz Syria Prima.
    invested with civil, military, and fiscal powers. The first change and the third change were permanent, but
    The same principle had been adopted just a month before the abolition of the vicar of Pontica was revoked in 548 A . D . ~
    in the case of the new Justinianean counts of Phrygia (3.) Justinian united the nraesidial provinces of Heleno-
    Pacatiana and First Galatia. I t was adopted two months pontus and Pontus Polemonldcus to form one large province,
    later in the case of the new Justinianean moderator of Heleno- under the command of a governor entitled nod ern tor Justinianus.
    pontus and the new Justinianean praetor of Paphlagonia ; and The new province was called Helenopontus, in preference to
    in the following year (536) it was applied to the new pro- the other name, because it seemed fitter to continue to com-
    consul of Cappadocia and the proconsul of the recently formed memorate the name of St. Helen than to adopt a title which
    province of Third Armenia. not only preserved the memory of a "tyrant" but also sug-
    I n Egypt this principle had been practically operative under gested war ( ~ d h ~ ~ o q ) . ~
    the old system; in the turbulent district of Isauria the In the same way the province of Honorias, which had
    governor (count of Isauria) was invested with both military obeyed a praeses, and the province of Paphlagonia, which had
    and civil powers; the duke of Arabia also held the double Justmian confesses that his new dpx+ r p o ~ ~ o p i a A v a, p ~ i v s r v st ~ a rlb
    principle was suggested by the arrange- rjjs U T ~ U T L W T L Kt[ouuKas
    ?~P u v p ~ i a~ a i d v o p a
    office. But the point is that these exceptions were recognised merit already existing in Isauria (iiaap rrcpr+hperv FtrhoOv apiyparos dvros bvbs,
    as opposed to the general principle, and it was attempted to 7Lui7Gv T P .il~Gv ~ L K.T.A. The last clause seems S~fficient
    a h o ~ p a ~ b p w.!vv E ~ K ~ V
    ~ a ~l x ? j ~ a . rarb
    r ri)v 'Ioafipwv ~ d p a v to explain the fact that Hierocles speaks
    bring them into accortance wit11 that general principle by the *Aeev h i ~ 0 %r p 8 t a r roDro +psis, K.T.h. of apaeses of Isauria, whence some have
    fiction that the count of Isauria, for example, represented two NOv. xxvi.) But he has to apply i t in assumed that sometimes a pmeses was
    Very province whose administration appointed side by side with the count.
    separate persons ; he held, as it were, the civil power in his gave ilim the suggestion : 06 yhp Err 2 Nov. xvi.
    flouA6Pea rbv hrrl raGrqs yrv6pcvov r?js
    right hand and the military power in his left, and his right dpx?js GraAoir xpfiuoar a u p p 6 ~ o r rKai ' NOV.clviii.
    Justinian, Nov. xxiii. (ed. Zacharid, von Lingenthal). Cf. xxiv. and xxv. ~ ~K ~ L ri/v r?jS T O X L T L K ? ~ ~
    X a ~ p b c&?v NOV. xxxi.
    25 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE noox IV
    CHAP xI II THE PRO VINCIAL ADdfIA'iTSTRAT/ON 29
    obeyed n corrector, were welded together; the new province
    was called I'aphlagonia, and the new governor was a praetor The province of Third Armenia, governed by a con~esJzcstini-
    Just inia7~1cs.l antes with military as well as civil authority, corresponcled to the
    These cl~niigeswere made 16th July 5 3 5. In the follom- old Second Armenia, and included Melitene, Arca, Arabissns,
    ing year, 18th Marcil, the two provinces of Cappadocia (prima Cucusus, Ariarathea., and Comana (Chryse).
    ancl secunda) were incorporated under the rule of a pro- Fourth Armenia was a province new in fact as well as in
    consul ( L u B h r a r o ~ entrusted
    ) with the civil, fiscal, and inilitary name ; it consisted of the Roillan district beyond tlie Euphrates
    adiuinistration." to the east of Third Armenia. I t was governed by a consular,
    A curious combination of provinces under a single gover- and the metropolis was Martyropolis.
    nor was tlie so-calleil prefect~~re of the Five Provinces. Cyprus One may at first think that Justinian unnecessarily
    and Rhodes, the Cyclades, Caria, Moesia, and Scythia were altered the names, and that he might have continued to call
    placer' mltler the atiministration of a p~nestor exercitzci, who the old Second Armenia, whose form he did not change, by the
    'resided at Oclessus. I t would be very interesting to laow the same name. His principle was geographical order. The new
    reasow far this strange arrangement, bat unfortunately we do trans-Euphratesian province went naturally with the district
    not possess an original document on the ~ u b j e c t . ~ of Melitene, and therefore the Second Armenia became the
    In 5 3 5 Justinian niade a redistribution of the most easterly Third, because it was connected with what it was most
    districts of tlie old diocese of I'oi~tica.~ No change had taken natural to call the Fourth. This connection was real, because
    place in the two provinces of Armenia, which were marked in the consular of Fourth Armenia was to be in a certain way
    the A70titinup to this year, except that First Armenia, which hat1 dependent on the count of Third Armenia, who was to
    been a praesidinl, had become a consular province. Justinian hear appeals from the less important province. I n the same
    formed four provinces in Armenia, partly by rearranging way the new First and Second Armenias naturally went to-
    the two old provinces, partly by mutilating the province of gether, and therefore it was convenient that the numbers should
    Helenopontus, partly by incorporating new territory in the be consecutive. The praeses of Second was dependent to a
    provincial system. certain extent on the proconsul of First Armenia.
    The new First Armenia, which had the privilege of being
    governed by a proconsul, included four towns of the old First The elevation of the praeses of Plioenicia Libanesia to the
    Armenia, namely Theodosiopolis, Satala, Nicopolis, and Colonea, rank of a moderator (spe~tuBilis),~ and that of the praeses of
    and two towns of the old Pontus Polemoniacus, Trapezus Palestine Salutaris to the rank of a proconsul, with authority
    and Cerasus. The once important town of Bazanis or Leon- to supervise and intervene in the affairs of Second Palestine,'
    topolis received tlie name of the Emperor, and was elevated to illustrate the tendency, which is apparent in most of Justinian's
    the rank of the metropolis. innovations, to raise the rank and powers of minor governments.
    The new Second Armenia, placed under a pracses, corre- This went along with the tendency to detract from the powers
    sponded to the old First Armenia, and included its towlls of the greater governors, like tlie praetorian prefect of the East,
    Sebastea and Sebastopolis. But in lieu of the towns which hat1 whose office was destined before long to die a natural death, or
    been handed over to the new First Armenia, it received KO- the count of the East, who had already been d eoradedj to the
    mann, Zela, and Brisa from the new province of Helenopontns. position of a provincial governor.
    Nov. xxxii. or governor) of Scythia, and says tl.:it I n all these reforms the double aspect of Justinian's
    V o v . xliv. Justinian gave hinl three provi~lltss, policy strikes us. H e is a great innovator, and yet throughout
    "ce the comnlents of Julian, Atha- Scythia, Cyprus, and Caria wit11 the
    llasius, andTheodorus on the l o s t L e z . ~ ~ tislands, of which he cl~privedthe pt L C - he professes to revoke ancient names and restore ancient offices.
    Bonus, etc., Nov. lii. John Lydus torian prefect of the East. Cf. K11lr. 111 his constitution on the new praetor of l'isidia he appeals
    calls this quaestor the E r r a p ~ o s(prefect lxvii. 4 Nov. xlv.

    Nov. Iv. V o v . liv.


    30 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK iv

    to the existence of the old praetors under the Eoman Eepublic,


    of Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, etc., and asserts that he is " introducing
    antiquity with greater splendour into the Republic, and venerat-
    ing the name of the Romans." H e discourses on the antiquity
    of the Pisidian and Paphlagonian peoples, and does not disdain
    tn ;ntrodnce mythical traditions. And when he establishes a
    pr,:onsul in Palestine he defends his constitution not only by
    the fact that this land was in early time a proconsular province, C H A P T E R XIV
    but by the circunlstance that it had ancient memories. Reference
    is made to the connection of Vespasian and Titus with it, and THE GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE AT THE END OF
    above all to the fact that there "the Creator of the universe, JUSTINIAN'S REIGN
    our Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God and salvation of the
    human race, was seen on earth and deigned to dwell in our THEevents which occurred in the reign of Justinian produced
    lands." considerable changes in the map of Europe. The kingdom of
    the Ostrogoths in Italy disappeared, and the kingdom of the
    The general import of the details which I have given in Vandals in northern Africa, which though not strictly Euro-
    this chapter is sufficiently clear. From the beginning of the pean was distinctly within the sphere of European politics and
    Enlpire up to the sixth century the tendencies had been to may be regarded as European, had also disappeared; Africa
    differentiate the civil from the military administration, to break and Italy were once more provinces of the Roman Empire.
    up large into lesser provinces, and to create an official hierarchy. In Spain too the Romans had again set foot, and some cities both
    These tlirre tendencies might all be considered modes of a more east and west of the Straits of Gibraltar, including Malaga,
    general tendency to decrease the power and dignity cf the Carthago, and Corduba, acknowledged the sovereignty of Jns-
    individual provincial governor; and though, as a matter of tinian and his successors.
    fact, this motive did not historically determine them, yet such This phenomenon, the recovery by the Roman Empire of
    was their effect. The reaction began in the reign of Justiniau, lands which it had lost, was repeated again in later times.
    and an opposite movement set in to integrate the provinces and In each case we may obser-ve three stages. At the beginning
    increase the powers of the governors. The organisation of the of the fifth century, under the dynasty of Theodosius, the
    newly recovered provinces in the West conformed to this Empire was weakened and lost half its territory to Teutonic
    principle ; the praetor of Sicily and the exarch of Italy were nations ; then under the dynasty of Leo I. the reduced Empire
    invested with military as well as civil and fiscal powers, and strengthened itself internally ; and this consolidation was fol-
    were directly responsible to the Emperor; and the principle lowed by a period of expansion under the dynasty of Justin.
    was also, though not at first, adopted in Africa. This tendency Again, in the seventh century the limits of the Empire were
    continued till about the ninth century, about which time some further reduced by Saracens and Bnlgarians under the dynasty
    of the large districts, which had been formed in the meantime, of Heraclius, and internally its strength became enfeebled;
    began to break up into smaller unities. then under the house of the Isaurian Leo it regained its vigour
    in the eighth century ; and in the ninth and tenth centuries,
    under the Macedonian dynasty of Basil, lost territory was
    reconquered and the Empire expanded. In neither case were
    CHAP. XIV GEOGRAPflY OF EUROPE 565 A.D. 33
    32 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROllL4N EAIPIRE BOOK I V
    some sort of suzerainty over it, and on one occasioil attached
    all the lost provinces won back, and in both cases the new Angles to an embassy which he sent to Byzantium, in order to
    limits very soon began to retfeat again. show that he was lord of the island. According to the strange
    If we compare the map of Europe in 565 with the map of
    and picturesque legend, which Procopins records but does not
    Europe in 395 we see that the Romans may be said to have
    believe, the fishermen and farmers who live on the northern
    won back the lands which constituted the prefecture of Italy ;
    coast of Gaul pay no tribute to the Frank kings, because
    but this general statement requires two modifications. I11 tlle
    they have another service to perfurin. At the door of each in
    north-east corner provinces which had been included in that
    turn, when he has lain down to sleep, a b~lockis heard, and the
    prefecture, Pannonia, Noricum, and Rhaetia, remained prac-
    voice of an unseen visitant summons him to a nocturnal labour.
    tically in the possession of barbarians; and in the south-east
    He goes down to the beach, as in the constraint of a dream,
    district: were recovered which had belonged, not to the prefec-
    and finds boats heavily laden with invisible forms, wherein he
    ture of Italy, but to the prefecture of Gaul, namely south-
    eastern Spain, the province of Tingitana which faces it, and the and those others who have received the supernatural summons
    embark and ply the oars. The voyage to the shore of Brittia
    Balearic islands. I t might have seemed that the charm of
    the Roman name and the migllt of Roman arms, issuing no is accomplished in the space of an hour in these ghostly skiffs,
    longer from the city of the Tuscan Tiber but from the city of though the boats of mortals hardly reach it by force of both
    sailing and rowing in a day and a night. The unseen pas-
    the Thracian Bosphorus, were destined to enthral Europe again,
    and that the career of conquest begun by Belisarius would be sengers disembark in Brittia, and the oarsmen return in the
    continued by his successors in the lands once known as " tlle lightened boats, hearing as they depart a voice speaking to the
    Gauls " against the Visigoths, the Suevi, the Franks, and the souls.
    Saxons ; but Belisarius and Justinian had no successors. Two other changes must be noticed which took place in
    that region of wandering and shifting barbarians on the banks of
    North-western Europe was destined, indeed, to become part once
    more of a Roman Empire, but a bishop of Old Rome, not an the Ister. The Lombards dwelled on the left bank of the Ister
    Emperor of New Rome, was to bring this about, two hundred when Justinian ascended the throne ; when Justin I1 acceded
    and thirty-five years hence. their habitations were in Pannonia, the land of the Drave and
    The new acquisitions of the Roman Empire wele not the the Save. The kingdom of the Gepids, which was bounded on
    both the south and the west side by the Ister, remained toler-
    only new facts which appear on the face of a historical map.
    There were other new acquisitions made by the Frank king- ably stationary during the whole reign. But in the latter
    dom, the very power which was in future years to erect a years of Justinian a new people had established itself to the
    rival Roman Empire. During the reign of Justinian the east of the Gepids, on the lower Ister-the Avars, a Hunnic
    kingdom of the Thuringians, the kingdom of the Burgundians, people who were destined to influence the fortunes of the
    Balkan peninsula and the Danube countries for the space of less
    and the kingdom of the Bavarians were incorporated in the
    kingdom of the Franks. The once Roman island of Britain, than a hundred years, then to sink into insignificance, and finally
    now the scene of wars between its Anglo-Saxon conquerors ant1 to disappear. Their arrival was fatal for the short-lived king-
    dom of the Gepids, which was crushed, two years after Justinian's
    the old Britons, had so completely passed out of the sphere of
    death, by the united forces of the Lombards and the Avars.
    the Empire's consciousness, if I may use the expression, that
    Procopius relates a supernatural legend of it, as of a mystic
    We may now consider some special points respecting the
    land. He calls it Brittia, reserving the old name Britannia for
    western conquests of Justinian.
    Brittany: and mentions that the king of the Franks claimed
    Sicily to the Romans, who had already ing t o bestow Brittia, once an L~npLpial
    Thus the appellation Brittia v a s name Britannia and the name Anglia. conquered it, Belisarius replied by offer- possession, on the Goths.
    intermediate between the old Roman When the Goths offered to surrender
    VOL. I1 D
    CHAP. XIV GEOGRAPHY U&. EUROPE 565 A.D. 35
    Immediately after the overthrow of the Vandal kingdon1 thought himself justified in making him the hero of an epony-
    Africa was placed under the jurisdiction of a praetorian prefect, mans poem, the Johannis. Paulus was praetorian prefect of
    and thus rendered co-ordinate with Illyricun and the Orient. Africa in 552, John (presumably the brother of Pappus) in
    The act by which this administrative arrangement was made is 5 5 8, and Areobindus in 5 63; but we hear little more of Africa
    preserved in the Codes: and possesses extreme inlportance for until the reign of Maurice, when the Exarch Gennadius dealt
    students of the history of the Ronlan civil service.
    treacherously with the Moors, who had been harassing the pro-
    The new prefecture included the four provinces2 which vinces, and paralysed their hostilities.
    composed the vicariate of Africa in the fourth century, and the The new connection of Sardinia with Africa was not
    privileged province, which was governed then by a proconsnl. unnatural. Like Sicily, it had generally played a part in the
    Bnt in addition to these five provinces it coniprised Tingitana, dealings of Rome with her enemies in Africa. I t had played
    which in old days belonged to the vicariate of Spain, and Sar-
    a part seven hundred and fifty years ago in the Punic wars; it
    dinia, which bebnged to the vicariate of Urbs Roma. Of the
    had been connected with the war against the Moor Gildo in the
    seven provinces four were governed by consulars by the new
    reign of Honorius ; recently it had been involved in the for-
    arrangement, Byzacium, Tripolis, Carthago (that is Africa), and
    tunes or misfortunes of Africa, and included in the kingdom of
    Tingitana ; of these Tripolis and Tingitana had formerly been
    the Vandals. I t was therefore natural to include it in the new
    under praesides, while Africa had been governed by a proconsul
    prefecture which was raised on the ruins of that kingdom.
    who was independent of the vicarius. The other three pro-
    The German power which had established itself in northern
    vinces were placed under praesides; for Nnmidia, formerly a
    Africa had passed away, as the German power which had
    consular province, this was a degradation in rank.
    established itself on the niiddle Danube was soon to pass away,
    The praetorian prefect, whose residence was fixed at Carthago,
    without leaving any permanent trace of its existence; neither
    was to have a bureau of 396 officials. Another constitution
    the Gepids nor the Vandals left a historical name or monument
    which was passed at the same time established military dukes
    behind them,2 except indeed the old and improbable derivation
    in various province^.^ of Andalusia from Vandalusia prove to be really correct. I n
    When the troubles which immediately resulted from the
    this respect the Gepids and the Vandals contrast with the
    circnmstances attending the conquest of Africa had been
    Bnrgundians and the Thuringians, whose kingdoms were over-
    allayed, the prosperity of the Libyan provinces seems to have thrown, but whose names still survive.
    revived. The praetorian prefects were endowed with military
    I t is a common remark that the extermination of the Vandal
    authority, contrary to the original intention, and afterwards
    power by the Romans is a thing to be regretted rather than
    received, vulgarly if not officially, the appellation of exarch ;
    rejoiced in, and that Justinian removed wliat might have
    and they were successful in defending their territory against
    proved a barrier to the westward advance of the Saracens at
    the inroads of the Moors. John, the brother of Pappus, gained
    the end of the seventh ~ e n t u r y . ~I think that this view can
    such brilliant victories over the Moorish chiefs: two of whom
    be shown to rest on a misconception. I n the first place, it is
    were compelled to attend on him as slaves, that the African
    1 mention this to show that the havk been afterwards combined in the
    poet of the imperial restoration, Flavius Cresconius Corippus, of praetorian prefect ha4 not been office of the exarch ; but this does not
    Cod. Just. i. 27, 1 (534 A.D.) The were appointed, namely in Tripolis, abolished in Africa, as Mr. Hodgkin seem so probable. When Solomon was
    first praetorian prefect of Africa mas Byzacena, Numidia, Mauretania, and Seems to suppose (Italy and her praetorian prefect he seems to have been
    Archelaus. Sardinia. The coast opposite to Spain htvaclers, iv. p. 45). See Novels clx. in command of the soldiers.
    was placed under the military control d ~ i ~clxxiii.
    . (ed. Zacharii). I assume Their name, however, has been per-
    2 the Nolitia, ~~~~~~~~i~was bi- in the text that the prefects were in- petuatedi~~theopprobriouswordva?~dal-
    partite, under two praesides, Maure- a tribune subject to the duke of
    vested with military authority ; i t is ism. Transdanubian Dacia was called
    tania Sitifensis (eastern part) and Mawetania. Possible, however, that in Justinian's Gepidia for a time. There was a rem-
    Mauretania Caesariensis (western part).
    Cod. Jzcst. i. 27, 2. Five cluces
    S~dP~,"p~~a$i8 tf&:!':
    The date of these events was 546.
    reign there may have been both a pre-
    feet and a magister militum ( a ~ p a -
    nant of the Gepids in the ninth century
    (Roesler, Ko?,tdnisehe Stordie??,p. 77).
    1 that both functions may
    T 7 ~ 6 s )a, r ~ Cf. Mr. Hodgkin, op. eit. iii. 695.
    CHAP. X I V G E O G m f ' f l Y OF EUROPE 565 A.D. 37
    36 ff/STORY OF THE L A T E R Z<OIMAXE I V P ~ E BOOK IV

    hard to believe that the Vandals would have been able to already in southern Gaul neighbours of their kinsmen the Yisi-
    present any serious resistance to the Arabs ; at the end of the goth~,might become their neighbours also at the Pillars of
    fifth century their kingdom was in a state of decline, and it Hercules. And thus,--Italy, Sicily, Africa, Spain, and southern
    seems probable that it could never have lasted until the end of Gaul belonging to Visigoths and Ostrogoths,-we can form
    the seventh century. I t seems more rob able that if it had the conception of a Gothic empire round the western Mediter-
    not fallen a prey to the Romans it would have fallen a prey ranean basin, an empire which might have spread northward
    to a worst: enemy, the Moors ; and it seems certain that, and eastward like the Roman Empire of old. Such imaginary
    even had it escaped Moors as well as Romans, it would have displacements of fact sonletimes serve to illustrate the import
    collapsed when the first Saracens set foot on the land. For the of the events which actually took place.
    domestic condition of the Vandal state must have absolutely
    precluded all chance of a revival of strength. The kingdom Sicily, which performed the double function of being a
    was divided against itself, the native provincials hated their to Africa and a stepping-stone to Italy for the
    conquerors, who were daily growing more supine and less war- cLRon~an " invaders, was placed soon after its conquest under

    like, and there is no likelihood that an amalgamation would the government of a praetor (arparTy&), who was endowed
    ever have taken place. And, secondly, even granting-what with both civil and military authority.' Its administration
    seems utterly improbable-that the Vandals could have held even after the conquest of Italy, independent of the
    Africa even as effectually as the Romans, it was far more in governor, who resided at Ravenna. According to the old
    the interests of European civilisation that the Ronlans should order which existed in the fifth century before the reign of
    occupy it, for Africa proved the safety of the Empire at one of Odovacar, Sicily was governed by a consular who was respons-
    its most critical moments-the occasion of the dethronement of ible to the vicar of Urbs Roma.
    Phocas; and on the Empire mainly depended the cause of After the partial conquest of Italy by Belisarius the new
    European civilisation. But, thirdly, if we entertain the still acquisitions seem to have been placed under a praetorian pre-
    wilder supposition that the Vandals would really have been fect," on the same basis as Africa, the military and the civil
    able to stem the tide of the Asiatic wave which rolled through ft~nctionsbeing kept distinct. But this arrangement was only
    Africa to Spain, it is very doubtful whether that would have temporary, and after the complete and final conquest of the
    promoted the interests of Europe; for though the Saracen lantl by Narses the system was adopted of combining the con-
    lords of Cordova were Mohammedans and Asiatics, it cannot trols of civil, fiscal, and military affairs in the hands of one
    be denied that their sojourn in Spain was conducive in a supreme governor. This principle had already been introduced
    marked degree to the spread of culture in the West. in many provinces in the East, and had been adopted in Sicily.
    If we are to indulge in speculations of what might have I t is a little strange that it was not immediately adopted in
    been had something else not been, we might suppose that no Africa, where, however, the disturbed state of the country soon
    Imperial revival of an expansive nature took place, that the led to its introduction.
    Vandals continued to live at their ease and persecute the I t is evident that a new name was required for the new
    Catholics in Africa, and that Ostrogothic kings continued to be governor. The title prefect, &'rapXoy, from being originally
    the " lords of things," domini rerum, in Italy. Starting with ' The appointment of the praetor of L. Amibrnst in liis disqertation on
    seems to liave escaped the notice of Die tcrrito~ialePolitik d e ~Pnpste 2;ov
    this supposition, it would be natural enough to imagine further Mr. Hodgkin. I t is proved by the 500 bis 800. ' I neben ihin [the exarcli]

    that the events of the Punic wars might be repeated ; that the 79th Novel (ed. Zacharia), which was fungirte eill Prafectus Pmtorio." If
    issued before the end of 537. there was an officer callcd p~cfeet a t
    Goths of Italy might invade Africa and overthrow the effete Maximin \\as appointed praetorian Ravenna, as some passages in Gregory's
    Vandal kingdom just as the Romans had overthrown the prefect of Italy in the latter part of letters seen1 t o prove, he was not a
    542, see Procopias, B. G. iii. 6 ; hut praetorian prefect of Italy.
    Carthaginian republic; and that so the Ostrogoths, who were this doeq not arrant the aqqeltio~l
    38 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EfifpIRE BOOK IV CHAP. X I V GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE 565 A.D. 39

    purely military, had come to be associated with purely civil and spoken of with a certain contempt by the provincials 3s
    functions, while the title nzagister militum was, on the face well as by the Goths. They were not, however, all Greek-
    of it, purely military. The new, or revived, names which JUS- speaking soldiers, a very large number were barbarians ; but
    tinian had given to the governors of provinces in whose hancls it is probable that very few spoke Latin. Nevertheless it
    he united the two authorities, praetor, proconsul or moderator, might be said that they represented a Latin power, for the
    were manifestly unsuitable for the governor-general of Italy. native language of the Emperor Justinian was Latin. He
    Italy was a large aggregate of provinces, as large as the prefect- often opposes " our native tongue " to the " common Hellenic
    ure of Illyricum, and it would have been absurd to place its speech," and laws mere promulgated in Latin as well as in
    governor on a level in point of title with the praetor of Sicily, Greek. Latin Italy was not yet out of touch with the Roman
    the proconsul of Cappadocia, or the moderator of Helenopontns. Empire. Yet nothing illustrates more clearly the fact that
    I t was eminently a case for a new name, and accordingly a the Empire was becoming every year more Greek in character
    nondescript Greek name, ~vhicllwas applied to various kinds than the history of its Italian dependencies. I t succeeded in
    of officers: was chosen, and the governor of Italy was called Hellenising the southern provinces, and it was just these pro-
    the exarch; but as he was always a patrician, it was common vinces that remained longest subject to its authority.
    to speak of him in Italy as the Patrician. The Greek characteristics of the Empire under Justinian
    We are not informed into what provinces the exarchate of are calculated to suggest vividly the process of ebb and flow
    Italy was divided during the fifteen years of its existence which is always going on in the course of history. Just ten
    before the Lombard invasion. The praetor of Sicily probably centuries before, Greek Athens was the bright centre of
    remained independent of the exarch, while on the other hancl European civilisation. Then the torch was passed westward
    it is possible that the administration of Sardinia may have from the cities of Hellenism, where it had burned for a while,
    been separated from Africa, and, like her sister island to shine in Latin Rome; soon the rivers of the world, to adapt
    Corsica, connected with Italy. We nlay say that the district a.1 expression of Juvenal, poured into the Tiber. Once more
    governed by the exarch corresponded very closely to the joint the brand changed hands ; it was transmitted from the temple
    dioceses of Italy and Illyricun~;and we may suppose that, as of Capitoline Jupiter, once more eastward, to a city of the
    in Africa, the old distribution of provinces was in the main Greek world-a world, however, which now disdained the im-
    adopted. I n regard to these provinces, it is important to pious name " Hellenic," and was called " Romaic." By the
    observe that the signification of the word Campania had altered shores of the Bosphorus, on the acropolis of Graeco - Roman
    as long ago as the fourth century, and now comprised Latium. Constantinople, the ligl~tof civilisation lived, pale but steady,
    Rome herself, however, was perhaps even at this time, as she for many hundred years, longer than it had shone by the
    certainly was in the eighth century, included not in Campania, IGssus, longer than it had gleamed by the Nile or the Orontes,
    but in Tuscia, as Etruria was now called. I n old days men longer t6an it had blazed by the Tiber; and the church of
    spoke of the Tuscan Tiber; in the Middle Ages men could St. Sophia was the visible symbol of as great a historical
    speak of Tuscan Rome. idea as those which the Yarthenon and the temple of
    Jupiter had represented, the idea of European Christendom.
    The circumstance that Romans not living at Latin Xome The Empire, at once Greek and Roman, the ultimate result to
    and regarded by the Italians as strangers should have con- which ancient history, both Greek history and Roman, had
    quered Italy is one of the curiosities of history. The Romans, been leading up, was for nine centuries to be the bulwark of
    Eomaioi, who came with Belisarius were looked upon as Greeks, Europe against Asia, and 50 render possible the growth of the
    Some of t h e subordinates of the called Etapxor by Constantine Porphyro-
    nascent civilisation of the Teutonic nations in the West by
    praefectus uibi of Constantinople are gennetos. preserving the heritage of the old world
    on the tomb of Vibia. With such symbolisnl we may compare
    the habit of dedicating churches on the sites of temples t~
    some christian s a i ~ who
    t offered some similitude in name or
    attribute to the god who had been worshipped in the old ten,ple.l
    A church of St. Elias often replaced a sanctuary I-*Apollo the
    sun-g~d,on account of the Greek name Helios ; &id temples
    of Palles Athene might be converted into shrines of the Virgin.
    I t was the same clinging to old fornzs, in spite of their incon-
    sistency with the new faith, that induced the Phrygians to
    C H A P T E R XV call themflelves Chrestianoi instead of Chri~tiai~oi,and to
    speak of Chrestos instead of Christo~.~I n architecture and all
    BYZAKTINE ART branches of art the Christians had to accept and modify pagan
    forms ; jnst as they employed the materials of Greek and Roman
    AN account of the reign of Justinian would be incomplete teniples, especially the columns, in building their churches.
    without a chapter on the architectural works of his reign and The two kinds of art which coille before us at this period
    the school of the christian Ictinus, Anthemius of Tralles ; and are architecture and mosaic. Sculpture had practically
    this leads us to speak of " Eyzantine" art in general died out with the old Greek spirit itself. For in the first
    " Eomaic" art, one might think, would be a more suitable place there was no longer any comprehension of the beauty
    name to distinguish it from " Iiomanesque," which developed of the hunian form; the days of the gymnasia had passed
    in the West on parallel lines and out of the sdnie elements, away; and in the second place taste had degenerated, and
    for so-called Byzantine art mas not confined to Byzantium, men sought and adinired splendour of effect rather than
    ancl " Byzantine" has no right to a wider signification. beauty of form. So it was that colossal pillars like that of
    In the first place, it may be observed that the antagonism Marcian, which seem imposing because they are monstrous,
    of Christians to ancient art has often been misrepresented. had become popular; and for the statues of Emperors and
    Christians, like pagans, loved to decorate their houses with others, which were still executed, precious metals or showy
    statues ; the christian city of Constantine was a museum of substances like porphyry were selected in preference to marble.
    Greek art. I n the fourth century, at all events, little trace is left In addition to these circumstances there was another reason
    of the earlier prejudice against pictures and images which was which tended to render sculpture obsolete. Christians had
    derived from the Semitic cradle of the new religion. Chris- adopted the basilica as the most usual form of their places
    tians adopted old mythological ideas, and gave them an inter- of worship, and it was evident that plaques or nlosaics conld
    pretation agreeing with the conceptions of their creed. The fill the walls better. Work in mosaic was more permanent,
    representations of Christ as the Good Shepherd, which were more costly, and more brilliant than painting, and many splen-
    so common, were closely connected with the Greek type of did specimens are still preserved, especially in the churches of
    Hermes Kriophoros ; and in the cataconlbs we find an Eavellna and Thessalonica.
    Orpheus-Christ.1 The nimbus2 that surrounds the head of See Mr. Tozer's note, Finlay's churches of St. Demetrius. On the
    a saint in christian paintings was derived from the pictures Histtory of Greece, vol. i. p. 424, in site of a temple of Asclepius is a
    which Ce refers to a paper of M. de church of the Hag. Anargyri, i.e. the
    of heathen gods of light; the rape of Proserpine is portrayed Julleville, Stir I'emplaceme?~t et le unpaid physicians SS. Cosmas and
    1 See the beautiful plate "Orphke tzan Iconography (Bohn series), vol. i. vocable des l?qlises chretiennes en Gr8ce. Damian."
    jouant du luth" in Perret's Catacombes p. 34. The subject of Byzantine ty- "The altar of the twelve gods is re- 2 see Prof. Ramsay, Journal cf
    de R o ~ ~vol.
    F , i. 111. .20. pology is too technical to be entered placed by a church of the twelve Hellenic Studies, iii. 349.
    For the nimbus, see Didron's &ris- upon here. .
    apostles. . . Where there stood two 3 As the scope of this chapter does
    temples of Demeter there are now two not extend beyond the sixth century,
    The basilica and the rotunda mere the chief forms of \lrhere ; of the successful one we know of no example earlier
    christian churches in the fourth and fifth centuries. I n each .
    than Diocletian. . . The arch was set over the column, but it
    case there were probleills to be solved. I n the basilica the was made to spring from the continuous entablature or from the
    architect was met by .'le difSculty of combining the Roman broken entablature, or, as in the case of the Venetian windows,
    arch with the Greek column. I n the case of the rotunda it the entablature itself was made to take the form of an arch.
    seemed desirable to asi'ociate the dome with other than All these attempts were more or less awkward but in ...
    circular buildings; and of this probleill two ~olutionswere the peristyle the right thing was hit upon ; the arch was made
    attempted. I n the tomb of Galla Placidia at Ravenna we to spring bodily from the capital of the column, and was
    see the nircular surrendered for a cruciform plan, and the moulded, not with the fine mouldings of the entablature, but
    cupola ri.,--., from the four corners. On the other hand with those of the architrave only. . . . The germ of Pisa and
    the Byzantines enclosed the circular building in a square Durham and Westminster had been called into life." l
    one, leaving a recess in each of the four angles, as in the The method by which the architects at Ravenna en-
    church of SS. Sergius and Eacchns in Constantinople, and deavoured to mediate ketween the column and the arch
    the church of Sail Vitale at Ravenna. l The dome was constitutes a special feature of early Byzantine architecture.
    ultimately to be united with rectangular buildings, but this I t was evident that the entablature was but an awkward link
    union was peculiarly Byzantine. The practice of placing a between arch and capital, and the Ravennate architects re-
    dome over part of a rectangular edifice was seldom ado2ted in linquished it for a new form, a kind of super-capital called by
    the western architecture of those days. the French closseret. This is a reversed blunted pyramid with
    The problem of uniting the arch with the colunln weighed sides either convex or concave, the decoration generally con-
    especially upon the architect of basilicas. I t was solved first sisting of monograms, crosses, or acanthus leaves in very low
    at Salona in the peristyle of Diocletian's palace, as has been relief. I t is seldom found as a plain block. I n Ravenna one
    shown by Mr. Freeman, whose own words it will be well to pillar in the church of Sta. Agatha has a plain square bloclr
    quote. " To reach anything like a really consistent and liar- between arch and capital, and we find similar blocks repre-
    monious style the problem was to find some means by which sented in the mosaics of San Apollinare Nuovo on the pillars
    the real Roman system of construction might be preserved and of the palace of Theodoric. This new feature is a distinct step
    made prominent, without casting aside a feature of such ex- in the development of art called Byzantine; the horizontal
    quisite beauty as the Greek column, especially in the stately structure and all its connections are being abandoned in favour
    and sumptuous form into which it had grown ill Roman hancls. of arches. This link between arch and column is a special
    The problem was to bring the arch and column into union- feature of Ravenna, but we find it in the churches of St.
    in other words, to teach the column to support the arch. I t Demetrius, the Holy Apostles, and Eski Djouma at Thessa-
    strikes us that in the palace at Spalato we nlay see a series of lonica, and elsewhere.
    attempts at so doing, a series of strivings, of experiments, one The architecture of Ravenna3, falls naturally into three
    of which was at last crowned with complete success. Of these periods, the age of Galla Placidia, the age of Theodoric
    experiments some would seem to have been already tried else- the Ostrogoth, and the age of Justinian. San Giovanni in

    no reference is made to the churches of The church of SS. Sergius and Racchus, Historical Essays, 3d series, p. 61, fuori le mnra, SS. Quattro Coronati),
    Athens, wl~osedates are uncertain, nor now known as the little Aja Sofia, was note on "Diocletian's place in archi- and in the crypts of some churches in
    to later buildings of ascertained date erected by Justiuian near the palace of tectural history." southern Italy. See F. TV. Unger,
    like St. Mark's at Venice, which, i t Hormisdas, south-west of the hippo- We may perhaps attribute to Rav- Griechische Kqcnst, p. 342, 346 in Brock-
    need hardly be remarked, is in every drome. St. George's a t Salonica is an ennate influence the appearance of the haus, Griechcizla~~d.
    sense a Byzantine church. instance of a circular church with a "dosseret" (German Polster) in a few There is a special ~ ~ o ronk the
    At Bosra there is a temple ex- dome. churches at Rome (Sta. Agatha in Snb- churches of Ravenna by Quast, Die
    ternally square, illternally circular. urra, San Stefa~ioRotondo, San Lorenzo nltchristliehen Baz~werkeG O ~ LRnoenna.
    44 NZSTORY O F THE: LATER ROMAN E.WPZRE BOOK IV C H A P XV B YZANTZNE A R T 45

    Fonte remains as an exquisite relic of the Ecclesin U~sici7~n The wall veil of both sides of the nave is covered
    built befqre the age of Placidia. Two churches built by with Illosaics ; on one side is represented a line of martyrs
    Placidia herself were San Giovanni Evangelista nrld Sta. Croce. oOingforth from Ravenna to the presence of Christ, and on the
    b
    The former building now consists almost entirely of restora- a procession of virgins, clad in white, with palms in
    tions ; of the original work, executed to fulfil a vow made by their hands, issuing from Classis, to offer adoration to the
    the Xmpress when saved from a storm at sea, nothing remains Virgin, who is waiting to receive them. I n the representation
    bnt the pillars in the nave. Opposite Sta. Croce is the small of Ravenna the palace of Theodoric is conspicuous.1
    dark church of SS. Nazario e Celso, built as a mausoleum Two large and beautiful buildings erected in the reign of
    by Placidia, and containing her own tomb. This building is Justinian make that period remarkable in Ravennate archi-
    in the form of a cross with neither nave nor pillars, adorned tecture, the famous octagon San Vitale, the model of Charles
    with arches and cylindrical vaults, and lined with mosaics. the Great for the cathedral of Aachen? and San Apollinare in
    The walls outside are crowned by pediments with antique Classe, one of the most important basilicas in existence. The
    horizontal corcices. We see here an interesting example of church of San Vitale was begun under the archbishop Ecclesius
    the antique and Byzantine styles blended, and for the first before Italy had been reconquered by the Romans ; the building
    time a cupola placed upon a four-cornered building. The was executed by Julian Argentarius? the Anthemins of Ravenna;
    palace of the Laurelwood (Lnu~etu~n), built by Placidia and and the church, completed after the imperial restoration, was
    her son Valentinian, in which Theodoric slew Odovacar, no dedicated by bishop Maximianus in 546. It is octagon in
    longer exists. shape, and covered with a dome. To the east stretches a long
    I n tlie second period, the reign of Theodoric, was built choir, and seven semicircular niches break the walls of the
    one of tlie finest Byzantine basilicas, San Martino in Caelo seven other sides. A large portion of the interior is cased in
    Aureo, now called San Apollinare Nuovo. The date of the slabs of veined marble of various colours. The apse, which is
    " Rotnncla of Theodoric " is not unchallenged, and the remains adorned with fine mosaics, is Byzantine in shape, senlicircular
    of his palace, now the front of the Franciscan cloister, hare within and three-sided without, and on either side is a
    perhaps some claim to be considered genuine: although the semicircular chapel. The central mosaic represents the sacri-
    palace represented in the mosaics of San Apollinare points to fice of Isaac, while on either side is a picture, most suitable
    a more antique style. Of the original San Martino only to decorate a building which may be considered the monu-
    the nave remains, and in its gorgeous mosaics may be seen ment of the imperial restoration in Italy. On one side is
    a further development of Byzantine art. Traces of the represented ust ti hi an in gorgeous apparel accompanied by the
    antique survive in some parts of the ornamentation and in archbishop Maximianus, and attended by priests and officers ;
    the quasi-Corinthian capitals. No entirely new type of and on the opposite side another mosaic shows the Empress
    capital is seen in Byzantine architecture before the reign of Theodora, also in magnificent attire, glittering with pearls and
    Justinian; and until then the new art continued to use with gems, and surrounded by her maidens. Justinian carries a
    more or less modification the old forms. I n San Martino casket and Theodora a goblet, probably containing thank-
    the Corinthian form is changed by a considerable widening at offerings to be placed on the altar. The original entrance to
    the top, and reseinbles the funnel shape of later Byzantine
    ' See Agnellus, Lib. Powt. p. 113 de imuginibus martyrurn uirginumque
    Low down'in the wall of the fapade fecit sibirno7aimenturnex lnpide quarlrrrlo (up. Muratori, S. R. I. vol. ii.), who incedentim tessellis decoravit.
    is set a porphyry basin. purporting to mirue i.1~ag~aitudinis opus et suxzcm it?- relates that among other churches used 2 There appears to be an erroneous
    contain the ashes of Theodoric, fornierly gens qzcocl superponeret inqz~isiwit. I t by the Arian Ostrogoths and adapted notion current that San Vitale was
    placed in his mausoleum. The tomb ilas been supposed that this anonymous by Justinian for Catholic use, St. Mar- copied from St. Sophia at Constan-
    still remains, bnt is called the church writer is no other than archhisliop tinus, called caelum aurezcm, vas ern- tinople, but the two buildings have no
    of Sta. lllaria della Rotoncla. See An- llZaxin~ian,represented in tlie mosaics bellished by mosaics,, " of the martyrs resemblance.
    on?/??z?cs
    Vcilesii, 16, 96 : se uzctenz vivo of San Vitale (cf. vol. i. p. 25.3). and virgin? walking, utrmpue parietes See Agnellus, ib. pp. 95, 107.
    CHAP. X BYZANTINE A R T 47

    zalltine art, and were erected at the same period as thosc at


    the building was on the west, but is now walled up, and the
    p,avenna and Constantinople, which they resemble in every
    narthex, or, as it was called in Ravenna, the " ardica," is ' detail; and in the church of Parenzo especially one might
    enclosed in the cloister. The colunlns have capitals of a new
    imagine oneself in the ancient capital of the exarchs."
    form, some funnel shaped, resembling the impost blocks, others
    I n the churches of Thessalonica me find the new art in
    basket shaped and adorned with network.
    its especially in its most original and peculiar
    San Apollinare in Classe mas begun under bishop Ursicinns,
    development, the adorning of che domes with mosaic. The
    5 3 1 AD., and completed and consecrated by Maximian in 549.
    date of many of the churches of Thessalonica is uncertain,
    I n plan this great church is like the other basilicas of Eavenna.
    and modern specialists are much at variance on the subject.
    I t has three naves, spanned on each side by arches supported
    In some cases the buildings themselves afford evidence of
    by twelve columns. The pillars, now deep sunken in the
    great antiquity; for example, the atrium in the nave of
    floor, many standing in water, rest on Attic bases, very various
    St. Demetrius once contained a fountain, whizlr. points tc
    in form. Their basket-shaped capitals are decorated with
    the custom of ablution practised by Christians only in the
    acanthus. The narthex is a striking feature of the building,
    earliest times, and the mosaic pictures in St. George's chnrch
    being remarkably high and broad. On the wall veil of the
    of saints tvho lived before the time of Constantine suggest an
    naves above the arches are mosaic medallions representing
    - the
    early period. The theory, too easily adopted by travellers,
    archbishops of Ravenna.
    that many of these churches were built on the sites of heathen
    A few years before the foundations of the church of San
    temples has been contradicted and almost disproved by recent
    Vitale were laid, a cathedral was built at ~'arentium, on the
    research.
    peninsula of Pola, by Euphrasius. To the artistic interest of
    Of the more ancient buildings in Thessalonica the churches
    this edifice is joined an historical association, derived from the
    of St. Jleinetrius and St. George are the most remarkable.
    fact that E~zphrasiuswas appointed bishop of Parentium by Theo-
    The church of St. Demetrius is a basilica (or dr0rnih.o.n) erected
    doric but built his cathedral after the city had passed into the
    in honour of the saint early in the fifth century. The columns
    hands of the Romans. Thus the stately building and its founder
    of the nave, of verclc untico marble, are Ionic,'and the carefully
    suggest the transition from the Ostrogothic to the Justinianean
    executed capitals might be called Corintllian but for the eagles
    period. The cathedral is thus described by Mr. Jackson2: "The
    with which they are adorned. The dosserets, which surn~ount
    church of Euphrasius is a specimen of the Byzantine style at
    the capitals, are marked with crosses, sometimes in the middle
    its best. Classic tradition survives in the basilica plan, the
    of f ~ l i a g e . ~The only decoration of this church consists of
    long drawn ranks of serried marble pillars, and in the hori-
    coloured marbles, and the effect is more temperate than if it
    zontal direction of the leading lines. But the capitals with
    were also embellished with nlosaics.
    their crisply raffled foliage, emphasised by dark holes pierced
    The ancient church of St. George belongs to the class of
    with a drill which recall the fragility and brilliance of the
    circular buildings called " tholi," most of which are supposed
    shell of the sea echinus, belong to a new school of sculpture,
    to have bean erected in the early part of the fourth ~ e n t u r y . ~
    and the massive basket capitals which are found among them
    I t is probable that the dome, which even in the time of
    as well as the second capital or impost block which surmounts
    l For the churches of Thessalonica, brightest condition of the o~igiuals."]
    them all, were novelties in architecture at the time of their see the work of Texier and Pullan, By- Texier and Pullan, op. clt. p. 128.
    erection. These buildings belong to the best school of By- zantine Arehitcctz~re,in which there are Leo Allatius dist~nguislies five
    splendid reproductions of the mosaics. kinds of churches-1. rpovXXwrd, or
    [Mr. Mahaffy however communicates B o h w d (tholi) ; 2. ~ a p a p w r c i (vaulted
    1 See Agnellus, Lib. Pmt. p. 107, i n ardica, somewhat as a natter became a n the following note: "The colours of the buildings) ; 3. u r a u p w r d (cruciforlll) ;
    ardica. I t seems evident that the collo- adder. mosaics, as reproduced in Texier, are 4. a p o p t ~ d; 5. mixta (mixed style).-Dc
    cation of the preposition led to the W e e Mr. Jackson's Dalmatia, vol. i. too bright and staring, nor are they even templis Graeeorunz ~ece~ltioribus, Ep. ii.
    omission of the Initial n of a Latinised St. Euphrasius and the duomo of a fair representation of the newest and (ed. 1645).
    form of vdpBqf. In narclieu became zn Elias at Grado, 571-586.
    4 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRZ BOOK IV CHAP. X V 8 YZANTZNE A R T 49
    luathemati~alscience,l eveu as his brother Metrodorns i n so-called
    Constantine was used in christian architecture, mas adopted
    philology ( y p a p y ~ ~ ~ ~1h W
    ) .O L I ~ Ccertainly
    ~ felicitate their mother on
    from Persian and other oriental buildings. The opening at h3.c.ing brought into the world a progeny replete with such various
    the top of the dome was convenient as an issue for the smoke learning, for she was also the mother of Olympius, who studied law and
    of the fire-worshippers, while the followers of a mystic cult practised in the courts, and of 1)ioscorus and -4lexancler, both skilful
    appreciated the gloom1; for originally the cupola was lit physic~ans. Dioscorus lived in his native city, where he gave many
    renarkable proofs of his skill, zncl Alexander dwelt i n Ronle, having
    from the top, as in the Pantheon at Rome. The octagoil built received an honourable call thither. Bnt the fame of Anthemius and
    by Constantine at Antioch was the model for numerous churches &Ietrodoros spread everywhere and reached the Emperor hirnself, on
    in the East. The entire decoration of the church of St. whose invitation they came to Byzantinm and spent the rest of their lives
    George consists of mosaics, and the eight pictures in the dome there, and gave remarkable proofs of their respective talents. Metrodorus
    educated many noble youths, instructing them in his ho~lourabl~ bra;llch
    are perhaps the greatest work of the kind in existence. I n
    of learning, and instilling diligently a love of literature in all. But
    these eight pictures are represented "rich palaces, in a fan- Anthemius contrived wonderfnl works both i n the city and in many
    tastic style, reseiabling those painted on the malls of Pompeii ; other places which, I think, even if nothing were said about them, would
    columns ornamented with precious stones ; pavilions closed by suffice of themselves to win for him an everlasting glory in the memory
    of mall as long as they stand and endure? 2
    purple curtains floating in the wind, upheld by rods and rings ;
    arcades without number, friezes decorated with dolphins, birds, The church dedicated by Constizntiue to the Divine
    palm-trees; and modillions supporting cornices of azure and Wisdom ('Ayia do+ia) was twice burnt down, first in the
    emerald. In the centre of each of these compositions is a reign of Arcadius, and again in the reign of Justinian during
    little octagonal or circular house, surrounded by columns and the Nika revolt. 3'0l.t~days after the tunlult had subsided the
    covered by a cupola ; it is screened off by low barriers, and ruins were cleared away by order of the Emperor, and space was
    veils co~cealthe interior. A lamp suspended from the ceiling provided for a new church to be built on a much larger scale
    indicates its character; it is the new tabernacle or sn?zctunz than the old. To Anthemius was entrusted the great work,
    sancto~umof the Chri~tians."~A remarkable feature of this and Isidore of Miletus and Ignatius were his assistants. The
    church are the eight quadrilateral chapels formed in the thick- ancient temples of Asia and Greece were robbed of their rnost
    ness of the walls at equal distances from one another. Some beautiful columns, and costly marbles, granite, and
    -
    porphyry
    of these niches are ornamented with mosaic pictures of birds, mere brought from distant places, from Egypt, Athens,
    flowers, and baskets of fruit. and the Cyclades, as well as from Proconnesus, Cyzicus,
    The era of Justinian was the golden age of christian art, and the T r ~ a d . ~The length of the building is 241 feet,
    and St. Sophia, its most perfect achievement, still remains, the breadth 224 feet; the ground plan represents a Greelr
    a wonder displaying all the resources of the new art, and a cross, and the crowning glory of the work, the aerial dome,
    perpetual monument of the greatness of the Emperor and of rises 17'9 feet above the floor of the church. Thus here, for
    the genius of Anthemius of Tralles. Of this master Agathias the first time, the cupola is united on a large scale wit11 a
    gives the following account :- cruciform building.* The dome is lit by forty windows built
    into the hemisphere itself, and rests lightly on four strong
    'LThe city of Tralles was the birthplace of Anthemius, and he practiwd arches supported by massive pillars ; its weight is lessened as
    the art of inventions, by which mechanicians, applying the abstract theory
    of lines to materials, fabricate imitations and, as i t were, images of real nluch as possible by the use of light materials. On the east
    thing^.^ In this art he excelled greatly and reached the highest point of ' B E L V ~ Sdv?p Kai ~ t v r p o v QAE~V
    ~ a l splendid work, Altehristliche Baudenk-
    a x i ~ axapdcar (Panlus Silentiarius, male VOTE Constantznopel worn 5 bis 12
    1 Compare Unger, G%echischR Kt~nst, 3 The ingenious contrivances of this Descr. S. Sophiae, 1. 271). Jahrhuvdert, are both indispensable and
    p. 354. Unger, however, seems to press Archimedes of the sixth century for ' Agathias, v. 8. sufficient for the study of St. Sophia.
    too far the theory that the chief features tormenting his neighbours are related These marbles are mentioned ill Thus St. Sophia belongs to the
    of christian art came from the East. by Agathias and reproduced by Gib- the Bescripti0 S. Sophiae of Paul the fifth class of Leo Allatius ; it is both
    Texier and Pullan, op. cit. p. 136. bon. Sllentiary. This poem and Salzenberg's uraupwr6v and rpouAAwr6v.
    BOL. I1 E
    CHAP. XV BYZANTINE A R T 51
    and west are two large half-domes (conchne), each lit by five The eight large green columns in the nave were
    windows. The oval shape of the nave is cleterlilinecl hy these taken from the temple of Diana a t Ephesns, and the eight
    half-domes. A t either side of the apse there is a smaller side- colmllns of darli: red Theban porphyry in the four side-apses
    apse,' and on the west, where the narthex corresponds to the
    origillally stood in the temple a t Heliopolis, whence Aurelian
    apse, there are similar recesses. Two conteiiiporary writers, brought them to Rome; but, as the gift of a Roman lady,
    Paul the Silentiary and Procopins the historian, were im-
    they were destined, with other spoils of paganism, to adorn a
    pressed with the marvellous brilliance of the interior owing to christiall church. Their capitals present an infinite variety of
    the skilful arrangement of the ~vindo~vs." I t is wonderf~~lly
    form. They are of Proconnesian marble, and were manu-
    filled with light and sun rays, you woulcl say the sunlight
    factllred in Byzantine workshops; they transgress in shape
    grew in i t " (rrjv ai'yXrlv f'v a670 + d ~ c B a ~ )The
    . ~ enclosing allcl execution the traditions of classic art. They lack, how-
    malls of the building are built of brick concealed under n ever, a characteristic feature of earlier Christian architecture,
    coating of marble, and the interior presents a brilliant spec-
    the dosse~et or impost block ; Anthemius discarded the stilt.
    tacle of costly marbles, porphyry, jasper, and mosaics, ~vliicli
    The larger and richer capitals are decorated with acanthus,
    adorn the walls aud cupolas.
    palm leaves, or monograms, deeply cut,l and, like the marble
    I n the apse, between four silver colun~ns, were placed
    friezes, are generally gilt; the smaller capitals are plain,
    tlie seats of the Patriarch and tlie priests, also of silver, and in shape like a die blunted a t the corners. The bases
    and a barrier ( K L ~ K X I B E T )14
    , feet high, of the same metal,
    of the pillars (of the usual Attic form) the capitals
    separated tlle benla from the nave of the church. This
    and the cornices are of marble, chiefly white, but sometimes
    barrier contained the three sacred doors, and, resting on twelve light gray. The pavement is of dark gray veined marble,
    columns, was a frieze, with medallions, on which amiclst ador- chosen no doubt by the architect i n pleasing contrast to
    ing angels were represented tht: Virgin, the Apostles, and the
    t l ~ erich and varied colour of the interior, with its slabs
    I'royhets. A circular shield in the centre bore a cross and of many-tinted marbles, its profuse gilding, and brilliant
    tlie united monograms of the Emperor and Empress. Before nio~aics.~
    tlie barrier stood the golden altar supported by golden There are nine entrances to the body of the church from
    pillars, and over it the silver ciborium. The solea, ini- tlla narthex, a narrow linll running across the whole extent of
    mediately in front of the bema, and occupying the eastern the building, a r d having a t each end lofty vaulted halls. The
    extreniity of the nave, contained seats for the lesser clergy; space under the western semicupola commnnicates with the
    and in front of the solea was the ambo, a sen~icircular narthex by three doors, of which tlle largest in the centre
    tribune approached by marble steps and covered with a was called the "king's cloor " ; the west front of the narthex
    pyramidal roof, borne by eight pillars and decorated with gems is coated with Proconnesian marble, and its upper story,
    and precious metals. This tribune, under the eastern side of connected with the rooms above the broad side-aisles, forms
    the central dome, was reserved for the singers and readers, and
    the ggnaikitis, or wornen's gallery. Seven doors lead from
    contained the coronation chair of the Emperor. the narthex into the outer narthex (exonarthex), a space
    The aisles are separated from the nave and the four sicle- ellclosed by halls open from within, and vaulted and adorned
    apses by arcades of pillars, and the upper rooms are domed. with mosaic. I11 this court, where now stands a Turkish
    Of the hundred columns which adorn St. Sophia and form fountain and marble basin, stood a covered phiale (fountain),
    its stately arcades, the greater number are of green Thes-
    salian marble (verde antico), and were the spoil of pagan ' S.~lzenberg, p. 77, <<tief unter- 2 The eight pillars of Theban por-
    arlleitet, fast f ~ e auf
    i den1 Grunde lie- phyry were not long enough, and were
    Salzenberg calls them Exedrae, but Proc. de Aed. i. 1. Relld." The effect of this del~catecatv- eked out by "eine Art Saulenstuhl" (zb.
    Unger adopts the more convenient For Tllessalia~icolumns, cp. Paulus lng, with the detached appearance of the
    name Nebenapsis. Sil. 545, 568. 11. 78).
    Ornamen~ation,suggests work in ivory. Cp. Paol. Sil. 606.
    CHAP. XV 6 Y Z AhTTfiTEART 53

    that period
    - the workmanship of coins is inartistic and roughly
    and in the niches of the walls were twelve lions' heads from executed, and the art of carving gems declines. Chief among
    which flowed a contiiluous stream of pure water. the smaller branches of sculpture was ivory carving, especially
    Five years and eleven months after the laying of the in the form of diptychs, which it was customary to present to
    foundations, St. Sophia was completed and consecrated by the the senate and the consuls, also to churches, ind tlley were
    Patriarch (2 6th December 23 7)). Procopius thus describes it : much used as new year's gifts. Their value was sometimes
    " The church turned out a beautiful sight, colossal to spectators, increased by the name of some celebrated divine carved upon
    and quite incredible to hearers; it was raised to a heavenly them, or by the consecration of an inscribed prayer. The
    altitude, and like a ship at anchor, was eminent above the bishop's chair in the cathedral at Ravenna is a beautiful
    other edifices, overhanging the city." example of carved ivory.
    When Anthemius saw his own handiwork in its stately painting, however, had superseded all other forms of de-
    strength towering over the city, or lingered under the mys- corative art, and even in the sculptured adornments and reliefs
    terious firmament of the dome, he may have gloried in the of the new style the influence and features of painting may
    success of his labours. One would think that the words be traced in the grouping and general execution of the designs.
    used of Giotto in the cathedral at Florence might well have The writers of this period make frequent mention of paintings
    been said of Anthemius by a Politian of the Justinianean age : J T O a~ method described in the
    in molten wax, K ~ ~ ~ ~ Lypa+rj:
    " His name shall be as a song in the n~outhsof men" (hoc fanlous handbook of Mount Athos.
    nome?z longi earminis instar erit) ; and yet how unfamiliar The illuminatioil of manuscripts was a branch of art much
    nowadays is the name of Anthemius. cultivated by the Byzantines. M. Lenormant thus describes
    St. Sophia became a model for the whole christian world, the famous Codex Rossanensis :-
    and was copied in all large towns during the sixth and follow-
    ing centuries. Anlong these lesser churches dedicated to the " Rossano possesses i n the archives of its cathedral one of the most
    precious and incontestably genuine monuments of Byzantine a r t of the
    Divine Wisdom the cathedral of Thessalonica holds the first period before the Iconoclasts, and probably of the age of Jnstinian. I
    rank. It is certainly of the school of Anthemius, and was mean the manuscript known to the learned b y the name of Codex Rassn-
    prebably contelnporary with the great St. Sophia. The rzensis, and whose existence MM. Oscar von Gebhardt and Adolf Harnack
    have recently been the first to discover. It is a n~agnificent volume,
    mosaics in the dome are of the very best school, and preserve composed of 188 leaves of purple-tinted vellnni, a fo& long, on which t h e
    to some extent the traditions of Roman art. The hemisphere gospel? of St. Matthew and St. Mark are written i n large silver letters i n
    of the apse is adorned with a mosaic picture of the Virgin, the form of rounded uncials. ...
    But what lencls to the Greek gospels
    seated and holding the infant Christ. Either this design or of Rossano suc1-1 great interest is the twelve large miniatures, wlvllich are
    still preserved, a last relic of rich illustrations which have been for the
    a colossal figure of Christ was invariably chosen to decorate
    most part unhappily destroyed. Each of these miniatures occupies a
    the hemisphere of Byzantine apses. whole page and is divided i n two parts, the upper containing a subject
    I t has been already mentioned that sculpture in its from the gospels, and the lower four half-length figures of the prophets
    classical form had died out, but smaller branches of the art who foretold the event, each accompanied b y the words of his propllecy.
    The paintings are certainly of the same date as tlle text, namely the sixth
    were practised by the Byzantines. The reliefs on the Golden
    century. The execution is remarkable, the drawing compact, the com-
    Gate and on the Pillars of Theodosius and Arcadius3 were not position clear and simple, the clesign exquisite, and the style antique." 3
    contemptible, and until the end of the fourth century gems
    were carved and coins struck in the antique style. After Two old Greek paintings.in wax are obtained a copy on Mount Athos. I t
    cadius and the frieze of the staircase f'ound in the MS. of Dioscorides dedi- is a mallual for the technique of paiat-
    Procopius, rle A d . i. 1. cated to Anicia, daughter of Olybrins, ing as well as for the iconography.
    As for example in the Greek mosaic leading up to i t were copied by Gentile and in a MS. of the book of Genesis.
    in the church of San Miniato at Flor- Bellini, who was sent to Constan- I t has been translated into French by
    See Unger, op. cit. p. 361. Durand and into Gernlan by Schafer.
    ence, and in the church of William the tinople in 1479 by the republic of t p p ~ v e l ar?jr fwypa+~n?jr. Didron La G~c~r~rle-@*Jce,i. 317.
    Good at Monreale near Palermo. Venice. The designs are now in the
    The reliefs on the pillar of Ar- Royal Academy a t Paris.
    54 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V

    I n the use of symbols, a striking feature in christian art,


    we observe tlle most frequent blending of pagan and chris-
    tian ideas. The Byzantines adopted the Greek custonl of
    personifying nature, and in many instances classical forms
    were introduced, even in church paintings. I n a Raveiina
    mosaic of the baptism of Christ, the Jordan is persoiiifiecl,
    and Theodoric represented himself on the gate of his palace,
    standing between two figures symbolising Rnvenna and Ilome.
    The personifications of Victory and Fortune, Nilte and Tyche,
    are frequent and familiar, ancl the gnostic sects eniployed a C H A P T E I t XVI
    more intricate symbolisn~of abstract ideas on their engraved
    gems and inscriptions on metal.' Numerous symbols were usecl NOTES ON THE I\IANNERS, INDUSTRIES, AND COMMERCE
    for Christ and God the Father, and display a curious adoption of I N THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN
    antique forms ; and the reseniblance borne by the represeuta-
    tioils of Christ on early christian tornbs to Sol Ijzvictz~sand THE population of Constantinople at the beginning of the
    Serapis is remarkable. On christian gravestones we find the sixth century has been calculated at about a million.' The
    letters D. B1., D. M. S., and 0. K., which suggest the Dis ~~zanibz~s greatest city in Europe, as i t continued to be througl~ontthe
    sncrzcnz and the BeoZq ~ c a r a ~ B o v of
    l o ~the
    ~ ancients. Perhaps Middle Ages, ancl at the same time situated on the borders of
    the consecrated ground hallowed the pagan words, just as Asia, i t was full of Gepids, Goths, Lombards, Slaves, and
    gems with images of heathen gods were sanctified by a Hurls, as well as orientals ; Abasgian eunuclls and Colchian
    christian inscription or tlie monogram of Christ, and mere guards might be seen in the streets. The money-changers
    countenanced by the Church. in this mercantile metropolis mere numerous, and probably
    Thus in the development of christian art the olcl classic lived in the Chalkoprateia, which in later times at least
    traditions had been gradually abandoned, or remained only in was a Jews' quarter. But the provincial subjects were not
    allegory and niixed symbolism. The illodels of Greece ancl encouraged to repair to the capital except for strict pur-
    Rome became relics of the old world, curiosities to adorn poses of business; and their visits were loo-ked upon with
    museums. A new religion had displaced pagan mythology such jealous eyes that as soon as their business was completed
    and philosophy, and naturally found an expression in new they mere obliged to return home with all haste.
    forms of art. Ancl this new art, born in the atniospliere of I n the urban arrangements of Constnntinople, for the
    triuniphant Christianity, reached its perfection in Justinian's conlfort of whose inhabitants the Emperors were always
    church of the Divine Wisdom, which still looks across the solicitons, the law of Zeno, which provided for a sea prospect,
    Bosphorus upon the sands of Chalced~n.~ is noteworthy.Vlle height of tlle houses built on tlle hills
    For example the curious symbol the five enlanations of Abrasax, +p6v-
    overlooking the sea was regulated in such a way that the
    used by the followers of Basilides for ~ u r r , IOOS, hbyos, 66vaprs, uo$ia, and buildings in front should not interfere with the view froin the
    t h e highest Being, called Abrasax, a the letters of his name, taken numeri-
    form with serpents for feet, the I~ody cally, are the nnmher 365. houses behind. Besides the corn, imported from Egypt, which
    and arms of a man, the head of a cock, Chnlcedo?~zascontra rlespectat am- was publicly distributed to the citizens in the form of bread,
    and holding in one hand a circle and nos (Claudian, in Rzlfi?~z~?~a, Lib. ii.
    i n the other a s h i p . These represent 55). Krause, Die Byzunti?ze~des dlittel- little use for tho period with which we
    alters, p. 17. As the book deals almost are here concerned.
    exclusively with t h e later Byzantines Cod. Just. riii. 10, 12.
    (eleventh to fifteenth centuryj, i t is of
    BOOK Ir
    56 HlSTOR Y O F THE LA TER ROMAN EIZfPIRE
    Demurch of Greens. Long may you live, Justinian Augustus! Tu
    the chief food of the Byzantines was salted provisions of
    various kinds ( ~ a ~ l ~ ~ ) - f i scheese,
    h, or ham. Wine was uincas. I a m aggrieved, fair lord &dvc ciya&), and cannot endure the
    oppression, God knows. I fear to name the oppressor, lest h e be increased
    grown in the surrounding district, and there was a good veget- and I endanger m y own safety.
    able market. Of public amusements there was no lack.' As Mandator. Who is h e ? I know him not.
    well as the horse-races in the hippodrome, there were theatrical Demarch of Gree~cs. &My oppressor, 0 thrice august ! is to be found in
    the quarter of the shoemakers.1
    representations and ballets ; and it is probable that troupes of Mandator. No one does you wrong.
    acrobats and tight-rope dancers often came from Asia. A Demarch of Greens. One Inan ancl one only does me wrong. Mother
    theatre, called by the suggestive iianle of "Harlots," is nien- of God, let him never raise his head (JL~6 v a ~ c + u X i c r ~! )
    tioned and recognised by the pious Justinian without a censure Mandator. Who is h e ? We know hiin not.
    Demarch of Greens. Nay, you know best, 0 thrice august ! who it is
    or a blush. Combats of men with wild animals, which had that oppresses me this day.
    been abolished by the mild and heterodox Anastasins, were Mandator. W e know not that any one oppresses you.
    once more permitted under the orthddox and severer dynasty Demarch of Greens. It is Calapodius, the spathar (guardsman), who
    of Justin. Curious animals and prodigies were exhibited and wrongs me, 0 lord of all !
    Man~lator.Calapodins is not i n power. 2
    attracted crowds; we hear, for example, of a wonderful dog Demarch of Greens. My oppressor will perish like Judas ; God will
    which had the power of distinguishing the characters and reqnite him quickly.
    .conclitions of human beings. This animal, whose inspiration Ma~zdutor. You come, not t o see t h e games, b u t to insult your
    was inore formidable than if it had been mad with hydro- rulers.
    Demarch of Greens. My oppressor shall perish like Judas.
    phobia, singled out the courtesan, the adulterer, the miser, or Mandator. Silence, Jews, Manichaeans, and Samaritans !
    the woman with child; ancl when the rings of a multitude of Demarch of Greens. Do you disparage LIS with the name of Jews and
    spectators were collected and cast before it in a heap, it Samaritans. The Mother of God is with all of us.
    retnrned each to the owner without making a mistake. iMandator. VC7hen wiIl ye cease cursing yourselves.
    Demarch of Greelrs. If any one denies that our lord the Emperor is
    The conversation which took place in the hippodrome on orthodox, let him be anathema, as Judas.
    the eve of the Nika sedition, while it illustrates the political Mandator. I would have you all baptized i n the name of one God.
    life of the time, is also interesting and important as an example I a m baptized i n One God.3
    The Greens (tumultt~o~isly).
    of the language then spoken at Byzantium, and altogether is Mandator. Really, if you won't be silent, I shall have you beheaded.
    Demarch of Greens. Every person is anxious to be i n authority, t o
    sufficiently noteworthy and curious to deserve reprod~ction.~
    secure his personal safety. Your Majesty must n o t be indignant a t what
    I11 many places, however, the meaning is obscure. I t was we say i n our tribulation, for the Deity listens to all complaints. W e
    custoinary to permit the factions on special occasions to state have good reason, 0 Emperor ! to ~ n e n t i o nall thin,ms now. For u-e do
    their grievances to the Emperor. The demarch was the mouth- not even know where t h e palace is, nor where to find any public: office.
    piece of the deme, and a rnandato.~or herald replied for the I come into the sity by one street only, sitting on a mule5; and I wish I
    had not to come then, your Majesty.6
    sovereign.
    The programme for the consular horse-races ; seventh, the consul laid 61s T &~ { a y y a p ~ E
    i a~ ~ ~ U K E T ~ L . ' 6vopd{op~v&PTL~ d v ~ a'1'he
    . sense
    shows, which lasted seven days, will he down his office. Justinian speaks, in demands that Bprr should be the em-
    a tone of approval and satisfaction, of O Z ~ K EXEL r p i y p a .
    found in the 81st Novel of Justinian (ed. phatic word.
    Zacharia). On the first day (1st Janu- the exquisite delight which beast-bait- The Greens apparently take up the 8Tav els pop6Bvqv ~a8h{opar. Pris-
    ary) the new consnl was invested ; ing afforded to the populace. words of the mandator, cis 8va oners were drawn by mules to execution
    second day, mappa, horse-races in the * Theophanes, Chron. 6024 A.M. (ed. tcuRar, in a monophysitic sense. The or punishment, and perhaps there is
    hippodrome ; third day, the theatro- de Boor, 1). 181). The heading is & K T ~ words Js ~KCAEUUFV "Avrhas are obscure. some such reference here. One might
    cyneqion, or combats with beasts ; 6rZL KaXo~66rov ~ b v~ o u ~ r ~ o u h d p rKo v~ L " A v ~ h a can
    s hardly be the ilame of the
    ora8dprov, and Theophanes probably
    conclude from this that members of
    fourth day, ~~onemerion, beast-baiting ; mandator. If it is correct, we may the green faction were not allowed to
    fifth day, scenic and musical perform,; copied the conversation from a docu- assume it to be a nickname of Ana- reside in the city, and were confined to
    ances at the theatre called "Harlots ment in the archives of the green stasius. Bv~Aer or &v~Avuovhas been quarters in Pera and Galata, on the
    (rbpvar) ; sixth, another mappa, or deme. suggested in the sense of "fetch water" other side of the Golden Horn.
    for tile baptismal rite. c1'8ors pq86 T ~ T Erp~uaL;Youu~c.
    ,
    58 HISTOR Y OF THE LATEX ROB[AN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. XVI MA A'NERS, E TC., UNDER /USTI.I/AN 59

    Ma~~dator.Every one is free to move in public, where he wishes, ~ e m n r e hof Blues. 1 hate you, I can't abide the sight of yon,-yonr
    without danger. enlllity harasses nle.
    Denzarch of Greens. I an1 told I all1 free, yet I am not allowed to Demarch of Greens. Let the bones of the spectators be exliun~ed! 1
    exhibit my freedom. If a nlan is free bnt is suspected as a Green, he is [Exeunt the Greens.
    sure to be publicly punished.
    Mandator. Have ye no care for your lives that ye .,us brave death ? ~t will be noticed that in this dialogue the spokesman of
    Demarch of Greens. Let this (green) colour be ( Ice uplifted1-then the oppressed faction began with humble complaints ; and the
    justice disappears. Put an end to the scenes of surder, and let us be scene ended with open defiance. When the Greens marched
    l a w f ~ ~ l punished.
    ly Behold, the fonntcin is overflowing ; punish as many
    out of the hippodrome, the Emperor sitting in the cathisrna
    as you like. Verily, human nature cannot tolerate the two things to-
    gether (to be mnrdered by the Blues and to be punished by the laws). was left for a few moments alone with the Blues; but they
    Would that Sabbates had never been born, to have a son who is a quickly followed their enemies, and street conflicts ensued.'
    ~nnrderer. The sixth mnrcler has taken place i n the Zeugn~a" the
    victini was a spectator in the morning, i n the afternoon, 0 lord of all ! 1f we pass from these stray details of external life to con-
    he was butchered.
    Demarch of Blues. Yourselves are the only party in the hippodrome sider the morality of the age, we are confronted on the one
    that has murderers among their nunlber. hand by the stern laws of Justinian for the repression of what
    Den~archof Greens. When ye commit murder 3 ye leave the city in he considered immorality, and his clement laws for the en-
    flight. couragement of reforn3ation ; on the other hand by a remarkable
    Demarch of Blues. Ye shed blood for no reason. Ye are the only
    party here with murderers among them. picture, painted by a secret hand, of the vice that prevailed in
    Demarch of Greens. 0 lord Jnstinian ! they challenge us and yet no all classes of society. These data are not in opposition, for
    one slays them. Who slew the woodseller i n the Zeugma, 0 Emperor ? moral legislation presupposes the prevalence of immorality.
    Mandator. Ye slew him. Two laws testify to the solicitude of Justinian for the
    Demarch of Greens. Who slew the son of Epagathns, Emperor ?
    Malzdator. Ye slew him too, and ye throw the blame4 on the liberty and protection of women. The earliest of them,3 issued
    Blues. in 534, made it illegitimate for any person to constrain a
    Dernarch of Greens. Now have pity, 0 Lord God ! The truth is in female, whether a freewoman or a slave, to appear against her
    jeopardy. I should like to argue with them who say that affairs are will in a dramatic or orchestric performance. By the same
    managed by God. Whence comes this misery ?
    Madator. God is incapable of causing evils.
    act it was illegal for a lessee to prevent an actress frorn throw-
    Demarch of Greens. God, you say, is incapable of cansing evils ? Who ing up her theatrical engagement at any momenf she pleased,
    is i t then who wrongs me ? Let some philosopher or hermit explain the and he was not even entitled to demand from her securities
    distinction. the money pledged for the fulfilment of her broken engage-
    Mandator. Accursed blasphemers, when will ye hold your peace ?
    Demarch of Greens. If i t is the pleasure of your Majesty, I am content,
    ment. The duty or privilege of seeing that this law was
    albeit unwillingly. I know all-all, but I say nothing. Goodbye, carried out was assigned to the bishops as well as to the civil
    Justice ! you are no longer in fashion.5 I shall turn and become a Jew. governors, against whose collusion with the managers of
    Better to be a '' Greek " than a Blue, God knows. theatres episcopal protests may have been often necessary.
    -
    I t was also enacted that the profession of the stage, which in
    1 dsapflF r b xprjpa 7 0 0 ~ 0~ a j l) 8 i ~ q pointless. Ue Boor prints ~ K ~ T W~ KST O S .
    06 x p q p a ~ i { e ~ .I t seems to me that this ~ 6 7 . 5 a@ci{e~s ~ a ld ~ 0 6 ? l p € i s , Mr. this age mas almost synonymous with the trade of prosti-
    admits only of the rendering I have Hodglrin translates "Sometimes you tution, should form no let or hindrance to the contraction of a
    given. Marrast translates '' Nos ~nurtlerand run away," but that woulti
    conlenrs sont proscrites. Plus de bc TOTP. ~ b r is e vulgar for 8 7 ~ . legal marriage with the highest in the land. This liberation
    justice pour nous dans l'empire." Mr. TOGS B E Y ~ T OTXPKETE.
    UE ?TxPKW,~I~~O~~ from disabilities of a degraded but necessary class is generally
    Hodgkin, "Take off that colour [the of the common la~lguagenot used in
    emblem of the Blues], ant1 do not let goo11prose, is evidently related to the
    Latin pleetor, which, as is well knovrn, dvaa~aq$ r b d n P a rGv Bewpotvrwv ,See vol. i. p. 310.
    justice seem to take sides." --i?plying "let them he murdered and
    " I t is twenty years since [one of is used of vicarious punishment. 3 Cod. Jzist. i. 4, 33 ; compare v. 4,
    our party] \vas murdered at the Yok- aJrou, 6 i ~ q , O & K ~ T L X F ? ; C ( ~ T ~ ( E L E ' . . Fhis expressio~lcame into special 29.
    Use for the deposition of a monarch.
    ing-place" (Mr. Hodgkin) ; but this is psraSaLvw ~ a 767.5
    i 'Ioubai{u.
    60 H I S T O R Y O F THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKIV

    supposed to have been prompted by a personal episode in the disorderly houses were rendered absolutely illegal, and that
    life of the Emperor himself, whose wife Theodora seems to
    the only form of prostitution cou~tenancedby lam was that of
    have been once an actress at Aiitioch.
    women who practised it on their own account.
    The other law was ?ublished in the following year, and
    Another constitution of the same year,' also addressed to
    addressed to the citizens of Constantinople. It deals wit12
    the people of Constantinople, deals with the " heavier " or
    the practice of enticing young girls away from their homes
    i n order to hire them out for imnioral purposes. I t is best to "diabolical" forms of licentiousness, and with the crime of
    blasphemy. Tmo bishops R-110 rashly tasted of the Dead Sea
    quote a portion of Justinian's constitution on the subject1 :-
    fruit were subjected to a painful and shameful punishment
    '<The ancient laws alid former Emperors hare regarded with extreme by the inexorable Justinian, who adopted the principle that
    abhorrence the name and the trade of a brothel-keeper, and many laws according to the scriptures whole cities as well as guilty in-
    have consequently been enacted against such. We have increased the
    penalties already defined, and in other laws have suppliecl the on~issions
    dividuals were reduced to ruin by the wrath of God in
    of our predecessors. But we have been lately informed of iniquities of consequence uf similar transgressions. T1:e use of blas-
    this kind tvhich are being carried on in this great city, and we have not phemous expressions and imprecations is forbidden with equal
    overlooked the matter. For we cliscovered that some persoils live and severity, and tile imperial notion of the law of causation is
    nlaintain themselves i n an outrageous manner, making ~ccnrsedgain by
    abominable means. They travel about many countries and districts, and
    illustrated by the remark that on account of crimes of this
    entice poor young girls by promising them shoes and clothes, and thus kind "famines arid earthquakes and plagues " isi it mankind.
    entrapping them, carry them off to tliis fortunate city, where they keep We may finally mention the enactment of Justinian which
    them shut up i n their dens, supplying them with a miserable allowance suppressed gambling with dice, and other games of h a ~ a r d . ~
    of food and raiment, ancl place their bodies at the service of the public
    xncl keep the wretched fees themselves. And they draw up bonds by I t is hardly possible to say much here of the curious
    which girls bind themselves to this occnpation for a specified time, nay, evidence afforded by the Sec~etHisto~yon the subject of con-
    they even sometinlee ask the money back from the securities [if a girl temporary morals. The delicacy or affectation of the present
    escapes]. This practice has become so outrageous, that throughout almost age wouid refuse to admit the authority and exarrlple of Gibbon
    the whole of this imperial city and its suburbs over the water 2 [at Chal-
    as a sufficient reason or valid excuse for rehearsing the licen-
    cedon and Pers], and, worst of all, i n close proximity to churches and
    saintly houses, dens of such a kincl exist ; and acts so iniquitous and .tious vagaries ascribed to Theodora jn the indecent pages of an
    illegal are perpetrated i n our times that some persons, pitying the girls, audacious and libellous pamphlet. If the words and acts which
    desired to deliver them from this occupation and place them in a position the writer attributes to Theodora were drawn, as doubtless is the
    of legal cohabitation, but the procurers dicl not permit it. Some of these
    case, from real life-from the green-rooms of Antioch or the
    men are so unholy as to corrupt girls under ten years old, and large sums
    of nloney have been given to buy off the unfortunate children and unite bagnios of Eyzantium-it can only be remarked that the morals
    then1 in a respectable marriage. This evil, which was fornlerly confined of those cities in the sixtl~century did not differ very much
    to a small part of the city, has spread throughout its whole extent and the from the morals of Paris, Vienna, Naples, or London at the
    circunljacent regions. We were secretly informed of this some time ago,
    present day. The story of Antonina's intrigue with Theodosius,
    ancl as our most rtlagnificent praetors, whom we commissioned to investi-
    grate the matter, confirmecl the information, we inunediately determined to which is quite credible and was probably derived from back-
    deliver the city from such pollution." stair gossip, contains nothing more enormous than might be
    told of exalted personages in any court at any period of
    This preamble is followed by prohibition of these abuses ; history.
    procurers are banished from the Empire, and especially from
    the imperial city. I t would appear from this law that all There is no side of the history of societies in the remote
    Novel xxxix. (ed. Zacharis) : a s p i roD p;I € t a r ?ropvo/3ou~obshv p 7 8 ~ w 1r d a q
    past on which we are left so much in the dark by extant
    rijs 'Pwpalwv aoXir~ias. records as their industry, their commerce, and their economy ;
    hv T O ~ S? r ~ p k p a u ~av6 r q s .
    Novel xxviii. Cod. Jzut. iii. 43.
    '' Several circumstances, however, during the reign of Justinian contri-
    and as these departments of life were colitillually affecting buted to aug~nentthe conln~ercialtransactions of the Greeks, and to give
    politics, their neglect by contemporary writers renders a then1 a deciclecl preponderance in the Eastern trade. The long war with
    Persia cut off all those routes by which the Syrian and Egyptian popula-
    reconstruction of political history always defective and often tion had maintained their ordinary comn~unicationswith Persia ; ancl it
    impossible. The chief technical inclustries carried on at Con- was from Persia that they had always drawn their silk and great part of
    stantinople seen1 to have been as follows1 :-(1) Tlie manufac- their Indian commodities, such as muslins and je~vels. This trade now
    ture of silk fabrics mas practisecl on a large scale before the began to seek two different channels, by both of nhich it avoided the
    production of the material was introduced by the two monks, donlinions of Chosroes ; the one was to the north of the Caspian Sea,
    as narrated in a previous chapter. Once the Romans were and the other by the Red Sea. This ancient route through Egypt still
    continuecl to be that of the ordinary trade. But the importance of the
    no longer dependent oil the oriental nations for its production northern route, and the extent of the trade carried on by it through dif-
    and importation, it is to be presumed that the manufacture of ferent ports on the Blaclr Sea are authenticatecl by the numerous colony
    the fabric, ~~11ich must have become coilsiclerably cheaper, was of the inhabitants of central Asia establishecl at Constantinople in the
    carried on oil a nluch more extensive scale.2 (2) The domestic reign of Justill 11. Six hundred Turks availed themselves, at one time,
    of the security offered by the journey of a Roman an~bassadorto the
    utensils used by tlie Byzantine citizens were of glazed pottery, Great Khan of the Turks, and joined his train. This fact affords the
    of blaclc or gray colour, and were made a t Uyzanti~ull. Glass strongest evidence of the great importance of thip route, as there can be
    was imported from Egypt, which in old clays used to supply no question that the great number of the inhabitants of central Asia who
    Rome. (3) The extensive use of rllosaics in the decoration of visited Con~tantinoplewere attracted to it by their con~n~ercial occapa-
    tions.
    christian churches and rich men's palaces made the niaaufacture '' The Inclian conlnlerce through Arabia and by the Red Sea was still
    of the coloured pebbles (y!~~@8~9) quite a lucrative trade. (4) more important ; much more so, indeed, than the mere mention of Jus-
    The syrnbolism of the christian religion gave rise to a new art, tinian's failure to establish a regular importation of silk by this route
    and the shops of crucifix-nlalrers were probably a feature of might lead us to suppose. The immense number of trading vessels which
    habitually frequented the Red Sea shows that it mas very great."
    Constantinople. Crosses were made of all sorts of materials,
    gold, silver, precious stones, lychnites, or ivory. The carving
    of religious subjects in ivjry was an associated branch of Finlay goes on to make some instructive observations on the
    this trade. (5) The art of the jeweller was doubtless in great decline of Egypt and the importance of the Jews. " I n the
    requisition ill the luxurious capital, and the pearls which cleco- reign of Augustus, Egypt furnished Rome with a tribute of
    rate Theodora in the nlosaic portrait in Sail Vitale at ltavenna twenty millions of nlodii of grain annually, a n d it was garri-
    indicate the style of the imperial court. (6) The implements soned by a force rather exceeding twelve thousand regular
    of mar, the arms of the soldiers, and the engines used in siege troops. Under Justinian the tribute in grain was reduced to
    warfare were manufactured a t Constantinople, aucl stored in a about five millions and a half nlodii, that is eight hundred
    public building called tlie &langana. thousand artabas ; and the Roman troops, to a cohort of six
    All these arts flourished in the iinperial city, and made it hundred men. Egypt was prevented from sinking still lower
    an active industrial centre. I n regard to the conlniercinl by the exportation of its grain to supply the trading popula-
    relations of the Empire, it will be well to quote tlie words tion on the shores of the Red Sea. The canal connecting the
    of Pinlay, who illade a special study of this side of its Nile with the Red Sea afforded the means of exporting an im-
    history :- mense quantity of inferior grain to the arid coasts of Arabia,
    and formed a great artery for civilisation and commerce." The
    1 See Krause, Dle Byznl~ti~tcr des very materially to suppolt the resources Jews seein to have increased in numbers about the beginning
    diittelalters, p. 47 sqq. of the Eastern Empire, and to en~~c:
    "'It wonld not be just," wlites Fin- the Greck nation for several centur~es of the sixth century. Finlay accounts for this increase " by
    lay. "to deny to JustinIan some share in (Hist. of Grcccc, i. 270). the decline of the rest of the population in the countries round
    the merit of having founded a flourish- ' HLstor?~of Grcecc (ed. Tozer), TO].
    ing branch of ttade, wl~ich tended i. p. 267 sq. the Mediterranean, and by the general decay o'f civilisation in
    64 HISTORY '0 THE LA TEI? ROfMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    consequence of the severity of the Eoman fiscal system, which


    trammelled every class of society with regulations restricting
    the industry of the people. . . . The Jews, too, at this period,
    were the only neutral nation who could carry on their trade
    equally with the Persians, Ethiopians, Arabs, and Goths ; for,
    though they were hated everywhere, the universal dislike was
    a reason for tolerating a people never likely to form common
    cause with any other." '
    As for the Greeks, they "maintained their superiority over
    the other people in the Empire only by their commercial en-
    terprise, which preserved that civilisation in the trading cities
    which was rapidly disappearing among the agricultural popu-
    lation." Barbarian monarchs, like Theodoric, used often to
    support the Jews in order to "render their country independent
    of the wealth and commerce of the Greeks."
    BOOK IV
    A writer at the beginning of the seventh century, Theo-
    phylactus Simocatta, gives a description of the empire of THE HOUSE O F JUSTIN
    T a u g a ~ twhich
    ,~ has been identified with China ; the intercourse
    with the Turks, which began in the reign of Justin 11,brought
    the far ,East closer to the Roman Empire. Ne praises the wise
    laws which prevail in Tangast, and mentally contrasts the P A R T 11
    luxury of Byzantium with the law which forbids the Taugas-
    tians to wear silver or gold, while he attributes to Alexander THE COLLAPSE OF JUSTINIAN'S SYSTEM
    the Great the foundation of the two chief towns of their realm.
    Syrian missionaries seem also to have kept up a connection
    between China and the West ; we read4 that " in the seventeenth
    year of the period ChQngkuan ( = 643) the king of Fulin,
    Po-to-li [Po-to-li = the Nestorian Patriarch of Syria, Fulin =
    the countries in the East once under Roman sway], sent an
    embassy offering red glass . . . and other articles. T'ai-tsung
    favoured them with a message under his imperial seal, and
    graciously granted them presents of silk."
    The flourishing condition of the Ecunze~zic~lHistory, vii. 9. See
    Jews in the reign of Heraclios indi- R. von Scala, Uber dio wichtigstenBezie-
    cates the prosperity they had enjoyed hungen des Orients zu~nOccidente, p. 33.
    in the precedil~gcentury. 4 Hirth, China and the Rman Orient,
    * See Edict. Theod. 143. ap. Scala, ib. 11. 35.
    CHAPTER I

    JUSTIN I1 AND TIBERIUS I1

    WE have seen that the Roman Imperiurn under Justinian


    reached the absolutism to which i t had always tended, and
    Justinian realised that Caesaropapism at which the christian
    Emperors had been continually aiming. I t has been pointed
    out that Justinian accomplished his great achievements by
    means of an artificial State system, which maintained the
    Empire in equilibrium for the time; but it was only for the
    time. At his death the winds were loosed from prison ;
    the disintegrating elements began to operate with full force;
    the artificial system collapsed ; and the metamorphosis in
    the character of the Empire, which had been surely progress-
    ing for a long time past, though one is apt to overlook it amid
    the striking events of Justinian's busy reign, now began to
    work rapidly and perceptibly.
    Things which seemed of comparatively secondary import-
    ance under the enterprising government of Justinian, engage
    the whole attention of his successors. The Persian war as-
    sumes a serious aspect, and soon culminates in a struggle
    for life or death ; the Balkan peninsula is overrun by Avars
    and Slaves; and consequently the Empire cannot retain any
    real hold on its recent conquests in Italy and Spain. Thus
    the chief features of the reigns of Justin, Tiberius,' and
    ' Our contemporary sources for Theophanes of Byzantium (see F. E. G.
    Justin and Tiberms are the fragments iv. pp. 270, 271) ; a few Novels of Jns-
    of Menander ; the Ecclesiastical His- tin and Tiberius ; some notices in the
    tory of Evagrius (fromanorthodox point Hzstoria Francorurn of Gregory of
    of view) ; the Ecclesiastical History of Tours. Besides these, we have for the
    John of Ephesns (from a monophysitic erst year of Justin's reign Corippus
    point of view) ; a few fragments of (of whom more will be said p~esently).
    CHAP. I JUSTYN I1 AND TIBERIUS I1 69
    of Latin hexameters, de lazcdibz~s Justini Augusti minoris,
    Maurice are : the struggle against the Persians, with whom the
    Romans become less and less able to cope, the sufferings of giving a coloured account of the circumstances of the Emperor's
    Illyricum and Thrace at the hands of Hunnic and Slavonic accession, had probably a political intention. Justin required
    barbarians, the conquests of the Lombards in Italy, and the a trumpet.
    change in the political position of the Emperor, whose power According to the narrative in the poem of Corippus, which
    sensibly declines. The general disintegration of the Empire we may assume to represent, with sufficient accuracy, what
    reaches a climax in the reign of Phocas (602-610), and the actually happened, Justin was wakened before daybreak by
    State is with difficulty rescued from destruction and revived the Patrician Callinicus, who announced that Justinian was
    by the energy and ability of Heraclius. dead. At the same time the senate entered the palace build-
    I n reading the history of the later years of Justinian we are ings, and proceeding to a beautiful room overlooking the sea,
    conscious of a darkness creeping over the sky ; the light that whither Justin had already repaired, found him conversing
    had illuminated the early part of his reign is waning. This with his wife Sophia. Callinicus, as the spokesman of the
    change had become perceptible after the great plague. But senate, greeted Justin as the new Augustus, virtually designated
    after the death of Justinian the darkness is imminent; <the by the late Emperor as his successor. All then repaired to the
    Empire is stricken as it were with paralysis, and a feeling imperial chambers, and gazed on the corpse of the deceased
    of despondency prevails ; the Emperors are like men grappling sovereign, who lay on a golden bier. Justin is represented as
    with hopeless tasks. We are not surprised that an idea apostrophising the dead, and complaining that his uncle left the
    possessed men's minds that the end of the world or some great world at a critical moment : "Behold the Avars and the fierce
    change was a t hand'; it expressed the feeling that the Franks, and the Gepids and the Goths (Getae, probably mean-
    spiritual atmosphere was dark, and the prospect comfortless. ing the Slaves), and so many gther nations encompass us with
    " He that is giddy thinks the world turns round." wars." Sophia ordered an embroidered cloth to be brought,
    on which the whole series of Justinian's labours was wrought
    in gold and brilliant colours, the Emperor himself in the midst
    I. Justin 1% with his foot resting on the neck of the Vandal tyrant.'
    A struggle for the succession between the relations of Justin In the morning Justin and his wife proceeded to the church
    and those of Theodora had at one time seemed probable, but of St. Sophia, and made a public declaration of the orthodox
    it had been forestalled by the alliance of the two families in very poor compared with the poetry of fel~xest totus Justino principe mundus.
    the person of Justin, a nephew of the Emperor, and Sophia, Claudian. I n the praefatio he apos- I n iii. 132 there is an allusion to the
    trophises Justin thus-
    a niece of the Empress. Justin held the position of czcropalates, . .sumens
    . tu quoque justitiae nomen de nomine
    name of Justin's father,
    which we might translate " mayor of the palace," and on his ante oculos geniti genitor dulcissimus o~nni
    frena reggndorum retinens firmissima regum. tempore erit.
    uncle's death was a t once recognised by the en ate.^ The numinibus tribus his regitur quodeumque Throughout the poem Corippus plays
    movetur. on the names Justinus, Vigilantia, and
    panegyric of the African poet Corippus? written in four books (The three divinities are Vigilantia, Sapientia (Zo6ia). :
    warned by an angel that he would be Justin's mother, who was still alive, I n giving a sketch of Corippus'
    Theophylactus, who wrote his History Sophia, and Justin.)
    of Maurice i n the reign of Heraclius, spared the spectacle of the approaching outline of the proceedings which fol-
    has a valuable digression on the reign times ofanarchy (Theophylact. i. 1, 2). certatim gentes Romana ad foedera currunt. lowed Justinian's death I have taken a
    Finlay speaks of the time,ps one of a princlpe pro justo Romanum nomen amatur hint from Ranke (see Weltgesehichte, iv.
    of Maurice's predecessor. subque pio domino cuncti bene vivere quae-
    1 John of Ephesus believed that '<universal political palsy. runt. 2, p. 127).
    Christ was coming very soon. Chosroes The succession, however, seems to 111the dedieatio the praises of the quae- I doubt whether Corippus had any
    professed to know more precisely what have been somewhat doubtful before- stor Anastasius are sung ; he is said to authority in fact for this incident. The
    would happen (Zon. iii. 295). Gregory hand, for i t apparently took the d e w have spurned money, and is compared circumstance that the African poet chose
    the Great, Ep. v. 21, says that the by surprise; cf. Evagrius, v. 1. to a tree, while the Emperor is the the Vandal monarch as the type of the
    claim of John Jejunator to the title Flavius Cresconius Corippus, the foes vanquished by Justinian makes us
    eeumenieal indicates the proxinlity of author of the Johannis. His verses fountain which waters it. The general suspicious that i t is entirely a poetical
    sometimes run smoothlyenough, but are tone is concentrated in the line
    the time of Antichrist. Tiberius was invention.
    70 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. I ]USTIN II AND TIBERIUS 1TI 71

    faith. Returning to the palace, Justin assumed the royal that the prisons were entirely emptied, and takes pains to justify
    robes and ornaments, and was raised on a shield lifted by a hardly justifiable act.
    four guardsmen: after which ceremony the Patriarch blessed The poet goes on to describe the obsequies of Jnstinian,
    him and placed the diadem on his head. The Emperor then the beauties of the imperial palace, and the reception of the
    delivered an inaugural speech from the throne, in which he Avaric ambassadors, but we need not follow him f11ri;her.
    enunciated his intention to pursue the principles of piety and The Emperor appointed his son-in-law Raduarius, who had
    justice, and regretted that important departments of the admini- married his daughter Arabia, to the post of curopalates, which
    stration had been neglected or mismanaged in the last years his own accession had rendered vacant?
    of Justinian, who in his old age was careless of such matters, ' The accession of Justin was not wholly unendangered or
    and cold to the things of this life.' After this oration, the unstained with blood. A conspiracy of two senators was
    senate in due form adored the new Emperor. detected and punished, and the Emperor's namesake Justin,
    Then, attended by the senators and court, Justin proceeded the son of his cousin Germanus, was put to death in Alexan-
    to the hippodrome, and took his seat in the cathisma. When dria as a dangerous and perhaps designing relation. The
    the jubilant greetings of the people, who had taken no part in influence of Sophia may have been operative here, for enmity
    his actual elevation, had subsided, the Emperor delivered another and jealousy had always prevailed between her aunt Theodora
    oration, exhorting the populace to be peaceable and orderly, and the family of Germanus.
    and announcing his intention to assume the consulship and
    honour the following year with his name.3 Sophia had the ambition, without the genius, of her aunt
    Suddenly the benches which lined each side of the hippo- Theodora. Like her, she had been originally a monophysite.
    drome were emptied, and crowds of people made their way to But a bishop had suggested that the heretical opinions of
    the space in front of the cathisnia. They presented to the her husband and herself stood in the way of his promotion
    Emperor bonds for loans which his uncle had contracted, and to the rank of Caesar ; and accordingly the pair found it con-
    implored or demanded to be repaid. Justin in his speech to venient to join the ranks of the orthodox, on whom they had
    the senators had signified his purpose of liquidating these before looked down as " synodites." I t is perhaps to be re-
    debts: and he now commanded that the money should be paid gretted that Sophia was not content to induce her husband
    on the spot. The scene is graphically described by the obse- to alter his opinions and to retain her own faith. The
    quious pen of Corippus. This popular act was followed by administration of an orthodox Emperor an4 a monophysitic
    another example of clemency, and many prisoners were released Empress had worked well in the case of Justinian and Theo-
    at the prayers of their kinsfolk. Corippus seems to imply dora ; the balance of religious parties had been maintained, so
    The Emperor, of course, stood on treasury,$scus, is compared to the belly.
    that neither was alienated from the crown. I t is probable
    the shield, which was raised : stetit ut The inauguration of Justin as that if Sophia had remained satisfied with One Nature, the
    sua rectus littera, his own letter being consul (1st January 566) is described persecution of monophysitic heretics, which disgraced the
    the initial of Jneinus, I, which is also in the fourth book of Corippus.
    referred to iu i. 353, sa~zctumsic Iota * We cannot, of course, put much latter half of Justin's reign, would not have taken place, and
    resurgens, an expression which does not trust in the colouring which Corippus
    necessarily support the allegatiou of gives to this transaction. I t is likely the eastern provinces would have been less estranged from
    the Secret History that Justin the elder enough that he inserted in Justin's the central power.
    could not write. throne-speech the line which expresses
    ii. 265- an intention to pay the debita in order When Justin came to the throne he decided to make a
    nulla fuit jam eura seni :jam frigidus omnis to make it appear that the payment fresh start and abandon the unpopular system of his uncle, as
    alterius vitae solo fervebat amore. was not extorted from the Emperor by
    In this speech Justin speaks of him- a threatening dcmonstratio~; and i t is clearly indicated in the poem of Corippus. An opportunity
    self, the Emperor, as the head (repre- is quite possible that in the hippodrome
    senting the Deity), giving directions Justin was confronted, not by tearful Justin and Sophia had one son, Aetherius and Addaeus (Evagr. v.
    to the members of the State body. The suppliants, but by clamorous creditors. who died early. 3).
    72 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. I JUST/N ZI AND TZBERZUS ZZ 73

    of taking a first step in this direction was offered alnlost im- reign inaugurated, but they equa.11~necessitated the failure of
    mediately by the arrival of an embassy of Avars to demand this attempt at a new policy. Justin was not a strong man,
    the payments which Justinian's policy was accustomed to and the circumstances of the 'time were strong and inexorable.
    grant.' Justin boldly refused to concede these payments any He was conlpletely unsuccessful, as he owned before he died,
    longer, and his refusal was the signal for a series of ruinous and his mind was probably diseased long before he became
    depredations, which prepared the way for a complete change undoubtedly insane. We can measure his want of success by
    in the population of the Illyrian provinces. This resolu- the fact that even the orthodox did not approve of him; and
    tion of Justin was a direct break with a vital part of the ecclesiastical historians are prepared to forgive much for the
    Jnstinianean system, and was perhaps not unwise, for money grace of the two natures. Evagrius speaks of him in harsh
    payments could have hardly restrained the Avars and Slaves terms, charging him with avarice and profligacy, and with
    much longer from invading the cis-Danubian countries. I t trafficking in ecclesiastical offices. And he seems to have
    was a popular act, because it seemed brave, and might lead to resorted to many modes of raising money which were not
    the possibility of lightening the burden of taxation. calculated to make his rule beloved; for though he wisely
    Justinian's religious doctrines in his last years had been remitted a burden of arrears which could not be profitably
    erratic, and he was stigmatised as a heretic. I n this respect, exacted, he levied on ship-cargoes taxes, which brought ill
    too, Justin's accession signalised a reaction. H e published large sums, and also taxed the bread which was publicly
    a manifesto (~p6.1pappa) to all Christians strictly orthodox, distributed in the capital and called " political (or civil) loaves."
    from whom he expressly excluded the friends of one nature. But the state of the Empire was such that popularity could
    But at this time he did not purpose to do more than withdraw only have been obtained by an almost unwise generosity, such
    the light of his countenance from the party which had, in as that by which Tiberius afterwards won general affection;
    recent years at least, been contented with Justinian. A and such a policy would have ultimately aided rather than
    monophysite expressly acknowledges that for the first six arrested the forces of disintegration. The disintegration took
    years of his reign Justin was mild and peaceable in his re- place in two different mays.
    ligious p01icy.~ (1) On the one hand the imperial power was no longer
    Circumstances necessitated the reaction which Justin's absolute. The Emperor found himself face to face with a
    number of wealthy and inffuential aristocrats, whose power had
    Corippus gives an account of the 3 John of Ephesus, iii. 1 ; this state-
    ment agrees with the date of the Novel
    increased so much in the declining years of Justinian that
    embassy in the third book of his de
    Zaz6dihts Justini. I n his reply to the concerning the Samaritans, 572 A.D. they were almost able to assume an independent attitude.
    ambassador Targitcs, Justin is made to John of Ephesus is the author of an
    say (1. 333)- ecclesiastical history in Syriac, which ' Novel i. Imp. Justini (566 A.D.) ing the sleeping apartments of the
    has been partly translated and partly rep1 u v y ~ w p S u ~ wXo~rrd8wv
    s G~poulwv(in Emperor and Empress. M. Paspatis
    res Ronlana dei est, terrenis non eget armix. vol. iii. of Zacharia von Lingenthal's has shown that i t was sitnated to the
    analysed by Dr. Payne Smith, the
    The reception of the embassy took well-known Syriac scholar. Many de- JILSGraeco-Romanurn). Arrears were west of the Pharos, which he has iden-
    place seven days (1. 151) after Justin's tails are to be found in it not only remitted by this edict up to the eighth tified. See Tb Bufivrrvd civdwropa, p.
    accession, namely on 20th November. respecting the persecution of the mono- indiction ( I ~ I v ~ ~ ~that u L is
    s )up
    , to 560 167 spq.
    through which the writer A.D. In this Novel the decline of the "he tax on cargoes was a flagon on
    The amazement of the barbarians a t the
    splendour of the court is thus described KhY imself was a sufferer, but also respect-
    ing the courts of Justin, Tiberius, and
    army is noticed. The second Novel
    permits the dissolutions of matrimony
    a cask of wine. The tax on the " civil
    loaves " was four darics. See John
    (1. 237 spq.)-
    miratur barbara pubes
    Maurice, and the Persian wars. This if both parties consent (comemu); i t Eph. iii. 11. The flights of stairs, 107
    ingressus primos immensaque [atque l] atria history seems to be known to com- enunciates the principle that -yQov in number, from which the distribu-
    lustrans. paratively few writers, and has been ~ ( P ~ ~ T Ehv8phrrocs
    P O ~ ot86v turrv. On tions of bread ( p a n 6 gradilis, as it was
    ingentes adetare viros. scuta surea cernunt strangely neglected by Professor Raw- this subject something will be said when called in Latin) were made, were a
    uilaoue susuiciunt alto sulendentia ferro
    iurei et a&tos couos cr'lstasque mhntes. linson in his work on the Sassanids. We come to the legislation of the Isau- feature of Constantinople. The tally
    horrescunt lanceas saevasque instare secures ; I t is especially interesting as a history Emperors in the eighth century. which every householder had to show
    ceteraque egregiae spectaut miracula pompae written from the monophysitic point We may notice here that Justin built in order to receive his share was called
    et credunt aliud Romans palatia caelum. of view. I have used Smith's trans- the Xpuuorpi~X~vos, "golden chamber," calamus.
    * Quoted by Evagrius, v. 4. lation. splendid room in the palace, adjoin-
    74 HfiTOR Y OF TWE LATER ROMAN E M m E ROOK IV
    CHAP. I JUSTYN 11 A'W TIBEh'I77.Y 11 75

    History shows us that the maintenance of law is least secure But if you shelter and patronise wrongdoers, and entertain
    when aristocratic classes become predominant ; turbulence them at your table, I shall fail. Either allow me to resign or
    waxes rife, attempts to override the rights of inferiors are sure do not recognise the wrongdoers." The Emperor replied : " If
    to take place, and the only safeguard is a strong monarchical I am the man, take me." The prefect, thus reassured, arrested
    authority. Now this evil prevailed in the days of Justin. The the criminal, tried him, found him guilty, and flogged him.
    noble lords were turbulent and licentious, and while Justin made The plaintiff was recompensed amply. I t is said that people
    praiseworthy efforts to enforce the law at all costs, there was, were so terrified by this example of strictness that for thirty
    doubtless, a constant struggle, in which Justin was generally days no accusations were lodged with the prefect.
    obliged to compromise ; and we can thus understand a bitter (2) At the same time the bonds which attached the pro-
    allusion in a speech which he delivered on the occasion of vinces of the Empire to the centre, and thereby to each
    Tiberius' elevation to the rank of Caesar.' He bade Tiberius other, were being loosened; and it is important to notice
    beware of the lords, who were present at the ceremony, as of and easy to apprehend that this change was closely connected
    men who had led himself into an evil plighL2 with the diminution of the imperial authority. For that
    Justin's desire to enforce the maintenance of justice, and authority held the heterogeneous elements together in one
    the corruption with which he had to contend, are illustrated whole ; and if the position of the Emperor became in-
    by an ane~dote.~The prefect of the city was a man who, secure or his hand weak, the centrifugal forces immediately
    knowing Justin's anxiety to protect the oppressed, had pro- began to operate. Now, it is to be noted that certain changes
    posed himself for the post, and had promised that if he introduced by Justinian, which from one point of view might
    received for a certain time full powers, unrestricted by any privi- seem to make for absolutism, were calculated to further the
    lege of class, the wronged individuals who were always addressing progress of the centrifugal tel-ldency if it once began to set in.
    appeals to the throne would soon cease to trouble the sovereign. I refer to the removal of some important rungs in the ladder
    One day a man appeared before the prefect and accused a of the administrative hierarchy; the abolition of the count of
    person of senatorial rank. The accused noble did not vouch- the East and the vicarius of Asiana.' These smaller centres
    safe to notice the prefect's summons, and, on receiving a had helped to preserve the compactness of the Empire, and
    second citation, attended a banquet of the Emperor instead of their abolition operated in the reverse direction.
    appearing in court. During the feast the prefect entered the A remarkable law of Justin2 (568 A.D.) is preserved, in
    banqueting-hall of the palace, and addressed the Emperor: which he yields to the separatist tendencies of the provinces
    " I promised your Majesty to leave not a single oppressed to a certain extent. This law provided that the governor of
    person in the city within a certain time, and I shall succeed each province should be appointed without cost at the request
    perfectly in my engagement if your authority come to my aid. of the bishops, landowners, and inhabitants of the province.
    I t was a considerable concession in the direction of local
    l See post, p. 78. God put i t in his fixed upon a tablet (John Eph. iii. government, and its importance m7ill be more fully recognised
    heart, says Evagrius (v. 13),to record his 24)-
    own errors and give good advice. " Build,
    build aloft thy pillar, if it is remembered that Justinian had introduced in some
    Compare the account in Theophy lactus, And raise it vast and h ~ g h;
    provinces the practice of investing the civil governor, who held
    iii. ll,4. Evagrius gives anunfaronrable Then mount and stand upon it,
    Soaring proudly in the sky :
    account of Justin's moral character Eastward, south and north and westward, judicial as well as administrative power, with military
    (v. 1): "he wallowed in luxury and Wherever thou shalt gaze,
    unnatural pleasures" (@ovais ~ K T ~ T O L S; ) Nought tllou'lt see but desolations, authority also. I t is a measure which sheds much light on the
    The work of thy own days.
    and he also dwells on his greed of state of the Empire, and reminds us of that attempt of
    money. (This is the translation of Dr. Payne
    The general feeling of the Em- Smith.) Honcrius to give representative local government to the cities
    pire's misfortunes in Justin's reign is 3 See the account in Zonaras, Bk.
    reflected in the doggerel epigram xiv. cap. 10 (vol. iii. p. 286, ed. Dindorf), See above, Bk. iv. pt. i. cap. xii.
    written by some of the city wits and and Cedrenus, i. 681 sqq. (Bonn). q o v e l v. (ed. Zacharia).
    76 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. I JUSTZV II AND TIBERIUS I1 77

    in the south of Gaul, a measure which came too late to cure dangerous lunatic, and his vagaries were the talk of Constan-
    the political lethargy which prevailed. tinop1e.l I t was necessary to place bars on his windows to
    The estrangement of the eastern provinces from the crown prevent him from hurling himself down, and in his fits he
    was further increased by the persecutions of heretics, which used to bite his chamberlains. The only charm by which
    began about the year 57'2. The Emperor fell under the in- they could then quiet his fury was the words, "The son of
    fluence of the Patriarch, John of Sirimis (a place near Antioch), Gab010 is comingn-a reference to Harith, king of a tribe of
    and to have been induced by him to make a new attempt at Arab~.~ When he heard this exclamation he was cowed at once.
    unifying the Church by means of persecution? The procedure His favourite amusement was to sit in a little waggon, which
    against the Samaritans (572 A.D.) was so effective that that his attendants used to draw about in the palace chambers, and
    important people became quite insignificant. The monophy- a musical instrument was constantly played in his presence to
    sitic nionks and nuns were expelled from their monasteries calm his temper.
    and convents, fleeing " like birds before the hawk." John of Sophia did not feel equal to carrying on the government
    Ephesus, a monophysite, describes in his ecclesiastical history without male assistance, especially as the Persian war was
    the details of this persecution. We may take as an example pressing the realm hard. Her representations of the unfor-
    the case of Antipatra and J ~ l i a n a two
    , ~ noble ladies attached tunate state of things in the capital had, it is said, induced
    to the monophysitic faith. They were confined in a monastery Chosroes to grant a temporary peace, but the renewal of the
    at Chalcedon, and, because they would not accept the formula war was certain at a near date, while the Avars were unceasing
    of the orthodox, were obliged to wear the dress of nuns, were in their hostilities. A firm hand at the reins was indispens-
    shorn of their hair, arid were "made to sweep the convent, able. Accordingly, in the last month of 57'4, in one of his
    and carry away the dirt, and scrub and wash out the latrinae, sane intervals, Justin, at her instance, created Tiberius? the
    and serve in the kitchen, and wash the candlesticks and count of the excubiti, a Caesar. On this occasion he de-
    dishes, and perform other similar duties." Unable to endure livered an unexpectedly candid and repentant speech, which
    these hardships, they submitted in form to the Chnlcedonian made a deep impression on c~ntemporaries.~
    communion. This, however, is said to have been a very mild
    'Know,' h e said, ' t h a t it is God who blesses yon and confers this
    case. The measure which the monophysites most resented dignity and its symbols upon you, not I. Honour it, that you may be
    was the annulling of the orders of their clergy. The Patriarch honoured b y it. Honour your mother, who was hitherto your queen ;
    of Constantinople had hereby a welcome opportunity for in- you do not forget that formerly you were h e r slave, nolv you are her son.
    terfering with the dioceses of Antioch, Alexandria, and Cyprus,
    over which he desired to exercise a jurisdiction like that Our authority for Justin's madness utilitatis erat : namque illurn maxin~usorbis
    is John of Ephesus, and the details he colnmunis benefactor aleus et ab ubere matris
    which the bishop of Rome possessed over the see of Thes- suscipiens primis puerum praelegit ab anuis
    gives are quite credible. H~ professes utque pater genitum nutrivit, fovit, amavit,
    salonica, for example, or the see of Ravenna. to conceal some of the worst features paulatimque virum sumlna in fastigia duxit.
    of Justin's case.
    monophysite and John,
    detested
    although
    Justin'shelater
    is a Notice the quantity of Tiberius.
    policy, is generally sufficientlymoderate. :' 1 translate from Theophylactus
    I n the year 5'74 the Emperor became a hopeless and even In regard to these details, which ortho- (iii. 11), who professes to quote the
    dox writers suppress, he says (iii. 2): uuadoriled and unadulterated words of
    I t is perhaps doubtful whether sion of Christianity. A coin of Justin "The whole senate and city, natives as Justin (cf. Evagrius, v. 13, and Theo-
    Justin was personally a fervent be- with such a figure is given in Du- well as foreigners, bear witness to the phanes ad ann. 6070, who places this
    liever. He introduced in the coin- cange's Familiae Auqustae Byzantitw, truth and exactness of our details." speech at the tinie of Tiberius' elevation
    age of his solidi " a female figure which p. To. Chorth, the son of Gabolo, was the to the rank of Augustus). I have
    was generally compared to Venus." Novel vii.'(ed. Zacharia). Syriac equivalent of Harith, the son of translated very literally, to reproduce
    Tiberius discontinued this, and had a Juliana belonged to the house of Jabal. the effect of the disjointed sentences of
    cross struck upon the reverse of his Anastasius the Emperor ; her father For Tiberius, see Corippus, de the feeble speaker. John of Ephesus
    coins. I t is remarkable that this act was the consul Magnes. She became laudibus Justini, i. 212 sq.- states (iii. 4) that scribes took down
    of Tiberius is regarded by John of the sister-in-law of Justin by marrying ornuia disponens munivit providny arcem the speech in shorthand, and so i t was
    Ey~hesus (iii. 14) as a public profes- his brother. See John Eph. ii. 12. Tiberius, do~niniselnper cui maxima curs preserved.
    CHAP. I JUSTIN I1 AND TIBERIUS II 79
    78 HISTORY O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    Delight not in the shedding of blood ; take no share i n murder ; clo not
    his wife in the palace, to the chagrin of Sophia, and caused the
    return evil for evil, that you n ~ a ybecome like unto me in unpopularity. new Augusta to be recognised by the factions of the circus.
    I have been called to account as a man, for I fell, and I received accord- 1t is said that a riot took place in the hippodrome, as the
    ing to my sins ; but I shall sue those who caused me to err at the throne Blues wished to change her pagan name to "Anastasia," while
    of Christ. Let not this imperial garb elate thee as it elated me. Act to
    all men as you would act to yourself, remembering what you were before
    the Greens proposed "Helena." Anastasia was adopted as
    and what yon are now. Ee not arrogant, and yon will not go wrong : her imperial name.
    you know what I was, what I became, and what I am. All these are
    your children and servants-you know that I preferred you to my own 11. Tiberius 1%
    blood ; you see them here before you, you see all the persons of the
    administration. Pay attention to the army ; do not encourage informers,
    The independent reign of Tiberius Constantine (for he had
    and let not men say of thee, " His predecessor was such and such " ; for assumed with the purple a new name) lasted only four years.
    I speak from my own experience. Permit those who possess to enjoy Although during his regency the administration was in his
    their property in peace ; and give unto those who possess not.' " hands, yet the influence of Sophia over the occasionally sane
    The Patriarch then pronounced a prayer, and when all had Justin had been a considerable limit on his powers and scope
    said Amen, and the new Caesar had fallen at the feet of the of action ; for the Empress was determined to be queen in more
    Augustus, Justin said, " If you will, I live ; if you will not, I than name. The limitation of the powers of Tiberius when
    die. May God, who made heaven and earth, place in your he was only Caesar are fully apparent from the mere fact that
    heart all that I have forgotten to tell you." Sophia and Justin retained the management of the exchequer
    But although Sophia approved and promoted the elevation in their own hands. Sophia judged, and not without reason,
    of Tiberius to the rank of Caesar and the position of regent, that the young Caesar was inclined to be too lavish with
    she was determined to retain all her authority and sovereignty money ; and her prudence withheld from him the keys of the
    as Augusta, and above all she would not consent to the pre- treasury, while he was granted a fixed allowance. After the
    sence of another queen in the palace. Justin, with the good- death of Justin, he did not delay to emancipate himself from
    nature of a man, suggested that Ino the wife of Tiberius should her dictation, and she is said to have set afoot several con-
    reside with him, for "he is a young man, and the flesh is hard spiracies to dethrone him. It is related that she suborned
    to rule" ; but Sophia would not hear of it. "As long as I Justinian, the son of Germanus, who had won laurels in the
    live," she said, " I will never give my kingdom to another," East, to join in a plot against Tiberius; but this treason was
    words that breathe the spirit of the great Theodora. Accord- discovered in time. The clemency of the Emperor pardoned
    ingly, during Justin's lifetime Ino and her two daughters lived Justinian, but his "mother" was deprived of her retinue and
    in a house near the palace in complete retirement. The wives subjected to a strict supervision.
    of noblemen and senators were much exercised in their minds I t was thought that of all men Tiberius was the man, had
    whether they should call upon the wife of the Caesar or not. he lived longer, to have checked the forces of dissolution that
    They met together to consider the important question, but were at work, and placed the Empire on a new basis. Yet
    were afraid to decide to visit Ino without-consulti& the wishes what we know of him hardly justifies such a conclusion. The
    of Sophia. When they asked the Empress, she scolded them fact that he was thoroughly well intentioned, and the fact
    sharply; " Go, and be quiet," she said, " i t is no business of that he was very popular, combined with the circumstance
    yours."' But when Tiberius was inaugurated Emperor in that his reign was prematurely ended by death, have pre-
    September 578, a few days before Justin's death, he installed possessed men strongly in his favour. No charges can be
    brought against him like those that have been brought against
    I have inserted these details because cause Theophanes relates a discordant
    they are almost unknown to historians, story, that on Tiberius' accession in his predecessor Justin or his successor Maurice. But, not-
    although they rest on contemporary 578 Sophia was ignorant of his wife's withstanding, I think it may be shown that he did as much
    authority (John Eph. iii. 7), and be- existence.
    80 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V
    CHAP. I J UST(N II AND TIBERIUS I1 81

    harm as good to the Empire, and that he was not in any way before he died he was obliged to have recourse to the reserve
    the man to stem the tide. fund which the prudent economy of Anastasius had laid by,
    The chief services rendered to the State by Tiberius con- to be used in the case of an extrenle emergency.' And, not-
    sisted in the care which he bestowed upon strengtllening the witlistandiag these financial difficulties, he la,id out money on
    army and his attention to military matters. I n this important new buildings in t,he palace.
    department he had able supporters in Justinian, the scn of The consequence of this recklessness was that vhen Maurice
    Germanus, who is recorded to have revived the discipline of came to the throne he found the exchequer empty and the
    the army, which was beginning to relax, and in Maurice, who State bankrupt. H e was thus, by no fault of his own, com-
    become Emperor afterwards. We are told that Tiberius ex- pelled to be extremely parsimonious ; and his scrupulous econ-
    pended large sums of money in collecting troops,' and it omy rendered hinl unpopular, while i t endeared, by the force
    deserves to be specially noticed2 that in the last year of his of contrast, the memory of the deceased, who had been really
    reign he organised a body of 15,O 0 0 foederati, which may be the cause of the perplexing situation. There is considerable
    perhaps looked upon as the original nucleus or form of the reason, I think, to remove Tibe~iusfrom his pedestal.
    bodyguard which in later centuries was called Varangian. Nor did his reign lack the distinction of a persecution of
    Maurice was appointed general of this company, with the title heretics; and yet his pieasant and easy fiscal system secured
    " Count of the Federates." hinl such general popularity that even the nionophysites were
    disposed to excuse hiin from the blame of the persecution, "be-
    But though he might have made a very good minister of cause he was so much occupied with wars." But his perse-
    war, Tiberius did not make a good Emperor. I t was natural cution of the iiriaris will perhaps reflect little credit on him in
    that his, first acts should be reactionary, as Justin's govern- the eyes of humanity. XThen he enlisted Goths to compose
    ment had been extremely unpopular. H e removed the duty his corps of foederati, they urged the modest demand that a
    on the "political bread," and remitted a fourth part of the church for holding Arian services should be granted to them.
    taxes throughout the E m ~ i r e . ~Had he been contented with The bigots of Constantinople were furious at this impious
    this he might deserve praise, but he began a system of most prayer, and there arose a sedition of such formidable aspect
    injudicious extravagance. He gratified the soldicxs with large that Tiberius, in order to quell it, resorted to the device of
    and frequent Augustatica, and he granted donations to members comniancling or permitting a general persecution of the Arians,
    of all the professions-scholastics or jurists (" a very numerous that he might thereby be acquitted of having entertained any
    profession "), physicians, silversmiths, bankem4 This liberalit:. intention of granting such an outrageous request.
    soon emptied the treasury of its wealth. "What use," cried Theophylactns, the historian of M a ~ r i c e , remarked
    ~ in
    Tiberius, "is this hoaraed gold, when all the world is choking praise of Tiberius that "he preferred that his subjects should
    with hunger ? " a sentiment which was hardly relevant, as his share the imperial authority with him to their being tyranni-
    generosity benefited the rich and not the hungry. The result cally governed like slaves." The natural comment is that
    was that by the end of the first year of his reign he had spent these two modes of State economy do not exhaust the altern-
    '1200 lbs. of gold, beside silver and silk in abundance ; and ative courses open to Tiberius ; but this remark has a deeper

    Theophyl. iii. 12. the mnm of 575-576 was remitted, 4 of See John of Ephesus, v. 20. This mense sum mentioned in the Anecdota.
    Theophanes a d ann. 6074 (cE Zon- 576-577, etc. Arrears were remitted up statement is inconsistent with the as-
    sertion of the writer of the Secret History V o h n Eph. iii. 21. Entychius t h e
    aras, iii. p. 290). to the end of the last (fifth) indiction. Patriarch urged him to this course.
    3 Novel xi. (od. Zacharia), 575 A.D., ' John Eph. iii. 11. He sent to the that the hoard of Anastasius was spent
    during the reign of Justin I. (see vol. i. The cry of the people was: "Out
    v X L T L K GOne
    ?rep1 ~ o u + c u ~ ~ ~ V . year's army i n Asia 800 lbs. of gold to be dis-
    tributed. In ordinary times the A u p s - Appendix to cap. ii. of Bk. iv. pt. ii.) with the bones of the Arians ! (John
    tribute, or canon,was remitted to farmers Eph. iii. 13).
    and proprietors (uuvreXeurai), but this taticum was never higher than nine I t is hardly to be supposed that this
    year was distributed over four ; i.e. 3 of darics. . . reserve fund was distinct from the irn- Theophyl. iii. 16.
    82 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN d M k ' l l i r . BOOK I V

    historical significance. The point is not the preference of


    Tiberius; the point is that the imperial power was drifting
    away from its old moorings at the promontory of absolutism.
    Maurice returned from Persia in the summer of 552, to
    find the Emperor sick unto death, and to be elected by him
    to reign in his stead. The ceremony was performed on the
    5th of August.' There were present not only the Patriarch
    (John the Faster) and the chief ecclesiastics, the guards of the
    palace, the aulic officials and senators, as in the case of Justin's CHAPTER I1
    accession, but also the " more distinguished men of the people,"
    by which must be meant the demarchs and pro~nineiltpersons MAURICE
    in the circus faction^.^ I n his oration on this occasion Tiberius
    expressed a hope that his fairest funeral monument might be Two years after his accession, a son was born to Maurice (4th
    the reign of his successor. A marriage was arranged between AU~USL; 584), whom he named Theodosius, in memory of Theo-
    Maurice and Constantina, Tiberius' younger daughter3; and dosius 11, the last Emperor who had been born in the purp1e.l
    thus Maurice, as being the son-in-law of Tiberius, who was This event is said to have been the cause of great rejoicing, and
    the adopted son of Justin and Sophia, may be regarded as when Maurice appeared in the hippodrome the people shouted,
    belonging tc the dynasty of Justinian. Eight days later "God grant thee well, for thou hast freed us from subjection
    Tiberius expired in the palace of Hebdomon, outside the to many." This illustrates the fact that a feeling of un-
    walls. certainty and apprehension always prevailed in the Roman
    So John of Ephesus, v. 13. The phylactus, who places i t after Tiberius' Empire when there was no apparent heir marked out by
    usual date given is 13th August ; see death, is more credible. The unusual
    Clinton, F. R. ad ann. splendonr of the marriage festivities is birth; men dreaded a struggle for sovereignty. In regard to
    Theophyl. i. 1 : 7021s hr~u~po~&pous noted by Evagrius, who describes the the question how far the principle of heredity was acknow-
    70; Bljpou. Tiberius renamed Maurice Emperor's gold - embroidered dress,
    by his own name Tiberius, but Maurice trimmed with purple and decked with ledged, it is important to observe that there is no case of a
    did not adopt i t in practice. Paul, the precious gems from the Orient. Re- difficulty arising as to the accession of an Emperor's legitimate
    historian of the Lombards, remarks ligion and Royalty (Bcou&/3~~a and /3auc-
    that Maurice was prirnus EX Graecorum X~ia)presided jointly over the festival. son; he was always acknowledged to be the rightful successor.
    genere i n in~perioconstitutus, but Mau- 4 Theophylactus assigns the death of Maurice occupied the throne for twenty years. During all
    rice traced his origin to Old Rome, Tiberius to the day after the iilvestiture
    thong11 he was a native of Arabissus. of Maurice. I follow John of Ephesus that time the Empire was harassed by the troublesome hos-
    Clinton places the marriage on the (v. 13). Theodosius of Melitene states tilities of the Avars and Slaves, and for the first ten years of
    same day as the investiture, but this is that Tlberios died of poison tdken in a
    very imprcbable. The account of Theo- dish of mulberries. his reign the wearisome war with Persia was protracted. His
    great difficulty was want of money, which produced want of
    John of Ephesus, v. 14. For the the Persian wars he drew upon John
    reign of Maurice our contemporary au- of Epiphania. For an account of Theo-
    thorities are Evagrius' Ecc2esinsticaZ phylactus, see below, p. 254. Maurice's
    History; a few fragments of John of own treatise on Strategic does not throw
    Epiphania (3'. H. G. iv. p. 272 syq.); much light on actual historical events.
    John of Ephesus for first two years. For relations with the Franks we have
    A semi-contemporary, if I may use the some original documents in Bouquet's
    expression,is our most important sonrce, collection (vol. iv.) and notices in Gre-
    Theophylactus Simocatta, who was born gory of Tours ; for Italian affairs the
    in the reign of Maurice, but must have works of Pope Gregory.
    been young when Maurice died. For
    CHAP. II MA URICE 85
    83 HXTOX Y OF THE LATER I20JfAN EAIPIRE BOOK I V

    tice of persecution adopted by his two predecessors, and passed


    public confidence ; and the ullavoidable parsimony, which he a law that schismatics should not be compelled to conform. I t
    was forced to practise, natmally won for him the repute of
    is hard to say, however, whether the credit of this ought not
    avarice and meanness ; he was said to have a diseased appetite
    to be ascribed to the Patriarch Johannes rather than to Maurice ;
    for gold. Soon after his accession he 11.a~obliged to purchase
    we be sure that if the former had urged persecution, the
    a temporary peace from the Avars, who111 he was not prepared
    latter would not have acquiesced. For it is worthy of note that
    to oppose, by paying a considerable sum from the aln~ostex-
    at this period the Emperors, feeling that their authority rested on
    hausted treasury. Perhaps the impecuniousness which pressed
    aE insecure footing, formed close alliances with the Patriarchs,
    hard on him during the first years of his reign habituated him
    who possessed immense influence with the people. Justin
    to a spirit of parsimony, which he continued to exhibit when
    was prepared to adopt the ecclesiastical policy of John of
    circumstances both admitted and demanded a less scrupulous
    Sirimis, Tiberius was ready to support Eutychius, and now we
    economy. I t is certain that he attempted several times to
    find Maurice standing fast by John Nesteutes in his contest
    retrench in the pay or commissariat of the army; serious
    with the see of Rome. I t was the aim of the patriarchs of
    mutinies were the consequence; and this unwise policy was
    Constantinople to hold tlie same pbsition in eastern Christen-
    one of tile chief causes of his fall.
    dom that t l ~ ebishop of Rome was acknoa~ledged to hold in
    Evagrius, a contemporary ecclesiastical historian, says that
    universal Christendom. I n order to accomplish this aim they
    Maurice was moderate, self- willed, and keen- witted.' He
    llad two problems to solve. One problem was to reduce the
    showed his self-mil in his operations at Arabissus, which by no
    large independent sees of the East, Antioch, Alexandria, Jeru-
    means tended to increase his popularity. Though a Ronian by
    salem, uncler the jurisdiction of Byzantiurn ; the other problenl
    descent, he was born at Arabissus in Cappadocia, and he
    was to prevent the interference of the Pope in the affairs of
    cherished such a curious love fur this insignificant place (as
    the East and thereby induce him to acknowledge the Patriarch
    Justinian had done for his birthplace in Dardania) that he
    of Constantinople as a pontiff of ecumenical position like his own.
    determined to convert it into a splendid city, and began
    The first of these objects was directly aimed at, as we are ex-
    elaborate buildings, in spite of his parsimonious procli-
    pressly told, in tlie persecutions organised by John of Sirinlis ;
    vities. When the buildings were considerably advanced, an
    the second mas essayed by John the Faster, who assumed the
    earthquake destroyed them, and the self-will of Maurice, who
    title of "Ecumenical bishop." Gregory the Great, who occupied
    had a touch of the Roman passion for building, caused then1 to
    the chair of St. Peter from 5 9 0 to 604, was horrified and grieved
    be begun all over again.' To this strange affection of Maurice
    at such presumption. He wrote a friendly leder of expostu-
    for his remote birthplace was joined a strong attachment to his
    lation on the subject to Maurice, in which he said that he was
    kinsmen, whom he was anxious to advance into high place^.^
    " conlpelled to cry aloud and say, 0 tenyom ! 0 7noyes !" He
    He made his father Paul president of the senate, he gave all his also wrote a letter to the Empress Constantina, for he under-
    relations rich palaces, and he divided the large property of
    stood the art, which popes, bishops, and priests so easily
    Justin's brother Marcellus between Paul his father and peter
    learn, of bringing feiliale influence into play. To the Empress
    his brother. he expressed his conviction that John's assumption of the title
    He was also "moderate." His moderation appears especially ?l.nive~snlwas a clear indication that the times of Antichrist
    in his ecclesiastical policy, for he completely rejected the prac-
    were at hand.' His argument that Maurice ought to interfere
    v. 19. called Zeu-ma ; while his other sister, in the matter is impressive. No one, he says, can govern on
    the wiclow, received a new and well-
    John Eph. v. 22, 23. built mansion, lately erected by the earth (tc?.r.e,zn eye re) rightly except he knows how to handle
    Ib. 18. Maurice also "gave his Patrician Peter, and which is almost divine things ; and the peace of the State depends on the peace
    sister and her husband Philippicus a as large as a city. He also gave to
    large and strong-built house, on the his other relatives large and noble E)ist. v. 8, 20 and 21. Indict. xiii.
    westeru side of the city, in the suburb houses."
    86 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN ErJIPZRE BOOK I V C H A P . 11 MA U K E 87

    of the whole Church.' It is this peace, not any personal at Securisca, the soldiers positively refused to cross the river,
    interest, that he himself is defending; it is this peace that raising the centurion Phocas on a shield, they conferred
    john is troubling, by interfering with the established economy on him the title of captain (exarch).
    of Christ,ndonl. I t consequently behoves Maurice, in the in- When the news of the revolt reached Maurice he did not
    terests of the State, to inhibit the proceedings of his Patriarch. allow it to be published, but with an air of security which he
    Maurice, however, was not convinced by the reasons of the \vas far from feeling he celebrated a series of equestrian
    Pope, but sympathised thoroughly with John's claims to ecu- contests in the hippodrome, and made light of the rumours
    nlenical dignity. Hence a breach ensued between the Ernperor which had reached the city concerning the military insurrection.
    and the Pope, and the latter complains that Maurice, touching His heralds or nza?tcZc~torcsbade the demes not to be alarmecl
    another matter, had the indecency to call him " fatuous." or excited by an unreasonable and unimportant disorder in the
    We may date the long struggle between the sees of Iiorne and camp; at which proclamation tlle Blues shouted, "God, 0
    Constantinople, which culminated in the final scl~ismof 1 0 5 5, Emperor! who raised you to the throne, will subdue unto you
    from the reign of Maurice and the pontificate of Gregory I. every conspirator against your authority. But if the offeilder
    Maurice gives us the melancholy impression of a prince is a Roman, ungrateful to his benefactor, God will subject him
    who, possessing many good qualities and cherishing many good unto you without shedding of blood."
    purposes, was almost 'completely ineffectual. The army de- Three clays later Maurice summoned to the palace Sergius
    tested, and pretended to despise him, and the disaffection pre- and Cosmas, tlle deinarchs of the green and blue factions
    valent in the capital presented a favourable opportunity for respectively, and inquired the numbers of the members of their
    revolution. I n the year 5 9 9 he refused to ransonl 12,000 demes. Sergius counted fifteen hundred Greens, while on the
    captives from the chagan of the Avars, who consequently put list of Coslnas there were only nine hundred Blues. The
    them to death ; and this refusal, which perhaps seems inhuman, object of Maurice's inquiries was to form the demesmen into a
    increased the detestation in which he was held. Theophylactus, garrison for the protection of the city against the army, which
    in his panegyrical history of the reign of Maurice, does not was already advancing under the leadership of Phocas. They
    mention the matter, and his silence suggests that he did not were set to guard the walls of Theodosins.
    feel able to palliate the act; but it has been conjectured that I t is difficult to grasp the exact cause of this revolution
    many of the prisoners were probably deserters,%nd in any and the intrigues which underlay it ; but the following points
    case it is evident that it was not to save money, but to punish may be empliasised. I n the first place, there was not at the
    soldiers who had been mutinous and intractable, that Maurice outset any intention of elevating Phocas t o t h e throne ; he
    acted as he did. I t was an impolitic measure, and two years was merely elected general of the rebellious army. I n the
    later he attempted another measure, which under the circum- second place, it was the purpose of the army to depose Maurice
    stances was equally impolitic, and illustrates that self - will and elect a new Emperor, perhaps Theodosius, the son of
    which Evagrius ascribes to him. He issued commands that Maurice, or Germanus, Theodosius' father-in-law. I n the third
    the army which was defending the Balkan provinces should place, the declaration of disloyalty on the part of the army was
    winter in the trans-Danubian lands of the Slovenes, in order followed up in Constantinople by the movement of a disaffected
    to save supplies. This led to a rebellion. Peter, the general, party, on whose co-operation the military ringleaders had
    was placed in a disagreeable predicament between the perempt- probably calculated. I11 the fourth place, the demes play an
    ory behests of his brother the Emperor and the undisguised important part in this movement, and Maurice seems to have
    dissatisfaction of the army. When the matter came to a crisis acted imprudently in arming them.'
    I n the preceding year they had peror, on account of scarcity of food ;
    Pacent Ilcipublieae cx universae ecel. vhich underlies all medieval history. shown a refractory and disloyal spirit, Maurice and Theodosius with difficulty
    pace pel~dere. This expresses a principle Finlay, i. 105. See post, p. 139. and even thrown stones at the Em- escaped (Theophyl. viii. 5).
    88 HISTORY OF T H E LA TER RO,$fAN EAfPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. 11 M A Uh'ICE 89

    While the citizens and the sovereign were in a state of ((Back to the shrine, Germanus, save thy life ! An thou goest,
    expectancy and anxiety as to the events which a few days death is in store for thee." These oniinous words arrested the
    might bring about, it happened that the young Enlperor steps of Germanus, and repenting of his imprudent submission,
    Theodosius and his father -in - lam Germailus were hunting l1e returned to the safety of the altar. The populace meanwhile
    outside the walls of the city, near a place called Callicratea. loaded the name of the Emperor with execrations and abuse,
    A messenger suddenly accosted Theodosius and gave him a calli~~g him a Jla~cionisl,a term which implied not only iin-
    letter, purporting to come from the army. The contents piety but fo1ly.l As the uproar increased, the deinesmea, who
    of the letter were a recluest that either he or Gernlanus were stationed on the walls under the conimand of Comen-
    should assume the reins of government ; "the forces of the tiolns, were excited by the sign-ificant sounds of tumult and
    Romaioi will no longer have Maurice to reign over them." sedition; they left their posts, and soon gave the menaces of
    The sportsmen were accompailied by an imperial retinue, and the crowd a definite direction. The object of their fury was
    the incident of the letter soon reached the ears of Maurice, the house of Constantine Lardys, the praetorian prefect of the
    \vho inlmediately sunliiloned his son. On the morning of the East, one of the most illnstrious senators in the Enlpire and a
    second day after this occurrence1 Germanus was admitted to trusted friend of the Emperor ; it was burned down.
    the presence of the Emperor, who, with tears in 11is eyes, When the revolt had reached this point, Maurice dressed him-
    charged him with being the prime pronioter of tlie whole self in the apparel of a private individual, and along with his
    movement. Not only the letter, but the ambignous fact that wife Constantina, his children, and the faithful minister, whose
    the ravages of the riiutineers in the neighbourliood of the city house was even t,llen in flames, embarked in a vessel which
    had diligently spared the horses of Germanus, seemed to the lay moored by the private stairs of the palace. The imperial
    snspicious monarch sure proofs of guilt. The accused in- fugitives reached the church of Autonomos the Martyr, on the
    dignantly denied the charge, but the Einperor either was not bay of Nicomedia,2 and the distress of a nocturnal flight was
    or feigned not to be convinced. Theodosius, who had been aggravated for Maurice by a severe attaclr of gout, a disease to
    present at the interview, secretly admonished his father-in-law which the luxurious inhabitants of Constantinople were peculi-
    that his life was in danger, and Germanus betook himself to arly liable.3 As soon as they reached the shore of Asia,
    the asylum of the church erected by Cyrus to tlie Mother of Theodosius was despatched to Persia to supplicate the assist-
    God. Towards sunset the Emperor sent the eunuch Stephanus, ance of Chosroes I1 for the Emperor, who had assisted that
    the tutor of the young princes, to persuade the suppliant to monarch in his own hour of nece~sity.~
    leave the altar, but members of the household of Germanus, It seemed possible that Gernlanus niight b~ raised to the
    who had attended him to the church, drove the tutor forth throne, and in that case the revolution might have been blood-
    ignominiously. Under the cover of night Gernlanus stole to less ; but the rivalry of the factions decided that it mas not to
    the surer refuge of the altar of the great church. In the so. He had always been a partisan and patron of the
    meantime Maurice flogged his son, whom he accused of also Blues, but it was now important, for him to gain the united
    tampering with treason. He then sent a body of guards to support of both factions, especially as the Greens mere nuilieri-
    drag Germanus from St. Sophia, and a large multitude of in- tally stronger. Accordingly he opened negotiations with
    dignant citizens gathered round the portals of the church.
    7; ' r e T O ~ Y M a p ~ r a v r r ~ D~v a ~ a h b - ~ V~~ U O L d p 8 p i ~ ~ 6 ~T ~U .~ T ~ ) S T?S
    Germanus was at length persuaded to leave the altar, but as ~ u v h ~ a r T o va?p€urs
    ' 6; aih7 perk Trvor vduov ~ 6 8 t v e t ah.a8iuT~h'€~ U U T U X ? ~TOTS
    P U ~ ~EbAaP~iar €l;j8?7r T E ~ a KaTay6-
    i
    he approached the door a man nanied Andrew cried out, S
    Xauros (Theophyl. viii. 9 ) . Marcion
    ~b Pauih~rovtiu'ru K ~ T ~ L K O ~6rh
    (Theophyl. viii. 9 ) . The writer hints
    ~ U LTaVTbs

    On the day following (T? h u ~ ~ p a i p )very early (67rb n p h r ~ Bw),


    v he summoned xvas a tlunlist who believed i n two Gods, t h a t he knows the causes, but declines
    the incident of the letter, .Maurice ap- Germanus. One !/oorl, the other jzsst. to digress.
    pointed Comeiltiolus commander of the 2 Prefect of the city i n the reign of Nicepl~orus Callistus, Hist. Eee. See post, p. 112.
    garrison ; on the next day (76 i ~ a i p r o v ) , Theodosius 11. 18,40.
    CHAP. I1 MA UNCE 91

    Sergius, the deinarch of the Greens, and promised to favour l)erial litter drawn by four white horses, and his progress was
    them in case he were electecl. The deinarch communicatetl marked by showers of golden coins among the people.' Horse-
    this proposal to the managing committee of his party, but they races celebrated his entry; on the following day he bestowed
    nlet it with a decided refusal. The Greens were convinced tile usual donations on the soldiers, and his wife Leontia was
    that Germailus would never really abandon the Blues. Recog- crowned Augusta."
    nisiag, then, that he had no chance of realising his ambitious On the occasion of t'he coronation of Leontia an incident
    aspiration, Germanns embraced the party of the winner, the occurred which indicated that the seat of Phocas was not yet
    centurion Phocas, to whom members of the green faction were secure. An important part of these ceremonies consisted in the
    already hastening to present their alle,'"lance. procession from the palace to the great church, and it was
    The quesbion arises whether Germanus cherished any custonlary for the various demes to post themselves at certain
    treasonable ambition before the suspicion of the Emperor fell stages in the course of the processions, and to utter certain
    on him, or clicl this suspicion first arouse in him the hope formulae or exclan~ations as the Emperor or imperial party
    as well as the fears of a conspirator. The narrative of Theo- passed. I n certain cases the Emperor used to stop and
    phylactus naturally suggests the latter alternative, bnt does receive the homage of the d e ~ n e s . ~The station of each deme
    not exclude the former. Another point, ~vhiclimust remain mas prescribed by custom, but on this occasion a dispute arose
    obscure, is whether the letter received by Theodosius really between the Greens and the Blues. The Greens desired to
    expressed the wishes of the army, or was a device of inake their station in the portal of the palace called Ampelios,
    Phocas, intencled to awaken the suspicions of Maurice. The and there receive the Empress with the appropriate shouts of
    fact that the news of its arrival reached the ears of Maurice so applause, but their jealous rivals objected to this arrangement
    soon, coupled with the probability that Theodosius did not as contrary to precedent. d tumult ensued," and Phocas sent
    coinmunicate its contents to any one save Germanus, suggests out Alexander, who had made himself conspicuous in the
    that the intention of the epistle was not what it seemed. If revolt against Maurice, to calm the strife. Cosmas, the
    this conjecture is right, it will go far to establish the innocence demarch of the Blues, entered into argument with the imperial
    of Germanus; for the object of Phocas nznst have been to emissary, and Alexander, with the insolence of an Emperor's
    divide the camp of his opponents by sowing discord between friend, heaped abuse on the demarch, and even pushed him
    Germanus ancl Maurice. aside so roughly that he fell. Thereupon the insulted Blues
    The Greens, who had gone forth froin the city to meet gave vent to their wrath in ominous words, " Begone I under-
    Phocas, found him at Rheginm, ('and persuaded him to advance stand the situation, Maurice is not yet dead 1 "
    to Hebdomon." Theodore, one of the imperial secretaries, The appearance of the usurper quieted the dispute of the
    whose presence at Rhegium is no6 explained by our authorities, oTa v e q G h ~ vxpvu?jv GcriJ-ovuav T&V revolt broke out on the 2 2 4 llauriee's
    was sent to the city to bid the senate and the Patriarch pro- ~ U U ~ X L K GOV~ u a v p G v 8 ~ ~ o ~ r 707s f i viv- death took place on the 26th. Maurice
    ~ u y ~ d v o u u ~r a r w p / 3 p i u a ~ oa, good ex- was sixty-three years old when he died.
    ceecl to Hebdomon for the purpose of crowning Germanus, in ample of tlie style of Thcophylactus See the de Caeri7noniis of Constan-
    whose interests Phocas still pretended to be acting. The (viii. 101.
    '
    tine V I I passili~.
    ~ c c b r d i tno~Chron. Pnsch.,Maurice
    name of Germanus moved the senators and the Patriarch fled 011 2" November; Phocas was The narrative of Gibbon is inac-
    Cyriacns ; they hastened to the designated spot, only to see the crowned 23d November, entered t h e curate, and seems t o imply that the
    capital 25th Noveniber, slew Maurice dispnte took place in the hippoclron~e
    diadem placed on the head of Phocas, amidst the acclamations 27th November. Theophylactus does 011 t h e day before the coronation of

    of the demes, in the church of St. John the Baptist. On the not allow a day to intervene be- Leontia.
    t ~ ~ e ethe
    n coronation and the entry of f i r a y e , p k 0 e T ~ VK ~ T ~ u ~ 6~ Mua ~u - v '
    morrow the new Emperor entered the city, carried in an im- tho usurper (.see v ~ i i .10, p. 303, ed. de p i ~ ~ o sb d~~ k e a v e v . Theophylactus has
    Boor, where, having mentioned t h e not changed the actual words, in the
    On the preceding night the name had heeu abused by tllc rioters : 6rrdu- coronation, he proceeds with rij LUTE- i s r w r i s +wvlj, as he calls i t (viii. 10 ad
    of Cyriacus, as well as that of Maulice, ~ w T r 6 vT E ~ a T i ~ Vi e p c i p x ~ v ,K.T.X. paip). I f Theophylactus is right, sud the $ 7 ~)
    CHAP. I 1 M A URICE 93

    factions, but the words that tlre Blues had spoken sank into not friendly to him. Both parties were opposed to the
    the heart of Phocas, and lie decided that the death of Maurice government of Maurice, but tlley were not at one touching the
    ant1 the extinction of Maurice's children were necessary to his question who should be his successor.
    own safety. Accordingly, on the morrow ire sent Lilius over Here a conjecture n ~ n ybe put forward as to tlie signifi-
    to Chalcedon to carry out this decision. I n the harbour of cance of this opposition of the demes to Maurice. Finlay
    Eutropius the four sons of Maurice were first slain, ill their acutely suggested that the observation of Evngrins, that
    father's presence, and tlie Emperor, adopting the attitude of a Maurice installed an aristocracy of reason in his breast and
    pliilosoplrer or of a resigned Christian, is reported to have said, expelled the democracy of the passions,l contains a significance
    " Thou art just, Lord, and just is thy judgment." An incident below the surface, and was intended as a hint at the circum-
    took dace which illi~stratesthe faithfulness of a nurse and- the
    A
    stance that Maurice had allied himself with that aristocracy,
    steadfastness of an Emperor. The nmse concealed one of the which, as I said before, was endangering and limiting the
    imperial infants, and presented a child of her own to the extent of the imperial power. However this may be, there is
    sword of the executioller ; but the sovereign mas as snl7erlor as no doubt that Maurice maintained his position as long as he
    the servant to the pmmptings of nature1 and declared the fraud. did through the support of those men, of whose pernicious
    Theodosius, the eldest son, did not escape the fate of his influence Justin had bitterly complained. Now, it seems
    father and brothers. He had only reached Nicaea when almost certain that in this respect the attitude of Tiberius
    Maurice, assuming a temper of dignified resignation, gave up differed from that of Justin and from that of Maurice.
    all thoughts of struggling, and, disdaining to beg for tlre assist- Tiberius tool< Justin's advice to heart and assnmed a position
    ance of Chosroes, recalled his son. But the report gained ground independent, as far as was possible, of the nobles, whose
    and was afterwards made use of by tlie enemies of Pliocas, that power was dangerously and unhealthily increasing. But in
    Theodosius, having reached Persia safely, had wandered to Coi- order to render himself independent of this class he was
    chis and ended his life in desert places. This report seemed- . to obliged to depend on another; and the organised demes of the
    have some basis from the fact that Theodosius was not slam at hippodrome were an obvious resort. I ~onject~ure, therefore,
    the same time as his father. I'hocas had entrusted his creature that he gave them and their leaders a political influence which
    Alexander with the task of removing both the prince and Con- they had not possessed since the revolt of 532.
    stantine Lardjs, who had talcen refuge in churches, and it was Thus Tiberius and Maurice tried to meet the danger which
    said that Alexander was bribed by Germallus not to slay his was threatening the imperial power in divergent ways.
    son-iii-la~.~Three distinguished men are mentioned as having Tiberius opposed the influence of the aristocrats by making an
    shared the fate of their august master; Comentiolus "the alliance with the demes, while Maurice tried to overcome the
    general of Europe," George the lieutenatit of Philippicus, and peril by an unnatural bond with the forces that were tending
    Praesentinus the donlesticzcs of Peter.5 to undermine the throne, and thereby placed himself in op-
    position to both the army and the people. This difference
    I t is iinportant to notice the part that the factions of the partly explains the popularity of ~ i b e r i u sand the unpopularity
    hippodrome played in this revolution; they strik: US as of Maurice, who seems to have been by temperament inclined
    suddenly reasserting a suppressed existence. There was to a certain aristocratic exclu~iveness.~
    still a strong spirit of rivalry ; and although the Xues were Evagrius, vi. 1 : ~ a la d r o ~ p d r w p adds, "These things are not said for
    obliged to acquiesce in the coronation of Phocas, they were livsws yevbpevos ri)v ptv d ~ h o ~ p d r ~ ~flattery, av as the fact that the Emperor
    TGY ra0Gv $K 77js O ~ K E ~ R8P ~ ~ v ~ X d m pknows ~ e not of them sufficiently proves."
    vbpwv @ ~ ; Q E W S~ I$~~~X~TEPOS. 3 Constantina the Empress and her
    three d a ~ g h t e r swere p l a ~ e din confi~~e- Pux7js. d p ~ u ~ o ~ p d r8k~ t~v a 70:s
    v hauroD I t is worth noticing that the only
    "T1leoy~hyl. vui. 13. Alexander was hoyrupois ~ a ~ a u r v u d p e v o s{Gv &perfs popular acts of blanrice which his ad-
    slain by l'hocas on accontlt of this sus- ruent in "the house ot Leo " (Theophyl. d y a h p a Pav~oOT ~ ~ ~ U X ~EpTb O sp l, p v u ~ v ~ n i r e rTheophylactns can cite are his
    picion. iii. 15). dx?rar&liwv r b ~ T ~ K O The O ~ .historian remitting on one occasion a third of
    94 HISTORY O F THE LATER R O M A N B M P f l < b BOOK Iv

    I n support of these remarks I may add that in their light


    the observation of Theophylactus that Tiberius desired that
    his subjects should rule along with him, has a special point;
    the expression is strong and must mean more than the in-
    fluence of court officials. Moreover, as a matter of fact,
    Tiberius recognised the demarchs and others as possessing
    political status.' Further, the words of Evagrius about
    Maurice, in accordance with Finlay's explanation, will be still
    more speaking; the expulsion of the democracy of passions C H A P T E R I11
    will have the definite meaning that Maurice abandoned the
    democratic policy of Tiberius, Moreover, the important part
    that the factions played in the revolt of 6 0 2 seems to pre- ,
    suppose a considerable revival of their political power and THE peace which Justinian and Chosroes had ratified in 562,
    almost a reorganisation since they had been crushed under although the long tern1 of fifty years was fixed for its duration,
    the rule of Justinian ; and this reorganisation I would attribute was of necessity doonled to be short-lived, because its basis was
    to the policy of Tiberius. a payment of money,' and neither party had entertained any
    The testament of Maurice, which he had drawn up in the expectation that it would last long. The Roman government
    fifteenth year of his reign, on the occasion of a severe illness, was fully determined to renew the war, when the first ten
    was foulld more than eight years after his death, at the years, for which term they made the stipulated payment in
    beginning of the reign of Heraclius. The document possessed two sums, had expired; and Chosroes, though he mould have
    considerable interest, for Maurice had conceived the design of been d a d to protract the peace, was indisposed to niake any
    adopting the Constantinian policy of dividing the Empire concessions.
    among his children. The fatal results to which this had led And so, as we might expect, the relations between the
    in the case of the sons of Constantine did not deter him. He empires during the first seven years of Justin are strained;
    assigned New Rome and " the East " to his eldest son Theo- they collide in numerous ways, and causes for hostility
    dosius ; Old Rome, Italy, and the western islands to his accumulate. During the first few years fruitless negotiations2
    second son Tiberius; while the remaining provinces were to are carried on, in regard (1) to the cession of Suania to Rome,
    be sliced up among his other s o i ~ s and
    , ~ Domitian of Melitene and (2) to the claims of the Persophil Saracens of Hirah to
    was appointed their guardian. This intention to recur to a subsidies from the Roman Emperor, and these haggling negoti-
    fourth-century practice is worthy of note; and but for the ations tended to produce ill feeling and dissatisfaction which
    revolution it might have been carried out. more important circumstances soon brought to a crisis.
    One of these circumstances was the interference of Persia
    the taxes, and his laying out 30 lbs. Maurice's coronation shows this. Theo-
    of gold ("talents") = £1350, on an phylactus, iii. 16, says of Tiberius, in the affairs of the kingdom of Yemen, in south Arabia.
    aqueduct a t Byzantium. As to the FIXETO U U @ ~ U L X Ea674 ~ E L V7b L ~ ~ K O O Y Yemen had been reduced under the sway of an Abyssinian
    remission of the taxes, i t is to be pre- (iii. 16).
    sumed i t was only for a year; other- V n the fifteenth year of his reign
    wise Theophylactus would have said he had, I presume, only two other ' This principle was apprehended Vt is to these embassies that Theo-
    s o ; and we do not know whether i t sons ; of these, one would naturally and laid down by the Emperor Tiberius phanes of Byzantiu~n,the contemporary
    was a spontaneous act of Maurice or receive Illyrieum, including Greece, 11, who said he would not pnrchase historian, must refer when he sags that
    exacted by a popular demonstration. the other Africa. The words of Theo- peace like an article for sale, as a bought the peace was broken in the second
    I shall speak of Maurice's patronage of phylactus are, r b 6' dhha rijs 'Pwpalov Peace cannot he permanent and firm year of Justin. They mere certainly
    learning in another place. ~ohcrelas702s J T ~ P O L S~ a r u i~ a r e r ~ p a x i - (Men. fr. 47, E: H. G. iv. 249). the first stage in the breach.
    1 The presence of the demarchs a t uaro.
    CHAP. 111 THE J'EliSrAfl W A R 97
    9G H(S1'ORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPME BOOK IV
    Iring had a wholesome l i o ~ o rof Turks, and did not wish his
    dynasty, with mlricli the Uoman Emperor was always on subjects to have any dealings with them. H e poisoned some
    friendly tema. Saif, a descendalit of the native Homerite of their ambassaclors? so that they should not come again.
    kings, intolerant of the yoke of the strangers, sought refuge at Then Dizabul, khan of the Turks, determined to seek an
    the court of Chosroes, and by Persian assistance Yemen was alliance with the Roman Empire, which seemed to offer special
    conquered and h e Homerite dynasty, in the person of Saif, advantages, as its inhabitants used more silk than any other
    restored. But Sdf reigned only for a short time; his govern- nation.' Justin received the embassy kindly, and sent back
    ment nTas a failure; and Chosroes set a I'ersiaa marzpan (or Itoman ambassadors in the autumn to see the Turkish chagan
    margrave) over tlie country, which was placed in someivliat
    and conclude a treaty. These negotiations did not please
    the same relation to Persia as the exarchate of Ravenna to Persia, and attempts were made by that power to waylay the
    Constantinople, But the Honierites found that the little ambassadors on their journey back to Byzantiuni.3
    finger of the marzpan was thicker than the loins of an Abys- The dominion of Dizabul was not a kingdom; it was an
    sinian prince, and sent an embassy to New Bonie to beg for empire whose sovereign held sway over four subject kingdoms
    assistance. and received tribute from other peoples, as for instance from
    I n 57 1-572, when the term of ten years was approachillg its the Ephthalites. This empire threatened now to become
    close and a new payment would soon be due, another appeal formidable to Persia, just as the Avars (who, once the subject
    to the Emperor, which lie was only too ready to entertain, of these very Turks, had revolted and migrated to the West)
    rendered an outbreak of war with Persia probable. Pers-
    had become formidable to the Romans. I n fact the Roman
    armenia, which was in a constant state of actual or intermittent Empire and the Persian kingdom were in very similar circum-
    rebellion, as the Christian population could not remain happy stances. The former was placed between the Avars and the
    under Persian domination, appealed to the Emperor of the Persians, just as the latter was placed between the Turks (on
    Romans in the name of their common religion1; he accepted the north) and the Rornans.
    their allegiance, and, when Chosroes remonstrated, replied that The new allies of Justin were anxious that the forces of
    Christians could not reject Christians. Persia should be occupied with a war on the western frontier,
    These relations with two peoples over which Chosroes es- and did all they could to induce Justin to renounce the peace
    ercised jurisdiction, and especially the protection accorded by of fifty years.4
    the Emperor to the Persarmenian, were important causes of the Any one of the causes mentioned might have been in-
    ensuing war. But with these yet another cause concurred in sufficient to produce a. rupture, but all together were irresist-
    producing the result. This mas a newly formed relation oi ible, and accordingly, when the time came for paying the
    alliance with the Turks, who now for the first tirne appear in
    stipulated annuity, Justin refused (5 72). The war which
    the W e ~ t . ~They were gradually taking the place of the ensued lasted for twenty years; and its conclusion was due
    Ephthalite Huns, whom they had madc their tributaries,- to the outbreak of a civil war in Persia. We may conveniently
    those Huns who had been such forrliidable neighbours to divide it into two parts, the death of Chosroes Nushirvan in
    Persia. The Chinese silk commerce and the trade on the
    579 forming the point of division. The meagre accounts of
    Caspian, which had been hitherto monopolisd by the Huns, the operations which we possess present little interest and
    were passing into their hands. much difficulty.
    The Turks sent an embassy to the Byzarltine court at the
    end of 5 6 8 or early in 5 6 9. They had previously tried to In the case of the first embassy hlenander has given us the details
    that Was sent, he bought the silk and of these embassies, which wiII be found
    enter into comnlercial relations with Persia, but the Persian burnt it. reproduced in Gibbon.
    Evagr. v. 7.
    He was not aware that they pos-
    ses5ed the secret of its production.
    * Menander, p. 236, 7 (ed. Miiller).
    Formerly called Sacae (Men. fr. 19). VOI. 11
    13
    CHAP. 111 TYfk l'&kJSIAA' bt.'A R 99
    (1) Marcian, a senator arid patrician, perhaps a cousin of the leadership of Adormahun (Adarmanes), and the country, as
    Justinian, was appointed general in 572, and arrived in llas been said, was devastated up to the malls of Antioch. The
    Osroene at the end of summer. Nothing took place in this city of Apamea was committed to the flames. Syria seems to
    year except an incursion of three thousand Ronlan hoplites been entirely undefended ; for thirty years the inhabitants
    into Arzanene. I n 5 7 3 Marciaa gained a great victory at had been exempt from hostile attacks, and had consequently
    Sarrathon,
    - but failed to take Nisibis, which he had blockaded. become so unmanly and unaccustollled to the sights of war
    I t was not for this failure alone that Marcian was deposed that they were unable to take measures for their own defence.'
    and Acacius appointed in his stead; a curious complication The captives who were led away to Persia are said to have
    with the Saracens of Ghassan seems to have led to the recall of rlulnbered two hundred and ninety-two thousand.
    the general.' Harith, king of Ghassan, died and was suc- From these captives Chosroes is recorded to have selected
    ceeded by Mondir ; and Icabus, king of the rival Saracens of two thousand beautiful virgins, and ordered them to be hand-
    Hirah, seized the opportunity to invade the Ghassaizid do- somely adorned like brides and sent as a present to the
    minion. But Mondir, having collected an army, defeated the rhagan of the Turks. Two marzpans and a body of troops
    invader, and followed up his success by invading the territories :ere appointed to escort them to the land of the barbarians,
    of Icabus, over whom he gained yet another victory. After and received express orders to travel at a leisurely pace. The
    these successes he ventured to address a letter to the Roman virgins were dejected for their souls' sakes, because they could
    Emperor, with a request for money, and this presumption no longer hope to receive religious instruction, and they
    inflamed the indignation of Justin. The Emperor indited two revealed their longings for death to other Syrian captives.
    letters, one to Mondir full of soft words and promises, the When they had arrived within fifty leagues of the Turkish
    other to Marcian ordering him to assassinate the Icing of frontier, they came to a great river, and agreed among them-
    Ghassan. Through some mistake the missives were inter- selves to die rather than to pollute themselves with heathen
    changed, and ~ o n d i rread with surprise and consternation the ways and lose their Christianity. "Before our bodies are
    warrant for his own destruction. "This is my desert," he said defiled by the barbarians and our souls polluted and death
    bitterly. Full of resentment, he vowed vengeance against fillally overtake us, let us now, while our bodies are still pure,
    the Romans. At this juncture the Persians -and ~ersophil and our souls free from heathendonl, in the name and trusting
    Saracens invaded Syria and laid it waste as far as Antioch; to the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, offer unto him in purity
    but Mondir stood aloof, like Achilles, and retired into the Lot11 our souls and bodies by yielding o~~rselves up now to
    desert. Justin bade the generals try to conciliate him, but he death, that we may be saved from our enernia ancl live for
    would not receive them. He held aloof for three years, at the evermore. For it is but the pain of a moment which we have
    end of which term he entered into communication with to endure in defence of our Christianity and for the preserva-
    Justinian, the son of Germanus, whose honourable character had tion of our purity in body and soul." As the virgins were
    won men's confidence ; and by his means a reconciliation was never allowed to be alone, they asked their conductors for
    effected. l~ermissionto bathe in the river : " We are ashamed to bathe
    The invasion of Syria just referred to took place under -
    John of Epiphania (Miller, F. H. G. porary J o h n of Epiphania, but Theo-
    The affair of Mondir is related by of Hirah, and hence mistakes have iv. 275), Lrrb yiLp r7js 7i.poAapoiiuvs ~ i p f i v v s phylactus, in his digressive resumption
    John of Eptlesus (vi. 3, 4), and may arisen. I have used AZnnzuncZar to Kai i p u x i a s 3 s i ~ a v d strri r7js 'IOUUTLYL-
    have been one cause of hlarcian's de- designate the kings of Hirah, cf. vol. i. of the earlier portion of the Persian
    ~ v o Sp a u r A ~ i a s d x o h c A a 6 ~ a u l v hf~X4Auro mar i n Ek. iii., follows John Epiph.,
    position. I t is not inconsistent with p. 373. ~ i avh o i s i T ~ VT O A E ~ L Kr ~r aUp a u ~ ~ u + as is quite clear from a comparison of
    Theophylactus' expression (iii. ll), cia- After this reconciliation llondir 76 66 d v d p ~ i o vT E A ~ W6rh@Bap~o.
    S This his text with the extant fragments of
    xhXAwv TE irri rois hf dPouAias TEPLUTOL- made a sudden attack on Hirah, the evidence regarding the state of Syria in John ; so that for these years the au-
    xiuaurv a 6 r b ci~ux+paurv, K.T.X. The capital of Noman (son of Alamundar), the second half of Justinian's reign is thority of Theophylactus is perhaps
    name Mondir was common t o the and surprised it. This led to the noteworthy. O l ~ l y short fragments nearly equivalent to the authority of
    dynasty of Ghassan and the dynasty union of the two realms under IIlondir. remain of the history of the contern- the earlier writer.
    100 HISTORY OF THE LATER R O M A N EMPIRE BOOK I\ C H A P . 111 T H E PERSUN WAR 101

    if you stand by and look on." The permission to bathe and Go-regent with Sophia, and altllough the new caesar had no
    the seclusion which they requested were granted, and the intention of bringing the war to a conclusion, he saw that i t
    whole company of virgins rushed suddenly into the water was absolutely necessary to gain time and prolong the cessation
    and were drowned. The Persians saw them floating and of hostilities. Accordingly, when the truce had expired, a
    sinking, but were unable to rescue them. peace was made for three years: not applying, however, to the
    This example of christian martyrdom, as it may be called, war in Persarmenia, on condition that the Romans paid 3 0,O 0 0
    and of overpowering dread of the Tu~kishminotaur, so many pieces of gold annually.' For the following three years (5'76,
    centuries before he had set foot in Europe, is recorded only 5 '7'7, 5 '78) therefore the war was confined to Per~arrnenia.~
    by John of Ephesus.'
    I t seems that Marcian was recalled and Acacius sent to Justinian, the son of Germanus, was appointed commander of
    the East at the beginning of 5'74. When the Romans aban- the armies and repaired to Armenia (5 '7 6). Chosroes advanced
    doned the siege of Nisibis, Chosroes swooped down upon Daras in person, intending to invest Theodosiopolis, but finding that
    and besieged it, using against its walls the engines which the it was too strong he proceeded westward, and, entering the
    Ronlans had left behind them at Nisibis. But it was not Itoman provinces, marched in the direction of Caesarea in
    easily taken, and the Persians almost despaired. Finally, over- Cappadocia through the country included between the En-
    confidence produced remissness in the garrison, and after a phrates and the Lycus. The Romans marched to obstruct his
    siege of six months the city passed into the hands of the advance in the Antitaurus mountains, in the north-east corner
    Persians, about seventy years after its foundation by Ana- of Cappadocia, but when they approached Chosroes made a
    stasins. Thus Chosroes now held the two great fortresses of northward movement against Sebaste, which he took and
    eastern Mesopotamia, Nisibis and Daras. burned. But he obtained no captives in that town, for when
    Besides these disasters, other difficulties beset the Roman the rumonr spread that the Persians were coming, all the in-
    government. It was perplexed by the hostilities of the Avars habitants of those districts fled. Finding himself in serious
    on the Danube and it was embarrassed by the mental aberration difficulties in a hostile and mountainous country, and
    of the Emperor. Sophia was driven to write a letter of en- apparently not supported in the rear, Chosroes began to retreat.
    treaty to Chosroes, and as her request was supported by a sum But he was not allowed by Justinian to depart with impunity ;
    of 45,000 pieces of gold, she obtained the respite of a year's the Romans pressed on, and the Persians were forced to fight
    truce (spring 5'74 to spring 5'75).' As Justin's kalady against their will. The battle was fought somewhere between
    increased, Tiberius was made regent, or rather subordinate Sebaste and Melitene, probably in the valley of-the river Melas,
    and its details are described or invented by a rhetorical
    vi. 7. beginning of cap. 11, when the appoint- hi~torian.~I t resulted in a complete victory for Justinian;
    I t is remarkable that Theophy- ment of Acacius and the recall of
    lactns, who had John of Epiphania Marcian are stated. The siege of Daras Chosroes was forced to flee from his camp to the mountains,
    befvre him, places the date of Tiberius' occupies 574, and is followed by the
    investiture with the insignia of a ~ V U K W X ~ ~BVEUTGTOS
    700 #TOUS, which must ' Chosroes took the first step in remitting a year's tribute.
    Caesar in December 575 instead of be 575, as the last words of the chapter bringing about the peace by sending Theophylactus, iii. 14. I t is worth
    December 574. Observe that the show. The expression TOG ~VEUTGTOS Jacobus. Sophia sent the physician noticing that the speech, which he puts
    seventh year of Justin (572) 1s h o v s is intelligible, as Daras may have Zacharias to negotiate at Ctesiphon. in the mouth of Justinian before the
    marked by Theophylactus (iii. 9), who been taken in September or later, and The Persians were very anxious that battle began, contains a reference to
    places the incursion into Arzanene in this #TOE may mean the period 1st tile duration of the peace should be for the religious side of these wars-a side
    the autumn (iii. 10) of the same year, September 574 to 1st September 575. five years. which was always becoming more pro-
    and the battle of Sargathon and the But for the decisive authority of the ' John of Ephesus mentions these minent, and afterwards gave a crusade-
    invasion of Syria and the siege of contemporary John of Ephesus (iii. 5 PaYmellts (vi. 8). Menander is not like co~nplexio~lto the mars of
    Nisibis in the following year, 700 and v. 13), I should be disposed to Our only authority, as Prof. Raxvlinson Heraclius. Scc iii. 13 (p. 137, ed. de
    ~ T L ~ Y T O~ EV L ~ L ~ T(573).
    OD The transition accept the date of Theophylactus for thought. Boor), O ~ K~ U T L Vjlkiv G E ~~ SU U T L ~ ~ ~ E V O S .
    from 573 to 574 is not distinctly men- Tiberius' elevation to the rank of At thi.; time Tiberius endeavoured ob y i p E=?rov X E L ~ O T O Y O G ~ ~ E CIS
    V Xd7-
    tioned, but is naturally implied at the Caesar. to effect the recuperation of Syria by prvpa, K . ~ , x .
    C H A P 111 THE PERSIAN WAR 103

    and lcave his tent furnitlyre, with all the golcl, the silver, ai~tl ~ ~ b ~ l o n i and
    a : came within a hundred miles of the royal
    the pearls ~vllich an oriental moriarcli required even in hi.; capital; the elephailts which they carried off were sent to
    campaigns, n prey to tlle conqueror. The booty, it is said, Byzantium.
    WRS immense. The following year, 577, opened with negotiations for
    The routecl Persians gunlbled at their lord for conducting peace, which Chosroes, dispirited by his unlucky campaign,
    tlieln into this hole in the mountains, arid Chosroes v7ith difli- Ins anxious to procure. His general, Tamchosro, however,
    cnlty nlollifiecl their indignation by an appeal to his gray hairs. oained a victory over Justinian in Armenia. The Romans, in
    Then tlie Sassnnid descended into the plain of Melitene a n ~ l consequence of their successes, had become elated and incautious,
    burned that city, ml~icllhat1 no nieans of re~isiinghis :ittad<. and the Persians suddenly approached, surprised, and routed
    In the meantime, it may be asked, how was tlle lloman army them. The victors, it is said, lost 3 0,O 0 0 men, the vanquished
    occupieil ? It would seem that there mas nothing to prevent four times as many, so that the battle must have been an im-
    the Itomans from following the defeated and den~oralisecl portant affak2 Encouraged by the change of fortune, Chosroes
    Persians, and at least hindering the destruction of Melitene, if no longer desired peace, a i d the negotiations led to no result.
    they did not annihilate the host. This loss of opportunity A pious historian considers that this reverse was a retribu-
    is ascribed by a contemporary to the envy and divisions that tion on the Roman soldiers for their irreligious behaviour in
    prevailed anlong tlle Eonlan ofEcers.' Persarmenia, a district where there were many christian settlers.
    After the conflagration of Melitene, Cliosroes retired towards When the Roman army invaded it, christian priests came out
    the Euplirntes, but he received n letter from the I<~Inall to meet them with the holy Gospels in their hands, but no
    general, reproaching hi111 for being guilty of an unlcingly act reverence was shown to their pious supplications. The worst
    in robbing. and then running away like a thief. The great outrages were committed, without distinction of creed. The
    Icing consented to accept offer of battle, and awaited the soldiers seized infants, two at a time, by their legs, and tossing
    arrival of the llomans. T l ~ eadversaries faced one another them up in the air caught the falling bodies on the points of
    until the hour of noon ; then three Eomans rode forth, three their spears; monks were plundered, hermits and nuns were
    times successively, close to the Persian ranks, but no l'ersinn tortured, if they could not or would not produce gold and silver
    moved to answer the challenge.' At length Chosroes sent a to satisfy the greed of the depredators. This imprudent
    message to the I<oman generals that there could be "no battle behaviour produced a reaction against Roman rule among the
    to-day," ancl took advantage of the fall of night to flee to Christians of Persarmenia ; twenty thousand immediately went
    the river. The Xomans pursued and drove the fugit,ives into over to the Persians,-all in fact except the princes, who
    the waters of tlic Eup11r:ites. More than half of tlle Persian escaped to Eyzantium.
    arniy was tlrowned ; the rest escaped to the mountains. I t is After this defeat Maurice, who held the office of conzes
    said by Roninn historians that Cliosroes signalised these reverses excubitorurn which Tiberius had filled before his investiture as
    by l~assinga law that no Persian king should ever go forth to Caesar, was sent to the East with full powers, and Gregory,
    battle in person. the praetorian prefect, accompanied him to administer the
    Thus the campaign of 576 was attended with goocl fortune military fiscus. Having collected troops in Cappadoaia, his
    for the Romans, notwithstanding the destruction of Sebaste native province, Maurice assembled the generals and captains
    and Melitene. Nor were the events to the west of the Eu- at Kitharizon, a fortress near Martyropolis, and assigned to
    phrates the only successes. Eoman troops penetrated into This invasion is mentioned by Theophylactus passes over this Roman
    John of Ephesus (vi. 8), who gives he dc~.ircd his information directly both Theophylactus and John of defeat lightly (iii. 15), mentiorii~igit in
    from tllc pcrso~~smllo actcil as i n t c - Ephesus. words which do not suggest that it was
    the best accoui~tof this ca~tlpaig~i.
    "The acconnt of this affair is giv(,n prctars l~etwccmthe arlrlies (%i.9). "he numbers are given by John of really serious.
    l ~ yJohn of !lthc\ua, who states that Ephesus. It is cl~aracteristic that John of Ephesus, vi. 10.
    101 HfJ f OR Y OF THE LA TER ROA&fA
    N EMPIRE IIOOK Iv CHAP. III T H E PERSIAN W A R 105

    each his part. Tamchosro, the Persian general in Armenia, aged Chosroes in spring 579, a few months after the death of
    employed a stratagem to put the Romans off their guard. He Justin (December 5'78). His son and successor Hormisdas,
    vrote to the troops at Theodosiopolis, bidding them prepare for whose character has been painted in dark colours~rejected the
    battle on a certain day, and in the nleantinle he left Armenia proposals which Tiberius made, and Maurice continued a career
    and invaded Sophene, devastating the country about Ainida and of partial success, which culminated in the important victory
    thus violating the peace, which had not yet expired. Maurice of Constantina in 581. I t mnst be also observed that
    retaliated by carrying his arms into Persian territory; he Tiberius purchased peace from the Avars for 80,000 aurei
    overran Arzanene, and penetrated into the province of Corduene, (&41,000), in order to throw all the energies of the Empire
    which 110 Roman army had entered since the days of Jovian. into the Persian war. Events on the Ister and events on the
    He did not, however, occupy any country except Arzanene ; Euphrates constantly exerted a inutual influence.
    his invasion was the same sort of blow to Persia that the The year 5 '7 9 was marked by the invasion of Media by a
    expedition of Adormahun in 573 had been to the Empire. portion of the Roman army.2 I n the following year, 580,
    More than ten thousand captives were taken, of whom most Maurice combined forces with the Saracen king Mondir
    were christian Armenians, and a large number were located in (Alamundar) for a grand invasion ; but disputes arose be-
    Cyprns, where lands were allotted to them. Thus the current tween the Roman and the Saracen leaders in the neighbour-
    of Persian success has now been finally stopped.' hood of Callinicum ; Mondir is said to have acted treacherously,
    There is no doubt that the successes of Chosroes had been and the expedition failed. Adormahun had harried Osroene,
    due to the bad condition and the disorganisation of the Roman leaving not so much as a house standing, and had written
    army, and the tide began to change when the generals Justinian to Maurice and Mondir, "Ye are exhausted with the fatigue of
    and Maurice assnnied the command in the East. Justinian your march ; don't trouble yourselves to advance against me.
    reformed the degenerate discipline of the soldiers, and Maurice, Rest a little, and I shall come to you." And he was allowed
    who, though he had not enjoyed the advantage of a military to retreat, says the historian,3 although 200,000 men were
    training, had made a special study of warfare and afterwards eating at the Emperor's expense. I n 58 1 the Romans gainedL
    wrote a book on Strategic, did much for the reorganisation of the a great victory at Constantina.
    army. As an example of the kind of reform which Maurice When Maurice became Emperor, in the following year, he
    found necessary, I may notice that he was obliged to re- adopted the precedent of his predecessors and ceased to be a .
    introduce the custom of entrenching a camp ; the laziness and general. He appointed John Mystacon (" the Moustachioed ")
    negligence of soldiers and officers had, it seems, come to such commander of the eastern armies, and the year 583 was
    a pass that they dispensed with the foss as a useless expendi- marked by a defeat of the Romans in a battle on the river
    ture of labour. Nymphius, the Persians being led by a general entitled the
    kardariga~~.~The defeat was mainly due to enmity be-
    (2) The turn which affairs had taken would certainly, as tween John and a captain named Kurs, who was appointed to
    Menander remarks, have led to a peace, and that on terms command the right wing, and disloyally took no part in the
    tolerably favourable to the Romans, but for the death of the engagement.
    . At the beginning of 584 John Mystacon was deposed
    These events are placed by John of 140, ed. de Boor), and the winter of
    Ephesus (vi. 13) in the same year as 578 (cap. 16, p. 143). The question from his command as not sufficiently energetic, and was suc-
    the defeat of Justinian, 577 (=888 of arises whether Maurice's invasion took ceeded by Philippicus, the husband of Gordia the Emperor's
    Alexandria). John of Ephesus has place in 577 or 578 ; the latter date is
    not left an account of the campaign of Indicated rather than the former by
    578 and 579. Theophylactus does not the narrative of Theophylactus, and I Theophyl. iii. 16 (p. 144). &pOr~bv TOGTO cipwpa, @lXov 66
    mark the t~ansitionfrom 577 to 578 ; am inclined to accept it. 16. (p. 145). IIfpoarr ZK TGV ~ [ L W ~ ~T ~TOWI TYU ~ O ~ E ~ E U -
    he marks the spring of 577 (cap. 15, p. John of Ephesus, vi. 17. Bar (Theophyl. i. cap. 9).
    106 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE noOK I\ C H A P . 111 THE PERSIAN W A R 101

    sister. I n autumn Persia was invaded and the pursuit of the little from the immediate scene of conflict, resorted to a device
    kardarigan was eluded, but nothing of consequence occurred. to divert the troops of Vitalius from their untimely occupation
    Early in 58 5 Philippicus invaded Arzanene, but he was so011 with the baggage. He gave his helmet to Theodore Ilibinus,
    obliged by sickness to retire to Martyropolis and entrust the his spear-bearer, and ordered him to strike the ~lundererswith
    comnland temporarily to a captain named Stephanus ; but this his sword. This device lxoducecl the desired effect ; the
    year, like the preceding, was unmarked by any important soldiers thought that Philippicus himself was ricling about the
    event. field, and returned to the business of battle. The left wing of
    In Ihe spring of 586 Philippicus, who had visited Eyzan- t]le Romans was completely successf~~l, and the routed Persians
    tium during the winter, was met at Amida by Persian am- fled as far as Daras. But in the centre the conflict raged
    bassadors, who had come to urge the conclusion of a peace, for hotly for a long time, and it was believed by the Christians
    which they expected the Romans to pay money. But the that a divine interposition took place to decide the result in
    Ronlans had lately experienced no reverses, and therefore their favour. The kardarigan fled to an adjacent hill, where
    disdaincd the offer. The operations of this year took place in he starved for a few days, and then hastened to Daras, whose
    the neigllbonrhood of the river of Arzamon and the mountain of inhabitants refused to receive a fugitive.
    Izal. The Romans commanded the banks of ths river, and as After the victory of Solachon, Philippicus invaded Arza-
    water was procurable from no other source in these regions, nene. The inhabitants of that district concealed themselves
    it was expected that, if the Persians advanced to the attack, in underground dwellings, and were dug out like rats by the
    thirst ~voulcl be a powerful ally. But the Persians loaded Romans, who discovered them by the tell-tale subterranean
    camels with skins of water and advanced confidently, intend- sounds. Here Heraclins, who had been sent with a small force
    ing to attack the Romans on Sunday. Philippicus, informed in the company of two Persian deserters, who undertook to
    on Saturday of their approach, suspected their design and drew point out a locality favourable for establishing a fortress, fell
    up his army in array for fighting in the plain of Solachon. in with the kardarigan, but succeeded in eluding his superior
    The right wing was commanded by Vitalins ; the left wing hy forces by a dexterous retreat. A messenger was sent to
    Wilfred (Iliphredas), governor of Emesa; the centre by Philip- I'hilippicus, who was besieging the fortress of Chlomari,l to
    picus and his lieutenant Heraclius, the father of that Heraclius apprise him of the approach of the enemy; and he ordered
    who was afterwards Emperor. On the Persian side, the centre the trumpet to be sounded, to recall all the troops who were
    was commanded by the kardarigan ; Mebodes faced Wilfred ; scouring the surrounding country. The karda-gan soon arrived,
    and Aphraates, a nephew of the kardarighn, opposed Vitalius. and the Persians and Romans found thenlselves separated by
    The Roman troops were encouraged by the elevation of a flag a large ravine, which prevented an immediate battle. At
    adorned with a picture of Christ, which was believed not to night the Persians, marching round this ravine, encamped
    have been made by hands; it was known as a "theandric behind the Romans, and apparently occupied such a dominant
    image." On the other hand the Persian general resorted to position on the hill that it would have been impossible to
    the desperate measure of destroying the water supply, in order colltinue the siege of Chlon~ari.~On the following night in
    that his soldiers might feel that life depended on success. the first watch the Roman camp was sucldenly alarmed by the
    The battle was begun by the advance of the right Roman dellarture of the general, whose conduct seems quite inexplic-
    wing, which forced back the Persian left and fell on the bag- al~le,as the Persian forces led by the kardarigan were no
    gage in the rear. But, occilpying themselves with the plunder, match for his own, and there appears to have been no im-
    the victors allowed the fugitives to turn and unite theinselves ' This word occurs only in genitive comprehend the exact details which
    with the Persian centre, so that the Roman centre had to deal l~lll;al, so i t may Le Chlonlari or Theophylactns attempts to describe in
    Chi~~~nam. ii. 8.
    with a very formidable mass. Philippicus, who had retired a ' I co.lfess that I do not clearly
    108 HZSTOR Y O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV HAP. 111 THE PERSIAN W . 8 109

    minent danger. The soldiers followed him in conf~~sion, with ,g brewing among the soldiers burst out into open mutiny.
    difficulty finding their way through the darkness of a nioonless rhis dissatisfq,ction was caused, not only by the deposition of
    night; and if the enemy had known the actual state of the philippicus, who was popular among the troops, notwitlistand-
    case the army might have easily been annihilated. But the it; his strange flight in 586, but by an unpopular innovation
    inovement was so unaccountable that the Persians suspected of Maurice, who ordained that the rations of the soldiers
    a stratagem, and did not leave their camp during the night. should be reduced by one-quarter. The injudicious haughti-
    The fortress of Aphumon, whither Philippicus had made his ness or indifference of Priscus offended the soldiers, already
    way, received the Romans, who, harassed by the arrows of the disposed to murmur; and the camp became a scene of dis-
    slowly following Persians, arrived during the forenoon, and order. Priscus was thoroughly frightened, and resorted to the
    consoled themselves by deriding the general. The whole army expedient of sending Wilfred to march through the camp with
    retreated to Amida, the Persians still following and harassing, the holy " theandric" standard in his hands; but such was
    but not venturing on a general battle. the excitement that the mystic symbol was received with
    Philippicus did not carry on in person any further opera- contumely and stones. The general escaped, not unwounded,
    tions during this year, hut his second in command, the able to the city of Constantina, where he had recourse to the ser-
    officer Heraclius, invaded and wasted the southern regions of vices of a physician ; and he despatched letters to the governors
    Media. of the surrounding cities and forts, with reassurances that the
    I n the spring of 58'7 Philippicus consigned two-thirds of soldiers would not be deprived of any portion of what they
    his forces to Heraclius, and the remaining third to Theodorus were in the habit of receiving. H e likewise sent a messenger
    of Rabdis l and Andreas, a Saracen interpreter, with instruc- to the camp at Monokarton, to announce that the Emperor
    tions to harass the territory of the enemy by incursions. The had changed his mind and that the rations would not be
    general himself again suffered from illness, and was unable to diminished. The old bishop Germanus went on this mission,
    take the field. Both Heraclius and Theodorus were successful ; but the soldiers meanwhile had elected an officer named
    each of them laid siege to a strong fortress, and both fortresses Germanus: not to be confounded with the bishop, as their
    were ~ t o r m e d . ~ general. The representations of the prelate were not listened
    I n winter Philippicus set out for Constantinople, leaving to, and the soldiers urged the inhabitants of Constantina to
    Heraclius in charge of the army, but before he reached Tarsus expel Priscus.
    he learned that the Emperor had signified his intention of Informed of these events, Maurice recalled Priscus and
    appointing Priscus commander - in - chief instead of hin~self.~ reappointed Philippicus, but the mutineers were not satisfied,
    I n spring, accompanied by Germanus the bishop of Damas- and refused to submit to the command of their former general.
    cus, Priscus arrived at Monokarton, where the army was The Persians meanwhile attacked Constantina; but the pro-
    stationed. I t was usual for a new general on his arrival to vincial commander Germanus, who seems to have acted
    descend from his horse, and, walking between the rows of the through constraint rather than ihclination, induced a thousand
    marshalled army, honour them with a salutation. Priscus men to accompany him, and relieved the menaced city. He
    neglected this ceremony ; and a dissatisfaction which had been then restored order so far as to enable him to organise a com-
    ' I adopt &I. de Boor's suggestion Heraclius, ordering him (1) to inform pany of four thousand for the invasion of Persia, and at the
    that 6 8~ TOG 'PhpiP8~0s6ppbp~vos,or the army of Maurice's ordinance touch-
    something of the kind, underlies 76 ing the diminution of the rations, (2)
    same time Aristobulus, an emissary of Maurice, succeeded by
    ToupapG7v<. It is even possible that to retire himself to Armenia and leave
    Tou- may be due to a dittography of the comniand of the army to Narses, ' This Germanus was the duke of Germanus, whose daughter was niarried
    commandant of Constantina. Hence Phoenicia Libanesia, see Evagr. vi. 5. by Theodosius, the son of Maurice, and
    7yi The fortress taken by Theodorus Heraclius was not present at the time Besides him and the bishop of Damas- Germanus, who was commander of the
    was named Beiudaes. of the mutiny, which hls influence Cus, two other persons of the same eastern army at the time of Maurice's
    Philippic~~s
    wrote from Tarsus to might have been able to prevent. name occur in the history of the time ; death (Theophyl. viii. 15).
    cIIAP. 11, PERSIAN W A R
    78~5 111
    110 H E T O R Y O F THE LATER RO.IMAfl EMPIRE BOOK IV
    and the result of the civil war was that (September 590)
    gifts and pronlises in mollifying the exasperated troops. While ~ ~ ~ ~ iwas s dslain,
    a s and the rebel was proclaimed king. The
    I'hilippicns, diffident and uncertain, was still at Hierapolis, a second act of the drama was the contest between Chosroes
    battle was fought at the " City of the Witnesses " '-to adopt gberwiZ: a son of Hormisdas, and the usurper, which by the
    the style of our historian Theophylactus-and the Romans llelp of Roman arms was decided in favour of the legitimate heir.
    obtained a brilliant victory. Chosroes fled fo- refuge to Roman territory, and sent an appeal
    Early in 5 S 9 the Persians captured Martyropolis by the
    for help to the Roman Emperor. The difficulties in which
    treachery of a certain Sittas, who introduced four hundred Per- l'ersia was involved offered an excellent opportunity to New
    sians into the city on the plea that they were deserters to the
    Borne, and Chosroes was fully conscious of this fact. We are
    Romans, while the truth was that he was himself a deserter to informed that the anlbassadors who bore Chosroes' letter used
    the barbarians. Philippicus snrrounded the city, but Mebodes
    thirteen argurneat,~to persuade Maurice ; and especially worthy
    and Apllraates arrived with considerable forces, and the of notice, even if it be due, not to the brain of Chosroes, but
    Romans were defeated. Thus Martyropolis passed into the
    to the pen of Theophylactus, is the argument drawn from the
    hands of the Persians.
    example of Alexander the Great. The Persian empire was at
    At this juncture Comentiolus succeeded Philippicus, ancl this moment implicated in such serious difficulties that it
    almost immediately after his assun~ptionof the conltnand he seemed by no means a chimerical idea or an impossible
    worsted the enemy in an important battle near Nisibis, which undertaliing for the Roman "Republic," in spite of its de-
    was fatal to the general Aphraates, and it is specially men- generate condition, to make an attempt to reduce the Persian
    tioned that Heraclius performed signa,l acts of valour. I n the
    kingdom beneath its sway. Consequently the envoys of
    Persian camp rich spoils were obtained. Chosroes are represented as being at pains to point out that
    I n the same year "lie Roman arms won minor successes while Alexander had subdued Persia, he had not succeeded in
    in the northern regions of Albania. Persia had been encom-
    forming a lasting empire ; his vast dominion had been broken up
    passed by several dangers at the same time. Arabs invaded
    among his successors. The nature of men, the an~bassadors
    Mesopotamia from the south, the Turks threatened in the are reported to have observed, makes i t impossible that a
    north, and in the north-west the Chazars poured into Armenia single universal kingdom, reflecting the unity of the divine
    and penetrated to Azerbiyan. The general Varahran was government, should exist on earth.%
    victorious in an expedition against the Turks, and was then This conte~nporarycomparison of a possible undertaking
    sent to Suania, but as he returned thence he was twice defeated on the part of the Emperor Maurice with the actual under-
    by Roillanus in Albania on the banks of the Araxes. taking of Alexander more than nine centuries before is
    But now the course of events in Persia took a turn which
    interesting. We pause, as we read Theophylactus, and reflect
    proved decidedly favourable to the Romans, and led to a con- that this " Ilomaic " Empire, ruling chiefly over lands which
    clusion of the war. Hormisdas deposed Varahran from the
    had sltbmitted to the sway of Alexander-Macedonia, Thrace,
    command in consequence of his ill success in Albania, and is
    Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt,-and Greek not Latin in its speech,
    said to have insulted him by sending him the garment of a was in a stricter sense the successor of Alexander's empire
    woman and a distaff. This story may be true, but we cannot than the Roman Empire had been when it reached to the
    help remembering that it was told long ago of a Cypriote northern seas. I t was as if the spirit of Alexallder had lain
    king and a queen of Cyrene, and in recent years of Sophia and dissolved in the universal spirit of Ilome for sever1 hulldred
    N a r ~ e s . ~Varahran revolted against the unpopular monarch,
    l blartyropolis. See below, p. 146. For the king of ' The title Eberwiz or Parwiz is Set Rawlinson, S e v m ~ l h Ovie,ttnl Afoa-
    In the la5t five moilths of 589 ; for Cyprian Salamis, Euelt!ion, who sellt ;;~)lained by Mirkhond as either
    a distaff and 11~oo1to Pheretima, queen archy, p. 493.
    Theophylactus nrarks the eighth year ~owerful king" or "victorious." Tl~eopllyl.iv. 11.
    of Maurice, which began in August. of Cyrene, see Herodotus, Bk. iv. 162.
    112 HISTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. 111 THE PERSIAN WAli 113

    years, and were now once more precipitated in its old place, the Great, he encouraged foreign culture at his court, he
    changed but recognisable. patronised the study of Persian history, and caused a Shah
    Maurice was not emulous of Alexander's glories and dangers ; nameh (Book of the kings) to be composed. Of his penonal
    the Roman Empire at that moment had not the heart to aspire culture, however, the envy or impartiality of Agathias speaks
    to new conquests. He undertook to restore Chosroes to the with contempt, as narrow and superficial1; on the other
    throne of the Sassanids, on condition that Persarmenia and hand, he has received the praises of an ecclesiastical historian.
    eastern Mesopotamia, with the cities of Daras and Martyropolis, ' He was a prudent and wise man," writes John of Epl~esus,2
    should be ceded to the Romans. The terms were readily "and all his lifetime he assid~ouslydevoted hinlself to the
    accepted, and two victories gained at Ganzaca and Adiabene perusal of philosopliical works. And, as was said, he took
    sufficed to overthrow the usurper and place Chosroes I1 on pains to collect the religious books of all creeds, and read and
    the throne (5 9 1). The peace was concluded, Maurice withdrew studied them, that he might learn which were true and wise
    his troops from Asia to act against the Avars in Thrace, and for .
    and which were foolish. . . He praised the books of the
    ten years, as long as Maurice was alive, the old enmity Christians above all others, and said, ' These are true and \vise
    between Rome and Persia slept. above those of any other religion.'"
    A word must be said of the state of Persia under the Agathias, ii. 28. Agathias asks eulogising a Magian and an enemy.
    rule of Chosroes Nushirvan, whose reign extends over nearly how one brought up in the luxury of What he says about Chosroes' christian
    an oriental barbarian could be a philo- proclivities is more edifying than
    half of the sixth century, and may be called the golden or at sopher or a scholar. probable.
    vi. 20. John apologises for thus
    least the gilded period of the monarchy of the Sassanids.'
    I t was a period of reforms, of which most seem to have been
    salutary. I n order to prevent the local tyranny or mismanage-
    ment of satraps, who were too far from the centre to be always
    under the "king's eye," he adopted a new administrative
    division, which was perhaps suggested to him by the Roman
    system of prefectures. H e divided Persia into four parts, over
    which he placed four governors, whose duty was to keep dili-
    gent watch over the transactions of the provincial rulers. Lnd
    for greater security he adopted the practice of periodically
    making progresses himself through his dominions. H e was
    greatly concerned for the maintenance of the population, which
    seems to have been declining, and he employed two methods
    to meet the difficulty; he settled captives in his dominions,
    and he enforced marriages. He introduced a new land system,
    which was found to work so well that after the fall of the
    Sassanid monarchy the Saracen caliphs adopted it unaltered.
    But perhaps his most anxious pains were spent on the state of
    the artny,and it is said that when he reviewed it he used to inspect
    each indi~idua~l soldier. He succeeded in reducing its cost and
    increasing its efficiency. Like Peter Alexiovitch or Frederick
    Here I have availed myself of Prof. Chosroes in the Seventh Oriental Mow
    Rawlinson's account of the reign of archy.
    the political horizon of the West. They had once been tribut-
    aries of the Turk in Asia, and having thrown offhis authority had
    travelled westward ; but we are assured that they had no right
    to the name of Avars, and that they were really only Wars or
    Huns, who called themselves Avars, a name of repute and dread,
    in order to frighten the world.' These pseudo-Avars persuaded
    Justinian to grant them subsidies: in return for which they
    performed the service of making war on the Utrigurs, the Zali,
    C H A P T E R IV and the Sabiri. But while Justinian paid them, and they
    professed to keep off all enemies from Roman territory, their
    treacherous designs soon became apparent ; they invaded
    SLAVES AND AVARS I N ILLYRICUM AND THRACE
    Thrace (562), and refused to accept the home which the
    THE great Slavonic movement of the sixth and seventh Emperor offered them in Pannonia Secunda. I n this year
    Bonus was stationed to protect the Danube against then], as
    centuries was similar in its general course to the great German
    movement of the fourth and fifth. The barbarians who are at Chilbudius in former times had protected it against the Slaves.
    first hostile invaders become afterwards dependent, at least At first the Avars were not so formidable as they afterwards
    nominally dependent, and christianised settlers in the Enlpire ; became. They harried the lands of the Slaves (Antae) who
    dwelled beyond the Danube: but they did not venture at first
    and as they always tend to become altogether independent,
    they introduce into it an element of dissolution. Slaves too to harry the lands of the Romans. MThen Justin refused to
    continue to pay the subsidy granted by Justinian; they took
    are employed by the Romans for military service, though not
    to such an extent as were the Germans at an earlier date. no steps for redress, and, turning away from the Empire,
    This resemblance is not accidental ; it is due to the natural directed their arms against the Franks and invaded Thuringia,
    relations of things. But it is curiously enhanced by the a diversion which had no consequences.
    circumstance that just as the course of the German movement But now a critical moment came, and a very curious trans-
    had been interrnpted or modified by the rise of the Hun action took place which had two important results. The
    empire of Attila in the plains which are now called Hungary, Lombard king Alboin made a proposal to Baian, the chagan or
    so the course of the Slavonic movement was modified by the king of the Avars, that the two nations should combine to
    establishment of the Avar empire, in the latter half of the overthrow the kingdom of the Gepids, aver whom Cunimund
    sixth century, in the same regions. And as the power of the then reigned. The conditions were that the Avars should
    Huns, after a brief life, vanished completely, having received receive half the spoil and all the territory of the Gepids, and
    its death-blow mainly from Germans, so the power of the also, in case the Lombards secured a footing in Italy, the land
    Avars, after a short and formidable existence, was overthrown of Pannonia, which the Lombards then occupied. The last,
    condition is curious, and, if i t was more than a matter of form,
    early in the seventh century by the Slaves, for whom the field
    remarkably naive; the Lombards mnst have known that, in
    was then clear. The remnant of the Avars survived in
    the event of their returning, they would be obliged to resover
    obscure regions of Pannonia until the days of Charles the
    Great. Theophylactus, vii. 8 ; he calls occasion was Kandich. See Menander,
    them 'kav8apdp~rs. frags. 4, 5.
    The Avars probably belonged to the same Tartaric group as Sarosius, the lord of the Alans, '(in- See Menander, fr. 6, who relates
    the Huns of Attila. I n the last years of Justinian's reign, about traduced " the Avars to Justin, who was the murder of the Antic ambassador
    stationed as general In Lazica ; and Mezamer by the Avars.
    the time of the invasion of the Cotrigurs, they first appeared on Justin introduced them to his uncle. 4 For Justin's refusal, see above, p.
    The ambassador of the Avars on this 72.
    116 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKIV CHAP. IV SLA VES, ETC-, IN ILL YRICUM €+ THRACE 117

    their country by the sword. The character of the Gepids Their demands were refused ; but when Tiberius, who afterwards
    seems to have been faithless ; but the diplomacy of Justinian became Emperor, was sent against them and suffered a defeat,
    had succeeded in rendering them comparatively innocuous to the disaster led to the conclusion of a treaty, which seems to
    the Empire. Justin now gave them some half-hearted assist- have been preserved for the next few years, and the Romans
    ance; but they succumbed before the momentary combination paid 80,000 pieces of gold.
    of Avars and Lombards in the year 5 67'. We may notice that in these transactions a difference is
    The two results which followed this occurrence were of manifest between the policy of Justin and the would-be policy
    ecumenical importance : the movement of the Lombards into of Tiberias. Justin is bellicose, and refuses to yield to the
    Italy (568), and the establishment of the Avars in the ex- Avars, whereas his general is inclined to adopt the old system
    tensive countries of the Gepids and Lombards, where their of Justinian and keep them quiet by paying them a fixed sum.
    power became really great and formidable, and the Roman We may also notice a circumstance, which we might have in-
    Empire had for neighbonrs a Hunnic instead of a German ferred without a record, that the Haemus provinces, over which
    people,-colubrimodis Abarum gens nexa capillis. a year seldom passed without invasions and devastations, were
    The chagan, Baian, was now in a position to face the Roman completely disorganised and infested by highwaymen. These
    power and punish Justin for the contemptuous rejection of his highwaymen were called seamars, a name which attached to
    demands. From this time forward until the fall of the Avar them for many centuries ; and shortly after the peace of 570
    kingdom there is an alternation of hostilities, and treaties, for -they were bold enough to waylay a party of Avars.'
    which the Romans have to pay. At the same time the Balkan For the next four years we hear nothing of Avar incur-
    lands are condemned to suffer from constant invasions of the sions, nor is anything recorded of the general Tiberius. We
    Slaves, over whom the Avars acquire an ascendency, though may suppose that he resided at Constantinople, ready to take
    the relation of dependence is a very loose one. At one time the field in case of need ; and in 57'4, when the enemy re-
    the Avars join the Romans in making war on the Slaves, at newed their importunities for the cession of Sirmium, he went
    another time they instigate the Slaves to make war on the forth against them, and was a second time defeated. Before
    Romans; while some Slavonic tribes appear to have been the end of the year he was created Caesar, and, as he de-
    occasionally Roman allies.' The Slaves inhabited the larger termined to throw all the forces of the realm into the Persian
    part of the broad tract of land which corresponds to modern war, he agreed to pay the Avars a yearly tribute of 80,000
    Walachia ; while the Avar kingdom probably embraced most pieces of gold. .
    of the regions which are now included in Hungary. But now the Slaves, who for many years seem to have
    The great object of the Avars was to strengthen their new caused no trouble to the Ror. :ms, began to move again, and in
    dominions by gaining possession of the stronghold of Sirmium, 5 '77' no less than a hundred thousand poured into Thrace and
    an invaluable post for operations against the Roman provinces. Illyricum. Cities were plundered by the invaders and left
    As, however, Bonus held it with a strong garrison, they could desolate. As there were no forces to oppose them, a consider-
    not think of attacking it, and were obliged to begin hostilities able number took up their abode in the land and lived at their
    by ravaging Dalmatia. An embassy was then sent to Justin, pleasure there for many years.2 I t is from this time that we
    demanding the cession of Sirmium, and also the pay that Z K ~ ~ & P(Menander,
    ELS fr. 35). The On 'chis occasion Tiberius forced the
    Justinian used formerly to grant to the Cotrigur and Utrigur earliest instance of the word, as robbers to give some satisfaction to the
    Huns, whom they had subdued. It is t o be observed that they far as I know, is i n Eugippius' Lzj'c Avars.
    of Severinus. See vol. i. Bk. iii. Johll of Ephesus, vi. cap. 25 ; cf.
    claimed to be looked upon as the successors of the Gepids. P. 286. In the seventh century the Menander, fr. 47 &fin., where Thrace
    word occurs in the Lombard laws ; in is said to have been ravaged, and the
    1 The Alltae or Wends, see Theophylactus, viii. 5, 13. (602 A.D.) the eighth century we shall hear of the number of Slaves is stated to have been
    * See Roesler, Rmn. Stud. p. 323. scamars in the reign of Constantine V. 100,000 ; and fr. 48 : ~ ~ p a r { o p C v 7~i sj s
    118 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    must date the first intrusion of a Slavonic element on a con- The shamelessness of the Avaric demands now surpassed all
    siderable scale into the Balkan peninsula. bounds. When Maurice came to the throne he consented to
    I t was a critical moment for the governnlent, and the old increase the tribute by 20,000 pieces of gold, but in a few
    policy of Justinian, which consisted in stirring up one barbarian months the chagan demanded a further increase of the same
    people against another, was reverted to. An appeal for assist- amount, and this was refused.l Thereupon (in summer 5 8 3)
    ance was made by John the prefect of Illyricum to the chagan the Avars seized Singidunum, Virninacium, and other places
    of the Avars, who had his own reasons for hostility towards on the Danube, which were ill defended, and harried Thrace,
    the unruly Slaves, and he consented to invade their territory.' where the inhabitants, under the impression that a secure peace
    The Romans provided ships to carry the Avar host across the had been established, were negligently gathering in their harvest.
    Ister, and the chagan burned the villages and ravaged the lands Elpidius, a former praetor of Sicily, and Comentiolus, one of
    of the Slaves, who skulked in the woods and did not venture the bodyguard, were then sent as ambassadors to the chagan,
    to oppose him. and it is recorded that Comentiolus spoke such " holy words "
    But Baian had not ceased to covet the city of Sirmium, and to the Lord Baian that he was put in chains and barely
    the absence of all the Roman forces in the East was too good escaped with his life. I n the following year (584) a treaty
    an opportunity to lose. I n 579 he encamped with a large was concluded, Maurice consenting to pay the additional sum
    army between Singidunum (Belgrade) and Sirmium, pretending which he had before refused.
    that he was organising an expedition against the Slaves, and I t was, however, now plain to the Emperor that the
    swearing by the Bible as well as by his own gods that he Avars had become so petulant that payments of gold
    entertained no hostile intention against Sirmium. But he suc- would no longer suffice to repress their hostile propensities,
    ceeded in throwing a bridge over the Save and came upon and he therefore considered it necessary to keep a military
    Sirmium unexpectedly ; and as there were no provisions in contingent in Thrace and modify the arrangement of Tiberius,
    the place, and no relief could be sent, the city was reduced by which all the army, except garrison soldiers, were stationed
    to such extremities that Tiberius was compelled to agree to its in Asia. Accordingly, when the Slaves, instigated by the
    surrender (5 81). A peace was then made, on condition that Avars, invaded Thrace soon after the treaty, and penetrated as
    the Avars should receive 8 0,O 0 0 aurei annually. far as the Long Wall, Comentiolus had forces at his disposal,
    The loss of Sirmium is a turning-point in the history of and gained some victories over the invaders, first at the river
    the peninsula, as i t was the most important defence possessed Erginia, and afterwards close to the fortress of Ansinon in
    by the Romans against the barbarians in western Illyricum. the neighbourhood of Radrian~ple.~The barbarians were
    driven from Astica, as the region was called which extends be-
    'EhAci6os 3 s b Z ~ X a p q v G v~ a bl s a v r a ~ 6 u ~And four years have now elapsed and tween Hadrianople and Philippopolis, and the captives were
    &hhe~ahX?jhwv a h $ P r ~ p r ~ p b w TGV v ...
    still they live at their ease in the
    ~ t v s l i v w v ,on which account Tiberius, land, and dwell i n it, and spread them- rescued from their hands.
    not having sufficient forces a t his dis- selves far and wide, as far as God per- The general tenor of the histo~ian's account of these Sla-
    posal, applied to Baian. The words of mits them, and ravage and burn and
    John of Ephesus are : " The same year . .
    take captive. . And even still (584) vonic depredations in 584 or 5 8 5 implies that the depre-
    (581) was famous also for the invasion they encamp and dwell there." dators were not Slaves who lived beyond the Danube and
    of an accursed people called Slavonians, 1 The chief of the Slaves was Dau-
    who overran the whole of Greece and rentius, that is Dovrat, Menander, fr. returned thither after the invasion, but Slaves who were
    the country of the Thessalonians and 48. He had put to death tho ambas-
    all Thrace, and captured the cities and sadors of the Avars, and thus Baian The Emperor sent the chagan, a t Pericles, as a sort of modern parallel to
    took numerous forts, and devastated had a private reason for his expedition. his own request, an elephant and a the curious expression of Theophylac-
    and burnt, and reduced the people to There was another invasion of the golden bed, but both were sent back tus, who says that Comentiolus spake
    slavery, and made themselves masters Slaves i n 579, see Johannes Biclarensis, disdainfully to the donor (Theophyl. i. boldly, " 8 a A a p f i w v the Ronlaic free-
    of the whole country, and settled in i t Chronicon in Roncalli's collection, ii. 3). dom like a chaste wife."
    by main force, and dwelt in i t as though p. 389. I adopt this expression, used of Ardagast was the leader of the
    i t had been their own without fear. Marina and the Lord Lysimachus in Slovenes.
    120 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    already settled in Roman territory. Comentiolus' work con- fighting men into three bands, of which the first was consigned
    sisted in clearing Astica of these lawless settlers.' I t is a to Martin, the second to Castus, and the third he led himself.
    vexed question whether the Slaves also settled in northern Castus proceeded westward towards the Haemus mountrins
    Greece and the Peloponnesus as early as the reign of Maurice. and the city of Zaldapa, and falling in with a division of the
    There is evidence to show that the city of Monembasia, SO barbarian army, cut it, to pieces. Martin directed his course
    important in the Middle Ages, was founded at this time on the northwards to Tomi, in the province of Scythia, where he
    coast of Laconia, and it seems probable that its foundation was found the chagan and the main body or" the enemy encamped
    due to Greek fugitives from the Slaves, just as Venice is said on the shore of a lake. The Romans surprised the c;hagan7s
    to have been founded by fugitives from the Huns.' camp, but he and most of the Avars escaped to the shelter of an
    island. ' Comentiolus himself accomplished nothing ; he merely
    I n autumn (apparently 585) the peace was violated. The proceeded to Marcianopolis, which had been fixed on as the
    chagan took advantage of the pretext that a Scythian ma- place of rendezvous for tLe three divisions. When the six
    gician: who had indulged in carnal intercourse wit11 one of thousand were reunited they returned to the camp, and taking
    his wives and was fleeing from his math, had been received by with them the foi~rthousand mea who had keen left there,
    Maurice in Constantinople. The Emperor replied to the Avar proceeded to a place called Sabulente Canalin, whose natural
    demonstrations by imprisoning the chagan's ambassador Tar- charms are described by Theophylactus, in the high dells of
    gitios in Chalcis, an island in the Propontis, for a space of six Mount Haemus.' Here they awaited for the approach of the
    months, because he presumed to ask for the payment of money chagan, who, as they knew, ir-:ended to come southwards and
    while his master was behaving as an enemy. invade Thrace. It would appear that the spot in which the
    The provinces beyond the Haemus, Lower Moesia, and Romans encamped was close to the most easterly pass of
    Scythia, were harried by the Avars, indignant at the treatment Mount Haemus.
    of their ambassador (5 8 6). The towns of Ratiaria, Dorostolon, I n the neighbourhood of Sabulente there was a river which
    Zaldapa, Bononia,--there was a Bononia on the Danube as could be crossed in two ways, by a wooden bridge, or, apparently
    well as in Italy and on the English Channel,-Marcianopolis, higher up the stream, by a stone bridge.' Martin was sent
    and others5 were taken, but the enterprise cost the enemy much to the vicinity of the bridge to discover whether the Avars
    trouble and occupied a considerable time.6 had already crossed, while Castus was stationed at the other
    Comentiolus was then appointed general, perhaps magister passage to reconnoitre, and, in case the enemy had crossed, to
    nziliturn per nlyriczcnt, to conduct the war against the Avars. observe their movements. Martin soon ascertained that the
    CAMPAIGN OF 587.-The nominal number of the forces barbarian host was on the point of crossing, and immediately
    under the command of Comentiolns was 10,O0 0 ; but of these returned to Comeiitiolus with the news. Castus, having
    only 6000 were capable soldiers. Accordingly he left
    Somewhere in the vicinity of Anchi- know ~vhenceTheophylactusderived his
    4000 to guard the camp near Anchialus, and divided the alus. The passage in Theophylactus dkscription of the amenities of Sabn-
    does not state directly, but leads us to lente. Did he visit i t himself? was i t
    Compare especially Theophylactus' after Justin's accession. suppose that Sabulente Canalin was i n described to him by another? or is i t
    expression, 75s ' A u ~ [ K ?a ~874
    s s dseXali- The others were Akys, Pannasa, the most easterly extremities of the merely a rhetorical description, such as
    vcrar (i. 8. n. 53).
    > , & , and Tropaeum. It is impossible t o Haemus range, near Anchialus (vi. 5, might have been written as an exercise
    See Phrantzes, p. 398 (ed. Bonn). identify a l l the small places in the ad init. yLverar 0% +p.dpp rpLry cis r b ( ~ E X F by
    T ~Choricius,
    ) and equally ap-
    h i hlands of Moesia and Thrace. A ~ y b p ~ v o v2aPouXIv~c KavdAiv ~ T r arij plicable to any other spot ? Evagrius,
    See Note a t the end of this chapter.
    3 He was called bookolabras = magi-
    5 Hopf refers the notice of Evagrius, 'AyxrdAy ? r p o u 4 ~ i ~ c v )Otherwise
    . one whose later years mere contemporary
    vi. 10-a passage much discussed in m ~ g h tidentify i t with the region of with the youth of Theophylactus, has
    cian. He seems to have been a Turk the Fallmerayer controversy -to the Bazanlyk, i n the neighbourhood of the left us a picturcsque description of
    by race. Avar expeditions of 583 and 586 Sipka pass. Perhaps the Avars crossed Chalcedon.
    4 Targites was the name of the Avaric (587). See Note a t the end of this the Balkan range by the pass of Luda rilv Xib)ivqv Grd,Baurv; this can hardly
    ambassador who visited Byzantium chapter. KamEija. I t would be interesting to mean stepping-stones.
    122 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROIMAN EMPIRE BOOK IT

    crossed to the ulterior bank, met some outrunners of the baggage fell from one of the beasts of burden, and the words,
    Avars, and cut them to pieces; but instead of returning to dl torna torna fratre " (turn back, brother),l addressed by those

    the camp by the way he had come, he pressed on in the in the rear to the owner of the beast, who was walking in
    direction of the bridge, where he expected to fall in with front, were taken up along the line of march and interpreted
    Martin. He was not aware t.hat the foe were already there. in the sense of an exhortation to flee from an approaching
    But the distance was too long to permit of his reaching the enemy. But for this false alarm the chagan might have been
    bridge before nightfall, and at sunset he was obliged to halt. surprised and captured, for he had retained with himself only
    Next morning he rode forward and suddenly came upon the a few guards, all the rest of his forces being dispersed
    Avar army, which was defiling across the bridge. To escape throughout Thrace. Even as it was, the Avars who were with
    or avoid observation seemed wellnigh impossible, but the mem- him fell in unexpectedly with the Roman army, and most of
    bers of the little band instinctively separated and sought shelter them were slain.
    in the surrounding thickets. Some of the Roman soldiers were After this the forces of the Avars were recalled and col-
    detected and were cruelly tortured by their captors until they lected by their monarch, who for the second time had barely
    pointed out where the captain himself was concealed in the escaped an imminent danger. They now set themselves to
    midst of a grov?.' Thus Castus was taken prisoner by the besiege the most important Thracian cities. They took Moesian
    enemy. Appiaria, but Diocletianopolis, Philippopolis, and Hadrianopolis
    The want of precision in the narrative of the historian and withstood their assault^.^
    the difficulty of the topography of the Thracian highlands An incident characteristic of those days determined the
    make it inlpossible to follow with anything like certainty the capture of Appiaria. A soldier named Busas, who happened
    details of these Avaric and Slavonic invasions. The chagan, to be staying in the fortress, had gone out to hunt, and "the
    after he had crossed the river, divided his army into two huntsman became himself a prey." The Avars were on the
    parts, one of which he sent forward to enter eastern Thrace point of putting him to death, but his arguments induced them
    by a pass near Mesembria.' This pass was guarded by 5 00 to prefer the receipt of a rich ransom. Standing in front of
    Romans, who resisted bravely, but were overcome. Thrace the walls, the captive exhausted the resources of persuasion
    was defended only by some infantry forces under the com- and entreaty, enumerating his services in warfare, and appeal-
    mand of Ansimuth, who, instead of opposing the invaders, ing to the compassion of his fellow-countrymen to redeem
    retreated to the Long Wall, closely followed by the foe; the him from death; but the garrison of the town, under the
    captain himself, who brought up the rear, was captured by the influence of a man whose wife was reputed to have been
    pursuers. unduly intimate with Busas, were deaf to his prayers. Indig-
    The other division of the Avars, which was led by the nant at their callousness, the captive did not hesitate to rescue
    chagan himself, probably advanced westward along that inter- his own life by enabling the Avars to capture the town, and
    mediate region which lies between the Haemus range and the at the same time he had the gratification of avenging himself
    Sredna Gora, and crossed one of the passes leading into on the unfeeling defenders of Appiaria. H e instructed the
    western Thrace. ignorant barbarians how to construct a siege-engine, and by
    Comentiolus, who had perhaps also moved westward after this means the fortress was taken.
    the chagan along Mount Haemus, descended by Calvomonte and While the enemy were besieging Hadrianople, Maurice
    Libidourgon to the region of Astica. I t was on this occasion. Theophylactus only mentions r b p v a , the eastern daughter of Latin ; cf.
    perhaps as they were defiling along mountain passes, that the Theopl~anes adds + p d r c p or + p h p e . Roesler, IZoma?zische Stzcdien, p. 106.
    The words possess considerable interest, "vag. vi. 4 ; Thecphyl. ii. 15,16,17.
    otd ?rws d?ri+uXhi8a r i v & tv pduy 7:s 2 Probably the pass of Nadir Derbend as the earliest extant specimen of the Theophylactus apparently thought that
    iiiqs ~ A O K ~ U A T ~ ~ F Y O ~ . or Eoghazdere. Roumanian or Walachian language, Appiaria a s s south of Mount Haemus.
    124 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKIV CHAP. I V SLA VES, E TC., IN ILL YRICUM & THRACE 125

    appointed to the post of general in Thrace John Mystacon, when he arrived there the tidings that a Persian embassy was
    who had formerly commanded in the Persian war; and Mysta- awaiting him recalled him to the capital, and his speedy re-
    con was assisted by the ability and valour of a captain named turn seems to have been also caused by signs and portents.
    Drocton, of Lombard origin. I n a battle at Hadrianople the This ineffectual performance of Maurice, who had never been
    Avars were routed, and compelled to retreat to their own popular with the army, discredited him still more in the eyes
    country. Shortly before this event Castus had been ran- of the troops ; they had now a plausible pretext for regarding
    somed. him with contempt. He was skilled in military science, and
    The misfortunes of the army of Comentiolus and the cap- wrote a treatise on tactics; but henceforward the soldiers
    ture of Castus seem to have produced a spirit of insubordina- doubtless thought that he might be indeed a grand militarist
    tion in the capital, and increased the unpopularity of Maurice. I' who had the whole theoric of war in the knot of his scarf," but

    Abusive songs were circulated, and though the writer of the that certainly his " mystery in stratagem " was limited to theory.
    panegyrical history of this reign makes light of the persons I may mention an incident which occurred in the progress
    who murmured, and takes the opportunity of praising the of Maurice, and which transports us for a moment to the habit-
    Emperor's mildness in feeling, or at least showing, no resent- ations of a curious, if not fabulous, people on the Baltic Sea.
    ment, yet the mere fact that Theophylactus mentions the The attendants of the Emperor captured three men who bore
    murmurs proves that they were a notable signification of the no weapons, but carried in their hands musical instruments.
    Emperor's unpopularity, especially as the events which caused Being questioned by their captors, they stated that they were
    the discontent were not directly his fault. Slaves who dwelled by the " western ocean." l The chagan of
    During 588 the provinces of Europe seem to have enjoyed the Avars had requested their people to help him in his wars,
    rest from the invaders, but in 589 Thrace was harried by and these three men had been sent as envoys by the ethnarchs
    Slaves, and apparently Slaves who lived permanently on or chiefs of their tribes, bearing a message of refusal. Their
    Roman soil.' journey had occupied the almost incredible period of fifteen
    months. The chagan had prevented them from returning
    The position of affairs was considerably changed when in home, and they had resolved to seek refuge with the Roman
    the year 5 9 1 peace was made with Persia, and Maurice was Emperor. They had no arms, because the territory i; which
    able to employ the greater part of the forces of the Empire in they lived did not zroduce iron ; hence their occupation was
    defending the European provinces. He astonished the court music, which, they said, was much more agreeable, and they
    by preparing to take the field himself, for an Emperor militant lived in a state of continual peace. We are not told what
    had not been seen since the days of Theodosius the Great. subsequently became of these extraordinary Slaves, except that
    The nobles, the Patriarch, his own wife and children, assidu- Maurice, struck with admiration at their splendid stature,
    ously supplicated him to give up his rash resolve; but caused them to be conveyed to Heraclea.
    Maurice mas firm in his determination. His progress as far Emperor remained for three days and then, that the journey from Heraclea to
    as Anchialus is described by the historian of his reign '; but nights. While he was there the three Anchialus was equivalent to a four
    musical Slaves were captured. On the days' leisurely march for cavalry. It
    Theoph. iii. 4 : r b 6t ~ E T L K7~a Yh d, u Heraclea, but was driven by a stornl fourth day he advanced, and while the is evident that Maurice did not follow
    G ' d ~ e i va i 7&v ZKXau?lv&v dyPhar 7 b rep1 into port at (3) Daonion, where he retinue was crossing a narrow bridge the high road, which ran by Drizi-
    T ~ V~ P ( K ? )h~ Y 7 b K C ~ P T E P O V ~ X U ~ ~ ~ V O Yspent
    T O . the night. Thence he rode to over the stream of Xerogypson, in a pera, Hadrianople, and Tarpodizus, but
    We are told by Evagrius that the Heraclea (Perinthus), where he visited marshy place, a confusion arose which marched due north from Heraclea,
    mutiny of the soldiers in the East the church of the Martyr Glyceria ; forced the Emperor to dismount and crossing the Strandia range probably
    against Priscus seemed a favourable and advancing four parasangs north- preserve order with a staff. Two stadia somewhere near Bizya.
    op ortunity for incursions. wards he encamped at (4) a pleasant ( q p e i a ) beyond this bridge (6) he en- 1 This name was applied to the
    w e may note the stages of Maurice's and populous place, not named. The camped for the night ; and on the fol- northern as well to the western seas of
    journey to Anchialus : (1) Hebdomon ; next haliing-place was in the neigh- lowing day reached (7) Anchialus, Europe.
    (2) Selymbria, where he took ship for bourhood of (5) Enaton, where tha where he abode a fortnight. I t appears,
    CHAP.II SLAVES, ETC.,INlLLYRICUM& T ' C E 127
    126 HISTORY O F T H E LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV
    in which the Bomans were victorious; and when on the follow-
    When Maurice returned to Byzantium he was waited on
    ing morning eight thousand of the enemy advanced under Samur
    not only by a Persian embassy but by two envoys, Bosos and
    to crush the small body of Salvian, the Avars were again
    Bettos, of a king of the Franks: who proposed that the Em-
    defeated. The chagan then moved forward with his whole
    peror should purchase his assistance against the Avars by
    army, and Salvian prudently retreated to the camp of Priscus,
    paying subsidies. Maurice consented to an alliance, but re-
    of whose movements we are not informed.
    fused to pay for it.
    Having remained some time at Procliana,l the Avars came
    During the last ten years of Maurice's reign hostilities were to Sabulente Canalin? and thence, having burnt down a
    carried on both with the Avars and with the Slaves. As the church in the vicinity of Anchialus, entered Thrace, about a
    narrative of our original authority, Theophylactus, is in some month after they had crossed the Danube. Drizipera, the first
    points chronologically obscure,2 i t will be most convenient to town they besieged in Thrace, is said to have been saved by a
    treat i t in annual divisions. miracle, and, having failed here, the enemy marched to
    (1) 5 9 1 A.D.-T~~operations of the Avars began at Singi- Heraclea, where the general of Europe was stationed. Priscus
    don, as the Greeks called Singidunum, on the Danube. seems to have gradually fallen back before the advancing
    Having crossed the river in boats zonstructed by the labour enemy, and now, when an engagement at length took place, he
    of subject Slaves, the host of the barbarians laid siege to was routed. Retreating with the infantry to Didymoteichon,
    the city, but when a week had passed and Singidon still held he soon shut himself up in the securer refuge of Tzurulon,
    out, the chagan consented to retire on the receipt of two where he was besieged by the chagan. I n order to drive
    thousand aurei, a gilt table, and rich apparel. 1t will be away the barbarians, the Emperor adopted an ingenious and
    remembered that the capital of Upper Moesia had been cap- successful stratagem. A letter was written, purporting to
    tured by the Avars in 5 8 3 ; we must presume that they did come from the Emperor and addressed to Priscus, in which
    not occupy it, for in that case its recapture by the Romans the general was informed that a large force had been embarked
    would certainly have been mentioned by the historiaLl. and sent round by the Black Sea to carry captive the families
    The chagan then directed his course to the region of Sir- of the Avars left unprotected in their habitations beyond the
    mium, where, with the help- of his Slavonic boatbuilders, he Danube. This letter was consigned to a messenger, who was
    crossed the Save; thence marching eastwards he approached instructed to allow himself to be captured by the enemy.
    Bononia on the fifth day. The chief passage of the Timavus When the alarming contents of the letter, whose genuineness
    (Timok) was at a place called Procliana, and here the advance he did not suspect, became known to the chagan, he raised the
    guard of the Avars was met by the Roman captain Salvian siege and returned as speedily as possible to defend his
    with a thousand cavalry. Maurice had appointed Priscus country, having made a treaty with Priscus, and received, for
    " General of Europe," and Priscus had selected Salvian as his the sake of appearance, a small sum of money. I n autumn
    captain or " under-general." A severe engagement took place, Priscus retired to Byzantium, and the troops took up their
    the Lombards and the restoration of
    winter quarters in Thracian villages.
    Called Theodoric byTheophylactus.
    One of Childebert's sons was really Athanagild (see below, cap. vi.) M. (2) 592 A.D.-This year was remarkable for a successful
    named Theoderic, but Childebert did Gasrluet, assuming a double mistake,
    not die till 596, and so there must be refers the embassy to 599 A.D., and
    supposes that by Theoderic (then king Four days were spent a t Procliana ; days (according as we interpret h p 8 6 ~ ~
    a mistake either in the name or in the three days were occupied with the
    date. I t seems easier to assume that of Burgundia) his brother Theodebert, Q k p a ~ a l Theophylactos,
    , vi. 5 ad fin.)
    king of Austrasia, is meant (L'emp're march to Sabulente ; and four days Thus the whole campaign lasted about
    Theophylactus erred in the name, but with the march t o Drizipera, which
    as far as we know from our other byzantin, p. 203). two months, probably August and Sep-
    was besieged for seven days. Om the tember.
    sources (Gregory of Tours and the See a note by the author on the
    " Chronology of TheophylaLros Simo-
    fifth day after the siege was abandoned, Canalion, shortened colloquially to
    letters in Bouquet, vol. iv.), the em- Heraclea was reached. The siege of
    bassies between Cllildebert and Maurice katta" in the English WistoriealReview, Canalin ( r v for rov is a feature of modern
    Tzurulon lasted either seven or eleven Greek).
    related only to co - operation against April 1888.
    128 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EhfPIRE BOOK IV

    expedition against the Slaves beyond the Ister, who, ~ ~ n d theer these marauders belonged to the Slaves who had permanently
    leadership of Ardagast, had been harrying Thrace. The Em- in Roman territory.
    peror had at length come to the concl~~sion that the invaders Priscus meanwhile sent his lieutenant Alexander across
    should be opposed at the Danube, and not, as the practice had the river Helibakias to discover where the Slaves were hiding.
    been for the last few years, at the Haemus. Priscus, who ~t his approach the barbarians fled to a safe retreat in a diffi-
    continued to hold the position of commander - in - chief, and cult morass, where they could defy the Roman troops, who
    Gentzon, who had the special command of the infantry, collected were almost lost in attempting to penetrate the marsh. The
    the army at Heraclea and marched to Dorostolon,l or Duros- device of setting fire to the woody covert in which the fugi-
    torum, which is now Silistria, with the intention of crossing tives were concealed failed on account of the dampness of the
    the river and punishing the Slaves in their own country. A: wood. But a Gepid Christian, who had associated himself
    Dorostolon, Koch, an ambassador: of the Avars, arrived in the with the Slaves, opportunely deserted and came to the aid of
    Roman camp, and remonstrated with Priscus on the appear- the foiled Alexander. H e pointed out the secret passage
    ance of an army on the Danube after the treaty which had which led into the hiding-place of the barbarians, who
    been made at Tzurulon. It was explained that the expeditioll were then easily captured by the Romans. The obliging
    was against the Slaves, not against the Avars, and that the Gepid informed his new friends that these Slaves were a party
    Slaves had not been included in tlle treaty. Having crossed of spies sent out b ~ the
    . Icing Musokios: who had just learned
    the Ister, Priscus surprised the camp of Ardagart at midnight, the news of the defeat of Ardagast; and when Alexander
    and the barbarians fled in confusion. Ardagast himself was returned triumphantly with his captives to Priscus, the crafty
    almost captured, for in his flight he was tripped up by the deserter, who was honoured with handsome presents, arranged
    stump of a tree ; but, iortunatcly for him, the accident occurred a stratagem for delivering Musokios and his army into the
    not far from the bank of a river. Plunging in its waves, hands of the Romans. The Gepid proceeded to the presence
    perhaps remaining under water and breathing through a of the unsuspecting Musokios and asked him for a supply of
    reed as the amphibiouq Slaves were wont to do, he eluded boats to transport the remnant of the Slavonic army of Ar-
    pursuit. dagast across the river Paspirion. Musokios readily placed at
    This victory was somewhat clouded by a mutiny in the his disposal 150 monoxyles and thirty oarsmen, and he crossed
    army. When Priscus declared his intention of reserving the the river. Meanwhile Priscus, according to the preconcerted
    best of the spoils for the Emperor, his eldest son, and the rest arrangement, was approaching the banks, and at midnight the
    of the imperial family, the soldiers oyenly showed their dis- Gepid stole away from the boatmen to meet the Ronian army,
    pleasure and disappointment at being put off with the refuse and returned to the river with Alexander and two hundred,
    of the booty, or perhaps receiving none at all. Priscus, how- soldiers. At a little distance from the bank he placed them
    ever, succeeded in soothing them, and three hundred soldiers, in an ambush, and on the following night, when the time was
    under the command of Tatimer, were sent with the spoils to ripe, and the barbarians, heavy with wine, were sunk in slumber,
    Byzantium. On their way, probably in Thrace, they were the Romans issued from their hiding-place, under the conduct
    assailed by a band of Slaves as they were enjoying the relaxa- of the Gepid. The signal agreed on was an Avaric song, and
    tion of a noonday rest. The plunderers were with some the soldiers halted at a little distance till their guide had
    difficulty repulsed, and fifty were taken alive. I t is plain that made sure that all was safe. The signal was given, the boat-
    men were slaughtered as they slept, and the boats were in the
    J The march from Heraclea to Drizi- year. Ten days were spent at Drizi-
    pera (Druslpara) occupied four days pera, and the journey thence to Doros- Possession of the Romans. Priscus transported three thousand
    (.rksaapas ~ d p w a r ) just
    , the time 111 tolon was performed in fifteen days.
    whlch the sevele march was acconl- Thus the Danube was reached a month 7bu A E Y ~ ~ ~&a
    Y O VTV TDYP a p P d p ~ v writer seems to be ignorant that rex is
    plished by the Avars in the receding after the army had left Heraclea. #wvj (Thcqphyl. vi. 9 bd init.) The a Latin word.
    VOL. I1
    K
    130 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMANEMPIl~b BOOKIV

    men across the river, and at midnight Musokios, who, like his accorded hiln a kind reception. But unfortunately he was the
    boatmen, was heavy with the fumes of wine-he had the excuse bearer of an imperial mandate, containing new dispensations,
    of celebrating the obsequies of a brother-was surprised and highly unwelcome to the soldiers, concerning the mode in
    taken alive. The massacre of the Slaves lasted till the morn- which they were to be paid. The whole amount of the
    ing. But for the energy of the second officer, Gentzon, this stipend was to be divided into three portions, of which one
    success might have been followed by a reverse ; the sentinels was to be delivered in clothes, another in arms, and the third
    were careless, and some of the Slaves who escaped rallied and in money. When the general read aloud the new ordinance
    attacked the victors. Priscus gibbeted the negligent guards. all the soldiers with one accord marched out of the camp,
    At this juncture Tatimer arrived with an imperative mes- !caving the general alone with the paper in his hands, and took
    sage from the Emperor, that the army should remain during
    ip their quarters at a distance of about half a mile. But
    the winter in the Slavonic territory. The unwelcome mandate Peter was the bearer of other imperial commands also, which
    would certainly have been followed by a mutiny on this occa- were of a more acceptable character, and he decided, by com-
    sion, and perhaps the events of 602 would have been antici- municating these immediately, to calm the wrath of the soldiers
    pated by ten years, if the commander had been another than at this attempt to cheat them of their pay. The angry troops
    Priscus, who had always shown dexterity in managing intract- were holding a seditious assembly, and loading the name of
    able soldiers. Priscus did not comply with the wishes of Maurice with objurgat,ions,when Peter appeared and, procuring
    Maurice ; he broke up his camp and crossed the Ister. Hear-
    silence, informed them from an elevated platform, thak the
    ing that the chagan of the Avars, indignant at the successes of Emperor whom they reviled had resolved to release from ser-
    the Romans, was meditating hostilities, he sent Theodore, a vice and to support at the public expense those soldiers who had
    physician, as an envoy to the court of the barbarian. Theo- exhibited special bravery and conspicuously endangered life and
    dore is said to have reduced to a lower key the arrogant tone limb in the recent campaigns; and that he had also decreed
    of the chagan by relating to him an anecdote about Sesostris, that the sons of those who had fallen in battle were to be en-
    and the barbarian said that all he asked was a share in the
    rolled in the army list instead of their parents. At these
    spoil which had been won fro111 the Slaves. Priscus, in spite
    tidings resentment mas turned into gratitude, and the Emperor
    of the protests of the army, con~plied with the demand and was extolled to the heavens. I t is not stated, but it seems
    sent him five thousand captives. For this " folly " he incurred
    highly probable, that the new arrangement in regard to the
    the resentment of the Emperor, who some time previously had mode of payment was not pressed ; we are only told that Peter
    determined to depose Priscus and appoint his own brother sent an official account of these occurrences to the Emperor.
    Peter to the command in Europe. Three days later the army moved westward to Marcianopolis,
    and on reaching that city Peter sent forward a reconnoitring
    (3) 593 A.D.'-The new general, Peter, proceeded by Hera-
    clea and Drizipera (Drusipara) to Odessus, where the army body of one thousand cavalry under Alexander. These soon
    fell in with a company of six hundred Slaves, driving waggons
    "Turning toTheophanes, whosesole years-595, 596, 597-and thus the de-
    authority for these wars was Theophy- position ofPeter at the end of 597 agrees piled up with the booty which they had won in depredations
    lactus, we find that he has hammered with the date of Theophylactus, assum- at the Moesian towns of Akys, Zaldapa, and Scopis. As soon
    out the metal thin, so as to make i t ing that he assigned the decease of
    extend over the years which are not Johannes Jejunator to 594." See the as they saw the Romans, their first care was to put to death
    accounted for. The first campaign of author'snote on the chronologyof,Theo- the male prisoners of military age; then, making a barri-
    Priscus and the battle of Heraclea took phylactus in the English Historical Re-
    place in 6084, that is 592 ; the expedi- uiew, April 1888, p. 312. The impli- cade of the waggons, they set the women and children in the
    tion against the Slaves is placed in 593, cation made in that article that Priscus enclosed space, and themselves stood on the carts brandishing
    the mission of Tatimer and the recall spent the winter 592-593 heyond the
    of Priscus in 594. The campaigr, of Danube I believe, on second thoughts, their javelins. The Roman cavalry feared to approach, lest the
    Peter is drawn out to extend over three to be erroneous. darts of the enemy should kill the horses under them; but
    132 HISTORY OF THE LA TEK ROMAN EMPME BOOK IV CHAP. I V SLA VES, E7%., (A7 ILL YRICUM & THRACE 133

    their captain Alexander gave the command to dismount. The protested, and showed Peter a copy of the privilege which
    engagement which ensued was decided by the valour of a had been granted to them by the Emperor Justin. Peter,
    Roman soldier who, leaping up on one of the waggons, felled bent on carrying his point, cared little for the imperial docu-
    with his sword the Slaves who were nearest him. The barri- ment, and the soldiers of the garrison prudently took refuge
    cade was then dissolved, but the barbarians were not destroyed in a church. Peter commanded the bishop to conduct them
    themselves until they had slain the rest of their captives. from the altar, and when the bishop declined to execute the
    About a week later Peter, who lingered in this region per- invidious task, Gentzon, the captain of the infantry, was sent
    haps for the pleasures of the chase, met with an accident in a with soldiers to force the suppliants from the holy place. Eut
    boar hunt. The furious animal suddenly rushed upon him the solemnity of the church presented so forcibly the de-
    from a thicket, and in turning his horse he sprained his left formity of the act which he was commanded to commit,
    foot, which collided wit11 the trunk of a tree. The severe that the captain made no attempt to obey the order, and
    sprain compelled him to remain for a considerable time longer Peter deposed him from his office. On the morrow a guards-
    in the same place, to the disgust and indignation of Maurice, man was sent to hale the disobedient bishop to the camp, but
    who seems to have regarded the cause as a pretext, and wrote the indignant citizens assembled and drove the officer out.
    chiding letters to his brother. Stung by the imperial taunts, Then, shutting the gates, they extolled Maurice and reviled
    Peter ordered the army to rnove forward, intending to cross Peter, who deemed it best to leave the scene of his discomfiture
    the Danube and invade the territory of the Slaves, even as without delay.
    Priscus had invaded it in the preceding year. But two weeks I t is to be presumed that the army advanced westward;
    later a lstter from Maurice enjoined on him not to leave Thrace but we are merely told that a few days later a thousand
    -Thrace is here used in the sense of the Thracian diocese, in- horsemen were sent forward to reconnoitre. They fell in with
    cluding Lower Moesia and Scythia-because it was reported a party cf Bulgarians equal in number to themselves. These
    that the Slaves were contemplating an expedition against By- Bulgarians, subjects of the Avars, were advancing carelessly,
    zantium itself. Peter accordingly proceeded to Novae, passing confiding in the peace which existed between the chagan and
    on his way the cities of Zaldapa and Iatrus and the fortress of the Emperor. But the Romans assumed a hostile attitude,
    Latarkion. The inhabitants of Novae gave the general a cordial and when the Bulgarians sent heralds to deprecate a violation
    reception, and induced him to take part in the feast of the of the peace, the commander sent them to appeal to Peter, who
    Martyr Lupus, which was celebrated on the day after his was still about a mile behind the reconnoitring party.
    arrival. Peter brooked as little the protest of the Bulgarians as he
    On quitting Novae, Peter advanced along the Danube had brooked the protest of the men of Asemus, and sent word
    by Theodoropolis and Securisca-or, as it was generally called, that they should be cut to pieces. But, though the barbarians
    Curisca-to Asemus, a city which had been always especially had been unwilling to fight, they defended themselves success-
    exposed to the incursions of the barbarians from beyond the fully and forced the aggressors to flee ; in consequence of which
    river, and had therefore been provided with a strong garrison. defeat the Roman captain was stripped and scourged like a
    A circunlstance occurred here, which illustrates the quarrels slave. When the chagan heard of this occurrence he sent
    that probably often arose between cities and generals, and which to remonstrate with Peter, but the Roman general
    also shows that the firm temper of the men of Asemus had not ofiror IK~~oYTCLG~
    ~ ~ K OBouAydpo(s
    I Danube, and upsets th5 theory, which
    (Theophyl. vii. 4, 1).
    ~ P ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ T O U G L U Hopf affirms with certainty, that the
    changed since the days when they defended their city with This passage is important ; i t shows Bulgarians who harried the Thracian
    triumphant valour against the Scythian host of Attila. Observing that the Bulgarians maintained provinces in the reign of Anastasius
    throughout the sixth century a distinct, became completely amalgamated with
    the splendid men who composed the garrison of Asemus, Peter th?ugh subordinate and dependent, the Slaves.
    determined to draft them off for his own army. The citizens in the neighbourhood of the
    134 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOK I V CHAP. I V SLA VES, ETC., IN ILL YX(CUL?/~
    &+ THRA CE 135

    feigned complete ignorance of the matter and cajoled tlie Avars barbarians who lined the opposite bank. Standing on their
    by plausible words. rafts in mid-stream, the Roman soldiers received and returned
    a brisk discharge of missiles, and their superior numbers
    At this point the narrative of the historian who has enabled them to clear the bank of the Slaves, whose chief,
    preserved the memory of these events suddenly transports US, Peiragast, was mortally wounded. As soon as they landed
    without a word of notice, into a totally different region,--into they completely routed the retreating adversaries, but want of
    the country beyond the Danube, where Priscus had operated rendered them unable to continue the pursuit. To
    successfully in 592. And he transports us not only to a explain this circumstance, we may conjecture that the thou-
    different place, but to a different time; for, having recorded sand men who had crossed first and were slain by the Slaves
    the ill success of Peter and his deposition from the command, were a body of horse.
    he makes it appear, by a chronological remark, that these On the next day the guides lost their way, and the army
    events took place at the end, not of 593, but of 59'7.l wandered about unable to obtain water. They were obliged
    We are thus left in the dark concerning the events of 594, to appease their thirst with wine, and on the third day the
    5 9 5, and 5 9 6 ; while as to 5 9 7 , we know that Peter viias evil was aggravated. The army would have been reduced to
    commander of the army, we know some of the details of an extreme straits if they had not captured a barbarian, who
    expedition against the Slaves beyond the Danube, and it conducted them to the river Helibakias, which was not far off.
    appears probable that in this year the Avars invaded the The soldiers reached the bank in the morning and stooping
    Empire and besieged Thessalonica. From a Latin source we down drank the welcolne element. The opposite bank was
    know that in 596 the Avars made an expedition against covered with an impenetrable wood, and suddenly, as the soldiers
    Thuringia. were sprawling on the river margin, a cloud of darts sped from
    (4) 597' A.D.-At the point where we are first permitted its fallacious recesses and dealt death among the helpless
    to catch sight of the operations of Peter in Sclavinia, as we may drinkers. Retreating from the immediate danger, the Romans
    call the territory of the Slaves, he is sending twenty men manufactured rafts and crossed the river to detect the enemy,
    across an unnamed river to spy the movements of tlie enemy. but in the battle which took place on the other side they were
    A long march on the preceding day had wearied the soldiers, defeated.
    and towards morning the twenty reconnoitrers lay down to I n consequence of this defeat Peter was deposed and
    rest in the concealment of a thicket and fell asleep. Unluckily Priscus appointed commander in his stead.
    Peiragast, the chief of a Slavonic tribe, came up with a party
    of riders and dismounted hard by the grove. The Romans Of the circumstances which led to the attack of the Avars
    were discovered and taken, and compelled to reveal the inten- on Thessalonica in this year we are left in ignorance. For
    tions of their general as far as they knew them. Peiragast the fact itself our only authority is a life of St. Demetrius,
    then advanced to the ford of the river and concealed his men the patron saint of Thessalonica, ,who on this occasion is said
    in the woods which overhung the banks. Peter, ignorant of to have protected his city with a strong arm.' As this work
    their proximity, prepared to cross, and a thousand soldiers, who is, like most lives of saints, written rather for edificatiou than
    had reached the other side, were surprised and hewn in pieces as a record of historical fact, we are not justified in using it
    by the enemy, who rushed forth from their lurking-places. The further than to establish that the Avars besieged the city and
    general then determined that the rest of the army should cross, were not successful, and that the ordinary evils of a siege were
    not in detachments, but in a united body, in the face of the aggravated by the fact that the inhabitants had recently been
    Theophylactus, vii. 6, ad init. a W t s - y t v 6 p ~ B a )' I w d v v q s (the Patriarch) afflicted by a plague.
    ~ p b~ E T T ~ P W VT O ~ V U V 7 0 6 7 ~~ ~V L ~ U T $ P ... 7bV T$E lgh' ~ ? T ~ ) \ L T E v .
    ,
    ( a p b s y b p sZL ~ p ~ u P d s ~7i3s
    p a iusoplas Acta Sanctorzim, Oct. iv. 11. 13.
    136 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOK IV

    I n the period of history with which we are dealing we are of transporting the inhabitants beyond the Ister, and Priscus
    not often brought into contact with the rich and flourishing hastened to its relief. Encamping provisionally in the river-
    city of Thessalonica, the residence of the praetorian prefect of island of Singa, from which the adjacent town derives its
    Illyricum. I t is not that Thessalonica has been always name, the general sailed in a fast dromon to Constantiola,
    exempt from sieges and disasters, but it so happens that during where he had an unsatisfactory interview with the chagan.I
    the period from the death of Theodosius to the end of the Returning to Singa, Priscus ordered his forces to advance
    eighth century it enjoyed a remarkably uiltroubled existence. against the besiegers of Singidunum, who speedily retired.
    Just before the beginning of this period its streets were the The walls of the city, which were unfit to stand a serious
    scenes of the great massacre for which Ambrose constrained siege, were strengthened.
    Theodosius the Great to do penance at Milan,-an event of About ten days after this the chagan proceeded to invade
    which a memorial remained till recently in Salonica, a white the country of Dalmatia. H e reduced the town of Bonkeis,
    lnarble portico supported by caryatids, called by the Jews of the and captured no less than forty forts. Priscus despatched a
    place " Las incantadas," the enchanted women. And a century ~aptainnamed Gudwin, whose German nationality is indicated
    after the close of this period, in the year 904, the city endured by his name, with two thousand infantry, to follow the Avaric
    a celebrated siege by the Saracens ; while in later times it was army. Gudwin chose bypaths and unknown difficult routes,
    destined to suffer sorely from the hostilities of Normans (1 1 8 5) that he might avoid inconvenient collisions with the vast
    and of Turks (1430), under whose rule it passed. I n the numbers of the invaders. A company of thirty men, whom
    seventh and eighth centuries the surrounding clistricts were he sent forward to observe the movenlents of the enemy, were
    frequently harried by the Slaves who had settled in Macedonia, fortunate enough, as they lay hidden in ambush at night, to
    but with the exception of the siege in 5 9'7 and three successive capture three drunken barbarians, from whom they learned
    sieges in the seventh century (675-680 A.D.), the city of something of the dispositions of the hostile army, and especially
    Demetrius was exempted from the evils of warfare. Its pros- the fact that two thousand men had been placed in charge of
    perity is indicated by the fact that it was always a head- the booty. Gudwin, delighted at obtaining this information,
    quarters for Jews, and at the present day Jews are said to concealed his men in a ravine, and as the day dawned
    form two-thirds of the population.' suddenly fell upon the guardians of the spoils from the rear.
    (5) 598 A . D . - T ~ ~two chief events of this year were the The Avars were cut to pieces, and Gudwin returned triumph-
    relief of Singidunum, which was once more besieged by the antly with the recovered booty to Priscus.
    Avars, and their invasion of Dalmatia. We are told that after these events the chagan desponded,'
    Priscus collected his army in the region of Astica in and that for more than eighteen months, from about the early 1
    Thrace, and discovered that the soldiers had become demoralised Smmer 5 98 to the late autumn of 5 99, no hostilities were
    under the ungenial command of Peter; but his friends dis- carpied on in the Illyrian and Thracian lands.
    suaded him from reporting the matter to the Emperor. Having (6) 599 AD.-The chagan invaded Lower (or Thracian)
    crossed the Danube, he proceeded to a town known as Upper Moesia and Scythia, and Priscus, learning that he intended to
    Novae, and. was nlet by ambassadors from the chagan, to whorn besiege the maritime town of Tomi, hastened to occupy it. The
    he explained his presence in those regions by the circumstance siege began at the end of autumn and lasted throughout the
    that they were good for hunting. Ten clays later news arrived winter.
    that the Avars were besieging Singidunum, with the intention (7) 600 A.D.--I~spring the Roman garrison began to
    See Mr. Tozer's book on the IIigh- inscription as belollgi~~g
    to tile pontifi-
    lands of Tz~rkcy,vol. i. p. 146. I t is cate of Hormisdas (514 An.), s fact The historian, Theophylactus, de-
    lights to couch the speeches both of
    cus speaks of
    TE ~ a Ki ~
    T ~ V+phpav ...
    O K I V ~ ~ O U ~ ~ Y .
    PoaoElalj

    worth n o t i c i n ~that the f o tificntions


    ~ which Mr. hlal~affj.has recelltly c0111-
    the barbarian and the Roman in im- 2 dOup1. rohhi xaie@Phj70 (6
    round Salonica arc dated in a brick monicated to me. 1)ossibly grandiloquent language. Pris- 12).
    138 BOOK IV CHAP. IV SLA YES, E TC., IN ILL YRICUM & THRACE 139
    HlTSTOR Y O F T H E LA T E R ROMAN EMPIRE

    feel the hardships of famine. When Easter approached, their general had deserted them, and hastened to follow him.
    But they were pursued by the Avars, who occupied a moun-
    Priscus was surprised at receiving a kind message from the
    tain pass or clcisu~n,-perhaps the gipka pass, - and the
    chagan, who offered to grant a truce of five days and to supply
    them with provisions.' This unexampled humanity on the Romans, now leaderless, were not able to force a passage until
    part oi an Avar was long remembered as a curiosity. On many were slain. When Comentiolus appeared before the
    the fourth day of the truce a messenger from the chagan walls of Drizipera he was driven away with stones and taunts,
    requested Priscus to send his master some Indian spices and and was obliged to pass on to Byzantinm. The fugitive troops,
    perfumes. Priscus willingly sent him pepper, which was still with the. barbarians close at their heels, arrived soon afterwards
    as great a delicacy to the barbarians as it had been in the days at Drizipera, and the Avars sacked the city.
    of Alaric and Attila, Indian leaf, cassia, and spikenard ; " and But the triumph of the chagan was soon turned into
    the barbarian, when he received the Roman gifts, perfumed mourning. A plague broke out in his army, the plague of
    himself, and was highly delighted." The cessation of hostilities the bubo, and seven of his sons who had accompanied the
    was protracted until the Easter festivities were over, and then expedition died on the same day. Meanwhile the citizens of
    the chagan raised the siege. B~zantiumwere so much alarmed at the menacing proximity
    AIeanwhile, as Priscus was shut up in the chief town of of the Avar army, before which Comentiolus had fled, that
    Scythia, the Emperor had commissioned Comentiolus to take they entertained serious thoughts of migrating in a body to
    the field in Moesia. The chagan advanced against him and Chalcedon. Maurice first manned the Long Wall with infantry
    approached the city Iatrus, on the river of the same name, and with companies formed of members of the blue and green
    where the general had taken up his quarters. I n the depth factions, and then, by the advice of the senate, sent an am-
    of night Comentiolus sent a message to his adversary,challenging bassador to the chagan. When Harmaton arrived at Drizipera
    him to battle on the following day, and at the same time com- he found the great barbarian in the throes of parental grief,
    manded his own army to assemble in fighting array early in and was obliged to wait ten days ere he could obtain an
    the morning. But the soldiers did not comprehend that this audience in the tent of mourning. Soothing words with
    order signified a real battle, and, under the false impression diffict~ltyinduced the Avar to accept the gifts of an enemy,
    that their commander's purpose was merely to hold a review, but on the following day he consented to make peace, as his
    they appeared in disorder and defectively equipped. Their family affliction had rendered him indisposed for further opera-
    surprise and indignation were great when, as the rising sun tions. He bitterly accused Maurice of being the peacebreaker,
    and the Roman historian admits the charge.
    illumined the scene, they beheld the army of the Avars
    drawn up in martial order. The enemy, however, did not The terms of the peace were these: the Ister was acknow- -. I

    advance, and they had time to curse their general and form ledged by both parties as the frontier between their dominions,
    in orderly array. But; Comentiolus created further confusioll but. the Romans had the privilege of crossing it for the
    by a series of apparently unnecessary permutations ; changing Purpose of operating against the Slaves1; twenty thousand
    aurei were to be paid by the Romans to the Avars.
    one corps from the left wing to the right, and removing some
    other battalion from the right wing to the left. The right I t was on this occasion that Maurice refused to ransom
    twelve thousand captives from the chagan, who consequently
    wing fled, and there was a general flight, but the Avars did not
    ~ u r s u e . During the following night Comentiolus made pro- executed them all. The author of the panegyrical history of
    Maurice makes no reference to the matter, and his silence is
    vision for his own escape, and next morning left the camp on
    the pretext of hunting. At noon the army discovered that remarkable.2 H e would certainly have mentioned it if he
    Gcschichte, p. 91) " .
    10th April. Theophylactus, vii. 13,
    .. .
    . einen 50 tagigen. schliesst
    The Slaves were not inactive in the
    year 600 ; we learn from a letter of
    dered Istria, Dalnlxtia, and even Italy.
    * Our autllorlty is Theophanes ad
    U T O V ~ ~ L S o ~ a ~ ~ o d p e v o iPriscus
    1 : xe~O~p.4~ous , Waffen-
    Gregory (x. 36) that they plun- ~ 3 2 7 ~ . See above, p. 86.
    which Hopf mistranslates (Griechische stillstand."
    could have made any apology for this unpopular act of to recross the river at Viminacium, had returned to his
    Blanrice. coulltry by the region of the Theiss (Tissos). Thither Priscus
    The Emperor had no intention of preserving the peace, and proceeded, and, a month after his latest victory at Viminacium,
    unblushingly commanded his generals, Priscus and Comentiolus, Ile defeated the forces of the barbarians on ti:? banks of the
    to violate it. Comentiolus had been reappointed commander, TIleiss. He then sent four thousand men to the right barlli
    notwithstanding the complaints of the soldiers concerning his of that river to reconnoitre the movements of the enemy. This
    recent behaviour. The generals joined their forces at Sin- mas the territory in which the kingdom of the Qepids had once
    gidunum, whither Priscus seems to have proceeded after the flourished, and certain regions of it were still inhabited by
    siege of Tomi, and advanced together down the river to people of that nation, living in a state of vassalage under the
    Viminacium (Kastolatz). The chagan meanwhile, learning Avars. The reconnoitring party came upon three of their towns,
    that the Romans had determined to violate the peace, crossed and found the inhabitants engaged in celebrating a feast. Before
    the Ister at Viminacium and invaded Upper Moesia, while he the dawn of day, when the barbarians were overcome by their
    entrusted a large force to four of his sons, who were directed debauch, the Romans fell upon and slew thirty thousand; it
    to guard the river and prevent the Romans from crossing over seems, however, doubtful whether all these were Gepids.l A
    to the left bank. I n spite of the barbarians, however, the few days later the energy of the chagan had assembled another
    Roman army crossed on rafts and pitched a camp on the left army, and another battle was fought on the banks of the Theiss.
    side, while the two commanders sojourned in the town of Three thousand Avars, a large number of Slaves, and other
    Viminacium, which stood on an island in the river. Here barbarians were taken alive; an immense number were slain
    Comentiolus is said to have acted the part of a poltroon, by the sword ; many were drowned in the river. The captives
    according to a now exploded derivation of the word (pollice were sent to Tomi, but Maurice was weak enough to restore
    trzmczcs). He employed a surgeon's lancet to mutilate his hand, them to the chagan without a ransom.
    and thereby incapscitated himself for action. His poltroonery When winter approached, Comentiolus proceeded to Novae,
    was probably conducive to the success of Roman arms, for and thence, having with considerable difficulty procured a
    I'riscus, untrammelled by an incompetent colleague, was able guide, followed the road, or rather the path, of Trajan to
    to win a series of signal triumphs. Philippopolis.
    Unwilling at first to leave the city without Comentiolus, (8) 6 0 1 A.D.-Comentiolus, who had wintered at Philip-
    Priscus was soon forced to appear in the camp, as the Avars popolis and proceeded to Byzantium in spring, was again
    /
    were harassing it in the absence of the generals. A battle appointed commander, but the summer was marked by no
    was fought which cost the Romans only three hundred men, hostilities. I n August, Peter the Emperor's brother was
    while the ground was strewn with the corpses of four thousand created " General of Europe." Having remained for some time
    Avars. This engagement was followed by two other great at Palastolon on the Danube, he proceeded to Dardania, for he
    battles, in which the strategy of Priscus and the tactics of the heard that an army of Avars, under a captain named Apsich,
    Roman army were brilliantly successful. I n the first, nine Hopf has reproduced these events dem ehrgeizigen Phokas, bedrohte den
    thousand of the enemy fell, while the second was fatal to in a strangely confused manner for so Kaiser nit Rebellion. Dies war in-
    careful a writer ; he seems t o have been soweit gunstig fur die Avaren, als die
    fifteen thousand, of whom the greater part, and among them unable to follow with eese the Greek of Sohne des lihagails mit13,OOO Blann 601
    the four sons of the chagan, perished in the waters of a lake, Theophylactus. H e utterly neglects einen Streifzug nach der Theiss unter-
    the chronology, placing the defeat and nahnien und gegen 30,000 ' Gepiden '
    into which they were driven by the Roman swords and spears. flight of Comentiolus after the success niedermacliten. Allein Priscus vernich-
    of Priscus, but that is of small conse- tete sie und beiicgte selbst den zu Hilfe
    Such were the three battles of Viminacium, fought on the quence when we compare it with his eilenden Khagan." Even Carl Hopf
    left bank of the Danube. But Priscus was destined to win $;count of the operations on the Theiss. is not infallible in using his authori-
    Das kaiserliche Heer, aufgehetzt von ties.
    yet greater victories and to vanquish the chagan himself, who,
    142 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    was encamped a t a place in that province called the Cataracts.


    After an ineffectual interview betweell the Avar commander
    and the Roman general, the former retreated to Constantiola
    and the latter withdrew to Thrace for the winter.
    (9) 6 0 2 A.D.-NO martial operations took place during
    spring, but in sunliner Gudwin, the officer second in command
    to Peter, invaded the land of the Slaves beyond the Ister and
    inflicted terrible slaughter upon them. One Slavonic tribe
    the Antae (or Wends), were allies of the Romans, and the NOTE on. SLAVONIC SETTLEMENTS IN GREECE
    chagan accordingly sent Apsich against them by way of a reply
    to the invasion of Gudwin. W e are not informed whether THE groundlessness of Fallmerayer's famous theory that " not a
    Apsich was successful, but it is recorded that about the same drop of genuine and unmixed Hellenic blood flows in the veins of
    time a large number of Avars revolted from their lord and the christian population of modern Greece " has been shown by
    sought the protection of Maurice. Hopf in his Griechische Geschichte. One of the passages on which
    The last scene in the reign of Maurice has been related in Fallmerayer throws especial weight is Evagrius, vi. 10. I t will be
    a previous chapter; and a t this point our historian, Theo- advisable to quote it in full :-
    ot "A,!3apas 62s p*.tXpi T O ~~ a h o ~ ~ p g vpoav~ p o v T E I ~ O V8ich&rav~Es
    S
    phylactus, concludes his work. As no other writer continued
    'Ciyy~S6va'AyXlaX6v T E ~ a T2$ V C E h h d 8 a 7 r 2 r a v ~ a dTgpas
    2 7r6hris T E
    where he left off, we hear no more of the Avars and Slaves for
    sixteen years. Of their doings during the reign of Phocas and
    the first eight years of the reign of Heraclius our scanty P~VTWV.
    authorities are silent, with the exception of the single notice .
    Now. in the first lace., the Avars. not the Slaves. are the in-
    vaders mentioned by Evagrius, and therefore the passage does not
    that in the second year of Phocas the tribute to the Avars
    support Fallmerayer's Slavonic theory. The Avaric invasions of
    was raised. W e can, however, entertain no doubt that the
    583 and 587 seem to be referred to. In the second place, the verbs
    Balkan provinces were subjected to sad ravages during the d n 6 h X v v ~ E and
    ~ irvpnoXoGv~rs cannot fairly be taken in the sense
    disorganisation which prevailed in the reign of Phocas and the (which Fallmerayer assigns to them) of extermination. Similar
    consequent paralysis from which the Empire suffered in the expressions were used long before of Visigothic and Hunnic de-
    first years of Heraclius. The hostilities of Asiatic enemies vastations.
    were g~nerallywont to have an effect on events in the vicinity Another comment of Hopf is not so convincing. By Hellas, Fall-
    merayer ~aturallyunderstood Thessaly and Greece north of the
    of the Ds~nube,and the barbarians can hardly have been dis- Isthmus. Hopf says (p. 9 1) : "Nur Unkenntniss der Geographie
    posed to miss such an unrivalled opportunity as was offered to konnte den Syrer Evagrios veranlassen nachst den bekannten Stadten
    them when Asia Minor was overrun by the Persians. Singidon und Anchialos noch 'von ganz Hellas und andern Stadten
    und Burgen zu reden ' ; entweder dachte er sich unter Hellas eine
    Stadt oder Burg, was am wahrscheinlichsten, oder er iibertrug den
    antiken Namen des eigentlichen Griechenlands auch auf die
    thrakisch-makedonischen Provinzen des Romerreichs." Hellas
    was a division of ecclesiastical geography, and it is almost impos-
    sible to believe that a man like Evagrius, Syrian though he was,
    did not know what it meant. d ~ i p a seither refers loosely back to
    Singidunum and Anchialus, or is used, like dlhhos in classical Greek,
    in the sense "besides." I t is quite possible that in one of these
    144 HISTORY OF THE L A T E R ROMAN EMPIRE Boon IV

    years the Avaric ravages extended south of Mount Olympus ; the


    alternative being that Evagrius recorded an exaggerated rumour.
    The passage in John of Ephesus, quoted above, p. 118,is not so
    easily disposed of, and Hopf, though he sllows that it may not
    necessarily imply Slavonic settlements in Greece between 5 7 7 and
    584, hardly succeeds in proving that such settlements were not
    made. The most natural interpretation of the passage in John is
    that the Slaves settled in Hellas as well as in the northern pro-
    vinces; and as there is no proof to the contrary, we are bound
    to accept i t ? Hopf says (p. 104) : "Dass die Slawinen, die 577
    such in Hellas plundern, mit denselben Slawen identisch sind, CHAPTER V
    die unter Ardagast, 584- 5 97 die Reichslande verheeren, kann
    keinem Zweifel unterliegen; wo sie sich sesshaft gemacht hatten, THE LOMRARDS IN ITALY
    geht aus dem gesagten hinlanglich hervor, namlich in den Nord-
    provinzen, zumeist an der Donau." This is a very weak argument. THE character of the medieval history of Italy was decided in
    Probably the Slaves who plundered Greece in 577 belonged to the the sixth century. W e can hardly overrate too highly the
    same tribes as those led by Ardagast (though this assumption is
    not certain) ; but why should not some of them have settled in importance of its reconquest by Justinian, which brought i t
    Greece? Unless Hopf means by identisch individually the same, into contact again with the centre of Graeco-Itoman civilisation.
    his argument falls to the ground; and identity in that sense is The tender hotbed plant of Theodoric's Ostrogothic civilitas,
    certainly a gratuitous assumption. which had never looked really promising, had perished before
    If there is no evidence to support, there is none to contradict a bud was formed ; the thing intermediate between barbarism
    Phrantzes' statement that Monembasia was founded in the reign of and high civilisation was put away; and the future develop-
    Maurlce, and this may have some slight weight (see above, p. 120) ment of Italy was to result from the mixture of centuries
    in corroborating the statement of John of Ephesus, according to its
    simplest interpretation. But we may admit Slavonic settlements in between the most rude and the n ~ o s refined
    t peoples dwelling
    Greece before 600 and yet be very far from accepting Fallmerayer's side by side.
    theory. It may be considered certain that these settlements were The extirpation of the Ostrogoths was almost immediately
    only in the open country and not in the cities. followed by the invasion of the Lombards ; the whole land
    was imperial for a space of but fifteen years ( 5 5 3 - 5 6 8 ) .
    These two events, the imperial conquest and the Lombard
    conquest, lossessed a high importance not merely for Italy
    but for the whole western world. The first secured more
    constant intercourse between East and West, the second pro-
    moted the rise of the papal power.
    After the battle in which the allied Avars and Lombards
    destroyed the nlonarchy of the Gepids (5 6 7 A.D.), Alboin,
    the Lombard king, with an innumerable host, including many
    nationalities, even Saxons, advanced from Pannonia to the
    subjugation of Italy ( 5 6 8 A.D.)l The greater part of northern
    The story that Narses, the exarch inviting the Lombards to iavade, may
    (who had been lately wperseded), en- be rejected as a fable. Sophia is said
    'aged at an insulting message from the to have sent him a diqtaff, suggesting
    Empress Sophia, revenged himself by that he was not a man (Paulus, Historza
    VOL. I1 L
    146 HISTORY OF THE LATER R O A M A N EMPf'IKB BOOK I\'
    CHAP. v THE LOMBARDS IN ITALY 147
    Italy, Venetial1 and Gallia Cisalpina, of which a large region had been destroyed by Totila; and thus the conquests were
    was afterwards to be called permanently by the name of the effected without difficulty. The name Zotto, and he is little
    new conquerors, had no means of defence. &!tiIanwas occnpiecl more than a name, is well known as that of the first duke of
    without resistance; and in these regions the invaders were Beneventum; he ruled for twenty years, and as his successor
    perhaps supported by a remnant of the Ostrogoths. Pavia, Arichis was appointed in 591, the foundation of the duchy of
    the ancient Ticinum, destined to be the capital of the new
    Belleventurn is fixed to 571.l At first small, the duchies of
    Teutonic kingdom, held out. The exarch Longinus, who Spoletium and Beneventnm soon expanded at the expense of
    had succeeded Narses, could do little more than make Ravenna their Bornan neighbours, and the dukes were afterwards able
    and the Aemilia secure. The bishop of Acluileia had fled to maintain a position independent of the Lombard kings, in
    to Grado,2 and Honoratus, the bishop of Milan,3 to Genon, consequence of their geographical separation from the northern
    but Ticinum defended itself so long and so firmly that the duchies by the strip of Ronlan territory which extended from
    irritated Lombard is said to have vowed that he would Rome to the lands of the Pentapolis.
    massacre all the inhabitants. But when the place was taken King Alboin was slain in 5 7 3 . Fate is said to have over-
    after a siege of three years, he relented ancl chose it for his taken him by the hands of his second wife Rosamund, the
    capital. Milan and Ticinuni were the cities which Alboin Gepid princess, who cherished feelings of revenge towards her
    was destined to possess ; Ravenna, the Aemilia, and the Penta- lord on account of the death of her father Cunimnnd, and a
    polis4 stood out against the invaders, and Ravenna was dark legend has associated itself with her name. The exist-
    probably not even attacked by them. Allsoin hiniself did not
    ence of a king was not a necessary element in a Lombard's
    penetrate farther s ~ u t hthan Tuscany? but ,his nobles, with
    political vision ; royalty could easily be dispensed with. Ac-
    bands of followers, pressed forward and formed the duchies cordingly, after the short reign of Clepho, Alboin's successor,
    of Spoletiuni and Beneventum. Most of the towns in t,hese the dukes did not elect a new sovereign, and for about eleven
    districts were totally undefended 6 ; the walls of Beneventmu years there was' no central Lombard power.2 But in 584 the
    L a ~ ~ g o b a ~ d o r aii.~ ~5).
    , a , The same story Fanum, Senegallis, Ancona ; tlie Deca- invasions of the Franks c,ompelled the dukedoms3 to f ~ r ma
    is told of Hormisdas and Varahran ; it p o l i s = Auximnm (Osimo), Huniana
    was told in ancient times of a king of (Urnana), Aesis (Jesi), Forumsempronii united resistance, and necessitated the renewal of the kingly
    Cyprns and a queen of Cyrene (Herodo- (Fossombrone), hlontemferetrnn~(31011- office for the purpose of this unity. Autharis, Clepho's son,
    tus, iv. 1'62). Sce above, p. 110. trfeltro), Urbinnm, Territoriu~nVal-
    1 These districts mere in ecclesiastical vense, Callis (Cagli), Luceoli, and was elected king. At the same time the Emperor Maurice
    opposition to Justinian and the Roman Eugubium. The ilenlilia containccl appointed a new exarch, Smaragdus, to succeed Longinus.
    see, a circnmstance which probably the civitntcs of Ferrara, Bologna, Cesena,
    favoured the conquest of Alboin. At Imola, etc. For a moment it seemed possible that the Lombard power
    this time the Franks were allies of Aceorcling to Paul (ii. 26), he snb-
    the Lombards ancl Avars. Cf. Me- jngated all tlic land .r~spz~c all Tzlscinii~ in Italy rnight be extinguished in the cradle. The activity of
    nander, fr. 24. Alboin niarried Chlot- during the siege of Ticinum ; and Panl Smaragdus succeeded in forming a great coalition against the
    suinda, a daughter of Chlotar I. (Paul, attribntes this celerity to the exhaustion
    i. 27). of the inhal~itantsby the recent plague inGaders (588 A.D.) ; the Franks and the Avars united with
    " I ii. 10. and a famine. I t is doulkful, however, the IZomans for their destruction. But the Franks were not
    "lboin entered Liguria i?sdictio?ze whether the conquest was really so soon
    i?tgrediei$te te7,tia = September 569 accomplished. Alboin captured Verona really earnest supporters of the Roman cause ; and the enter-
    (ib. 25). and Vincentia, but Patavium and Cre-
    Ib. 14. A difficulty has been felt mona were not taken till the days of
    ( ' P O V U Kwas
    ~ ~ the
    ) chief fort in Bruttii ; Rlolite Cassino mere forced to flee fro111
    as to the identity of tlie cities of Agilulf. 011 Naples ancl Curnae the whole de-
    the Pentapolis and tho Decapoiis (so The undefended state of the to\vns their monastery, which was pulled
    fence of Carnpania devolved. down (590 A.D.) and remained desolate
    often mentioned in eighth-century his-
    tory). I believe it has been finally
    of southern Italy in tlie time of tllc
    Gothic war is proved by tlie notices of ' Compare F. Hirsch, Uas Hcrzoq- for more than a hundred years. Cf.
    thicnz, Bcr~ece~st,p. 3.
    solved by L. Armbrust in his neat Procopins. The ollly fortified ~ O I V I I ill Paul. Diac. iv. 18. I t was rebuilt about
    little essay, Die territorinlc Politik der Lucania was Acerenza, on the Cala- ' Paul, ii. 3 2 : per aiLiLos clecem. '720 by the abbot Petronax in the
    F i a n borders (Blrep ' ~ ~ ~ p o v r ~ahoGur
    i8a During this interregnum the Lom- days of Pope Gregory 11.
    Papste wo?~500 bis 800 (pp. 54, 55). bards were active in devastating and
    The Pentapolis= Ariminum, Pisaurum, Pwpaior, B. G. iii. 23) ; Rossauc' "pparently thirty-five in number
    conyuerint. The Benedictine inollks of (Panl, ii. 32).
    148 HISTORY O F T H E L A T E R ROrlfAN EMPIRE Booe~v CHAP. V THE LoMh'ARDS IN ITAL Y 149

    prise carile to nothing.' A year or two later we find the am- fulfils its special function. (1) The northern group includes
    bassadors of the Franks at Constantinople, attempting to induce Pavia, the royal residence, the duchies of Bergamo, Brescia,
    Maurice to make them grants of money. Friuli, Trient, etc., and Tuscany : this group was associated
    I n 590 Agilulf succeeded Autharis. He conquered the more especially with the Lombard kings, for in it they pos-
    eastern parts of northern Italy which were still ruled by the sessed a real as well as a nominal jurisdiction. Its function
    exarch ; especially the cities of Patavium and Cremona, in was to oppose the Frank invasions in the north-west and to
    the east. The Lombard conquests were not accomplished as threaten the exarchate, while on the dukes of Friuli in their
    rapidly as is sometimes represented, not as rapidly by any march-land devolved the defence of Lombardy against the
    means as the conquest of the Vandals in Africa. I t was not Slaves and Avars, who pressed on the frontier. (2) The Lom-
    till the reign of Rotharis (63 6-652) that the coast of Liguria bard territory in central Italy was the duchy of Spoletium,
    and the city of Genoa were won. The conqueror of Liguria which endeavoured to extend its limits to the north at the ex-
    is now celebrated as the compiler of the Lombard code of laws ; pense of the Pentapolis and to the west at the expense of Rome.
    but he also deserves to be remembered as the victorious com- This duchy tended to join Tuscany and include the isthmus of
    batant on the banks of the Scultenna (Tanaro), where the exarch land which lay along the Flaminian road between Rome and the
    and the Romans suffered a great defeat (642 A . D . ) ~ After this Adriatic. (3) I n the south, the duchy of Beneventum included
    the geographical limits of the Romans and Lombards altered almost all the territory east of Naples and north of Consentia.
    but little ; towns mere taken and retaken, but the general out- But this description of the geographical demarcation of
    line of the territories remained the same. Lombard and Roman territory is not sufficient to explain the
    The exarchate of Ravenna, including the Pentapolis and relations of the powers. There are two facts which should
    the Aemilia, naturally maintained itself, as the imperial power be emphasised, as having exercised a decisive influence on the
    was concentrated there. Rome, although in a state of sad de- development of Italy. The first is, that the Lombards were a
    cline and often hard pressed, was able to keep the Lombards at military nation with no aptitude for cultivating the soil. They
    bay, chiefly tl~roughthe exertions of the Popes, who possessed consequently at first left the landowners in possession of their
    influence over the Lombards themselves. Naples and Amalfi land, exacting from them a tribute of one-third of the produce,
    also remained imperial, and the land of Bruttii, for a moment but afterwards occupied a third of the land themselves, em-
    occupied by the Teutons, was soon won back by the Empire. ploying of course slave labour. The result was that no
    In the north, Venice and Istria were under the immediate juris- violent change was produced in the character of the popula-
    diction of the exarch of Ravenna. tion. The other fact was the wide extent of the possessions
    I t is apparent that the imperial possessions tended to break of the Church, the patrimony of St. Peter; but to understand
    up into three groups. Venice, Grado, and Istria, the nucleus the importance of this we must consider the development of
    of the future sovereignty of Venice, formed a group by them- the papal power, which the kingdom of the Lombards largely
    selves in the north ; the exarchate of Ravenna, with which effected, and become acquainted with Pope Gregory I., the
    Roine was both administratively and territorially connected, Peatest figure in Europe at the end of the sixth century.
    formed a group in the centre, although Rome tended to be-
    come independent of the esarch ; Naples sometimes seemed to The greatness of Gregory 1.' is due to the fact that he
    belong to this group, and at other times to fall in with the For the study of Greaory's letters, that our present collection of the letters
    80 important for the conztion of Italy is the result of three different collec-
    southern group, which comprised Sicily, Calabria, and Bruttii. at this time, a new foundation has been tions, which were welded together.
    The distribution of the Lombards corresponds, and each p u p laid by the work of tlle late Paul Ewald also showed that the parliest Life
    Ewald in his "Studien zur Ausgabe des of Pope Gregory was that in a St.
    Regirters Gregor's I." (in the Neues Ar- Gall Codex, composed by an English-
    See von Ranke, WeZtgeschichte, iv. 2, p. 156. Aiv). E\rald's great discovery was
    Paul, iv. 45. man.
    150 HZSTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP V THE LOMBARDS IN ITALY 151

    gathered up and presented in a new form and with new em- the title "Ecumenical," while Gregory won for the Roman
    phasis the most lively religious influences that had operated in bishop a more ecumenical position than he had ever held
    the Latin ~vorld,namely the theological system of St A U ~ U S - before. I n these men there seems to have been a real union
    tine and the monastic ideal of St. Benedict ; and that, on the of pride in their office with personal humility.
    other hand, he seized and made the most of the gracious From this sketch it will be seen that Gregory had three
    opportunities which the time offered for increasing and extend- different experiences. He had the experience of civil affairs,
    ing the influence of the Roman see. he had the experience of monastic life, he had the experience
    The events of his life peculiarly fitted him for achieving these of ecclesiastical diplomacy. Thus he was peculiarly fitted to
    results. From the diverse characters of his parents he in- carry on the various forms of activity which the papal dignity
    herited both a capacity for worldly success and a spiritual and the difficult circumstances of Italy rendered possible ; and
    temperament; his father was a civil magietrate in Iiome and his strong nature, of somewhat coarse fibre, was well adapted
    his nlother Silvia was a saint. He studied law with a view to to contend with and take advantage of the troubled times.
    a secular career, but his leisure hours were spent in reading We may consider, in order, his relation to the Lombards, his
    Jerome and Augustine. The inner voice triumphed in the position in western Christendom, his relation to the Emperor,
    encl, for, when he attained the high dignity of prefect of the city his theological and literary work.
    (574), the circumstances of state and the gilded pomp which The hands of the Ronian Emperors, Justin, Tiberius, and
    surrounded him struck him with a sort of terror; he felt that Maurice, were so full with the wearisome Persian and Avaric
    the temptations lurking in them might assail and win ; and he wars that they had no money or men to send to the relief of
    fled, as if froin foes, to the shelter of cloister life, having broken Italy. The exarch could do little, for though he was invested
    with the world by spending the patrimony of his father on the with military as well as civil authority, his attention was
    foundation of seven monasteries. But the ascetic rigours to chiefly confined to the collection of taxes. While the Pope
    which he zealously sabmitted himself began to harm his health, was naturally concerned for the defence of Rome in the first
    and Pope Pelagius, kindly interfering, caused him to leave place, his concern extended also to the rest of Italy, espe-
    his cell and enter the ranks of the clergy, and sent him as cially to the southern provinces. I t was Pelagius, and not
    an cqoc~isiarius,or nuncio, to Constantinople, where he re- the exarch of Ravenna, who sent entreaties for assistance to
    mained for six years (5179-585). 011 his return to Rcme lie the Emperors. One of the missions assigned to Gregory
    became abbot of the monastery which he had himself founded when he was apocrisiarius was to obtain aid against the Lom-
    there, and it was at this time that he observed the Anglo- bards ; but Tiberius was unable to send succour, and advised
    Saxon slaves in the market-place and conceived the idea of a the Pope either to buy off the enemy, or by a bribe to persuade
    mission for the conversion of Britain. H e had made all the the Franks to invade Cisalpine Gaul.' Shortly after this the
    necessary preparations to set out for that obscure island, which Franks were induced to undertake three successive invasions ;
    had already become a land of fable to the inhabitants of the Lut these came to nothing, as no intelligent co-operation was
    Empire, but was prevented from carrying out his intention carried out between the invaders and the military forces of the
    by Pope Pelagins, to whom he was far too useful to be lost. exarchate.
    Pelagius died in 590, and Gregory was unanimously elected In the year in which Gregory became Pope, Autharis died,
    to succeed him, but sorely, it appears, against his own will. I t is and his widow, the Bavarian Theudelinda, married Agilulf, who
    a remarkable coincidence that the contemporary Patriarch of became the new king. Agilulf was an Arian, but Theudelinda
    Con~tantino~le was also forced unwillingly to accept his chair, was a Catholic, and Gregory possessed so much influence over
    and that he also, like Gregory, practised the most rigorous her that her husband allowed their son to be baptized into the
    asceticism; and yet that John Jejunator tenaciously clung to Tiberins, however, relieved the famine which affected Rome in his reign.
    152 H(STOR Y OF THE L A T E R ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. V THE LOMBAh'DS IN ITALY 153

    Catholic faith and ceased to place the Catholics in his realm economy of the Patrimony, which was placed in the hands of
    under any disabilities. Thus in Gregory's time the see of clergy called r e c t o ~ c s or [email protected]; and he used to
    Rome and the Lombard court were generally on very good inquire into the minutest details.
    terms, although on one occasion (5 9 3) Agilulf threatened Rome, I n Spain, in Gaul, and in Africa the influence of Rome was
    and it was necessary to buy him off. The Pope was the considerably increased under Gregory, while the conversion of
    mediator of a peace between Pavia and Ravenna in 599.l Britain extended the limits of western Christendonl.' Leander,
    Thus it was not the king of Lombardy who was a thorn the bishop of Seville, who was a warm supporter of Gregory,
    in the side of the Pope, but the dukes of Beneventum and induced Reccared, the Visigothic king, whom he had convertecl
    Spoletiurn. The former pressed on the Roman territory in the from Arianism to Catholicism, to send to the bishop of Rome
    south, the latter pressed on it in the east. Now, while it was an announcement of his conversion, accompanied by the guerdon
    of course necessary to defend Rome and other important cities of a gold cup, as an offering to St. In Gaul Gregory
    against Lombard aggressions, it was also extremely desirable for exercised considerable indirect influence, and the bishop of
    the Popes to be at peace with the Lombard rulers, as the lands Arles acted as a sort of vicar or unofficial representative. The
    of the Church were scattered through their dominions. Thus exertions of the Pope were successful in suppressing or
    the Pope had a far greater interest in maintaining peace than lessening many abuses, such as simony and persecution of the
    the exarchs, who had no pledges in the hands of the enemy. Jews ; and he maintained a correspondence with the celebrated
    This circumstance was apparent when, in 5 92, Gregory con- ~ueen-motherBrunhilda. Brunhilda's acts are supposed to
    cluded a peace with the duke of Spoleto, who was threatening have secured her an honourable place among the Jezebels of
    Rome ; and the Emperor Maurice called hinl " fatuous " for so history, but Pope Gregory felt great joy over her " Christian
    doing. spirit." I t is certainly futile to assume, with Gregory's
    Gregory practically managed all the political and military defenders, that he was ignorant of the contemporary history of
    affairs in the south of Italy, though this was strictly the duty the courts of Paris and Soissons, because very small connection
    of the exarch. He appointed the commanders of garrisons subsisted then between Italy and France; nor, on the other
    and provided for the defence of cities; andin this activity not hand, can the correspondence be regarded as either surprising
    only were his early secular training, and his experience in or damning. Brunhilda was liberal in endowing churches and
    public affairs, of service, but the fact that he had been a civil religious institutions ; she was sympathetic and helpful in
    functionary in Rome must have secured for him considerably Gregory's missionary enterprises ; she was Roman in her ideas.
    greater power and influence with the people than he could If her political conduct was not irreproachable, she had thrown
    otherwise have possessed. The Pope's practical experience much in the counter scale ; if she was a fiencl, she was certainly
    aided him in administering "the patrimony of Peter," to which a fiend angelical. When we take into account the ideas of
    I have already referred. This was an important matter, as that. age, in which heresy was looked on as the deadliest sin
    the large possessions of the Church were one of the chief and religious zeal as efficient to cancel many crimes, it is
    means of supporting and extending the papal power. Nor hardly to be wondered that Gregory treated Brunhilda with
    were these possessions confined to Italy ; the Church owned respect.
    property in north Africa, in Gaul, and in Dalinatia. The I n Africa Gregory had far greater authority than in Gaul,
    income from these lands enabled Gregory to take measures where he had no official position. Not only were the bishops
    for the defence of Rome, to give the monthly distributions of of Carthage and Numidia his ardent supporters and useful
    bread and money to the poor, to ransom captives taken in war. 596 mas the date of the mission of 2 Gregory conciliated Reccared with
    He was therefore extremely careful in watching over the st. Augustine. Ten thousand Anglo- the Empire. The Visigothic king
    Saxons were converted, but with the adopted the imperial name of Flavius.
    Sec Paul, iv. 8. Callinicus was the exarch who concluded this peace. Britons he was not successful. Cf. Greg. El?. is. 122 and xiii. 47.
    CHAP. V THE LOMBARDS IN I T A L Y 155
    15-1 HISTOR Y OF THE L A T E R ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    l~isi,ruments,but the exarch Gennadius, who had earned a fair the Pope's character, while Catholics are a t pains to defend
    fame by delivering his provinces from the Moorish hordes who on the plea that he knew nothing either of Phocas per-
    vexed it, favoured and encouraged the increase of the Pope's sollally or of the circumstances under which he had assumed
    influence. A regular system was iiitroduced of appealing to the crown. I t has been especially urged that there was no
    the see of Rome as the supreme ecclesiastical court. npocrisiarius at Constantinople at the time to inform him of
    The relations of Gregory to the Emperor Maurice, whose tile details, and that he had nlerely heard the bare fact that
    subject he was, were not untroubled by discord, and in the phocas had succeeded Maurice. Here again we have no proof
    extensioc of his ecclesiastical jurisdictioll the Pope sonletimes of the extent of the Pope's informatiou ; but it seems gratuitous
    came into collision with the Emperor. I11 Dalnlatia, for to assume that he knew nothing of the details. Such au
    example, a certain Maximus was elected bishop of Salona. assunlption would not be made in the case of any one but a
    Gregory forbade his consecration, and Maxinlns appealed to saint; the ground for the exception being that the character of
    Manrice, who espoused his cause. Then Gregory forbade him a saint is inconsistent with the authorship of a letter in which
    to perform the episcopal offices, but Maurice contillued to the perpetrator of such acts as those of Phocas is not nlerely
    support Maximus in liis conteinpt of the papal commands. As acknowledged but eulogised. But we must remember the
    Gregory hacl 110 means of enforcing llis will, lie consultecl his ideas which were prevalent at the time; when we are at a
    dignity by transferring the matter to Maximian, the bishop of house of entertainment in the sixth or seventh century we
    Ravenna, and Maximus, as directed, betook himself thither. illust be particularly careful not to reckon withont our host.
    He was there convinced of his fault and coilfessed that he had Maurice was, in the eyes of Gregory, a pestilence to the
    " sinned agrainst God and against Pope Gregory."
    Empire and a foe to the Church ; his death was a consummat:on
    Gregory's quarrel with the Patriarch of Constantinople has eminently to be desired; and he who should achieve such a
    been already referred to, and in this affair too the Pope came consnmmation was a person devoutly to be blessed. There seems
    into collision with the Emperor. I t has also been melitionecl therefore no reason to suppose that Gregory was not aware
    that there was discord between them on the matter of Gregory's that the feet of Phocas, as he ascended the throne, were stained
    relations to the Lombards. A law of Maurice which prevented with innocent blood; he loolied upon the acts as a political
    soldiers from shirking service by entering nlonasteries was yet necessity, for which it would have been hardly fair to condemn
    another cause of dispute. the new Emper0r.l On the other hand, we need not suppose
    The consequence was that the relatiorls between Gregory that Gregory was influenced by any ulterior motive to speak
    and Maurice were strained ; Gregory was inclined to attribute insincerely in his letter, or that he aimed at flattering Phocas
    all the evils which beset the Empire to the iniquity of the illto commanding the Patriarch of Constantinople to discard
    Emperor, and he was so unspeakably relieved by the death the obnoxious ecumenical title. This ensued; but we need
    of Maurice that he could not restrain the voice of jnbil- llot .assume that i t was compassed by insincerity on the part
    atioa. He looked upon Phocas, whose name became in the of the Pope.
    eastern part of the Empire a " comlnon nayword and recreation "
    for all that is abominable, as a public deliverer to whoni the Thus Gregory with consun~matedexterity took advantage
    thanksgiving of the world was due ; and his congratulatory of all the means that presented themselves to put the papal
    Power on an independent footing, and win for i t universal re-
    letter to Phocas, wherein he says that "in heaven choirs of
    cognition in the West. But it is especially important to observe
    angels would sing a gloria to the Creator," may still be read.
    This is a page in Gregory's correspondence which, like his I t may be noted t h a t the corre- stronger. I f we assume knolvledge in
    Sl)ondencewitlll3runhilda and that with one case we may assume i t in the
    letters to Erunhilda, has been made a subject for sectarian pllr~caq,taken together, makr the case other, and it is gratuitous t o assume
    controversy. Protestants seize hold of i t as a glaring blot in aSalllst the assumption of ignorance i g ~ l o r a ~ in
    ~ c both
    e cases.
    156 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOKIV CHAP. v THE LOMBARDS IN ITAL I" 157

    how the double rule in Italy contributed to the realisation of the Pope's weak point; here the coarse fibres of his nature are
    the Pope's ambition. If there had been no Lombard invasion, apparent, his want of philosophy, his want of taste. Take,
    if Italy had been the secure possession of the Roman Xmpire, for example, his theory of the redemption. Influenced by
    Gregory would have been at the mercy of the Au,nustus of familiarity with the ideas of Roman law, men were prone
    Byzantium and would have had no power to act independently. to look on the redemption as a sort of legal transaction be-
    On the other hand, the presence of the imperial power was tween God and the devil, in which the devil is overreached.
    equally important ; it would have been still more disastrous to Gregory, true to the piscatorial associations of the first bishop
    become the subject of the Lombard king. Thus the independ- of Rome, presents this idea in a new, definite, and original
    ence of the Popes was struck like a spark between the rival f0rm.l It is easy to identify leviathan in Job with the Evil
    temporal powers that divided Italy. One ; and once this identification is made, i t is obvious that
    the redemption must have been a halieutic transaction, in
    If me turn to his more specially religious worlc, we find ~vhichGod is evidently the fisherman. On his hook he places
    that Gregory exerted a far-reaching influence over the future the humanity of Jesus as a bait, and when the devil swallows
    life of the Church. He had himself been deeply moved by it the hook pierces his jaws.
    the monastic ideal of St. Benedict, of whom he wrote a bio- Consistent with the coarseness displayed in this grotesque
    graphy; and he assiduously endeavoured to make salutary conception, which is put forward earnestly, not as a mere play
    reforms in cloister life. He firmly suppressed those vagrant of imagination, was his nnenlightened attitude to literature and
    monks, whom the sanctity of a religious dress could not always classical learning, in which he went so far as to despise
    shield from the obnoxious name of beygn~s. H e forbade youths grammar 2 ; and this trait of his character is brought out in the
    under eighteen years to take the vows, nor would he permit a twelfth-century legends, which ascribe to him the destruction
    married man to enter a monastery without his express of the Palatine library and other acts of vandalism. The
    consent. He relieved monks of all mundane cares by institut- superstitious love of miracles and legends, exhibited in every
    ing laymen to look after the secular interests of the religious page of his works, may be added to complete a superficial
    establishments. ketch.^
    The clergy (clerus), whom he was careful to dissociate com-
    pletely from the monastic profession, were the object of still The great historical importance of the pontificate of
    more solicitous attention. His Ilegz~lapastoralis, or manual of Gregory I. consists in the fact that he placed the Roman see
    duties for a bishop, became and remained for centuries an in a new position and advanced it to a far higher dignity than
    authority in the Church and an indispensable guide for bishops.' it had previously enjoyed. The germ of the papal power,
    The celibacy of the clergy was his favourite and most important which so many circumstances combined to foster and increase,
    reform, and even in Gaul he was able to exert influence in lay in the position of the Pope as a defender of the people
    that direction. The reforms in the liturgy whicll have been against temporal injustice and misery. This idea is expressly
    attributed to him are doubtful; but the introduction of the recognised by Cassiodorus, the secretary of Theodoric, in a
    solemn Gregorian chant instead of the older less uniform Anl- letter to Pope John : securitas ergo pplebis ad vestran~yespicit
    brosian music has rendered his name more popularly mow11 famam, cui divinitz~sest co~nnzissa cz~stodia.~I t was on the
    than any of his other achievements. l Eomiliae i n Evnngelia, Lib. I , Zoepffel in Herzog and Pflitt's Eney-
    I n doctrine he followed the respectable authority of the Rom. 25 (ed. Migne, voi. ii. p. 1194). clopadze fur protesta?~tisehoThcologie.
    I n a letter to Desiderius of Vienna Gass has some good remarks on
    founder of Latin theology, St. Augustine. But theology was -the true Vienna, as Mr. Freeman Gregory's Horalia (a commentary on
    calls it. Job in 35 books), Gesch. ckr christliehe7b
    3 For this account of Gregory I have Ethik, i. 181.
    Hlnkmar of Rein~s(870) says every Frankish bishop was bound to it at his
    consecration. been assisted by the able article of R. " Yariae, xi. 2.
    158 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V

    same principle that the bishops influenced the election of the


    defeyuorcs civitntis and co-operated with them. Justinian in
    5 5 4 sent standards of coins, measures, and weights to the Pope
    and the senate, thus recognising that the activity of the bishop
    of Rome was not limited to affairs of religion and morals. But
    Gregory the Great was the first pontiff who made temporal
    power an object of aspiration, and took f ~ d ladvantage of
    the opportunities which were offered. Pope Pelagius (55 5- C H A P T E R V1
    560) had called in the assistance of military officers against
    bishops who resisted his authority, but Gregory appointed civil THE EMPIRE AND THE FRLVKS
    and military officers himself. He nominated Constantius
    tribune of Naples when that city was hard pressed by the WE have become acquainted with the internal decline of the
    Lombarcls, and entrusted the administration of Nepi, in Empire from the death of Justiiiian to the fall of Maurice, we
    southern Tuscr,ny, to Leontius, a ziir clarissimz~s. He made have followed the course of the wars with Persia and witnessed
    peace on his own account with tlie Lombards when they mere the depredations of the Avars and Slaves in the Balkan penin-
    at war with the imperial representative, and asserted that his sula, and me have seen how the Lornbards wrested half of the
    own station was higher than that of the exarch.' At the same Italian peninsula from its Roman lords. We must now learn
    time he would not tolerate interference in temporal affairs on the little that is to be known of the relations of the Enipire to
    the part of any subordinate dignitary of the Church, whether the Merovingian kings of Gaul; and our evidence, although
    bishop or priest, and, lilie Pelagius, he used the arm of lay fragmentary, is quite snEcient to show not only that the
    authority to suppress recalcitrant clergy. Roman Empire still maintained its position as the first state in
    During the seventh century, for it is convenient to antici- Europe, and that New Rome was regarded as the centre of
    pate here the only remarks that have to be made on the subject, civilisation, but that the Merovingians still acknowledged a
    no great Pope arose, no Pope of the same power as Gregory I. ; sort of theoretical relation of dependence on the Emperors.
    yet his example was not forgotten. Honorius (62 5-638), the C'hlotar, son of Chloclwig, survived his brothers, and was
    duz plebis as he is called in an inscription, consigned tlie sole king of Gaul for a short time before his cleath. He clied
    government of Naples to the notary Gaudiosus and the master in 5 6 1, and his four sons, Sigibert, Chilperic, Charibert, and
    of soliliers Anatolius, and instructed them in what niailner Gunthramrl, divided Gaul into four liingdoms,l even as their
    they mere to g ~ v e r n . ~We shall see that during the disputes father alld uncles had divided it fifty years before after the
    with the monotheletic Emperors of Constantinople the soldiers death of Chlodwig. I n 574 Sigibert, who ruled i11 Anstrasia
    at Eome always espoused the cause of the Popes against the (formerly the liingdom of Theoderic), sent an embassy to Justin."
    exarchs. The two envoys, Warniar a Frank and Firminus a Gallo-Roman
    1 E'I. ii. 46 : " eum loco e t ordine tatem regendamcommittit cumoni~libus l Chilperic was allotted the nortll-
    ei pertinentibus et qualiter debent regi also includccl Proviucia and some terri-
    praeimus." eastern kingdom of Soisso~ls(the ori- tory (especially the city of .1rverl11)
    V c c L. Armhrust, Die tcrritorinlc scriptis informat. Diese Nacllriclit ginal kingdom of his father Chlotar I.) ; betmeen Ayuitaine and llulguncly
    Politik clcr P(cl)ste con 500 his 800 (in verdanken wir der Iiano~~salllmlung Sigibert received Austrasia (chief towns, (Gregory of Tours, H~st.F T L L Iiv.~ ~ .
    \ ~ h i c l i useful information is c o ~ ~ v e n i -des lialdinais Deuscledit cler sie ans Remi and Alettis) ; Charihert received 22).--W. r e g o r y of Tours, iv. 40. Sigibert
    entlv collected), note 5, p. 31 : "idem dem Registrum Honorii g~scllopftliat, Nenitria, the kingdoln of I k i s (includ-
    in eodem Gaudioso notario et Anatholio liii. c. 149, ed. hlartlnucc~,p. 322." ing Aquita~lia); ~vhileGunthramn ruled died in 575. Charibert had died in
    magistro militnnl Keapolitanam civi- in Uu~gunclia. Sigibert's kingdom 567 or 5 i 0 .
    160 HISTORY OF T H E LATER R O M A N E M P I R E BOOKIV
    CHAP. VI THE E M P I R E AND THE FRANKS 161

    of Auvergne, sailed to Constantinople, and were successful in ob- ingly, we are not surprised to find that both Maurice and
    taining from Justin what their master sought ; what this was we Brunhilda support the enterprise of a pretender to wrest
    are not informed. I n the following year they returned to Gaul. Burgundy from Gunthramn.
    Some years later, probably at the end of 5'78 after the This pretender was named Gundovald, and he fancied him-
    death of Justin, Chilperic sent ambassadors to New Rome. self, whether truly or not, to be the son of Chlotar I. H e had
    The object of this embassy was, I conjecture, to congratulate been born in Gaul, carefully nurtured, and received a liberal
    the new Emperor Tiberius on his accession. The ambassadors education ; his hair fell in tresses down his back, as it was
    clid not return to the court of Chilperic until the year 581 ; worn by sons of kings; and he was presented by his mother
    the delay seems to have been partly due to a shipwreck which to Childebert as the son of Chlotar, and therefore Childebert's
    they suffered near Agatha, on the coast of Spain. They nephew; "His father hates him," she said, "so do you take
    brought back gold coins, each weighing no less than a pound, him, because he is your flesh." Then Chlotar sent a message
    sent by the munificent Tiberius as a present to Chilperic. On to his brother demanding the boy, and Childebert did not
    the obverse was an image of the Emperor with the legend, refuse to send him. Gnndovald's hair was shorn by the
    round the edge, TIBERII CONSTANTINI PERPETVI AVGTSTI, while on order of his reputed father, who repudiated the relationship.
    the reverse were represented a chariot and charioteer, with From this time until the death of Chlotar he supported himself
    GLORIA ROMANORVM. These coins and many other ornaments, by painting the walls and domes of sacred building^.^ After the
    which the envoys had brought, were shown by Chilperic to the death of Chlotar he found a refuge with Charibert, ~vhomhe
    historian Gregory of Tours.' regarded as his brother. His hair grew long again, but, prob-
    It is remarkable that, while Chilperic and Sigibert thus ably after Charibert's death, Sigibert summoned him to his
    maintained friendly relations with the Empire, we never hear court, and having caused him to be tonsured: sent him to Koln.
    of Gunthramn sending embassies to Constantinople. Now, the Gundovald fled from Koln to Italy, where he was received by
    interests of Gunthralnn and the interests of the lords of Aus- the exarch Narses? and married a wife, by whom he had two
    trasia collided. When Sigibert died, his son Childebert was sons. From Italy he proceeded to Constantinople, where the
    a mere child, and his widow Brunhilda carried on the govern- Emperors Justin and Tiberius accorded him a kind ~relcome,~
    ment. Brunhilda was a Visigothic princess, and had received and he abode there for several years, treated as a royaI refugee.
    a Roman education ; she had, therefore, a leaning towards the Gunthramn Boso, a general of Gunthramn, king of Bur-
    Roman Empire, and maintained a friendly intercourse both with gundy, arrived at Constantinople and informed Gundovald of
    New Rome and with Old Rome. Gunthramn was not on good the situation in Gaul. The only representatives of the house
    terms with his sister-in-law; presuming on the youth of his of Chlodwig were the childless Gunthramn, the child Childe-
    nephew and the rule of a woman, he had seized cities which bert, and Chilperic, whose family was dying out. I t seemed an
    had belonged to Sigibert, and was determined to retain them. excellent opportunity for Gundovald to claim a share in the
    This then is the situation at the accession of Maurice. heritage of his father Chlotar, and Boso invited him to return
    Brunhilda, the queen of Austrasia, is friendly to the Empire
    Gregory of Tours, vi. 24.
    and at enmity with Gunthramn, the king of Burgundia, who ' Jb. vii. 36 : Tune. es pietur ill&,
    lb. vi. 24 and vii. 36 (Narsiti prae-
    feeto Itnliac).
    maintains apparently no relations with the Empire. I t is Plci tempore Chlotarii regis per oraturia
    Ib. vii. 36, nb i?nperatoribusszsscep
    Parietes aclqz~c cameras earaxabm ? tus bcnignissime,-I presume Justin and
    plain that it would be advantageous for Maurice t o have a Carazure = xapduro here means to
    Tiberius. The dates of these events
    Paint, in which sense i t is used in ix. 5 ;
    friend or a vassal in the south of Gaul instead of Gunthramn, but in viii. 29 i t is used in the sense are uncertain, and i t is possible that
    and that such a change would also please Brunhilda. Accord- cnvare. Gundovald went in Gaul by the Gundovald may not have reached
    Byzantium until after Justin's death,
    nickname Ballomer, see vii. 14, 36, 38. and that ab impcratoribz~smay refer to
    1 Gregory of Toars, ri. 2. The been sent altte triennium ad Tiberiunb I apologise for this barbarous but the kind reception of Tiberius and
    ambassadors returned in 581, and had imperatorem. useful verb. subsequent favour sho\~,nby Manrice.
    -7-7 -7
    CHAP. VI THE EMPIRE AND THE FRANKS 165
    164 HETORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV
    tion at the hands of the Arian king. I t was in vain that they
    ambassadors to demand back the money from Childebert, who placed themselves under the protection of tlle " Republic " in
    had not fulfilled his part of the bargain ; but Childebert, con- southern Spain; Leovigild captured Hermenigild and threw
    fiding in his strength, did not even deign to reply.' him into pris0n.l Ingundis, with her infant son Athanagild,
    No less than four times did t,he king of Austrasia, urged by resolved to seek at New Rome"11e protection which the Republic
    the importunities of his "father" the Emperor Maurice, set could not afford her at Seville (Hispalis). She died on her
    forth against the lords of northern Italy, but each time he jocmey, but Athanagild reached Byzantium and was reared
    accomplished nothing. I n the year 586, two years after his
    as a Xolnan by the care of Maurice. What ultimately became
    first expedition, the incessant demands of the imperial envoys of this Visigothic prince is not known, but in the year 590
    that he should either perform his promise or repay the we find his grandmother Brunhilda, herself originally a Visi-
    money, induced him to lead an army against Italy ;, but gothic princess, and his uncle Childebert begging Maurice to
    dissensions among the generals compelled him to return, prob- send the boy to Gaul. Maurice probably regarded him as a
    ably before he had reached the Alps, and he made peace useful hostage for tlle loyalty of the Austrasian king; but
    with Autharis, king of the I.ombards, to whom he also pro- though we have the letters of Brunhilda and Childebert con-
    mised his sister Chlotsuinda in marriage. But in 588 he cerning the restitution of Athanagild, the reply of Maurice has
    promised the same lady to Reccared, king of the Goths, who not been preservid. Childebert left no stone unturnecl to
    had been converted recently to the Catholic faith, and deter- induce Maurice to comply with his wish. He wrote not only
    mined once more to cross the Alps and co-operate with the to Maurice himself, but to all the persons at Constantinople
    esarch of Ravenna in driving the Lombards from I t a l ~ . ~ who possessed influence at court, including Paul the Emperor's
    This time the Lombards and Franks met in battle, and the father? Theodore the master of of~ices, John the quaestor,
    forces of Childebert suffered a terrible defeat.4 Magnus the curator (of the palace), Italica a patrician lady,
    The letter of Maurice, in which he reproaches Childebert Venantius a patrician. Moreover, Brunhilda wrote both to
    for his half-heartedness after this failure, is preserved: and
    Maurice and to the Empress Anastasia.* We have also the
    Childebert again crossed the Alps in 590 with an army com- letters of Brunhilda and Childebert to Athanagild. All these
    manded by no fewer than twenty dukes? The fourth expedition epistles were carried to New Rome by ambassadors, of whom
    was little more successful than the other three. The Romans
    the spatharius Gripo seems to have been the chief? and the
    failed to co-operate with the Franks ; the Lombards diligently tone of this correspondence illustrates the lofty position
    avoided hazarding a battle ; and ultimately disease broke out which the Roman Emperor held in the eyes of the western
    in the army of Childebert, and compelled him to return to nations. The majesty of the Imperator was still considered
    Transalpine Gaul.
    something far higher than all German royalties. Childebert's
    Bnt the question of warring together against the Lombards letter to Maurice begins thus : "The King Childebert to the
    was not the only cause of the embassies which passed glorious pious perpetual renowned triumphant Lord, ever
    between the courts of New Rome and Austrasia. Childebert
    Angustus, my father Maurice, Imperator." The Emperor, on
    had a sister, Ingundis, who married Hermenigild, son of Leovi-
    gild, king of the Visigoths. Ingundis and her husband were S'ee vol. i. Bk. iv. pt. i. cap. vii. who took her to Sicily, where she died.
    adherents of the Catholic faith, and they both endured persecu- ad $n. 3 Bouquet, iv. p. 83 spq.
    So Gregory of Tours, viii. 28, ad Ib. p. 83, liii.
    ' Gregory of Tours, " nec responsum ab Italia removerit.
    4 Ib. tantaque i b i fuit stragis dc
    i ~ s t ~ princQ~ern.
    m. He also states that
    I n e n d i s died in Africa. The notice
    5 See Gregory of Tours, x. 2, but
    the names of the ambassadors in
    quidem pro hac re voluit reddere."
    V b . viii. 18 : " con1pc;llentibusmissis Francorurn mrcitu ut olirn simile nolc of Paul the Deacon (Hist. Lang. iii. 21) Gregory and those mentioned in Childe-
    imperialibus, qui aurum quad anno rccolatur. is discordant. According to Paul, she bert's letter are different, except that of
    superiore datum fuerat requirebat." 5 Bouquet, Historiens des Gauzes et de was on her way to Gaul and on the Gripo.
    See Johannes Biclarensis, Chrole.586 A.D. la France, iv. p. 86 (Ixiii.) Spa~lishmarch fell in with soldiers, 6 Bouquet, p. 82, slix.
    Greg. ix. 25 : cum ejus consilio eos Gregory, s. 3.
    166 HISTORY O F THE LA Z'ER RO,ZfAN E M M E BOOK I V

    the other hand, adopts the following form of address, which


    may be given in the original Latin :-
    "In nolnine Dornini nostri Dei Jesu Christi Imperator Caesar Flavius
    Xauricius Tiberins fidelis in Christo mansuetus maximus beneficus
    pacificns Alamannicus Goticns Anticus Alanicns Wandalicus Herulicus
    Gypedicus [Gepaedicus] Africus pius feliv inclytus victor ac triumphator
    selnper Augustus Childeberto viro glorioso regi Francorum."

    Like Justin TI, Maurice adopts all the pompous titles of


    his great predecessor Justinian ; they were part of the inherit- C H A P T E R TI1
    ance. He is fully conscious that he is the greatest sovereign
    in Europe, or even in the world, and the kings of the West THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROMAIOI IN THE SIXTH CENTURY
    acknowledge that they owe him homage and deference as
    Roman Emperor. I n the economy of the Empire the king of ITwill not be inappropriate to give some account of the Greek
    the Franks is only a v i r gloriosus. language as it was spoken by the Romans of the fifth and sixth
    Bouquet, p. 88, Ixv. centuries and written by their historians. I t is to be observed
    that in the year 400, when Gaul and Spain were still Roman,
    the Greek-speaking people in the Empire were in a minority,
    and the official language of the Empire was still purely Latin.
    In the year 5 0 0, when not only Gaul and Spain, but Africa
    and even Italy (practically if not theoretically) had been lost,
    the Empire was a realm of Hellenic speech with the exception
    of Illyricum, and though Latin was still the official language,
    the Emperors often issued their constitutions in Greek. When
    Africa, Italy, and the western islands were recovered, the Latin
    element was once more considerable, but not so considerable
    as the Greek. Justinian, although Latin was his native
    tongue, as he often states with a certain pride, issued most of
    his constitutions, which were to have effect in the Greek-
    speaking part of the Empire, in the Greek language. A11
    official of the civil service in the sixth century complains that
    a knowledge of Latin is no longer as valuable as it used to be,
    inasmuch as it is being superseded by Greek in official docu-
    ments. By the end of the sixth century Latin had ceased to
    be the imperial tongue.
    This disuse of Latin had a considerable effect on the
    vocabulary of the Greek language. Official or technical Latin
    terms, for which there were no equivalents ready to hand, had
    already mads their way into Greek speech, but no one would
    have ventured to use them in writing without an apology. But
    168 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROIZfANEIZfPIRE BOOI<Iv CHAT. vII THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROL~f.4ZOI 169

    once they mere regularly employed in the imperial constitutions, ( 2 ) That the language of educated people was different from
    they became as it were accredited; they began to lose their tllat of tlle vulgar, and approximated to the written language, is
    foreign savour, and were no longer looBed on as strangers; proved by a passage in 3iIenander.l I t was, nevertheless, subject
    prose-writers no longer scrupled to use them. to the same tendencies, as is fully demonstrated by the fact that
    But me nil~stcarefully distinguish between three liinds of these very tencleiicies soon affected written prose and changed
    Greek. There was (1) tlle vulgar spoken language, from which ~ellerlisticinto Byzantine literature. Graecfsed Latin words
    illodern Greek is derived. Its idiom varied in different places ; must have been used even more by the higher classes than by the
    the Greek spoken in Antioch, for esaniple, differed to soine lower; a s~perelegantwriter at the beginning of the seventh
    extent from that spoken in Byzantium or that spoken in century employs c$ap~hia (fc~nlilia)~vithouta line of aplogy.
    Alexandria. Antiochian Greek may have been influenced by These Latinisms were chiefly adopted in matters apperbainiiig
    Syriac, as Syriac was certainly influenced by Greek. There to Bornan law, to the imperial administration, or to warfare.
    was (2) the spoken language of the educated, which, under the There were also many new colloquial usages of old words,
    influellee of the vulgar tongue, tencled to degenerate. There which the purism of Procopius or Agathias would not have
    ~vas(3) the conventional written language, which endeavoured countenanced. The adjective cjpaio~, for instance, meai~t
    to preserve tlle traditions of Hellenistic prose from the changes nothing more tllaii "fair " or " pretty" ; ~ o v &meant " I
    which affected the oral " common dialect." We may take am ill," and ~ ~ v 8 v v e dwas
    w used in the special sense of being
    these three liinds of Greek in order. sick unto death ; ~ ~ v i j ahad a ~ the intransitive significatioil
    (1) Of the vulgar dialect, such as it was spoken at Byzan- of breaking up or moving on; 2 0 ~ ~ a r r e 6 8meant~v " I mas
    tium in the sixth century, a specimen has been preserved in pleased." I t was some time, doubtless, before unsightly
    the dialogne which took place in the hippodrome between the forms like ;Baku were adopted from the mouths of the
    Emperor and the green faction shortly before the revolt of common people, but the perfect and pluperfect tenses were
    Nika.l Froin this and from stray words which are preserved soon relegated to the speech of the pedant and the prose
    by historians or inscriptions, we see that it is already far on its of the man of letters; the old variety of particles and pre-
    way to becoming what is called Eomaic ; in fact it was already positions was replaced by a baldness and monotony of expres-
    called Romaic. A sixth-century inscription in Nubia proves sion whicil correspond to the more simple constructions that
    that the word V ? ; I ~ ~was V then ~ ~ s efor d " water," whence eime into use ; 2hv was used with the indicative mood.
    comes the nlodern Greek v ~ p 6 . A mule is pop6&v179 iiisteacl (3) I t has been already pointed out that the Greek
    of Ijplovo~,and a y a v 8 & p ~ vor yav6cip~vis apparently used for historians of the fifth and sixth centuries wrote in a traditional
    an ass. A standard is ,E?&vGov, an iron-headed club is 6 1 m P ~ v , prose style, handed down by an unbroken series of Hellenistic
    baggage is r o C ~ 6 o v ,and o t c o 4 h ~ ais used for a guard or watch. writers from Polybius, and, althougll it underwent some modi-
    Eesides tlle strange vocabulary, derived partly from Latin and fications, differing less from the style of Polybius than the
    partly fro111 local Greek words, changes are taking place in the style of Polybius differs frdm the style of Xenophon. Olympi-
    grammar and syntax. Terminations in -LOU, for example, are odorus seems to have been the only writer wlio ventured to
    becoming corrui~tedto -LU: the perfect tense and many pre- introduce words and phrases from the spoken language, and
    positions and particles are falling into disuse. thus his writings may be considered, in point of style, a mild
    anticipation of the chronicles of Malalas and Theophanes.
    Another specimen is found in Theo- GapaAiGa b?raA?jv ~ a As i r b ~ a r v b v~ A E K -
    l~hancs,6093 A.M. The Greens and r6prv radrg T E X - ~ G ~ K ~~ Ya 2xoi?)ue
    l xarGia
    13luesarrayed a nlnn resembling Xaurice d s r b fuho~odrov8a. ~ a loljGris T O A ~ ( L Menandcr, fr. 1 2 (F.H. G. iv. p. 2 See the monograph of G. Sotiriadis
    in a black cloak (uayiov paDpov), and XaAfuar dhh' iihous +fdpwutv' dyrC pov, 217) ; he professes to have given the on Joha?z?~es vow, A~~tioehin, in 1~11ich
    having crowl~eclhim with a clown of liyre $o@rp8 ~ a Guvar.4,
    l 66s a J s 4 arb "ords of the Roman anlbassador as the use of phrases like this is applied as
    ollions ( d x b u ~ d p 8 w v ) ,set him on an ~ p a v i o v , i'va & b ~ ~ p a i p e r a r~ b y hUoL !hey mere spoken, not translatecl i s r b a criterion to test the genuine f r a p ~ e n t s
    ass and mocked him thus : E i i p ? ) ~r ~i v rbv poi% rdv p6yav x p o u a y k ~ wcis E ~ X S Y . ATTLK~TE~OV. of Johannes.
    170 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    Procopius and Agathias and Menander could not, indeed, avoid js opposed to Greek, whether spoken or written ; in the latter
    the necessity of sonletinles introducing technical or official case it is spoken Greek opposed to written Greek. Written
    Latin ivords which had become current in spoken Greek, but Greek is called the " language of the Hellenes " ; and, as applied
    they always considered themselves bound to add an apologetic to language, the word "Hellenic" has escaped the opprobrious
    " so -called " or " to use the Latin expression." As a rule, ' religious meaning which had become attached to the name
    however, they employ periphrases, and avoid the use of such Hell@n." I'rocopius for the most part speaks of " Latin" and
    titles as praetorian prefect, magister militurn, or comes not of " Romaic " ; the latter term was fast becoming fixed in
    largitionum. Even the word " indiction " is considered un- its application to the language which was spoken at New
    dignified, and rendered by such a circumlocution as "the Rome. I t should be noticed that Romaic never came to be
    fifteen-year circuit." I t would be interesting, if we had inore synonynious with Hellenic ; writers could never lose the con-
    data, to trace the reciprocal influences exerted on each other sciousness of the vast gulf which separated the conventional
    by the spoken language of the higher classes and the con- language of written prose, mhich they often fondly imagined
    ventional prose. to be Attic, from the language of daily life. By the end of the
    This conventional prose never ceased to be written until sixth century fiomaic has become equivalent to the language
    :he fifteenth century. Laconicus Chalcocondyles and George of the Ronz~~ioi; it is no longer used for the language of
    l'hrantzes are, as far as their Greek is concerned, lineal the Ronzcc7zi. This is apparent from its use in Theopliy-
    clescendants of Polybius. Tliere was indeed a break from the lactus Simocatta. W e are often startled in the pages of this
    middle of the seventh century to the end of the eighth, from writer by meeting the word Aarivo~, and reading that the
    Theophylactus to Nicephorus the Patriarch, but even during Latins were carrying on operations in Mesopotamia or Thrace.
    this period of historiographical inactivity the conventional Greek The affected historian uses the word as synonymous with
    was employed by theological writers.' 'Pwpaio~. The Latin name had once meant the populzcs
    I t is natural that i11 the sixth century, when the Roiilnii Ro~~zanzcs ; in Theophylactus it meant the Xahq 'PW~~L~~LK~T.'
    Elupire was losing its Latin appearance and assuming a Greeli Virgil or Livy might have spoken of Latins warring on the
    con~plesionin language, and in other respects too, the word Euphrates or the Danube ; at a much later time we are accus-
    " Roman " should have become elastic and ambiguous. I11 tomed to speak of the Latins at Constantinople or in Palestine ;
    Greek writers 'PwPaio~generally means all the subjects of the but it is strange to find the " Latins " con~n~anded by Priscus
    Empire ; but it is also used of the inhabitants of Old Roine ; and Philippicus-names indeed that suggest Old Rome-at
    and it is even used of the ancient Romans as opposed to the end of the sixth century. But if Theophylactus uses
    the " modern " Roinans of the Empire. All these usages will Latin in a forced sense as the equivalent of Romaic, he uses
    be found in l'rocopius. Again, the expressioil " Romaic lan- Rovzccic in its natural sense and not as an equivalent of Latin.
    guage" may signify one of two things. I t sometimes means And when a word which he calls Romaic happens to be of
    Latin and sometimes it means Greek. I n the former case it Latin origin, he does not desire to convey that fact to the
    ' For example, Pardepev8dprov r1j the Helle~zic Jotrr~zal (vol. iii.), " On reader, but only to indicate that it is a word of the vulgar
    Aarivwv @ w v i r?jv 71p?jv ra1;rvv K ~ X O D U Lsome Points in the later History of tile language, which cannot be introduced into prose by a dignified
    Pwpaior (Procopins, i. 256, ed. Bonn). Greek Language:" H e has not, I think,
    Heaps of csamples may be found in sufficiently real~sedt h a t the conven- writer without an apologetic explanati~n.~
    turning over the pages of Procopius. tional prose style continued to be
    H e uses, however, a few words, for \witten by people like Theodore Stn(lita, ' I use l a b s , not 6 9 . ~ :~ 0because
    ~ c i n o u ~ ~ v ? j.ijv udvv6es 'Pwpaiors 7 f j
    example ~ a r p i ~ r owithout
    s, deeming it Ignatius, etc., dnring thc period he- Xa6s is the Romaic word which was P n r ~ w p l y t,wv?j roDXGov d ? r o ~ a X ~ (ii.
    iv 4,
    necessary to explain. Olympiodorus tween Alenander and Leo Diaconns. used of the army, and when Theophy- 1) ;me read of the dra+poupd, .ijv u ~ o 1 ; X ~ a v
    Itad used 8 r a r y v ~ r o s and without Thechief inaugurator of tlle Renaissance lactus speaks of Lati?zs he always refers urSvvOes rfj ~ a r p l 4y w v $ 'Pwpaiors d ~ 0 h . a -
    ceremony. of Elellenism in the elcvcnth century t o the soldiers. Xeiv (vi. 9, 1 4 ) ; so Pdv8ov (bn7~rlu?1a, a
    ".q. John of Damascus. See Mr. was Michael P~ellus,t h e stylistic father For example, ro0l6ov, baggage, the standard), iii. 4, 4. When Procopins
    Freeman's very interesting article in of Anna Comnena and Zonaras. old French touclis, is thus exlllained : spoke of tlle standard ml~ichRomaioi
    174 HfiTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V

    Greek by C e P a a r 6 ~bnt
    , in later times A&yovaroq appears to
    have become the current term; Justinian uses A i ; y o v a ~ o ~
    &e~crk/3aaro~ ill official documents. The Empress vas always
    called Ai;yovara.
    The fates of the words Hellene ("EXXr)v) and barbarian
    (Pcip/3apoq) are extremely curious. Originally they were con-
    jugate terms ; the world was divided into Hellenes and bar-
    barians. The course of history, the cliffusion of Christianity,
    and the influence of the Roman Empire brought it about
    that each became the conjugate of something quite different. C H A P T E R VIII
    "Ehhr)v can~eto mean a non-Christian or a pagan, and thus was
    LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY
    opposed to X P ~ a ~ ~ :a while
    v 6 ~ Pcip/3apoq came to be opposed
    to 'PopaZoe I t will be remembered that in the plays of
    Plautus, taken from Greek originals, a Ronlan was spoken of WHENthe gods of Greece were hurled from heaven by the
    as a barl~arian. I t nlay be noticed, as a curious freak of usage, God of Christianity, Athens was left for two hundred years as
    that the Latin word for pagan, pc~yn7zzis,riiade its way into the a hill retired " on svhicli their votaries could stand apart " in
    'I

    Greek language, but i11 a different sense ; rrayav~rc6cwas used high thoughts elevate," reasoning of Providence and fate. But
    of secular as opposed to sacred or holyday things, ancl especi- this inner circle could not resist for ever the atmosphere that
    ' ally of everyday as opposed to festal apparel.' encompassed i t ; this quietistic negation of the prevailing spirit
    When " E X X ~received
    V its new theological meaning, what coulcl not last. And so, when Justinian in 529 A.D. conl-
    worcl, it may be asked, was used to denote tlie Greeks as opposed rnandecl that the schools of Athens should be closed, we can
    to the Latins ? The answer seenis to be that the need of such hardly suppose that he anticipated by many years their natural
    a word lvas not nluch felt, and whenever occasion demanded death.
    there was the word rpaZcoq (G?.necl~s)to fall back on. But all Proclns must be IooIred on as the last link in the chain of
    the Greeks were ' P o p a Z o ~ ,they formed no nation ; and no Greek philosophy ; he was the last philosophical genius, the last
    subject of the Empire belonged to a class callecl " Greek" ; lie originator of a system. But the seven professors who were
    belonged to such and such a province, or to such and such a citj. ranged round the deathbed of philosophy, and who, despairing
    After Justinian the rLoman Ei~lperorsceased to speak either of pursuing their studies conveniently within the Empire,
    in private or in public life the tongne that was spoken at Olcl betook themselves to Persia, have won a place in the recollec-
    Iiome. The official language had already become practically tion of posterity by their curious and somewhat pathetic experi-
    Greek ; we can trace this tendency in the Code of Theodosius, ences. All seven were Asiatics, and had a high reputation;
    where we find no vestige of the purism of Claudius, who the most celebrated were Simplicius of Cilicia and Damascius
    would not adiiiit a Greek word in an edict; but in the Code of Syria, a Neoplatonist.' Exaggerated rumours had repre-
    of Justinian it is no longer a mere tendency. Yet this official sented to them Chosroes as a sort of royal philosopher, if not
    Greek is full of Latinisms, and until tlie last day of the Ronian the ideal of Plato, yet equal at least to Julian or Marcus
    or Romaic Empire memories of its origin from Latin Rome Aurelius, and they fornled golden dreams of living in an
    survivecl in its language. enlightened kingdom, a place like heaven, in which thieves do
    It often occurs i n Constantine the Greek O U V T E X E U T ? ~ ~in much the ' Agath. ii. 30 : o8ror o t v drravres other philosophers\\-ere Isidorus of Gaza,
    Porphyrogennetos, de C r ~ e r i ? l ~ o l ~ i i ssame
    . sense-a rustic or colon, opposed to r b d ~ p o vdwrov ~ a r hr. i v rroIqu~v7 i v ;v r @ Eulanlpiusof Phrygia, Priscianof Lyd~a,
    Maurice (Stmtegic, i. cap. 6) uses rra- u r p a r r t j ~ r ) ~ .uwv.reX~o~aL is used in laws ua8' +fii?s x p b v y ~ ~ X ~ u o ~ q u d vThe r ~ v . Hermeias, and Diogenes of Phoenicia.
    yav6s in the sense of civilian. H e uses for landed proprietors (xwptdv ~hpror).
    176 HlSTOR Y O F ? X E LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V

    not breali through and steal.' They were disappointed. Among Justinian's reign, is interesting not only for the light which it
    the subjects of Chosroes they found human nature as near the throws on the state of southern Asia, but also for its cosmo-
    ground as in the lands which they had left, and on the throne logical speculations. The problem was to explain the position of
    they found a man who affected higher culture, but was really the earth in the universe and determine its shape, so as not to
    ignorant.2 Disillusionised, they returned to the Roman Empire ; conflict with foregone theological suppositions. The rising and
    it was more tolerable to them to be put to death among Roman setting of the sun were of course the chief difficulties. The
    rhristians than to be lords among the Persian fire-worshippers.3 notion of Lactantius, Augnstine, and Chrysostom touching
    Chosroes, however, rendered them a service. I n the neace of the Antipodes was that it was a place where the grass grew
    5 3 2 A.D. he bargained with Justinian for the personal safety downwards and the rain fell up. Cosmas looked on the earth
    of the seven philosophers, whom he could not persuade to as a flat parallelogram whose length from east to west was
    remain at his court. twice as great as its breadth from north to south. This paral-
    A thinker who deserves the name of a philosopher, although lelogram, according to his view, is enclosed by walls on which
    he wrote professedly in the interests of christian theology, was the firmament rests, and the sun and the moon and the stars
    Johannes Philoponus, who lived in the sixth century and was move underneath this firmament. I n the northern part of the
    a conteillporary of Simpli~ius.~I n his early years he wrote a earth there is a very high mountain, round which the sun and
    book against Aristotle's doctrine that the world is eternal, to other heavenly bodies move; this explains day and night, as
    which attack Simplicius wrote a reply. He also conlposed a the mountain conceals the sun and stars from view when
    work, still extant, 6n the eternity of the world, arguing against they are on the other side.l I n the same plane as the earth,
    the demonstrations of Proclus. The noteworthy point is that but beyond its confines, lies the place where man dwelled
    he met the pagan theories on their own ground, and attempted before the Delugesz
    to construct tlle world from the indications of reason alone, The difference in spirit between the fifth century and the
    without help from revelation. His position was that reason sixth is perhaps most evident in the sphere of h i ~ t o r y . ~As a
    of itself leads to the doctrines of Christianity. I n another rule, the historians of the fifth century are either pronounced
    direction, however, he propagated nominalistic opinions which christians or pronounced pagans; as a rule the historians of
    endangered a cardinal dogma of the Church. His logical the sixth century are neither pronounced christians nor pro-
    theories may be considered as a sort of link between the nounced pagans. Procopius and Agathias, nominally Chris-
    nominalism of Antisthenes the Cynic and the nominalism of tians, allow christian conceptions to have no influence over
    the medieval school of Roscelin; and he consistently applied This theory is taken from Patri- of Epiphania (who carried his history
    his logic to the Trinity in a way that threatened the divine tins. Cosmas begins his work, which con- down to 502, and was utilised after-
    unity. He may be looked upon as a forerunner of the chris- wards by Evag~ius); Hesychius of
    sists of twelve books, in true monkish Miletus, and John of Antioch, both of
    tian philosophers of the Middle Ages, such as Michael style : " I, the sinner and wretch, open whom likewise carried down their his-
    Psellus in the East and the schoolmen in the West. He my stammering stuttering lips" . . . tories to the reign of Anastasius. On
    hvoiyw r & poyrAdAa ~ a ppa8iryXwuua
    l John of Antioch's date, see the work of
    introduced the application of Aristotelianism to Christianity. ~ d X 76 cipap7wAAs ~ a 7iAas
    l &yh. Stu- G. Sotiriadis, Zur Kritik des Johannes
    dents of the history of the Epigoni owe won A~ztiochza. These historians fill a
    The Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes, an a debt of gratitude to Cosmas for having gap in the eipp6s(as Evagrius would say)
    Egyptian monk who visited the East at the beginning of copied and inserted in his work part from Olympiodorus to Theophylactus.
    of a Greek inscription on a marble Peter of Thessalonica, the patrician
    throne a t Adule, set up by Ptolemy whom Justinian en~ployedon embassies
    ~ a 067~
    l @DpesX ~ ~ & T067~
    W VLIpra- 3 One thing to which the philoso- 111 after his great eastern expedition to the Ostrogothic and Persian courts,
    yes civa+hovra~. phers especially objected, according to (cf. Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, wrote a history of the Roman Enlpite
    Chosroes was afterwards the dupe Agathias (ii. 31), was T+V T;V p i t e ~ v P. 320). from the time of Augustus till the time
    of an ignorant impostor, Uranius (554 ~a~o8arpoviav. ' ~ h t w e e nMalchus and Procopius of Julian (or perhaps later). He seems
    A.D.), who pretended to be a philo- 4 His date is often wrongly placed in intervened three historians, of whose to have been .I able a l ~ dculture~l
    sopher. the seventh century. works fragments remain ; Eustathius man.
    178 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAA' EMPIRE EOOK IV CHAP. VIII LITERA TURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 179

    their historical views, and Menander writes in the same core, in the essence of his spirit, a pagan ; Christianity, assented
    spirit.' to by his lips and his understanding, was alien to his soul, like
    Procopius of Caesarea,"he secretary of Belisarius and the a half-known foreign language. H e could not think in chris-
    historian of his campaigns, wrote a history of the Persian, tian terms; he was not able to handle the new religious
    Vandalic, and Gothic wars, which, while it is arranged in geo- ; he probably felt wonder, rather than satisfaction,
    graphical divisions after the fashion of Appian, has its unity in at the joys that come from Nazareth. And we may safely
    a central figure, the hero Belisarius. Procopius has been say that it was just this pagan nature, deeper perhaps than
    compared both to Herodotus and to Polybius. He lias been that of the aggressive Zosimus, that made hinl such a good
    compared to Herodotus on account of his love of the marvellous, historian. He is almost worthy to be placed beside Ammianus.
    which, however, did not eliminate his love of historical truth, H e attended Belisarins in his campaigns and kept a diary, froni
    such as he conceived i t ; and if Herodotus' care for truth can which he afterwards composed the eight books of liis History.
    be called in question, that of Procopius can certainly not be He adopted a geographical arrangement, and so placed the two
    doubted, notwithstanding the fact that his friendship ~vitll Persian wars together, although the Vandalic war and the first
    Belisarius has often biassed him. Like Herodotus also, he period of the Gothic war intervened. W e have thus the record
    gives us much ethnographical information. H e has been of an eye-witness who kept a diary, as is especially plain in his
    compared to Polybius because he explains the course of history description of the sailing of the expedition against the Vandals.1
    by reference to Tyche, Fortune, or to the divinity (&I BEEOV) Of the history of events in which he did not himself assist as
    that shapes our ends. Tyche continually interferes with the a spectator or actor he gives us scant information. H e is not
    plans of men, and the final cause of their foolish acts is "to satisfactory as to the causes of the Gothic war or as to the
    prepare the way for T y ~ h e . " ~H e attributes envy ( $ 8 6 ~ 0 ~ ) intrigues in Constantinople which affected the career of
    to this deity.4 I t would be interesting to know how he Relisarius. But these are just the deficiencies to be expected
    conceived the relation of Tyche to the divine principle, and in an eye-witness who concentrates all his interest on the part
    whether he was a sceptic in regard to a scheme or a final of the drama which he sees himself, and in a contemporary
    cause of the universe. Did he believe that chance corrects who is unable to obtain a complete view of the situatioa.
    chance 2 Procopins is not out of touch with his own age, like Tacitus
    And yet he professes faith in Christianity. He tells us or Zosimus ; although, on the other hand, he is not enthusiastic
    that he believes that Jesus was the Son of God for two reasons, about it, like Polybius or Virgil. H e is able to appreciate the
    because he committed 110 sins, and on account of the miracles greatness of Justinian, and his ardent admiration of Belisarius
    which he performed. The second reason is characteristic of a sometimes damages the credit of his statements. The book
    lover of the marvellous. He does not think of questioning the on Edifices, which he wrote later than his history, is a monu-
    truth of the record; the only question for him is whether the ment in honour of Justinian's vast activity, and there is no
    miracles as recorded point to the divinity of the operator. But reason to consider it an insincere mork, although it xras
    this acceptance of the christian creed does not affect his views perhaps written to order.
    of history. He practically permits the Father, the Son, and
    the Holy Ghost to rest idly like the gods of Epicurus, careless The History of Procopins, which closes with 550 A.D., was
    of mankind; he is not influenced by the christian views of continued by Agathias of Myrrina, a scholasticus or lawyer, who
    history introduced by Eusebius. I n fact Procopius was at wrote five books embracing the history of seven years (552-
    1 Blalchus had written in this way. historian of the Kings of the Germans, 558). They contain an account of the end of the Gothic war
    See vol. i p. 328. voa Casarca.
    entitled P~ocopiz~s
    The best modern work on Proco- B. V. i. 18.
    B. G. ii. 8.
    ' Ranke has brourht out this very clearly and convincingly. ( WeZtgesc7~ichte,
    pius is the monograph of Dahn, the iv. 2, essay OL ~roco;ius.)
    CHAP. V I I ~ LZTERA TURE O F THE SIXTH CEfVTURY 181
    180 HISTOX Y O F THE LATEX ROMAN EIWPIRE BOOK IV

    better than the fables told by women in their bowers over their
    and describe the invasion of Zabergan, but are mainly occupied
    spinning. I t should be true, irrespective of persons. Both he
    with the Perso-Colchian wars, and supply us with some im-
    . and Procopius are distinctly conscious of the obligation to truth.
    portant details about early Sassanid history, which the writer
    Agathias blames previous historians for their careless inaccuracy,
    obtained from Persian records through the medium of his friend
    Sergius, who, as an interpreter, was skilled in the Persian for their distortion of facts to flatter kings and lords, as if history
    language. were not different from an encomium, and for their tendency to
    Like Procopius, Agathias was a Christian, and, like Procopius, revile or disparage the dead.
    Agathias, like Thucydides, has a high idea of the vast im-
    he did not permit his professed religion to influence his historical
    conceptions. We should never have known from his history portance of the age in which he lived. " I t happened in my
    that he was not a pagan1 ; but some of his epigrams apprise time that great wars broke out unexpectedly in many parts of
    the world, that movements and migrations of many barbarous
    us of his Christianity. He does not, however, refer events to
    the leading of Tyche ; he usually speaks of the divine principle, nations took place. There have been strange issues to obscure
    7; eeiov, to which he attributes the exercise of retribution. In and incredible actions, random turns of the scales of fortune.
    Races of men have been overthrown, cities enslaved and their
    telling of the plague which destroyed the army of Leutharis in
    Italy, he observes that some wrongly ascribe it to the corrup- inhabitants changed. I n a word, all human things have been
    tion of the atmosphere; others, also erroneously, placed its set in motion. I n view of this, it occurred to me that it would
    cause in a sudden change from the hardships of war to the not be quite pardonable to leave these mighty and wonderful
    luxury of rest and pleasure. The real cause, according to him, events, which might prove of profit and use to posterity,
    unrecorded."
    was the unrighteousness of the victims, which brought down
    divine wrath upon their heads. He was not content with his profession. He describes
    himself, in accents of complaint, sitting from early morn to
    He has a firm belief in free will, and this is a point of differ-
    sunset in the " Imperial Porch" poring over his briefs and
    ence between his view and that of Procopius. Procopius
    legal documents, feeling a grudge against his clients for disturb-
    emphasises Tyche ; Agathias emphasises free will. Speaking of
    ing him, and still more vexed if clients did not appear, as he
    wars, he will ascribe them neither to the divine principle, which
    depended on the enloluments of his profession for the necessaries
    is in its nature good and not a friend of wars, nor yet to fate or
    blind astral influences. " For," he says, " if the power of fate of life. H e had thus little leisnrc to devote to literary pur-
    suits, such as writing epigrams or making researches in Persian
    prevail, and men be deprived of the power of volition and free
    history ; and literary composition, he tells us, was his favourite
    will, we shall have to consider all advice, all arts, all instruc-
    occupation.
    tion as idle and useless, and the hopes of men who live most
    righteously will vanish and bear no fruit." He therefore
    Meuander of Constantinople studied for the bar, but he had
    attributes wars to the nature of men, and believes that they will
    as little taste as Agathias-whom he admired and probably knew
    continue to occur as long as the congenital nature of men remains
    -for spending his days in the Imperial Porch. As however,
    the same."
    unlike Agathias, he had money at his disposal, a profession was
    He professes to have a strict ideal of what history should be.
    not inevitable ; so he cast aside his law books and adopted the
    I t should be useful for human life, and not merely a bare un-
    idle life of a " man about town.'" He took an interest in horse-
    critical ( & v ~ f C ~ a a ~relation
    oq) of events, which would be little
    races and the excitement of ('the colours," that is the blue and
    An echo of scripture is put in the matter of investigating natural phe-
    mouth of Phartazes the Colchian (p. nomena ; an interesting subject of green factions. He was fond of theatrical ballet-dancing, and
    165, ed. Bonn), " What shall we gain if research, he says, but it is vain to
    \ve annex the whole of Persia and lose suppose that we ever get at the truth ; v A:
    ~ e x q v h r r ~ p ~ e v b u r o v(F. a. iv. p. 201). He belonged to theprotectores or
    our own souls ? " i t is enough to believe in a divine ar- guards, a nominal honour.
    ' Agatliias was a sceptic on the rangement.
    182 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK I V CHAP. V I I I LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 183

    he confesses that in the wrestling schools he often stripped off though on religious grounds he shut up the schools of Athens,
    all sense and all sense of decency along with his dress. After whose open paganism was a manifest scandal in the christian
    this candid confession of wickedness and " wild oats," he informs world. We know that he engaged the services of writers to
    us that the taste for letters displayed by the Emperor Maurice, compose poems or histories in praise of his own deeds.' The
    who used often to spend a great part of the night in discussing book on edifices of Procopius is a work of this kind, and it is
    or meditating on questions in poetry and history, infected him- possible that the book on offices ( 7 ~ ~ 2&pX6v)
    ~2 written by
    self, and c a ~ ~ s ehim
    d to reflect that he might do something better Johannes Lydus was partly inspired by Justinian.
    than loiter about. Thus Maurice appears as a lover of literature As most of the literary men of the time were educated for
    who not only patronised but stimulated; and this character is the legal profession and many of them entered the civil service,
    confirmed by the testimony of Theophylactus.' The only work it is worth while to give a short biographical account of Johannes
    which the Emperor is known to have composed is the treatise (known as Lydus, the Lydian), from whose pen three treatises
    in twelve books on military science. Accordingly, Menander are wholly or partially extant. Born at Philadelphia of noble
    determined to continue the history of Agathias cut short by provincials in easy circumstances, he went to Constantinople in
    that writer's death. H e carried it down to the last year of his youth for the purpose of making a career. He learned
    Tiberius, 582 A.D., and he formed his style on the model of philosophy, and read Aristotle and Plato under the direction of
    Agathias. Only fragments of his history remain, but they give a pupil of the great Proclus named Agapius, of whom a versifier
    us a favourable impression of the writer. said in an unmetrical line, "Agapius is the last, but yet the
    Almost the same period as that covered by Menander was first of all."3
    dealt with in the history, also lost, of Theophanes of Byzantium, He had been for a year a clerk in a civil service office,
    who began with the year 5 66 and ended with 5 8 1. He wrote when he obtained the post of shorthand writer in the staff of
    in the last years of the sixth century.' his townsman Zoticus of Philadelphia, who had been appointed
    praetorian prefect. This post proved lucrative. He won 1 00 0
    Justinian himself was a man of culture, who occupied him- gold solidi (2625) in a single year. A relation, who was in the
    self with profound studies without allowing them to relax his same office as he, and Zoticus the prefect were useful friends,
    firm grip of the helm of State. He presents an example of the and did him a good office in procuring him a rich wife, who
    polymathy which was characteristic of the sixth and the two had a dowry of 1 0 0 pound weight in gold and was also
    preceding centuries, and of which Boethius, as we shall see, was remarkable among her sex for her modesty. Johannes wrote
    a typical example in the West. He composed treatises on an encomium on Zoticus for which he received a golden coin
    theological controversies "hich are still extant, but we must (chrusinos) for every line, which seems a liberal reward to
    suppose that he also patronised literature in general, even literary merit, and indicates that the bad poets of the time
    viii. 13, 16 : p~voOvye ACyerar rbv a lawyer (scholasticus), was elevated to might count on distinguished patronage. Having steadily
    Maupi~iov @rAoripwr FXELV m p l 7i/v 7Gv the rank of quaestor by Tiberius, and advanced through all the grades of the service (cursus ofici-
    Abywv p~yaXorpCnsiav r t f i v 77~ hLav received the 6~Aroushrdpxwv, appoint-
    AapnpGs robs $ v ~ O A ? ) ~ 6 r?rep1
    as r h ~ d h - ment to a prefecture, from Maurice. orurn), in which his excellent knowledge of Latin, a rare
    k u r a r& paO7pdrwv. Hisworks were ( 1 ) panegyric on Maurice, accomplishment then in Constantinople, must have stood him
    John of Epiphania, a townsman unluckily lost ; ( 2 ) a collection of acta ;
    and relation of the ecclesiastical his- and ( 3 ) a collection of letters and de- in some stead, he reached the rank of eornic.ularius at the
    torian Evagrius, also continued the crees, which are no longer extant ; ( 4 )
    history of Agathias, and carried his an Ecclesiastical History from 431 to age of sixty (in 551). But the service was declining owing
    narrative down to the restoration of reign of Maurice, which has been pre- to a diminution of the tribute received and for other reasons,
    Chosroes in 591. Fragments of his served and is a valuable source.
    history remain (Mnller, F. H. G. iv. p. 3 He wrote a treatise against the See J. Lydus, rep1 d p x h , iii. 28. ' i y d a t o s adparor piv drhp T P ~ T L U T O S
    272) ; i t wW ntilised by Theophylactus mo~lophysites,and many official letters De Mensibus; de Ostentis (which d a d v ~ w v; Christodorus, d o wrote a
    Simocatta. E~agrius,born in 535 or and manifestos on the "Three Chapter" has been edited by C. Wachsmuth) ; poem on the Heavens of Proclus.
    536 at Epiphania, lived in Antioch as question (see Migne, Patrol. Gr. vol. 86). and de Jfagistratibus.
    184 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKIV CHAP. V I I I LITERA TURE O F THE SIXTH CENZ'URY 185

    and Lydus found that the enioluments long looked forward to Agathias prefixed to this book of epigrams, are not quite un-
    with expectant confidence, which should have been at a worthy of a writer of new comedy,' and that the hexameters which
    minimum 1 0 0 0 solidi, proved absolutely nil. I n bitterness follow, in praise of Justinian's Empire, are written with some
    of mind at this disappointment he composed the book 092 spirit in spite of their affectation. Apthias tells us that in his
    Ojiees, in which he gives an account of the civil service and boyhood he was chiefly addicted to heroic verse, and " loved the
    explains its decline. sweets of poetical refinements." This expression could hardly
    Of his personal treatment by the Emperor he could not apply to Homer; his luscious models must have been the
    complain. Justinian had engaged him, perhaps in the early Alexandrine writers, Theocritus, Callimachus, and the rest, or
    part of his reign, to compose a panegyric on himself recent composers like Nonnus, as may be also inferred from the
    and also a history of the Persian wars. At the end of works which he wrote under this inspiration, a collection of
    John's career Justinian wrote a letter (.rrpaypar~/c6v)to the short poems in hexameters called A a $ v ~ a ~ &
    consisting
    , of erotic
    prefecture, in which he dwelled on his rhetorical excellence, stories and " other such witcheries." I n complete satisfaction
    his grammatical accuracy, his poetical grace, his polymathy, with himself and the poetical flights of his youth, Agathias,
    and went so far as to say that his labours illuminated having given an account of his poems, is unable to contain his
    the language of the Romaioi. He praised him for having enthusiasm, and suddenly breaks out, "For veritably poetry is
    spent time on study, although a civil servant, and en- something divine and holy. Its votaries, as Plato would say,
    joined the prefect to reward him at the public expense, and are in a state of fine frenzy." When we think of the produc-
    confer dignities upon him in recognition of his eloquence. tions of the fine frenzy of the writer himself, this outburst is
    The prefect, on receiving the letter, assigned Lydus a place in sufficiently amusing.
    the Capitoliurn or Capitoline Aule, that is, a lecture-room in The description of St. Sophia and the inaugural poem on
    the university buildings, where he might give public instruc- the opening of the cathedral, to which the description is
    tion, presumably in rhetoric. Pecuniarily, however, he was annexed, breathe the enthusiasm of flattery, in which the flat-
    passed over as though he had never performed public ser- terer, Paul the Silentiary? was perhaps himself in earnest.
    vices ; on the other hand, he received honour and considera- The first eighty lines, written in iambics and consisting of a
    tion from the Emperor, and enjoyed the leisure of a quiet life. glorification of Justinian, were intended to be recited in the
    He retired to the peace of his library, having served the State palace. Then follow more iambics to be recited in the
    for more than forty years, feeling himself very ill used, and Patriarch's residence, beginning thus : " W e come to you, sirs,
    probably soured in temper. I n religion the complexion of from the home of the Emperor to the home of the Almighty
    Lydus was doubtful ; sometimes he speaks like a pagan, some- Emperor, the deviser (vorlr+) of the universe, by whose grace
    times like a christian, so that one is not quite sure when victory cleaves unto our lord " (crvp+vk T$ ~ E ~ T ~ T T JAnd ).
    he is speaking in earnest; but, christian or pagan, he was this approximation of God to the Emperor, suigesting a com-
    superstitious. parison between them, occurs frequently. Speaking with con-
    ventional modesty of his own verses, the author says that they
    Poetry was dead; the epigrams of Agathias and the will not be judged by " bean-eating Athenians, but by men of
    composition in hexameters on the church of St. Sophia do piety and indulgence, in whom God and the Emperor find
    not deserve the name ; and few of the verses would satisfy "the pleasure." This contempt for the ancient Athenians is a touch
    scrupulous ear of a well-flogged critic." We may admit, however,
    that the iambic lines in the style of late Attic comedy, which ' I t is interesting to note that i t "nother poern by Paul, de Ther-
    contains a quotation fromAristophanes' mis Pythiis (baths patronised by the
    ' He mentions that when he laid aestus, the prefect, kissed him, and Peace.
    ' ~h j s d u p a r a r 2 v rljs K O L ~ T L K ~K ~ SO
    Empress Theodora), will be found in
    ~ lfigne's edition.
    down his office, he visited the prefect's read out a rescript, for whichhe had to il.euparwv.
    tribunal to pay his respects. Heph- pay a large sum.
    186 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOKIV CHAP. VIII LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 187

    of characteristic christian bigotry, and, if I may hazard the to his birthplace Squillace in Bruttii, a charming spot for which
    conjecture, is intended as a laudatory allusion to Justinian's he entertained a romantic affection. H e founded there two
    measure of sweeping away the decrepit survival of Attic cul- monasteries, of which one, up in the hills, was for the men
    ture and exclusiveness in 52 9. who were uncompromisingly austere, while the other, down
    The iambics are succeeded by hexameters which begin with below, built beside a fish-pond, and hence called vivarium, was
    the praise of peace and the boast of the superiority of New to for those monks who took that less strict and more cheerful
    Old Rome- view of the spiritual life of the cloister which characterised
    western monasticism once i t had grown independent of its
    oriental origin.
    Here Cassiodorus made a new departure, which, quiet and
    where Paul does not lose an opportunity of comparing Jus- unostentatious as it was, has led to incalculablyfruitful results for
    tinian to the Deity. I t would be wearisome to follow the the modern world. This new departure consisted in occupying
    poem to its close. Its chief interest consists in its architectural the abundant leisure of the monks with the labour of multi-
    information, which has been encased in a metrical dress with plying copies of Latin texts. To this simple but brilliant
    some ingenuity. idea of taking advantage of the unemployed energy that ran
    to seed in monastic society for the spread and transmission of
    When we turn to the Latin literature of the sixth century learning, both profane and sacred, we owe the survival of the
    the most prominent figure that meets us is Cassiodorus, the great bulk of our Latin literature. There was a chamber,
    statesman of Theodoric and his successors (born about 480). called the scriptorizcm or " writing-room," in the monastery, in
    Starting as an assistant in the bureau of his father, who had which the monks used to copy both pagan and christian texts,
    served as a finance minister under Odovacar and held the working by the light of "mechanical lamps," mecl~anicas
    praetorian prefecture under Theodoric, he was fortunate enough lucernas, whose peculiarity was that they were self-supplying,
    to win the Gothic king's notice, while yet a mere subaltern, by and measuring their time by sun-dials or water-clocks.
    a panegyric which he pronounced on him on a public occasion. The style of Cassiodorus accords only too well with the
    Theodoric, who immediately recognised and welcomed his talent, principle stated by himself in the preface to his letters. " I t is
    appointed him to the post of quaestor, allowing him to dis- adornment (ornntzu) alone," he says there, "that distinguishes
    pense with all the grades of the civil service. The quaestor- the learned from the unlearned." He thus candidly takes
    ship was an office in which scope was given for literary talents, pride in what is the characteristic of all ages of decadence, a
    and Cassiodorus took full advantage of the opportunity. The love of embellishment for its own sake. He finds it impos-
    letters which he wrote for Theodoric, along with those which sible to state a simple or trivial fact in simple words. H e
    he composed 'during subsequent reigns, were collected by essays to raise triviality to the sphere of the dignified and
    him shortly before he retired from public life and published solemn ; he succeeds in making it appear ridiculous. He will
    in a still extant collection under the title of Yariae Epis- not allow the simple to wear the grace of its own simplicity.
    tolae. Under Arnalasuntha, Theodoric's daughter, under Nothing is more curious and amusing, though it soon be-
    Theodahad the student of Plato, and Witigis the thorough comes wearisome, than the correspondence of Theodoric in
    Goth, Cassiodorus held the exalted post of praetorian prefect. Cassiodorian dress, each epistle posing as i t were in tragic
    About the year 539, not long before the capture of Ravenna cothurni and trailing a sweeping train.
    by the Romans, he retired after forty years of public service, Thus in the letters which describe the duties of the various
    ministers of state and other public officers, the quaestor makes
    Mr. Hodgkin has published a trarislation of many of the yariae, with a
    valuable introduction. it his object to give a tincture of poetry to functions, which
    188 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV CHAP. V I I I LITERATURE O F THE SIXTH CENTURY 189

    in themselves suggest neither very solemn nor very poetical works; (4) an educational work "on the Arts and Disciplines
    associations. He reminds the prefect of the corn-supplies that of the Liberal Letters "I; (5) a treatise, composed in his ninety-
    Ceres herself discovered corn, and that panis, " bread," may be third year: on orthography, intended as a guide to the monks at
    derived from the great god Pan. The prefect of the police Squillace in their spelling. Thus the influence of Cassiodorus
    he apostrophises thus : " Go forth then under the starry skies, and the traditions of culture and accuracy which he established
    watch diligently with all the birds of night, and as they seek at Squillace formed a counterpoise to that spirit, represented
    food in the darkness, so do thou hunt therein for fame." TO by Pope Gregory I., which regarded grammar as trivial and
    the count of the port of Rome he cries : " Excellent thought of culture as superfluous, or even a temptation ; a spirit whicli
    the men of old to provide two channels by which strangers soon launched the Church into the waters of ignorance and
    might enter the Tiber, and to adorn them with two stately cities barbarism.
    which shine like lights upon the watery way ! " (vii. 9). Another prominent figure in the reign of Theodoric, but
    These examples of his manner are more favourable to hinz who did not, like Cassiodorus, enjoy a happy old age anlid the
    than many others that might be selected ; I have purposely ruins of his country, was Boethius the Patrician, whose un-
    avoided quoting passages in which he out-Cassiodores Cassio- fortunate end is veiled to a certain degree in obscurity. We
    dorus. Yet, though this manner has its amusing side, it may know not what were the real motives for his condemnation,
    be said that Cassiodorus had really that sort of nature which, passed formally by the Roman senate, and his subsequent exe-
    removing " the veil of familiarity " from common and trivial cution (524 AD.) Charges were brought against him of as-
    things, finds in them a certain dignity and feels a reverence for trological magic, stigmatised as a serious crime by the Theodosian
    them; and that he unsuccessfully tried to express this feeling by Code, but it is evident that these were only pretexts. He
    using grandiloquent and embellished language, a feat in which seems to have been suspected of taking part in a conspiracy ;
    Pindar was successful when, for example, he called a cloak yet the silence of Cassiodorus, as Mr. Hodgkin justly insists,
    " a healthy remedy against weary cold." is ominous for the fame of the Gothic king. The blow seems
    As an instance of the far-fetched a d frigid conceits which to have fallen quite unexpectedly on Boethius and his affec-
    were popular in that age, I may quote the words used by tionate father-in-law Symmachus, who had the reputation of
    Cassiodorus of monks engaged in copying the sacred writings : being a " modern Cato," Catonis novellus inzitator, and who
    " The fast- travelling reed writes doxn the holy words, and shared the fate of his son-in-law.
    thus avenges the malice of the wicked one, who caused a I n prison under the pressure of this sudden calamity,
    reed to be used to smite the head of the Saviour." which burst like a peal of thunder on the calm course of his
    I t is interesting to record the attention paid by Cassio- life,-justifying the saying of Solon, that the happiness of
    clorus to the beautiful binding of his books, and the biblical a man's life must not be asserted till after his death,-
    language in which he justifies it is characteristic of his age. Boethius composed the work which has immortalised him, the
    I t is meet, he says, that a book should be clothed in a fair Consolation of Pi~ilosophy. He did not lay the world under
    dress, even as the guests were arrayed in wedding garments such a great obligation of gratitude as Cassiodorus ; and yet
    in the New Testament parable. this work was better known and more read throughout the
    Beside the letters, Cassiodorus wrote (1) a treatise on the Middle Ages, although it completely ignores Christianity,
    soul in which its relation to the body is treated with a deli- than any of Cassiodorus' writings. It was translated into
    cate touch of paganism that reminds us of Hadrian's ILOSPES Anglo-Saxon by King Alfred, and into English by Chaucer.
    co?xcspue corporis ; (2) the Historia Tri@artita, a compilation
    from Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, and a history of the I n this work,. grammar, rhetoric, -are discussed.
    dialectic, arithmet~c,music, geometry, 1 593 A.D. He had lived to see the
    Goths from which Jordanes drew; (3) various theological and astronomy-the seven liberal arts Lombard invasion.
    CHAP. V L I I LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 191
    190 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV
    the fact that the evil win often the rewards of virtue (p~etium
    Boethins was an Aristotelian, and he employed his leisure sceleris-diaden~a) and the good suffer the penalties of crime,
    in tran,lating works of Aristotle into Latin. It was partly can be reconciled with a " deus, rector mundi." If I could
    through these translations that Aristotelianism was accessible to believe, says Boethius, that all things were determined by
    the students of the Middle Ages ; and thus the two chief liter- chance and hazard, I should not be so puzzled. We need not
    ary men at the beginning of the sixth century, Cassiodorus
    follow him in his discussion of the subject, which of course is
    and Boethius, made each in his way contributions of vast
    unsatisfactory-did it really satisfy him ? -and need only
    importance to the culture of medieval and modern tinies.
    observe that in one place he defines the relation of fate to the
    Cassiodorus may be considered to have secured the survival of
    Deity in the sense that fate is a sort of instrunlent by which
    Latin literature, as was explained above, while Boethius laid
    God regulates the world according to fixed rules. 111 other
    the foundations for Scholasticisn~. Boethius and Johannes
    words, fate is the law of phenomena or nature, under the
    Philoponus were the realist and the nominalist respectively of
    supreme control of the highest Being, which he identifies with
    the sixth century.
    the Szcnzmum Bonum or highest good.
    The Latin of Boethius is far superior to the Latin of Gas-
    But the metaphysical discussion does not interest the
    siodorus. I t is elegant, but not exaggerated through an extra-
    student of literature so much as the setting of the piece and
    vagant love of embellishment. I n fact he had the faculty of
    things said incidentally. Boethius irnagines his couch sur-
    taste, which even in the lowest stages of decadence distinguishes
    rounded by the Muses of poetry, who suggest to him accents
    good and bad writers, aqd of which Cassiodorus was almost
    of lamentation. Suddenly there appears at his head a
    destitute.
    strange lady of lofty visage. There was marvellous fluidity
    The Consolatio Philosophiae has a considerable charm, which is
    in her stature; she seemed sometimes of ordinary human
    increased by the recollection of the circumstances under which
    height, and at the next moment her head seemed to touch
    it was composed. A student who, maintaining indeed a luke-
    heaven, or penetrated so far into its recesses that her face
    warm connection with politics, had spent most of his days in
    was lost to the vision. Her eyes too were unnatural, brilliant
    the calm atmosphere of his library, where he expected to
    and transparent beyond the power of human eyes, of fresh
    end his life, suddenly found himself in the confinement of a
    dismal prison with death impending over him. There is thus colour and unquenchable vigour. And yet at the same time
    she seemed so ancient of days "that she could not be taken
    a reality and earnestness in his philosophical meditations which
    for a woman of our age." Her garments were of the finest
    so many treatises of the kind lack ; there is an earnestness born threads, woven by some secret art into an indissoluble texture,
    of a rzal fervent need of consolation, while at the same time woven, as Boethius afterwards learned, by her own hands.
    there is a pervading calm. The lines of poetry, sometimes
    And on this robe there was a certain mist of neglected anti-
    lyrical, sometimes elegiac, which break the discussion at intervals, quity, the sort of colour that statues have which have been
    like organ chants in a religious service, serve to render the
    exposed to smoke. On the lower edge of the robe there was
    calmness of the atmosphere distinctly perceptible. the Greek letter II (the initial of IIpaw~~nrj, Practical Philo-
    The problem of the treatise l is to explain the "unjust sophy), from which stairs were worked leading upwards to the
    confusion " which exists in the world, the eternal question how
    letter @ ( O P W P ~ TPure
    L X ~Philosophy). And her garment had
    1 Book i. contains the story of p. 177, says of Boethius that i n his Cm- the marks of violent usage, as though rough persons had tried
    Boethius' personal wrongs, which he solatio " gleicht er nicht einem Kohe- to rend it from her and carried away shreds in their hands.
    relates to Philosophia ; Bk. ii. contains leth, weit eher einem Hiob im Platon-
    a discussion on Fortune ; Bk. iil. passes ischen Gewande . . . selbst im Kerker The lady was Philosophia; she bore a sceptre and parch-
    to the Suntrnum Bol~urn; i n Bk. iv. sol1 ihn sein frommer Optimislnus nicht
    Philosophia justifies God's government ; verlassen." On Boethius see Ebert, ment rolls. She afterwards explained that the violent persons
    Bk. v. deals wlth free will. W. Gass, A11g. Gesch. dcr Litcratur des Mittelalt- who had rent her robe were the Epicureans, Stoics, and other
    in his Geschichte dcr christlichcn Ethik, i. ers irn Abendlande, i. 462 syq.
    CHAP. ~ I I I LITERATURE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY 193
    192 HISTORY OF THE LATEX ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK IV

    late schools; they succeeded in tearing away patches of her tenebms, would be a suitable illustration of the spiritual mean-
    dress, fancying severally that they had obtained the whole ing of the outer darkness spoken of i n the New Testament.
    garment. Philosophia's first act is to drive out the Muses, Another poem, constructed with as much care as a modern
    whom she disdainfully terms "theatrical strumpets," and she sonnet,' sings of the "love that moves the sun and stars,"
    makes a remark, with which many perhaps who have sought hanc rerum series lignt
    for consolation in poetry will agree, that it "accustoms the terras ac pelagus regens
    et caelo imperitans amor,
    minds of nlen to the disease but does not set them free."
    The description of the lady Philosophia has a considerable an idea best known to modern readers from the last line of
    aesthetic value. The conception of her robe resembling marble Dante's Di?ji.i~cc.
    Co?nnzeclia,but which is as old as Empedocles.
    statues discoloured by smoke, is a really happy invention to In another place we have an anticipation of Shelley's "nought
    suggest that antique quaintness which the Greeks expressed may endure but mutability,"-
    by the wcrd c ; ' ~ T L v ~ ~ F .
    constat aeterna positurnclue lege est
    But the most striking feature of the Consolatio is the inter- u t constet genitum nihil.
    spersion of the prose dialogue with poems at certain intervals,'
    which, like choruses in Greek tragedy, appertain, though more As an example of poetical tenderness, quite Virgilian, I may
    closely than they, to the preceding argument. Thus the work quote two lines of a stanza, where the author is illustrating
    resembles in form Dante's Vita Nuova, where the sonnets the return of nature to itself by a caged bird, which, when it
    gather up in music the feelings occasioned by the narrated beholds the greenwood once more, spurns the sprinkled crumbs-
    events. These poems, which betray the influence of Seneca's silvas tantnm nlaesta requirit,
    plays,%ave all a charm of their own, and metres of various silvas tantum voce snsnrrat.
    kinds are gracefully employed. The second poem, which forms Immediately after this poem Boethius proceeds thus: " Ye
    a pause after Philosophia has driven out the Muses and taken too, 0 creatures of earth ! albeit in a vague image, yet do ye
    her seat, begins thus- dream of your origin," vos quoque, 0 terrena animalia ! tenui
    h e u quasi praecipiti mersa profundo licet imagine vestruni tamen principium somniatis,-a felicitous
    mens hebet et propria luce relicta expression of pantheism.
    tendit i n externas ire tenebras,
    terrenis quotiens flatilrus aucta
    I must not omit to notice the delicate feeling for iiietrical
    crescit i n immensum noxia cura. effect which Boethius displays in the poem on the protracted
    hic quondam caelo liber aperto toils of the siege of Troy and the labours of Hercules. I t is
    suetus i n aetherios ire meatus written in Sapphic metre, but the short fourth lines are omitted
    cernebat rosei lumina solis,
    visebat gelidae sidera lunae until the end. The effect of this device is that the mind and
    e t quaecumque vagos stella recursus voice of the reader continue to travel without relief or metrical
    exercet varios flexa per orbes, resting-place until all the labours are over and heavenly rest
    conprensam nurueris victor habebat. succeeds in the stars of the concluding and only Adonius-
    This idea of the mind, vexed by the cares of earth, leaving superata tellus
    its own light and passing " into outer darkness," i n externas sidera donat.

    Ed. Peiper, p. 5 : hominumque use the artifice with artistic effect. The age was so poor in works of pure literary interest that
    mntes [m~sae] assuefaciunt morbo, nm J Peiper in his Tcubner edition, 1871, I have gladly lingered a little over the C'onsolntio of Boethius.
    liberant. gives a list of passages which contain
    excerpts from or echoes of Seneca's
    Varro and Macrobiusand Martianus
    Capella had mixed poetry and prose tragedies. ' ii. viii. p. 48 ; it consists of thirty lines thus arranged, 4 + 4 + 4 + 3 =
    1+4+4+3.
    before, but Boethius was the first to
    VOL. I1 0
    194 WISTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN ErMPIRE BOOK IV

    I t remains to add that he wrote short books on christian


    theology, and must therefore have been professedly a Christian.
    This religion, however, did not influence his pagan spirit, just
    as it left Procopius untouched ; and it was probably the theo-
    logical subtleties that interested him and not the spirit of the
    faith. He was a very accomplished man, acquainted with
    a diversity of subjects; polymathy, as I said before, was a
    characteristic of the time. As well as a philosopher and a
    poet, he was a musician, he was learned in astronomy, he was
    fond ol inventive science, like the Greek architect Anthemius.
    It would appear, indeed, that scientific studies were fashionable
    in the sixth century; natural science was a favourite subject
    of Cassiodorus.

    If the church of San Vitale at Ravenna is the great BOOK V


    monument of the imperial restoration in Italy, the poerns of
    Flavius Cresconius Corippus may be considered the monument
    of the imperial restoration in Africa. He is not known, THE HOUSE OF HERACLIUS
    indeed, to have chosen the victories of Belisarius as the subject
    of a special work, but in his Johnnnis and in his cle Zuzcdibus
    Jz~stini,which have been mentioned in previous chapters, joy
    over the fall of the Vandal and the restoration of Africa to
    the Enipire is expressed in strong and sometimes effective
    language.'
    I t would take us too far away froin the friend of St. Radegundis who
    our subject, "the Rolnaxi Emp~re,"to founded the monastery a t Poictiers.
    enter upon the important works of Of both these writers excellent editions
    Gregory of Tours or the interesting have recently been published in the
    poems of Venantins Bortunatus, the Jfonz~mentnGernzaniae Htstorica.
    court poet of the Frank kings and
    CHAPTER I

    PHOCAS '
    THE reign of Phocas the Thracian, which lasted for eight years,
    was the realisation o f .that dreaded something whose approach
    had long been felt. The calamities which Tiberius and Maurice
    had been spared closed in round the throne of Phocas, who
    is himself represented to have been the most baleful calamity
    of all. The Empire sank into the lowest depths of degradation
    and misery, and it seemed that nothing short of some divine
    miracle could restore it to wellbeing.
    By contemporaries Phocas was regarded as a fell monster,
    1 Our chief authorities for the reign The chronology of Theophanes be-
    of Phocas are the Paschal Chronickeand comes a t this point a little confusing,
    Thcophanes. Of these the former per- because he inadvertently ran t ~ indic-
    o
    haps possesses the value of a con- tions into one annzcs mu~idi,and thus
    temporary source, as i t is generally apparently assigns seven (instead of
    supposed to have been composed (at eight years) to Phocas. The conse-
    Alexandria) soon after 630 A.D. In quence is that throughout the seventh
    that case its author (not authors, vide century his Years of the World and his
    Clinton, F. R.) would have witnessed, indictions do not correspond. But his
    unless he were very young when he chronology is really correct ; his indic-
    wrote, the calamities of the first decade tions are always right, and whenever he
    of the seventh century, just like Theo- mentions the a?an.zts dorniq~i(75s B ~ i a s
    phylactus, who wrote about 628-630, aaph-dmws), i t always rorresponds to
    and has some notices bearing on the the indiction. E.g. 6133 A.M. really
    reign of Phocas. We have, moreover, a corresponds to 640-641 A.D. and the
    few fragments of a John of Antioch fourteenth indiction ; but Theophanes
    (1)ublislied in iJluller's Fragmentn, vol. equates i t with the fifteenth indiction,
    v.), who is doubtless the same as John and equates the f o l l o ~ ~ i nyear
    g 6134
    IIalalas, and lived about 700. He, I with A.D. (634, Alexandrine=) 642-643.
    believe, was the chief source of Theo- The mistake is not corrected until the
    l'llancs. Of the fall of Phocas u-e year 6197, where the events of one in-
    have an account in the Brief Bistory of diction are spread over two Years of
    Kiceplrorus, a contemporary of Theo- the World.
    ~*llanes (about 800). For western affairs He was called the ATew Gorgon.
    we llavc Isidore of Seville and Paul the For strong words about him, see George
    Deacon, and some letters of Gregory I. of Pisidia, Bcll.Avar. 49 sqq. and Heracl.
    who died i n 604. No laws or letters ii. 6 sqy. The intestine tumults which
    of Phocas have survived. prevailed everywhere after the death of
    198 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. I PHOCAS 199

    without a palliating virtue or a redeeming grace, and the forces to contend against two foes (603 A.D.) Narses was
    character which he has transmitted to histol-y is that of a finally lured by false promises of reconciliation to present him-
    " remorseless, treacherous, lecherous, kindless villain." The self in Byzantium, and Phocas was not ashamed or afraid of
    abnormal wickedness of his mind is said to have been re- committing him to the flames. This affair was fortunate for
    flected in a peculiarly repulsive exterior, and he produces the Chosroes, as Narses was the only Roman commander at the
    impression of a hideous nightmare brooding over an exhausted time who possessed military talent. Both the general Germanus
    and weary realm. and the general Leontius had been severely defeated by the '
    Whatever may have been his character, the short chronicle Persians; the former had died of a wound, the latter had been
    of his reign is a chronicle of misfortunes, anarchy within and thrown into chains by the indignant Emperor ; and the protec-
    hostility without; and we never feel quite sure that we have tion of Christendom against the fire-worshippers was consigned
    fathomed the depth or measured the breadth of these misfortunes, to Domentziolus, a nephew of Phocas? If the Emperor had
    for the chroniclers seem to have avoided dwelling on the reign been endowed with any political ability he might have made
    as if it were a sort of plague spot. Narses his friend and thereby saved Syria.
    A peace was concluded with the Avars and an increase of
    Chosroes made the dethronement and death of Maurice a the yearly tribute granted (604 A.D.) in order to render the
    pretext for declaring war; he posed as the avenger of his friend troops of Illyricum and Thrace available for the war in Asia.
    and benefactor. But it must not be imagined that this was But the tide of success had set in for the Persians, who after
    anything more than a pretext. The renewal of the old quarrel some smaller successes had gained an important victory over
    between East and West must not be laid to the charge of Phocas, Leontius at Arzamon. Their ravages continued during the
    though we hold him answerable, at least partially, for the following year, and in 606 Daras was once more lost to the
    inadequate defence of the Empire. That the acts of Phocas Romans, western Mesopotamia and Syria were overrun by the
    were not the real cause of the war is proved by two things,- enemy in two successive years? and countless Roman captives
    by the express statement of a contemporary historian, hostile were scattered among the provinces of Persia. But in 608 the
    to Phocas, that Chosroes' holy plea was hypocritical> and by danger was brought nearer to the careless inhabitants of the
    the fact that, some time before the death of Maurice, the Sassanid capital ; for, having occupied Armenia and Cappadocia, Paphla-
    had become restless and an outbreak of war had been with gonia and Galatia, the army of the fire-worshippers advanced
    difficulty avoided.% to the Bosphorus, showing mercy in the march to neither age
    To meet the threatened Persian invasion the hopes of the nor sex: and encamped a t Chalcedon, opposite to Constantin-
    Romans rested on the able general Narses, whose name was so ople. And thus, says the historian, there was "tyranny" both
    much dreaded or respected by the enemy that Persian children inside and outside the
    tren~bledwhen they heard it pronounced. Rut not only I n the affair of Narses, Phocas had shown political ineptitude.
    to the enemy was he an object of terror; his ability ancl At a later period he showed himself yet more inconceivably
    reputation awakened the suspicion and fears of Phocas. He inept. I n Syria there was always a spirit of disaffection,
    revolted and occupied Edessa ; he even urged the Persians to more or less widely spread, towards the orthodox Byzantine
    begin hostilities ; and the Emperor was obliged to divide his I n 604
    n c p u G u 80poiuac Buvdpers, K.T.X. 606 and 607-the dates of Theo-
    Narses fled from Edessa to Hierapolis ; phanes, b!lt in this reign his dates are
    Maurice-in Thessalonica, in the East appoint a new commander at Daras, at the end of the same year, or perhaps not trustworthy, as he loses a year and
    (Cilicia. Asia, Palestine)-are noticed as Narses and Chosroes did not like in 605 (6097 A.M.), Domelltziolus lured gives only seven years to Phocas.
    by the author of the Life of St. Denie- each other ; but hostility to Phocas him to Byzantium. 3 h ~ p a i v b p ~ vd~+r~ r 8 G s r z u a v * A r ~ L a v
    trius (Acta Sanetorum,.Oct. iv., p. 132). afterwards induced them to act to- ' Not to be confounded with (Theophanes, 6100 A.M.)
    ' Theophylactus, vnl. 15, KaTarpw- gether. Domentziolus, the brother of Phocas. Ib.;Nicephorus, p. 3 (where r a p h
    veu6fievor. ' Theophanes, 6095 A.M. 6 6k
    Napu+js y p d + ~ rr p b s Xwupbqu r b v p a u r A l a
    The nephew had been appointed curo- ?rohXoip $BeuOar probably refers t o
    lb. Maurice found i t necessary to palates on the accession of his uncle. George of Pisidia).
    200 HfiTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. I PHOCAS 201

    government, for Syria was a country full of Jews as well as to Maurice, namely Peter his brocher, Comentiolus, and Lardys,
    heretics of divers kinds. This spirit demanded, in time of war, were at once executed, while Philippicus (Maurice's brother-in-
    singularly delicate manipulatioll on the part of the government ; law) and Germanus were compelled to assume clerical orders.
    but Phocas conceived the ill-timed idea of constraining all the Priscus, on the other hand, the able commander who had con-
    Jews to become Christians. The consequence of this policy ducted the campaigns against the Slaves and Avars, and had
    was a great revolt of the Hebrews in Antioch ; Christians were been so often superseded by the incapable friends of Maurice,
    massacred, and a cruel and indecent punishment was inflicted was an adherent of Phocas, who was further supported by his
    on the Patriarch Anastasi~s.~Bonosus, a creature of Phocas, who brather Domentziolus and by Borosus.
    was created count of the East and sent to put down the rising, During the first three years of this reign the intrigues of
    cast out all the Jews from the city (610 A.D.), but the affair the enemies of Phocas revolved round Constantina, the widow of
    shows how favourable was the political situation of the Syrian Maurice, who with her three daughters had been placed in strict
    provinces for the aggressions of the Persians. The Persian confinement, while the hopes of the dissatisfied and the fears
    general, Shahr Barz, " raged by land and sea" (we are told by of the usurper were kept alive by the false and caref~~llyfostered
    the Armenian historian Sep6os) ; " he transported handsome rumwr that Theodosius-the Theodosius who should have been
    Romanvillas, along with their inhabitants, toPersian soil, and com- Theodosius 111-was not dead, but was wandering in the far
    manded his architects to construct towns in Persia on the model East. Germanus, the father-in-law, and Constantina, the mother
    of the destroyed cities. He called one of these towns Antioch of Theodosius united their energies to set on f3ot a conspiracy,
    the Renowned." Both in Syria and in Egypt there seems to in which a large number of leading men took part. Two dis-
    have prevailed a chronic anarchy ; all the smouldering feuds of tinct attempts were made to achieve the overthrow of Piloca~.~
    parties had burst into flame ; Blues and Greens made the streets The first of these failed, because the Emperor was popular with
    of Alexandria and Antioch the scenes of continual bloodshed. the more powerful faction, which had helped to set him on the
    throne. The Greens reviled the name of Constantina in the
    I n Constantinople, to which the activity and apprehensions hippodrome, and the bribes which Germanus offered tc, their
    of the Emperor were chiefly confined, the deepest dissatis- demarchs were rejected. Constantina and her daughters, who
    faction had prevailed since the death of Maurice. Conspiracy were in readiness for the expected insurrection, took refuge in
    followed conspiracy, but Phocas dexterously maintained his St. Sophia, and the influence of the Patriarch Cyriacus protected
    seat, equally skilful in detecting and merciless in punishing the them with difficulty from the wrath and violence of Phocas.
    conspirator^.^ b e patricians, who were most closely attached They were immured in a monastery, and Germanus was com-
    pelled to wear the t o n s ~ r e . ~
    ' Theophanes, 6101 : d?rou+dr~ouurv Manrice, was really alive, and state (1)
    'Avaurburov ... PaMvres rhv @iurv that he accompanied the 'Persian army This Dornentziolus was nicknamed and otherwise i t seems likely that the
    ahoD hv r(;) ur6pari adroD. Cottanas, under the general Razmau to Meso- K O ~ ~ ~ X see
    E L ~John
    , Ant. 218 f. 11; 610 event placed by Theophanes in 606
    a magister militzcrn ( u r p a ~ ~ X d r q swas
    ), potamia and Syria in 604 or 605, when he seems to have been rnapister should h a m taken place in an earlier
    sent with Bonosns. The date 610 is Amida, Edessa, and Antioch were oficiorz~rn. ,year, Phocas would hardly have left
    fixed by the Chro~a.Pasch. taken ; and (2) that he marched with Theophanes places these attempts theso suspicions personages free so long ;
    See the Jourl~alnsiutipue, February another general agaillst Armenia i n in GO6 and 607. But the Paschal in fact, according to Chrola. Pasch.,
    1866. Compare Drapeyron, L'Ena- 607-608 and reduced Satala and Theo- Chrolzicle, in which the second only is Constantina was immured. Philippicus
    pereur Hdraelzus, p. 96. Greek writers dosiopolis (Patcanian, in the Journal mentioned, places i t in June 605. We and Germanus were tonsured in 603.
    call Sllahr Barz ("the Royal Boar ") asiatipue, ib. p. 197 sqg.) must accept this date, which seems 3 These events occurred probably i n
    Zdppapos. From the Armenian his- trustworthy; but a doubt arises 604. Philippicus, Maurice's brother-
    3 Revolt of Africa and Alexandria i n
    torians we learn that the invader of 609 ; see C?~ron. Pusch. The Patriarch whether the author of the C/~ro?z.
    Pasch. in-law, wa; perhaps connected v i t h
    Cappadocia in 609 ( 2 ) was Shahen ; he of Alexandria was slain. confounded two distinct occasions, or this conspiracy; he became a monk
    took Caesarea, which was abandoned Theophanes (or his authority) differen- and dwelled in a monastery which he
    by the Christians and only Jews re- 4 He put to death Alexander, who tiated one occasion. I have supposed had f o ~ ~ n d e da t Chrysopolis. Cf.
    mained in it. The same historians had been a fellow - conspirator with that Theophanes is right i n dis- Theoph. 6098 A.M. But John of
    supposed that Theodosins, the son of hilllself against Maurice. tinpishin& but wrong iu his dates ; Antioch (that is John Malalas), fr.
    202 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. I PH0cA.S 203

    Rut the relations of Maurice still maintained their treasonable with Heraclius, the exarch or Patrician of Africa and in the
    projects, and after the lapse of more than a year (in 605) organ- series of circumstances that brought about the fall of Phocas
    ised a plot against the life of Phocas, which would probably this was the first.
    have succeeded but for the treachery of one Petronia, who acted
    as the bearer of the correspondence between Constantina and Since Gennadius had quelled the turbulent Moors, Africa
    Germanus. Constantina was put to the torture, and the names had been the most prosperous and favoured spot in the Roman
    of many distinguished patricians, noble lords, and high officials Empire ; and from Africa, if from anywhere, men might
    were revealed ; chief among whom was Theodorus, the praetorian expect salvation to come. The arts of peace flourished, and
    prefect of the East. He was sentenced to be cudgelled to death, the happiness of peace was experienced under the beneficent
    and sundry modes of rendering death hideous were discovered rule of the Patrician Heraclius, whom we have already met as
    for the other conspirators.' Constantina, her three daughters," a general of Maurice in the East. The exarch, in the security
    and her daughter-in-law were executed, as well as Germanus. of distant Carthage, was able to defy the Emperor with impunity
    This formidable conspiracy must have tended to make and to discontinue communications with Constantinople ; and in
    Phocas yet more suspicions, and consequently more tyrannical; the meantime, perhaps, he and his brother Gregorius were
    while the bloodshed which ensued seemed to stamp him as a maturing plans and making preparations for an expedition
    sanguinary tyrant, and rendered him far more unpopular than against the detested tyrant. I t was not till two years later that,
    before. An alienation soon came about between him and the urged by the importunities of Priscus and the pressing entreaties
    comes excubitorurn Priscus,3 on whom he had bestowed his of the senate, who could tolerate the distempered state of things
    daughter Domentzia in marriage ; and, strange to say, the origin no longer, and were powerless to change it without help from
    of this alienation is attributed to an accidental occurrence the provinces, he despatched an armaillent which at length
    which took place during the nuptial festivities. The marriage delivered New Rome from the watchful tyranny of Phocas.
    was celebrated in the palace of Marina: and an equestrian The few notices which have come down to us show clearly
    contest was held in honour of it. The chiefs of the blue and the exasperation and despondency which prevailed among resi-
    green factions, supposing that the marriage had a certain political dents in the capital. A pestilence and its twin-sister a famine
    significance and that Priscus might be looked upon as the desolated the city dnring the same year in which the Asiatic
    probable successor to the throne, took upon themselves in a enemy was advancing on Chalcedon ; and in connection with
    rash moment to place laurelled images of the bride and bride- this we must remember that no supplies were available from
    groom beside those of the Emperor and Empress on pillars Africa, and that in the following year the disaffection in Egypt
    in the hippodrome. But the suggestion misliked Phocas; may have increased the starvation in Constantinople. The
    he investigated the matter, and ordered the demarchs to whom result was a sedition, and the disloyalty of the Byzantines was
    it was traced to be put to death. The people, however, openly displayed. His own party, the Greens, insulted Phocas at
    begged them off, but Phocas was never satisfied that Priscus the games, and told him that he had lost his wits.3 The infuri-
    had not been privy to the treasonable act. This occurred in ated monarch commanded Constans, the prefect of the city, to
    60 '7. I n the following year Priscus opened a correspondence slay or mutilate the contumacious offenders and not to hold
    his hand. These punishments were the signal for a general
    218 d (RiI. G. vol. v. ), states that he 3 Priscns, whom Nicephorusstrangely
    embraced the monastic life a t the time calls Crispus, was apparently prefect John of Antioch, fr. 218e. I t is Theophanes, 6101 A.M. ; John Ant.
    of the city a t the time of his nlarriage ; not quite clear whether thc official 218 e ; ?rdX[v cis 7bv KUGKOV h?rres xdhtv
    of Maurice's fall, and this agrees with term was exarch or stratkgos (praetor).
    Ch~olt.Pnsch. at least the T T V L K ~ ~ofE Nicephorns r b v VODV ~ X L ~ ~ E K
    ($0
    UEde, Eoor) "You
    I n the West the governor of Africa was have drunk again of the cup ; you have
    Chi-on. Pasch. eighth indiction seerns to mean so (p. 4). ge?er,zlly called the Patrician.
    (=604-605). "farina was one of the daughters of again lost your sense." The allusion is
    Anastasia,Theoctiste, and Cleopatra Arcadius, each of whom had a palace - Niccphorus, p. 3 (ed. de Boor), 03rot obscure.
    K O L V ~~ O U A E U U ~ K~ .7~.h.
    YOL,
    (Chron. Pmch. ) of her OWII.
    204 HISTORY O F THE LA TEK ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V CHAP. I PHOCA S 205
    riot in the streets ; the offices of the ~refectand the prisolls from heaven. On one of the last days of Septeiilber or one csf
    were b u n t down, and the prisoners were loosed from their the first days of October 610, he cast anchor at Abydos, and
    cells. Then Phocas issued a mandate to the effect that the learned from the " count of Abydos " the situation of affairs
    green faction should no longer have political status.' in the capital. Officials who had been banished by the tyrant
    The deliverance that came from Africa at the end of 6 1 0 flocked to his standard, and with no uncertain hope he con-
    was perhaps hastened by ~ersonalinterests of the exarch. tinued his course to Heraclea and thence to the island Kalo-
    Phocas had discovered that Epiphania,2 the wife of the exarch, nymos. The city was defenceless. The guards and a reginlent
    and Rudocia, the betrothed of his son, were residing in Con- of soldiers called Bncellarii were at the disposal of Priscus, who
    stantinople, and he placed them in the monastery of the New was eagerly awaiting the African army, and on 3d October
    Repentance under strict confinement. This was partly an Phocas saw with despair the ships of the deliverer passing
    act of vengeance, but partly also a measure of prudence, to Hebdomon, and slowly approaching the harbour of Sophia.
    secure hostages il. case Heraclius should become positively The Greens set fire to the building of the Caesarian harbour,
    hostile. which they had been enlisted to defend, and it was p1,ain from
    The exarch was now old, and had himself no wish to
    the situation that the knell of Phocas hrd knolled. A naval
    return to the murky Byzantine atmosphere, even for a throne ; engagement took place on Sunday, 4th October; the men of
    but he organised an expedition which had a somewhat romantic Phocas retreated,2 and then the Emperor, who had returned
    character. H e prepared an armament of "castellated vessels,"
    to the palace, was abandoned completely. The circumstances
    manned with Moors, which he consigned to the care of his sol1 of his death are uncertain. The story is that on Monday a
    Heraclius; and he equipped an army of cavalry to proceed certain Photius (curator of the palace of Placidia), who owed
    along the coasts of Africa, Egypt, Syria, and Asia, under the Phocas a grudge for having placed him in the ludicrous ancl
    command of his nephew Nicetas, the son of Gregorius. The
    painful position of a deceived husband, rushed into the palace,
    agreement was made that whichever of the two cousins reached and, stripping the victim of his imperial robes, dragged him
    Constantinople first and slew Fhocas was to be rewarded by from his hiding-place to the presence of Heraclius. A
    the crown. I t was plain that, except the elements were adverse short dialogue took place between the fallen and the future
    to Heraclius, Nicetas had no chance, while on the other hand
    Emperor.
    he ran no risk. There was a certain dramatic appropriateness " Is it thus," asked Heraclius, "that you have governed the
    in this assignation of routes,-that Heraclius, the nian of
    Empire ?"
    genius, should take the short and perilous way, and that Nice- " Will you," replied Phocas, "govern it better ? " 4
    tas, the man of respectability, should plod on the firm earth. This epigrammatic and pregnant question of Phocas was his
    The elements conspired to favour the man of genius, who felt best defence, and there was more than one grain of truth con-
    confident of success because he possessed a mystical picture of
    tained in it. But at the moment it seemed to the conqueror
    the Virgin, not made with hands, but carried down by angels
    Before the final deliverance came, her Fabia, fr. 218 f, and Chroql. Paseh. 1 When was this office introduced 7 Hebdomon. Fro111 i t he saw the ships
    another conspiracy, according to Theo- (ind. 15) notes t h a t Eudocia was "also It was doubtless connected with the of the foe a t Hebdomon.
    phanes, was set on foot by E1l)idius and called Fabia." custom dues. John Ant., 218 f, gives John Ant., 218 f, 6, who is not fol-
    Theodorus, prefect of the East, the pro- 3 Tlleopll. 6102, rijs S e a s Mcravoiar.
    the best acconnt of the revolution, but loll-ed by Theophanes, but is supported
    ject being to make the latter Emperor ; Ib. ~ X o i aK ~ U T E ~ X U ~ C For
    V U . the many of the details are obscure. by the Paschal Chronicle. From Nice-
    but i t mas betrayed. I t seems almost overthrow of Phocas we have, as \\.ell "he Greens threatened Bonosus a t phorus i t would appear t h a t Phocas mas
    zertain, however, t h a t Theophanes has as Theophanes and the Paschal C ' ~ I ? ~ ? L - the harbour of Caesarius ; oi 66 dvOpwxoi taken in a boat t o the ship of Heraclius,
    fallen into some confusion, for in the iclc, the narrative of Nicephorus the 700 +WKZ d v c ~ & p ~ u a(John
    v Ant. 218 f, and that the dialogue took place there.
    conq~iracyof 605 Elpiilius and Theo- Patriarch (a contenlporary of Theo- 5). So Nicephorns, p. 4. Bonosus cast Probus, a patrician, helped Photins,
    dorus, praet. pref. of the East, had phanes) in his S f ~ o ~Hzstoy. t The himself into the sea (Chro?~.Paseh.) according t o C7~roic.Prlsch.
    been executed. Moors are mentioned by John Ant. fr. Phocas had gone to I:yrides (Bupi6es), Or, ,perhaps, " may you be able to
    Theophanes, but John Ant. calls 218f, and Nicephorus, p. 3. a place which cannc't be identified, govern it better," 0 3 ~ciAAiov8 x 0 ~ (Mi11-
    s
    situate on the sea bet veen the city and lei- for Exsir) 6 [ 0 [ ~ $ 0 a(John
    i Ant. 218 f).
    206 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v

    merely the sneer of a doomed criminal, though in later years


    it may have often recurred to him in a new light.
    I n his wrath, according to one account, he kicked the tyrant
    and caused him to be hewed in pieces on the spot "as a car-
    case fit for hounds,"' while another record intimates that
    Yhocas fell a victim to the eager vengeance of the circus
    faction^.^ Domentziolus, Bonosus, and Leontius the treasurer
    perished with him, and the corpses were burned in a place
    called Bous. C H A P T E R I1
    The impression left by the Emperor Phocas is that of a
    shapeless monster, a suitable head for the shapeless anarchy HERACLIUS (6 10-6 2 2 A.D.)~
    that beset the Empire. Yet in Italy a statue was erected
    (608 A.D.) in his honour by the exarch Smaragdus, and the THE Roman Empire in the reign of Justinian might be com-
    quiet condition of the Roman provinces there is mentioned pared to one making ready to set forth on a wild and danger-
    with satisfaction in a loyal in~cription.~It, might be said that
    ous night journey. We saw how the shades closed round it,
    this honour had a double sense; and that Phocas was really and how it utterly lost itself in marshes and dark woods under
    thanked for his inability to interfere.4 Justin, Tiberius, and Maurice. It then falls unawares into
    On the 5th October 6 10, Heraclius was proclaimed Augustus the power of a fell giant, and for eight years, under Phocas,
    by the senate and the people, and crowned by the Patriarch
    languishes in the dungeons of his castle. Heraclius is the
    Sergim5 knight-errant who slays the giant and delivers the pining
    John Ant. 218 f. Italiae) dedicates the statue pro i~z.nu- captive. Or, to speak in the language of the time, he is the
    Theophanes. I n Nicephorus, Eo- nzerabilibusp'etutis ejus be?acficiiset pro
    nosus is called Bov6uuos, and Doment- quiete procuratcc Ital. ac eonservnta Perseus who cuts off the Gorgon's head.
    ziolus AopevrrbAor. Leontius (called by libcrtatc, on the 1st of August in the But the mere death of the oppressor did not dispel the
    John Ant. ua~~Ah&pror, which Nice- eleventh indiction (fifth year after con-
    phorus translates into p a u r X i ~ 5 xpq- sulship of Phocas). Smaragdus had Our contemporary authorities for lation of Sepdos were vain.
    ~ & T W V pias) as) mas perhaps the brother been exarch i n the reign of Maurice, the reign of Heraclius are George For western events we have the
    or father of the Empress Leontia. He 553-588 ; he was again exarch from 602 of Pisicha (for whose work see below, Chronicle of the contemporary Isidore
    was a Syrian, Chron. Paseh. (6 dm3 to 609. cap. iv.) and the Paschal Chro7a- of Hispalis down to the fifth year of
    ua~eXhapiwv). For the name sacellarius * Phocas enlisted the support of iclc (compiled a t Alexandria), which Svinthila (625 A.D.) ; we have the
    ('Lpnrser"), eqnivalent to comes sacri Grecory I. by making the Patriarch Foes donn to the year 628. The Chroliicle of Fredegarius, who lived
    patrinwdi, see below, p. 32.4. cyr?acus give up the title ecumenic. Iu~opia u6vropos of Nicephorus the under Dagobert, and recounts the mar-
    C ~ UInscr. S Lat. vi. p. 251, tit. Cyriacus died i n 606, and was sue- Patriarch (about 800 A.D.), and the
    ceeded by Thomas, whom Sergius, the vellous deeds (mircccula) of Heraclius
    1200, on the base of a column dug up Chronicle of his contemporary Theo-
    in March 1813. Smaragdus (ex prac- dean of St. Sophia and ptochotrophus, against the Persians in a somewhat
    phanes are valuable, though later, legendary form (cap. 62 sqq.) As M.
    pos. sacri palatii ac patricius et m r c h u s succeeded in 610. sources ; both probably derived their Gasquet remarks (L'enzpire byantin, p.
    information from John Ifalalas of ,205), Fredegarius "has his eyes con-
    Antioch, whose date is disputed, but stantly turned towards Constaiitinople,
    who probably lived about 700. The which is for him always the capital of
    Armenian history of Sepeos supplies the world." Our other Latin sources
    some facts not recorded by the Greek are the Liber Ponti,ficalis, which goes
    writers, hut unfortunately I only know under the name of Anastasius, and the
    i t from an article in the Journal asia- Zistoria Langobardorum of Paul. The
    tipue (B'eb. 1866), entitled " Essai d'une anonymous Gesta Dagoberti does not
    histoire de la dynastie des Sassanides," concern us. For our authorities for
    andfromM. Drapeyron's excellent work, Saracen h i s t o ~ yand the monotheletic
    LSEm2)ereur H6raclius et l'cmpire by- controversy, I may refer the reader to
    zantin, as my attempts to obtain a subsequent chapters.
    copy of M. Patcanian's Russian trans-
    CHAP. I1 NERA CLIUS 209
    208 HISTORY OF THE LATER R O M A N EdIPIRE BOOK v
    his life. Every one who reads the history of Heraclius is met
    horrors of darkness which encompassed the Empire around, by the problems : how did the great hero of the last Persian
    and the deliverer had now a far harder thing to achieve. He war spend the first ten years of his reign ? and why did he
    must guide the rescued but still forlorn State through the pit- relapse into lethargy after his final triumph ? The assumption
    falis and perils of the dolorous fields which lay round about it. that his will was naturally weak and his sensibility strong
    He found the sinews of the Empire parnlysed, Europe overrun offers a way of explanation. For a strong sensibility under
    by Slaves, Asia at the mercy of tlie Persians ; he found de- the influence of a powerful impression may become a sort of
    moralisation prevailing in every place and in every class.' The inspired enthusiasm, and, while it lasts, react upon the will.
    breath of fresh air which was wafted with him fro12 the health- The inspiration, on this theory, did not move Heraclius for ten
    ful ,rovinces of Africa, and gave for a moment a pleasant shock years; then it came, and, when the object was attained, passed
    to the distempered city of Ryzantium, was soon lost in tlie close away again, leaving him exhausted, as if he had been under a
    and choking atniosphere; and it was a question whether Hera- mesmeric influence. From this point of view one naturally
    clius would really b~ able to govern much better than Phocas. compares him with his contemporary Mohammed, the differ-
    For the situation was eminently one that demanded a nian ence being that in the Arabian enthusiast the disproportion
    of strong will more than a man of keen intellect. The first between the will and the sensibility was less.
    thing was to gain the confidence of the people, and for this That Heraclius had a capacity for enthusiasm, which found
    purpose sheer strength of character was necessary. Until the vent in the only channel then open to enthusiasm, namely
    physician had won the confidence of the patient, it was iinpos- religious exaltation, cannot be questioned; that he had, like
    sible for him to minister with efficacy to the distempered frame. most of his contemporaries, a mystical or superstitious belief
    Heraclius was in the vigour of his manhood when he came to in portents and signs is most certain; and that he had an
    the throne, about thirty-six years old. But he does not excitable temperament is probable enough. But we do not
    appear to have been endowed wibh that strength of character altogether require M. Drapeyron's plausible and subtle analysis
    which is always masterful and sometimes wilful. A very to explain the conduct of the Emperor in the early years of
    ingenious psychological analysis of his character was made by a his reign. The first absolute condition of success was to gain
    French historian, and is worthy of attention. Starting with public confidence. And as he was not a man who could do
    the trigle division of the mind into will, intellect, and sensibility, this by sheer force of character, he could only effect it by tact,
    M. Drcpeyron defines the perfect man, the Greek of the wariness, and patience. The machine of the State was out of
    best age, as one in whom these three faculties are in perfect order, all the bells were jangled, and in the midst of the diffi-
    equilibrium. All less favoured ages produce men in whom cult complications Heraclius was obliged to feel his way slowly.
    one or other faculty predominates and upsets the balance; When we read that the Persians were encamped at Chalcedon
    Heraclius, for example, was one in whom sensibility was in 6 09 and that the first campaign of Heraclius was in 623,'
    more powerful than intellect and intellect more p~werful we are fain to imagine that he must have gone to sleep for
    than will. He adduces many passages from the contemporary more than ten years "in the lap of a voluptuous carelessness."
    " poet" George of Pisidia, who was an intimate friend of Hera-
    It seemed as if the new Perseus had been himself gorgonised
    clius, to prove the impressionable temperament (crup.rr&Be~a) John Malalas generally gives short de- to the Armenian historian Sepeos (see
    of the E~aperor.~The merit of this analysis is that it seems scriptions of the external appearance Patcanian in the Journal asiatique,
    to explain things apparently inconsistent and unaccountable in of the Emperors (which in other cases Feb. 1866, p. 199), Heraclius took the
    Cedrenu; utilised), I have no doubt that field against the Persians soon after his
    1 Georgeof Pisidia, Bell. Au. 62,writes: "He \\,as of middle stature, strongly this description comes from a lost book accession. Sep&os also differs from
    Bhor r b u j p a ~ o i sa6vors ~ P ~ ~ K E cf.
    T o , built, and broad-chested; his ryes of John bIalalas. I t is not the wont of Greek chroniclers in regard to the
    Thcoph. 6103 A.M. ~ 6 p e?rapaX~Xvplva were fine, rather gray in colour ; his Theophanes to reproduce these physical Persian general at Chalcedon in 615 ;
    ~b 71;s T O X L T E ~ 'Pwpalwv
    ~S ?rp(iYpa~a. hair was yellow, his skin white. When details. according to Sepeos he was Razman,
    The personal appearance of Hera- he became Emperor he shaved his, long It is worth noticing that, according also called Khorheam, not Shahen.
    clius is described by Cedrenus thus : bushy beard and shaved his chin. As VOL. I: P
    210 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPfRE BOOK v
    CHAP. I1 NEIL4 CL(u.5 21 1
    by the face of the dead horror. But we must glance more This was a distinct triumph for the Emperor, and an im-
    closely at the difficulties which surrounded him. portant advantage gained, for the sympathies of all classes
    I n the first place, a serious limit was imposed on the seem to have been enlisted on his side. I t was to assure him-
    activity of the Emperor by the power of the aristocracy, selfof this support that he had proceeded in the matter with
    which since the last days of Justinian had become a formid- such diplomatic caution. The possessions of Priscus, it may
    able rival to the throne. Both Maurice and Phocas adopted be added, were divided between Theodorus and Nicetas, a cir-
    the plan of attaching a special group of ministers to their cumstance which, among other indications, shows that they
    persons, and thus forming an imperial party which in case of
    were looked upon as the supports of the throne. Gregoria,
    necessity might act against refractory patricians. This group
    the daughter of Nicetas, was betrothed to the infant Con-
    would naturally include the Emperor's kinsmen. Maurice
    stantine.
    made his father Yaulus chief of the senate, and his brother An incident is recorded which illustrates the general de-
    Peter, in spite of military incapacity, general. Phocas created
    moralisation, the power of the patricians, and the cautious
    his brother Domentziolus curopalates and subsequently general; manner in which the Emperor was obliged to feel his way and
    and it may be conjectured that Leontius, the Syrian treasurer, gain step by step on the prevailing anarchy. Not far from
    was a relative of his wife Leontia. Heraclius followed the Constantinople lived two neighbours, a patrician named Vute-
    example of his predecessors. He too assigned the post of
    linus l and a widow with several children. A field on the
    curopalates to his brother Theodorus ; and Theodorus and his borders of their lands, which both claimed, gave rise to a
    cousin Njcetas formed the nucleus of an imperial party. This
    dispute, and Vutelinus employed an armed band of servants
    circumstance aroused an opposition with which it was neces- to assert his rights. The household of the lady offered resist-
    sary for the Emperor to deal warily. H e appointed Priscus
    ance, and one of her sons was beaten to death with clubs.
    (the son-in-law of Phocas), who had invited him to Europe, Then the lady set out.for the capital, bearing the bloodstained
    to command the army stationed in Cappadocia. But Priscus
    garment of her son in her hand, and as the Emperor rode forth
    was not content with the new Emperor, nor with his own from the palace she seized the bridle of his horse, and cried out,
    share in the fruits of the revolution, and his conduct exhibited "If you avenge not this blood, according to the laws, may such
    tokens of dubious loyalty. Heraclius decided to act with a
    a lot befall your own sons." The Emperor concealed the sym-
    judicious caution, and proceeded in person to Caesarea, the pathy and indignation which he felt, and dismissed her, merely
    chief town of Cappadocia, in order to sound the sentiments saying that he would consider the matter at some seasonable
    of the suspected general. Priscus at first feigned to be ill; time. His apparent indifference seemed to her a refusal to
    but Heraclius saw him before returning to Byzantium, and execute justice, and her despairing grief as she was led away
    it is said that, while the Emperor was imperturbably
    moved the Emperor more deeply. I n the meantime her
    gentle, the gen2ral almost openly insulted him. "The Em- appeal frightened Vutelinus, and he concealed himself in Con-
    peror," he said, " has no business to leave the palace for the stantinople. But one day Heraclius, who knew his appear-
    camp." But Heraclius was biding his time. He asked ance, espied him in the hippodrome, and caused him to be
    Priscus to be the godfather of his son Constantine, and the arrested. He was tried, and condemned to be beaten to death
    general came to Constantinople. Before an assembly, in which by his servants in the same way as the widow's son had
    the Church, the nobility, and the demes were represented, been slain; the unwilling executioners were then to suffer
    Heraclius judged Priscus from his own lips, and compelled him death themselves.
    to take the vows of monasticism.' We may mention another incident which shows that during
    He is said to have struck him with For the whole story, see Nicephoms,
    a book and said, "You were a bad son- pp. 5, 6.
    the reign of terror a sort of oriental barbarity had crept into
    in-law, you could not be a good friend." B o u ~ ~ X i v o s . The story is recorded by Nicephorus, p. 8.
    BOOK t
    212 HUTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EJfPIRE CHAP. 11 HERA c.LiUS 213
    the Roman Empire and demoralised public feeling. Heraclius corrupt administration of jugtice, an inadequate army, an ill-
    lost his wife Eudocia two years after his accession, and as the filled treasury, which the fresh aggressions of the Persians
    funeral procession passed through the streets, and the inhabi- made annually emptier. These things demanded reform ; and
    tants were watching it from their windows, it happened that a the limits impressed on the Emperor by the power of the
    servant-maid spat just as the corpse, carried on an open bier, patricians, as well as the prevalent demoralisation in all
    was passing, and " the superfluity " fell on the robes of the dead classes, made reform necessarily tardy, notwithstanding the
    Empress. I t will hardly be credited that the girl was sacri- best intentions.
    ficed on the tomb? We are not told what Heraclius thought Without supposing IIeraclius to have been a John-a-dreams,
    of the matter. we can well understand how, w i ~ hsuch a prospect before him,
    Other difficulties which surrounded Heraclius were the he may not have been anxious to ascend the throne, and would
    want of money and the want of an efficient army. His close not have envied Priscus or Nicetas the diadem; we may sus-
    connection with Africa probably assisted him at first and pect that, as he reflected on the rottenness of the time, he
    rescued the financial department ; but all reserve funds were often regretted deeply that he was "born to set it right."
    exhausted; Asia, infested by the enemy, must have been He seems to have found a compensation in domestic life
    almost unproductive as a source of revenue, and the lands of for the comfortless duties of politics; and, as these personal
    Illyricum and Thrace, and perhaps Greece, were at the mercy matters had some important political bearings, we must not omit
    of Slavonic invader^.^ Africa, the south-west of Asia Minor, to notice them. His marriage with the delicate Eudocia was
    Egypt, and Italy must have been the chief sources of income. celebrated on the day of his coronation; she bore him two
    But the poverty of the treasury is proved by the bankruptcy children, Epiphania and Heraclius Constantine, but died her-
    which prevailed some years later, when Heraclius was pre- self of epilepsy in August 6 12.l Soon afterwards he celebrated
    paring for his great expedition. a second marriage with his niece Martina, and this created a
    I t is impossible to arrive at a certain conclusion as to great scandal among his orthodox subjects, who considered
    the forces which were available when Heraclius came to such an alliance incestuous (aipoprEla). Their superstitious
    the throne. We only know that the army was inefficient, objections seemed justified by the fact that of her two first
    and that of the soldiers who had served in the reign of children, Flavius and Theodosius, one had a wry neck and the
    Maurice and revolted against him only two were alive at the other was deaf and dumb ; and the physical sufferings of the
    time of the death of Phocas.3 Priscus commanded an army in Emperor himself, endured in the last years of his life, were
    Cappadocia, and this army seems to have been attached in a looked upon as a retribution of this sin. Martina was a
    special manner to his own person; perhaps he had raised it strong and ambitious woman, who seems to have always ex-
    himself. For when he became a monk by enforced con- ercised a potent fascination on her husband ; and if Heraclius
    straint the Emperor showed marked consideration to his had not felt that she was a necessity to him, he would hardly
    soldiers, and said, " You were till now the servants of Priscus, have run the risk of giving general offence and creating dis-
    to-day we have made you the servants of the Empire." This t ~ u s twhen all his endeavours were directed to win the con-
    army and the troops which Heraclius and Nicetas had brought fidence of his subjects. I t is remarkable that George of
    with them from Africa are the only field forces of whose actual Pisidia, the friend of Heraclius, never mentions Martins's name,
    existence we are certain. and some words seem to point to a sore spot. Martina was
    Thus difficulties bristled about Heraclius on all sides,--a always looked on as " the accursed thing."
    Her mistress barely escaped with Sclnvi Graeeiam Ilolnanis tulerunt. It
    her life. Nicephoms, p.
    Cf. Isidore, Chron.
    7.
    120 ; in the
    is hard to say how much this means.
    Theoph. 6103 A.M.
    ' Theoph. 6103 A.M., Nicephorus,
    p. 9. Constantine was crowned 22d
    December 612 according to Theophanes).
    Epiphania was crowned in October
    beginning of the reign of Hemlius, January 61 3 (Chron. Pa&., but 25th 612.
    CHAP. 11 HEh'A CLLYS 215
    214 HISTORY O F THE LATEX ROMAN EMPIRE BOOKV

    Of the operations of Chosroes'at this period and the losses ~vithdifferences in nationality. I11 Egypt there was bitter
    of the Romans we know only the most important, and even enmity between the Greek Melchites (Royalists) and the native
    these in the barest outline ; for the historians seem to make a Jacobites and monophysites' ; in Palestine the irreconcilable
    practice of omitting painful details, and George of Pisidia has feud between Christians and Jews determined the fate of the
    formulated the principle that it is meet to commit to silence the Holy City ; and in Syria Nestorians were not unkindly disposed
    greater part of our distresses.' Syria was invaded and Damas- to the Sassanid kingdom, which had generally afforded them a
    cus taken, in 6 13 or 6 14: by the great general Shahr Barz hospitable shelter.
    or " Royal Boar." An embassy treating for peace was sent to I n regard to the Jews, Heraclius was disposed to follow the
    Chosroes, but without result3 ; and in 614 or 6 1 5 Palestine policy of his predecessor. H e seems to have considered that
    was invaded; Jerusalem was taken ; " the wood," as the any attempt at conciliation or tolerance would be- wasted, or
    true cross was called, was carried to Persia ; and the Patri- perhaps he was influenced by the deadly power of superstition.
    arch Zacharias himself was led into captivity. Concerning This policy appears too in his relations with foreign states ;
    the capture of Jerusalem we possess some significant detaik4 he initiated an anti- Jewish movement throughout Europe.
    At the first appearance of the Persians the inhabitants made A treaty which he made with Sisibut, the Visigothic king of
    little resistance, and were easily persuaded to receive a Persian Spain, in 6 14, the year of the massacres of Jerusalem, probably
    garrison. But when the army had retired, the Christians contained the stipulation that Sisibut should compel the Jews
    suddenly rose and slaughtered most of the Persians and Jews of Spain to become Chri~tians.~And six years later, in his
    in the city. Shahr Barz returned, and having taken the city negotiations with the Frank king Dagobert, he induced that
    after a stubborn resistance, which lasted about three weeks, monarch to adopt the policy of persecution. According to
    he avenged his countrymen by a massacre of three days. We Fredegarius; Heraclius discovered by the aid of astrology
    are told that 90,000 Christians were handed over to the that the Roman Empire was destined to be blotted out by
    untender mercies of the Jews ; and the Jews had so many circumcised peoples, and therefore sent to Dagobert an order or
    accounts to settle that, notwithstanding their careful habits, a request that he should baptize and convert all the Jews in his
    they ransomed prisoners for the pleasure of butchering them. kingdom; and Dagobert did this. Moreover, Heraclius made
    The loss of the country and the city with which the religi- the same ordinance in all the provinces of the Empire, for
    ous sentiments of the Byzzntines were so closely associated was he knew not whence the disaster was to come.
    soon followed by the loss of the country which chiefly supplied Although the Emperor's resources did not avail to save
    the material needs of Constantinople. Egypt became a Persian Syria and Egypt from the invaders, and from themselves, or
    province; for ten years a Copt, Mukaukas, administered it even to secure Asia Minor, we cannot argue that he was in-
    for the Persian king, and the centre of his government was active or that there were not Roman armies in the field. When
    not at Alexandria but at Misr (Babylon, near Cairo). Here, as I'riscus had withdrawn to lead a holier life in 6 12, Philippicus,
    in Palestine, as in Syria, as in the country about the Euphrates, who had unwillingly abandoned the world at the instance
    the efforts of the Persians would never have been attended of Phocas, came forth from his monastery, and was appointed
    with such immediate and easy success but for the disaffection general instead of Priscus. At the same time Theodorus, the
    of large masses of the population. This disaffection rested Emperor's brother, received a military command. We may
    chiefly on the religious differences, which were closely associated
    The monophysites, however, were Sisibut, but does not attribute i t to
    Bell. Avar. 1. 12. September 614. not unanimously in favour of Persian Heraclius.
    Clinton, following Chron. Pasch. 3 Chosroes assumed the positio~i of rule. Benjamin left Alexandria and j, Fredegarius, Chrm. cap. 65. This
    614. Theophanes, 6104 A.M., that is wishing to restore Theodosius, the son returned when Egypt was reconquered. pollcy of Heraclius is noticed by Fin-
    (as Theophanes is a yearwrong) 6 1 0 5 ~ of Dlautlce, who was really dead. Isidore, Hist. Goth. cap. 60 (cf. lay, i. p. 326.
    second indiction = September 613 to 4 Chron. Pasch. and Sepcos. cap. 120) blames the persecution of
    216 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKV
    CHAP. I1 iZ%A C U U S 217

    suppose that Philippicus until his death, which occurred not ambassadors passed the frontiers, Shahen placed them in fetters;
    long after this,' protected, like Priscus, the province of Cappa- but worse things awaited Shahen himself. Chosroes, who from
    docia; and it is to be presumed that Theodorus was stationed this time forth constantly displays a sort of irrational insolence,
    in some other province of Asia Minor, perhaps in Cilicia. For was so indignant that Shahen had conversed with Heraclius
    from the situation of affairs it is natural to conclude that Hera- and yet had not brought him bound hand and foot to his feet,
    clius, despairing of the southern countries, would devote all his caused the general to be flayed alive ; the ambassadors he sub-
    resources to the defence of Asia Minor.' But even Asia Minor jected to a rigorous confinement.
    was not to escape the horrors of invasion. After the conquest The loss of Egypt, and the loss of Jerusalem and the holy
    of Egypt, the general Shahen entered Asia Minor, meeting, as " wood " were disastrous in different ways. The cessation of
    far as we know, no opposition, and advanced to Chal~edon,~ as the corn supply caused a famine at Constantinople, and the
    another general had done in the last years of Phocas. The famine produced its natural offspring-a pestilence. Pestilence
    blockade of this town lasted a considerable time, and it is said and famine are often called sisters, each is really both a cause
    that the Persian general and the Roman Emperor had an in- and an effect of the other. Famine induces scanty clothing,
    terview, in which the former professed himself desirous of dirt, overcrowding, huddling together for the sake of warmth ;
    bringing about a peace, and sanguine of the success of negotia- and thus are formed centres of weak organisms for the germs
    tions. H e offered to go himself, along with the Roman ambas- of the disease to breed in and spread. The plague, on the
    sadors, to Chosroes, and use his influence with his master. other hand, involves a cessation of work and production. This
    Heraclins readily agreed, and three envoys were nominated : calamity must have seriously paralysed the action of the
    Olympius, praetorian prefect (presumably of the East); Leontius, government, which was always to a certain extent unhealthily
    prefect of the city; and Anastasius, chancellor of St. Sophia. confined by the paramount importance of everything that
    The most important feature of this embassy is that i t was affected the imperial city.
    sent, not in the name of the Emperor himself, but of the The capture of the Holy Rood was equally serious in a
    members of the senate, who composed a long letter to Chosroes. moral aspect ;it seemed as if the Deity, by permitting the mate-
    The document justifies Heraclius and makes Phocas the scape- rial instrument of redemption to fall into the hand of the
    goat ; moreover, it reflects the general idea of the Romans that adversary, had plainly turned away in anger from the sins of
    the losses of their provinces were ultimately due to their own the Christians and withdrawn his favour. To the inhabitants
    sins, and not to the powers of the enemy.4 As soon as the of Constantinople especially it must have been a grievous
    distress, for, apart from its intrinsic value, the Holy Rood was
    About a year later, Niceph. p. 7. pated the Saracens i n wresting Car-
    I t is wor'th noticing that Nicetas, thage from the Empire as well as in closely associated with Helena, the sainted mother of Constan-
    who started along with Heraclius for wresting Syria and Egypt ? And if so, tine the Great.' When she went as a pilgrim to Jerusalem
    Africa in autumn of 610, did not arrive had the Persian occupation anything
    i n Constantinople till about April 612 to do with Heraclius' project of mak- she was seized by a strong desire to find the actual wood on
    (see Nicephorus). We know not what ing Carthage the imperial capital 7 which Christ had been crucified. Inspiring Macarius, the bishop
    detained him on his journey, but i t The long document (composed and
    may be conjectured that he lingered sent b?rb rGv dpx6vrwv $+Gv)is preserved of Jerusalem, with her ardour, she caused Mount Calvary to be
    in Syria to operate against the Persians in Chron. Pasch. I follow Theophanee
    in placing the embasry in the end of
    excavated, and three crosses were discovered. Then the question
    --prhaps to succour Antioch.
    Here I follow Nicephorus (p. 9), 617 or 618. Chron. Pasch. places i t in was, which of the three was the Holy Cross ? I t was soon
    who calls Shahen 2 & ~ r o sand
    , the M S S . 615, but this 1s inconsistent with Nice-
    of Theophanes, 6107, 6108 A.M., where, phoms, for Shahen had already block- solved. Held over the face of a lady who was sick unto
    however, de Boor follows the Latin aded Chalcedon for a long time when death, the true cross healed her by the efficacy of its shadow.
    translator Anastasius and reads Kapx7- the interview took place, and he can
    66va and Kapx~Bbvosfor XaA~7Govaand hardly have reached Chalcedon before after Heraclius' design of going to Car- The doings of Helena in Palestine
    Xak~qbbvos. Is a fact really preserved end of 615 at earliest, but more prob- thage was surrendered, and any date in are narrated by Eusebius, Vita Constan-
    in the translation of Anastas~us1 IS ably in 616. Cf. Theophanes (fourth in- 618 before 1st September is consistent tini.
    it really true that the Persians antici- diction). M. Drapeyron, p. 129,places i t with Theophanes' nptice.
    218 h'ISTORY O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. 11 NEIL4 CLIUS 219

    Helena caused it to be divided into two parts, of which one prosperous city of first-rate importance at this time, and it was
    was sent to her son Constantine, while the other, placed in a the centre of flourishing provinces, which were devoted to the
    silver case, of which the bishop of Jerusalem kept the key, Heradian family. There he might make a fresh start with
    was deposited in the church of the Resurrection. The loss of hands untied, independent of the Byzantine nobility and un-
    this, the most precious relic of Christendom, seemed a fatal paralysed by Byzantine demoralisation. There he could be as
    omen and could not but dispirit still more deeply the despond- economical as he pleased, his household could be as simple as
    ing hearts of the Romans. was necessary, and he could organise a campaign against the
    Persians in a secure and distant retreat.
    I t was after the failure of the embassy to Chosroes that Heraclius made up his mind to carry out this revolutionary
    Heraclius conceived a remarkable idea, which, if it had been project, and before he published his intentions he secretly de-
    carried out, would have altered the history of the Ronian spatched to Africa the treasures of the palace. Fate itself
    Empire. He felt that amid the prevailing demoralisation and declared against the design, for the larger part of the gold and
    indifference it was utterly impracticable to make any effectual silver and precious stones was wrecked in a storm. Then the
    attempt to rescue the Empire from dismemberment. For he Byzantines learned the resolve of the Emperor, and great was
    was not given free scope or allowed a fair chance. His actions their consternation. They constrained the Emperor to abandon
    were limited by the aristocracy, which seems to have assumed tile plan and not desert Constantinople. The Patriarch Ser-
    an independent position ; he was, in point of power, rather the gius bound him with solemn oaths in the church of St. Sophia
    first nlan of the senate than an Emperor raised above all that he ~vouldnever leave the queen of cities.' This scene
    alike. I t seemed as if the imperial dignity were drifting back i~lusthave produced a deep in~pressionon all who took part in
    into its first stage of six cerituries ago. The fact that the or witnessed it.
    senate, and not the Emperor, sent the embassy to Chosroes is If I am not mistaken, this mras the turning-point of Hera-
    the clearest indication of the actual tendency of politics at clius' reign. For, although his design of making a new
    this time. On the other hand, the atmosphere of Constanti- beginning in Africa was frustrated, this very design rendered
    nople, the imperial city, had been corrupted by three cen- it possible to malie a new beginning in Constantinople, a con-
    turies of degrading bounty. The inhabitants were spoiled summation for which he could hardly have ventured to hope.
    children; they looked upon the Emperor as their own peculiar TVe may say that the idea, which he wellnigh executed, caused
    property ; their mere residence in Constantinople entitled tlienl a moral revolution. The possibility of losing the Emperor, of
    to the privileges of idleness, of eating bread for nothing, of no longer being the privileged imperial city, brought suddenly
    witnessing games and court pageants. I n such an atmosphere, home to Constantinople the realities of its situation, and
    amid such a wicked and adulterous generation, Heraclius de- awakened i t from the false dream of a spoiled child. When
    spaired of making a fresh start. While he remained there he the inhabitants saw that they were not indispensable to the
    must necessarily keep up the old palatial traditions, maintain Emperor, as the Emperor was to them, and imagined themselves
    a costly court expenditure with the money which should have left without protection, they took a different view of the rela-
    supported a campaign. The iron fetters of " damned custom" tions of things. And to this awakening we may ascribe the
    lay heavy on his soul ; and he concluded that the only chance salvation of the Empire.
    of breaking with the past and starting afresh on rational prin- At the same time a new element began to permeate the air
    ciples, and thereby rescuing the Empire, was to go to a new and react against the morbid despondency which possessed
    place, and change the capital of the noman world. Once he men's minds. A religious enthusiasm spread, and the war
    had resolved, the most natural place to select was Carthage, against the Persians was regarded in a Inore religious light than
    the scene where his youth had been spent. It was the only Niceph. p. 12.
    C H A P . 11 HERACL1u.Y 221
    220 HISTOR Y O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    As the loss of the cross, at first depressing, proved subse-
    it had been conceived before; it was regarded, namely, as a quently stimulating when the reaction came, so the loss of
    death-strnggle between Christendom and heathendom. Per- ~ g y p t ,at first disastrous, turned out beneficial in inlproving
    haps tlie capture of the Holy Rood more than anything else the moral tone of the capital. Once Heraclius had won his
    rendered this aspect of the war visible; the contest became new position and a certain flame of unselfish enthusiasm had
    a crusade. This spiritual change is marlred politically by the been kindled, he was able to refuse to continue the free distri-
    close alliance which was formed at this time between the bution of " the political bread," and demand a small payment;
    Emperor and the Patriarch Sergius, who was henceforth not and a few months later he could venture to discontinue the
    only a spiritual but a temporal adviser.' Sergius Tvas a strong practice a1together.l This reform had many beneficial effects.
    energetic prelate who had the power of influencing men and I n the first place, it was a direct relief to the public purse. I n
    stirring up enthusiasm ; and he played as important a part in the second place, by rendering idleness less possible and by
    the last Persian war as the Pope played in the First Crusade. setting free funds to support labour, it increased labour. And
    The religious feeling that prevailed was expressed in solenin in the third place, the idlers who could not or would not pro-
    services; and while the threats of Chosroes, that he woulcl duce became recruits in the army. And, beside these results,
    not spare the Christians until they denied the Crucified; stir~ed the moral tone was raised.
    up religious fury against the Antichrist, tlie recovery of two But this relief was not enough to supply Heraclius with the
    relics,-the Lance which pierced the side and the Sponge which funds necessary for effectual niilitary operations. I t was in
    mocked the thirst of Christ,-shed a gleam of hope, as a sort of fact merely a set-off against the loss of Egypt; it was no
    earnest that the Holy Cross would be ultimately recovered. absolute grain to the exchequer. The financial perplexity was
    I t was about this time- that Chosroes sent a characteristic letter solved by the religious character of the war, which produced a
    to Heraclius, intended to be a leisurely reply to the embassy of close alliance between Church and State and made Sergius the
    Shahen. The letter ran thus3 :- ardent right-hand man of Heraclius. The Church granted a
    " The noblest of the gods, the king and master of the ~ ~ h oearth,
    le the great loan to the State, which was to be paid back with in-
    son of the great Oromazes, Chosroes, to Heraclius his vile and insensate terest at the end of the war. The immense treasures of the
    slave.
    " Refusing to snbmit to our rule, you call yourself a lord and sovereign.
    churches of Constantinople were melted and converted into
    You detain and disperse our treasures, and deceive our servants. Having coin ; and the political insolvency was rescued by a peculiar
    gathered together a troop of brigands, you ceaselessly annoy us ; have I form of national debt, which recalls the public loan made by
    not then destroyed the Greeks ? Yon say you have trust in God ; why the Romans in the second Punic war.
    then has he not delivered out of my hand Cnesarea, Jerusalem, Alexanclria ?
    Are you then ignorant that I have subdoed land and sea to my laws? No event betrays more significantly than this loan that the
    And could I not also destroy Constantinople ? But not so. I will character of the last Persian war was that of a holy crusade.
    pardon all your f,~u~ltsif yon will conle llither mith your wife and children.
    I will give you lands, vines7 and olive groves, which will supply you mith Perhaps for no lustrum in the seventh century are exact
    the necessaries of life ; I will look upon yon with a kindly glance. Do
    not deceive yourself mith a vain hope in that Christ who was not able to
    dates so desirable as for these years (6 17'-622), during which
    save hinlself fro111 the Jews, that killed hi111 by nailing him to a cross. the Roman Empire revived and a new spirit passed into
    If yon descend to the clepths of the sea I will stretch out my hand and its dry bones. And it is irritating to find that the notices
    will seize you, and you shall then see me unwillingly." of the chroniclers are vague and contradictory. But without
    Such a letter as this was advantageous to the cause of attempting to establish definite dates for everything, I think the
    Heraclius. Chron. Pasch. 618 A.D. daur?jB7aavol aurei (21 : 17 : 6), not per loaf, but for
    KT~TOPES ~ 0 j v TOXLTLKGVB~TWV 6rd 6ra- the right of one ticket for receiving
    Was it now that he exhorted him Theophanes, 6109 A.M. ypa+i~v((lkeacapitationtax)~aB' Q~aarov loaves daily. 6th Graypa+Gv implies it
    to give up Martina ? Cf. Niceph. p. Sep&os,as quoted by &I.Drapeyron, tipor vopiupara y ' , which means three was to be a yearly payment.
    14. 021. cit. p. 133.
    HERA CLIUS
    222 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROrMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    booty of the chagan, but men and women to the nurnber of
    general nexus of events is plain, and this nexus is important. 270,o 0 0 were carried away to captivity.'
    The design of Heraclius to migrate to Carthage (618) led to w e are not accurately informed what followed this alarming
    the reaction, and this reaction enabled him to incite the citizens occurrence. I t seems that the chagan tried to gloze over the
    to enthusiasm and carry out the needful reforms.' treachery, and it is probable that Heraclius, unlike the un-
    At this juncture another element in the political situation popular Maurice, ransomed the captives and bought a peace.2
    becomes prominent, the dangerous neighbourhood of the Avaric He had already directed the exarch of Ravenna to make a
    kingdom, of which we have heard nothing since the treaty with defensive treaty with the Lombards for operations against the
    Phocas in 604. I n the meantime, however, the Avars had Avars, and this was to a certain extent a check on the hostili-
    not been idle. One year in alliance and the next year at feud ties of the heathen.
    with their old allies the Lombards, they were alternately But before Heraclius set out to conduct the Persian war he
    ravaging Istria in conjunction with that people and invading conceived the idea of throwing a sop to Cerberus and paying a
    northern Italy. I n 6 1 9 the chagan proposed to make a treaty
    compliment to the chagan of the Avars. He is said to have
    with Heraclius, and won the hearts of two Ronlan ambassadors appointed that monarch guardian of his son? and he sent as
    by his amiable behaviour. He proposed a conference at Heraclea, hostages to the Avaric court two Roman nobles, along with a
    to which the Emperor eagerly consented, for it was now of the nephew and a son of his own ; the latter, who " came saucily
    greatest consequence to him to secure for Constantinople im- into the world before he was sent for," bore the Gothic name
    munity from attacks on the Thracian side, while he threw all Athalaric. By this scheme Heraclius not only conciliated
    his forces into the contest in the East. The preparations for
    the Avars but possessed spies in the enemy's country, who
    the interview made by the Romans and those made by the could give early warning of harm intended to the Empire.
    Avars were of a very different nature. Heraclius made arrange- The new spirit of vigour and enthusiasm that prevailed had
    ments to entertain the barbarians by a scenic representation, manifested itself in 6 18, and yet Heraclius was not ready to
    and to dazzle tllein with all the surnptuollsness of imperial
    set out on his first campaign until 622. The year 6 1 9 is
    splendour and court pageantry. The chagan, on the other accounted for by the affair with the Avars which was so
    hand, despatched a chosen body of troops to conceal themselves nearly fatal to the Emperor, but by what cares he was occu-
    on the wooded heights that commanded the Long Wall. But pied during the two ensuing years we are not informed by
    fortunately Heraclius, who was waiting at Selynibria, received
    our Greek authorities. We can hardly assume that all this
    intelligence of this suspicious movement, and perceived that time was required for the organisation of his army, especi-
    the chagan's intention was to seize his person by cutting of1 ally as in 622 he spent several months in drilling his troops
    his retreat. He did not hesitate to throw off his royal dress in Cilicia.
    anrl disguise himself in humble raiment ; and, with his crown The solution of this difficulty is that he was engaged in
    concealed under his arm, the Emperor fled to Constantinople. hostilities with the Persians who were stationecl at Chalcedon,
    He arrived just in time to take some measures for the defence and that these hostilities have been completely omitted by the
    of the city. The Avars, baulked in their stratagem, pursued
    Greek historians. That town, taken by the Persians in 6 1 7,
    him hotly, and, penetrating into the suburbs of the city, wrecked had become the station of an army which was always watching
    several churches. Not only did the apparatus which had been
    There was probably a large number p. 15 : ~ a 62~ T ~d aY h B v ~ a r p b v ,K.T.X.
    providecl for the scenic performances, and those who were of people at Heraclea assembled for the "his isuardianship was, of course,
    engaged in the preparations, and the imperial robes, become the gaieties, and many also a t Selymbria only nomyna1 and conlphrnentary. It
    with the Emperor. Many too must strongly confirms the often doubted
    have been carried off fronl the imme- notice of Procopius that A~cadiusap-
    1 The ortler of events in h-icephorus places the corn reform. The nexus is d ~ a t evicinity of the capital. pointed the king of Persia guardian of
    leads us to refer the Carthage cles~gnto patent. "his may be concluded from Niceph. his son Theodosius.
    618, and in 618 the PnscJ~n,lCh~o7~zele
    224 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIXE BOOK v CHAP. 11 HERA CLIUS 225

    for an opportunity to attack the great city across the straits. who look upon him as an inspired enthusiast would like to
    This solution would be only a probable conjecture but tor a see in this retirement the imperative need of communion with
    record preserved by an Armenian historian of an event which his own soul and with God; they suppose that he was like
    must be placed in one of these years? By the orders of John the Baptist, or that, like Jesus, he retired to a mountain
    Chosroes the Persians assaulted Constantinople, but the Greek to pray. To support this idea they can appeal to George of
    fleet attacked them and utterly discomfited them, with a loss of I'isidia, who, speaking of this retreat, says that the Emperor
    4000 men and their ships. This encouraging success indicates ccinlitated Elias of old," and uses many other expressions
    to us another preoccupation of Heraclius. I t was not only which may be interpreted in a similar manner. I t is
    necessary to organise an army; it devolved upon him to probable that Heraclius was fain to possess his soul in
    organise a navy also, in order to secure the capital during his silence for a few months; but it is hazardous to press the
    absence. theological word-painting of a poetical ecclesiastic into the
    By the end of 6 2 1all the preliminaries were over. Friendly service of the theory that Heraclius was a semi-prophetic en-
    relations had been established with the Avars ; the imperial thusiast with a naturally weak will. When George of Pisiclia
    city on the Bosphorus had a fleet to protect it against the mentions in another place that the Emperor studied treatises
    Persians of Chalcedon ; the military chest was well provided, on tactics and rehearsed plans of battle, we feel that we are
    owing to the co-operation of the Church; and an army had on surer ground.' The St~ategic.of Maurice, doubtless, was
    been formed, which was to be further increased on its arrival constantly in his hands.
    in Asia. There was a deliberation and want of haste about Heraclius appointed his son Constantine, now ten years
    all these preparations which lent them a certain solemnity ; old, regent during his absence. The actual administration was
    and all minds must have been wronght up to form high ex- vested in Sergius the Patriarch and Bonus a patrician, who
    pectations for the success of this enterprise, which was marked were to act, of course, in concert with the senate. The political
    by two novelties. I t was a distinctly religious war, in which position of Sergius is highly significant of the time, and
    the worshippers of Christ and the worshippers of fire were indicates the close bond which was drawing together Church
    fighting to the death ; and it was to be conducted by the Em- and State, a bond substantially welded by the material sacrifice
    peror in person; an arrangement which to the inhabitants of which the Church had made. I t was natural that when the
    Byzantium was a new and strange thing, for since Theodosius the Church had ventured the greater part of her possessions in the
    Great no Emperor who reigned at New Rome had led an army enterprise, she should have a representative in the government.
    to victory or defeat. Zeno the Isaurian had indeed proclaimed Such a colossal shareholder had a claim to appoint a director.
    that he would conduct a campaign against Theodoric, and more But, apart from this consideration, Sergios was the strongest
    recently Maurice had marched as far as Anchialus to take the and firmest supporter of the Emperor throughout his reign,
    field against the Avars ; yet at the last moment both Maurice quite an invaluable ally.
    and Zeno had abandoned their valorous purposes. But On the day after Easter 622 Heraclius sailed from Con-
    Heraclius was not as Zeno or as Maurice, and the recent naval ~tantinople. His departure was celebrated with religious
    success in the Bosphorus was an inspiriting omen of victory. circumstance, emphasising the religious character of his
    The winter before his departure (6 2 1-62 2) was spent by enterprise, to prevent the infidels from insulting the heritage
    Heraclius in retirement. He was probably engaged in studying Hcraclid, ii. 120 and 136- ~ a i u x ~ p a ~ o u p y l j v~ ? j s,udx?r ~ h s
    strategy and geography and planning his first campaign. Those 0th ?Tv yhp rpyov TOXEKLKGV uuv~av- E ~ K ~ YK .U7 .PA.,
    Sep6os. See Drapeyron, op. cit. p. 2 Some disapproved of this plan and pd~wv M. Drapeyron's minute study of George
    131, who adopts this theory as to the tried to retain him (compare the similar 6 ~ + J F E T ? ~ X B7E ;S uXoX$ TGVu ~ ~ p p d ~ w of
    v , Pisi~lia causes him to ascribe an
    date. I n 6.20 the Persians took Galatian case of Maurice, above, p. 124), George T ~ T GT~~, O T ~ T T ELTPE?T~(WV,
    WY, T ~ O U - undue i m p o ~ t a ~ l cand e it too literal
    Ancyra (Theoph. 6111 A.M.) Pis. Eq. Pers. i. 120 sqq. YP~@WV meaning to every word.
    VOL. I . cl
    2-2G HISTORY OF THE LATER ROlllA M EA~PIIL'E BOOK v

    of Christ. George of Pisidia delivered an oration on the


    occasion, and foretold that Heraclius would reddell his black
    leggings in Persian blood.' The Emperor took with him that
    image of the Virgin not made with hands +which had been
    propitious to him when, almost twelve years before, he sailed
    against Phocas.
    1 This is recorded by Cedrenus, i. p. Did George relate this incident in a
    718 (ed. Bonn). Cedrenus hat1 before lost poem 1 or did he really extemporise
    him a source which we do not possess the iambics 2
    -the source doubtless which was used
    '
    by Thcophanes Entering the church passage which caught EJ?'' the i'fancy of (a C H A P T E R IT1
    with black shots, ~ ~ prayell ~ TheO~hanes,
    ~ who ~ quotes l part i ~ ~
    "Lord Cod (Be,&, a curions vocative),
    *.'I.)- THE PERSIAN WAR
    give us not up for a reproach to our
    enemies on account of our sins " ; and
    George Pisides said in solemn iambic
    pop++,v ;K~lv?Iv ypa+ijs
    qv XeZpes O ~ Eypa$av
    K
    :+ d;pd$~v
    bX)I ev ei~bvr
    verse.;, " 0 king, 6 irdvra pop+rjv ~ a 6lt a ~ A d r r w vA6yos THE Persian campaigns of Heraclius are six in number : (1j
    ~eXappa@BsirCGtXov eilhdas r b 6 a dveu ypa@+s pbp@wurv, Js dvcu uxop2s the campaign of Cappadocia and Pontus, 622-6 2 3 ; (2) the
    pdqars 6puOpbv IIepur~Gvh.$ aipdrwv." ~ i g u r vadrbs, Js 6 i r i u ~ a ~ a@iper.
    r,
    first campaign of Azerbiyan, 6 2 3 ; (3) the campaign of
    Albania and Armenia, 624 ; (4) the campaign of Cilicia,
    62 5 ; (5) the second campaign of Azerbiyan, 6 2 6 ; (6) the
    campaign of Assyria, 62 '1-628. The year 62 6 was also
    signalised by the joint attack of the Persians and Avars on
    Constantinop1e.l

    I. Campaign of Cappadocia nncl Pontw, 6 2 2-6 2 3 A.D.

    The plan of the first campaign of Heraclius was a distinct


    surprise. I t was probably expected that he would sail up
    the Black Sea and enter Persia by Armenia. H e took a
    completely different course. H e sailed southward through
    the Hellespont, coasted along Asia Minor, then, bearing east-
    ward, niade for the bay of Issns, and landed at those remarkable
    Gates which form the entrance from Syria to Asia Minor, "the
    gates of Cilicia and Syria." These Gates are a narrow road
    between the range of Mouat Ainanus on the east and the sea
    011 the west, about six days' march from Tarsus. The place
    played a part of strategic importance both in the expeditian
    of Cyrus the younger and in the Persian expedition of Alex-
    ander. Its importance for Heraclius' purposes lay in its
    geographical advantages. I t was: a conlmon centre to which
    The best and fullest account of these campaigns has been mitten by Dra-
    peyron.
    228 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROzWAN EMPIRE BOOK v C H A P . 111 THE PERSIAN WAR 229

    Roman suojects in Syria on the one hand, and in Asia Minor ill a soutllerly direction, whereas he really took a northerly
    on tlle other, who had escaped the sword or chains of Chosroes, route, and before they were aware what had taken place he
    could gather to the standard of the Emperor; and no place Ilad crossed the Antitaurus range and entered the region of
    could offer a more secure retreat for organising and drilling Pontus where t l ~ eLycus and Halps approach each other.
    liis army at leisure and for assimilating the new recruits Sllahr Barz now took it for granted that the Ronlans would
    to the troops which lie had bronght with him. These pre- \vinter in Pontus, but Heraclius soon gave him cause for un-
    parations occupied the summer and autumn, and Heraclius easiness by feigning a movement in the direction of Armenia,
    showed that both in directing tactics and in inspiriug con- as though he intended to invade Persia on that side. The
    fidence he possessed a rare talent for military command. Persian general then aclopted the curiously infelicitous scheme
    H e had already, on the voyage, won golden opinions by his of marching southwards to Cilicia, !;hinliing apparently that
    personal energy in a storm whicl~almost wrecked his ship ; I-Ieraclius would follow him to secure tlie Gates a t Issns. Cut
    and he appears to have adopted a tone of genial coinradesllip the Gates had served the Emperor's purpose, and he was now
    which infused confidence into his followers and aided his indifferent in their regard ; so the decoy did not succeed. Then,
    Roman discipline in holding together the heterogeneous masses weary of this game of hide-and-seek, and uncertain of
    that composed his army. H e did not forget to keep alive the Heraclius' design in respect to Armenia, Shahr Barz retraced
    religious enthusiasm which had inspired the expedition, and his steps and crossed the Antitaurus in the face of tlle Roman
    doubtless he sometimes delivered half- religions half -martial forces which occupied the passes.
    orations, such as became a crusader.l The practical part of Once more the armies were face to face, but on this occasion
    the preparations seems to have been thorough; and he exer- Heraclius had been able to choose his position.' The versifier
    cised his own generalship and his soldiers' presence of mind who celebrated this campaign has left an edifying descriptiorl
    in sham battles. of the contrast between the two camps.2 Cymbals and all
    As winter approached, Heraclius passed from Cilicia into kinds of music gratified the ears of Shahr Barz, and naked
    Cappadocia, and a trifling victory over some Saracen guerilla women danced before him; while the Christian Emperor
    bands was hailed as an earnest of a prosperous issue. sought delight in psalms sung to mystical instruments, which
    I n the meantime King Chosroes had sent a mandate to awoke a divine echo in his soul.
    Shalir Barz,-who, regardless of Heraclius, was still watching Por several days the armies stood opposed i n battle array
    his opportunity at Clialcedon,-to move eastward and oppose ~vithoutventuring on an engagement ; and i t is said that
    the advance of the Ronian ariny. This was just what Heraclius Heraclius employed stratagems to induce his opponent to fight;
    desired. The Persians entered Pontus, expecting that the on one occasion, for example, causing a banquet to be prepared.
    Ronlans would remain in the south of Cappadocia until winter in thc open air, to invite a Persian surprise. A t last Shahr
    was over; but, finding that Heraclius continued his northwar11 to the place of the battle. Tlir time is
    march, t l ~ e ypassed illto that country. The arrnies met, a1111 determined by an eclil~seof the moon,
    which took place on 22d Janlutry 623,
    Heraclius found himself in an unfavonrable position before hc a day or two before the engagement
    had time to choose his own ground ; moreover, he was threat- To understan11 clearly in what this (George Pis. Ezp. Pers. iii. 1).
    artifice consisted, we should require fi. ii. 240 sgq. This description is
    ened with want of supplies. H e extricated himself fro111 sonlo topographical kno\rrlc(ige. Per- given on the occasio~lof the first meet-
    this difficulty by a curious ambiguous movement, a sort of ]laps a few battalions marching slowly ing in Cappadocia. He mentions the
    in the false direction ~oncealedfrom
    double-faced ~ n a r c h . ~To the Persians he seemed to be moving the eyes of tlie foe a rapitl northward
    lrlovcnient of the n~aillbody.
    3 This movement was called the rriEs
    Neither the composition of George as contrasted with Heraclius'
    See George Pis. Exp. Pers. ii. 88 sgq. of Pisiclia nor the Chronicle of Theo-
    ' 111. 218, r b Zapa~ilvwv rdypa 7& T I T E ? T X E Y ~ $ Y T . George Pis. Ezp. PWS.
    1)hanes gives any preciser information as
    ?ro\~~rpix~v. 261 s ~ p . -
    230 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAA7 EMPIRE BOOK v CIIAP. I I I THE PERSIAN W A R 231

    Farz conceived a plan which he thought would ensure suc- by the Empress Martina; he had become so
    cess. One night he hid a body of men in a ravine on one popular that he might venture with impunity to take "the
    side of the plain, and the next day, relying on this ambush, accursed thing" into his tent. Now that he had secured Asia
    .he prepared for action. But the Roman scouts had discovered Jtfinor, his obvions policy was to carry the war into Persia and
    the stratagem, and Heraclius availed himself of it to hoist the attacl; the lion in his lair. He therefore lost no time in pass-
    Persians with their own petard. H e detached a regiment ancl ing tllrongh Lazica into Armenia, and, marching eastwards, he
    sent it in the direction of the ambush, having given instructions crossed first the river Araxes and then the chain of mountains
    to the soldiers that on approaching the spot they were to feign which separates Armenia from Atropatene or Azerbiyan, " the
    a panic and flee. The concealed Persians fell into the snare ; land of fire," the northern district of Media and chief seat of
    they rushed out and pursued the simulating fugitives without the Zoroastrian fire-worship. He had signified to Chosroes
    caring to keep order. Heraclius came quicltly up with the his intention to invade Persia unless that monarch made
    rest of his army to overwhelm the pursuers, and then the main reasonable offers of peace; and Chosroes, who had already
    body of the Persian host approached to assail Heraclius. We ordered Shahr Barz to return to his familiar quarters at Chal-
    cannot clearly determine the course of the action or the causes cedon, sent messengers to recall him, and hastened to collect
    which threw the Persian army into disorder, but it seems that another army under Saes. The king himself took up quarters
    when the calculation of Shahr Barz had been defeated by the at Ganzaca,' the royal city of Azerbiyan, in which there was
    promptitude of the Emperor, and the circun~stances of the a magnificent palace.
    engagement had been decided for him, and not by him, he was Meanwhile the champion of Christendom advanced through
    not equal to the occasion, and could not prevent confusion from this fertile country, laying it waste and destroying the towns:
    overwhelrning his troops. The Persians were soon in headlong and the visible signs of heathen fire-worship whetted the swords
    flight, stunlbling among rocks and falling over precipices, where of the Roman fanatics. He advanced directly on Ganzaca,
    the pursuers easily cut them down. The pursuit was com- where the great king awaited him with a garrison of forty
    pared to the hunting of wild goats. thousand men. But a slight occurrence sufficed to make
    After the first great victory which established the reputa- Nushirvan turn and flee. Some Saracens attached to the
    tion of Heraclius as a competent general and restored the Eoman army happened to surprise a company of the Persian
    lustre of Roman arms, the triumphant army established its royal guard: ailcl Chosroes immediately left Ganzaca, and all
    quarters for the end of winter and the early spring in Pontus, that was therein, to his enemy, and fled westwad in the direc-
    while the Emperor, accompanied by George of Pisidia-his tion of Nineveh. Perhaps not " all that was therein," for the
    " poet-laureate "-returned to the imperial city to arrange a Christians had hoped to find the Holy Rood at Ganzaca, and
    dispute which had arisen with the chagan of the Avars. Be- were sorely disappointed to learn that it had been removed.
    sides his arrival as a victorious hero, one evident fact brought On the other hand, they found a remarkable work of Persian
    home to the eyes of the Byzantines how much he had already ' Identified by some with Tauris, by And-
    accomplished, the fact, namely, that a Persian army was no others, including Prof. Rawlinson, with
    Takht-i-Soleima. ilahwuas BFOv 8du?r0Ta7bs KaP8JaF,
    longer menacing their city from the opposite shore of the 2 The speech placed by Theophalles
    7 6 U ~ YTXardvas hv ~ a p a i v d o e i4%
    in the mouth of Heraclius, and the reply ' f u Y a v %"v Oi Th
    Cosphorus. of one who spoke on behalf of the armv. K.T.X.
    are evidently taken from a poem, slid The style of these lines is redolent
    11. Pill'i?.stCampaign of Axel-biyan, 6 2 3 A.D. doubtless from a lost poem of George of of t h e Pisidian, who is always using
    Pisidia ; nlost of the sentences fall into ?rha7ivw, dEdvw, xapaivmls, b?rhbw (or
    iambic lines. Thus-
    At the end of March 1 Heraclius returned to the army . - h€a?rXbw). For a d r o 8 d u ~ o r o v .see Hex-
    rd TWY Pwyaiwv (sic) a 6 7 0 8 b a x o ~ o v~ p d ~ o s .& ~ C T O ~ L ; 348.
    The date is fixed by the circum- a t Nicomedia. H e left Constantinople u ~ G y e vK U T ' $ X ~ P ~ U
    ^ )UYU E P~GTS X L U ~ ~ Y W Y 75 TOG Xoup6ov P i y h p (vigiliae),
    stance that he spent Easter(27th March) on the 15th (Theophanes). xiu7iv XciSwf~cvTGV + ~ Y W Y + o v E ~ T ~ ~ ~ Theoph. Y.
    2332 HlSTOR I' O F THE LATER IZOMAN EAfPlRE 1 1 0 0 ~v C H A P . 111 THE PERSIAN X
    A
    '
    & 233

    " blasphemy," wliicl~provolsed their religious wrath, and was The campaign of 6 2 4 consisted of a ser:es of movenients
    c1estroye;l with exult,ant zeal. This was a statue of Chosroes and counter-movements to and fro between Albania and
    standing in the temple of the Sun, round which winged images Armenia, wherein both sides exhibited dexterity, but the
    of the sun, the moon, and the stars hovered to receive his Roma~lEmperor proved himself superior. A t first he was
    aclorations. Thebarmes, the birthplace of Zoroaster-the opposed by two Persian armies, one commanded by a new
    Jerusalein of Persia-mas reduced to ashes, and the Chris- general, S a r a b l a ~ a s ,the
    ~ other by the inevitable Shahr Barz.
    tians felt, when they had destroyeci the temple of Fire, that The object of Sarablagas was to prevent the Romans from
    they had retaliated on their enenlies for tlie capture of the entering Persia, and accordingly, having garrisoned the passes
    Holy City. of Azerbiyan, he stationed himself on the lower Cyrus near
    The enthusiasm of the troops might have lecl them on to its junction with the Araxes. Heraclius, however, marched in
    the consunln~ationof their successes by the capture of Dasta- a north-westerly direction and crossed the river considerably
    gherd and Ctesiphon, but winter was approaching, Shahr Earz higher up, but his advance was retarded by a nlutiny of his
    \17ould soon arrive with his army from the west, and per- Caucasian allies, and in the meantime Shahr Barz, who had
    haps otlier deterrent circumstances, \vliich we cannot guess, entered Armenia from the south-west, had arrived on the
    now influenced the resolution of Heraclius. Prudently proof scene of action and effected a junction with his colleague Sara-
    upinst the Inre of a speedy and brilliant termination of the blagas. When these tidings arrived, the obstructives in the
    war, he decided to minter in Albania, and by employing the Iloman camp were pathetically penitent, and bade Heraclius
    test of n SOTS czangclica, he carried the spirit of his troops wit11 lead them where he would. H e then advanced towards the
    l ~ i min a course really dictated by rational considerations. place where the Persians were stationed, defeated some of their
    His mercy or policy liberated the 5 0,0 0 0 captives wlionl he outposts, and passing on marched to the Araxes.
    11ad talien; their sustenance was a burden on the winter Ent ere he reached the river he suddenly found himself
    inarch, and at the same time this Bindness alienated the loyalty f x e to face with the Persian army, which, as he thought, he
    of many Persians from the unpopular Chosroes. liad left behind him; the two generals had hastened to out-
    strip him by fast marches and cut off his progress towards
    l ' e r ~ i a . ~Heraclins did not intend to give battle a t such a
    disadvantage, and under the shelter of night he retraced his
    Of the three Caucasian countries which border on the north -teps until he reached a plain where he could occupy a favour-
    of Arinenia-Colchis, Iberia, and Albania,-Albania is the tible position. The Persians imagined that he was fleeing for
    rilost easterly. Bounclecl on the east by the Caspian, on the h e a d of them, and pursued him with a rash negligence of
    vest by Iberia, it is separated from Armenia on tlie south by precautions ; but they were calmly received by the Roman
    the Cyrus, which, mixing its waters with the great Armenian army, which was drawn up a t the foot of a wooded hill. The
    river Araxes a t some distance from its mouth, flows along with victory of the Araxes was as complete as the first victory had
    it into the Hyrcanian Sea. I n this country Heraclius re- been on the confines of Pontns and Cappadocia, and it proved
    cruited his army with Colchian, Iberian, and Abasgian allies, fortunate for the Romans that the enemy were defeated just a t
    and entered into negotiation with the Khazars, a Hnnnic peol)le that moment, for another army mas close a t hand under the
    of t l ~ etrans-Caucasian steppes. command of Saes, and arrived almost inlmediately after the
    ' dvapa 8paurSprov ~ a l76@y ?roXX@ ou'n." Xoupo7yt~ar.
    ' Theoytlrancs' ~ a p 8 [ q gests the same source ; and.il rXdv7 TGV
    ~i'~l'p?Tat?ijT~t) ( ' ~ p ~ b v o v , "energetic ant1 con- The decision of tlie tu70 generals
    smacks of George of Pisiclia, and I have civ0pd~wv(305,5 , ed. de Boor) of the fire- c'.ited," Theoph. 6115 A.M. Sa~abla- was determined partly by the statement
    no donl~tthnt he vrote a poem (now xvorship a t Gnnzaca, reads like the end com~na~ided
    troops specially named of two deserters that the Ron~answere
    lost) tlescri1,illg this campaign. ~ 0 u p 6 - of a line of George. ilft~1.I'ersian sovereigns, tht: "Pero- jZecing, partly by their ~ v i s hto gain a
    Xrepov Soup67v, two lines further, sug- "ite!," (aft6.r Perozes) and " Chosroes' victory before the a l ~ i r a of
    l Saes.
    234 HISTORY OF THE LA TEK ROfiZAN EMPIRE BOOK v C H A P . III THE PERSIAN WAR 235

    action. The victorious Romans fell upon the new army, posed of m e of t!ie hostile armies, Heraclius retraced his steps
    which, tired by the march and dispirited by the misfortune, once more and found that Shahr Barz had taken up quarters
    was soon scattered.l Sarablagas was among those slain in the in the strong town of Salban. But even there he was not
    first engagement. safe. The Roman Emperor surprised the fortress early in the
    Notwithstanding this double victory, the judicious Emperor morning, and massacred the people, who offered little resistance,
    did .not entertain the intention of invading Persia yet. I t while the Persian general, leaving even his arms behind him,
    does not appear that his army was over strong, and the Iberian fled for his life.
    and Abasgian allies, weary of warfare, signified their deter- After this successful and intricate campaign, in which they
    mination to return to their habitations. He therefore fell had defeated three Persian armies, the Eomans passed the rest
    back upon Albania again, and the Persians, observing that he of the winter at Salban, the modern Van.
    had lost his allies, and thinking that they might even yet crush
    him, followed on his steps. On one occasion, when a battle IV. Cu71zpaign of Cdicia, 62 5 A.D.
    seemed imminent, Heraclius is said to have made a brief
    speech, and if the words which a late chronicler has recorded" I n drawing up the plan of his next campaign Heraclius
    were not actually uttered by him, they were almost certainly may have taken the following points into consideration. The
    composed by a contemporary. Persians had had sufficient experience of warfare in the high-
    "Do not be afraid of the number of the enemy, for with lands of Armenia to prevent their essaying it again with such
    God's pace one Roman will turn to flight a thousand Persians. an antagonist as the Roman Emperor; so that there was no
    For the safety of our brethren let us sacrifice our own lives good reason for him to remain in those regions, especially as
    unto God, winning thereby the martyr's crown and the praises he could no longer rely on the useful help of the neighbouring
    of future generations." tribes. I t remained for him therefore either to invade Persia
    I n this short exhortation, which, if not spoken by the again-whether Assyria or Azerbiyan-or to return illto Asia
    Emperor, is at least a product of the atmosphere of his army, Minor, whither Shahr Barz would probably once more betake
    the religious character of the war is manifest ; those who perish hi~nself. The tidings of possible hostilities on the part of the
    are martyrs. Avars may have decided him to adopt the latter course, as it
    The battle, however, did not take place ; Heraclius again was desirable that he should in such a contingency be nearer
    repeated his favourite movement of passing away at night from at hand to provide for the protection of the capital of the
    the presence of the foe and returned to Armenia. Shahr Empire.
    Barz remained, but Saes, following the Romans, found himself I n 6 2 3 he had left Asia Minor by the northern route; in
    involved in difficult morasses ; it was already winter, and his 625 he returned thither by a southern route, which involved
    troops became disorganised and useless. Having thus dis- the labour of crossing Mount Taurus twice. Marching in a
    south-westerly direction through Armenia, skirting Mount
    ' a a p d h a p ~66 ~ a rl b roOh6ov a L h h seems to refer to some other person Ararat on the north, he followed for a while the course of the
    (the baggage, including slaves). (&Ahor) writing a history of Heraclins'
    Here agaiu we can trace the words campaigns, and one might imagine that Murad Tschai, that branch of the river Euphrates which, rising
    of Theophanes to George Pisides with these lines i n Theophanes come from near Ararat, flows between Taurus and Antitaurus. Before he
    a probability that is almost certainty. the work of a pupil or contemporary
    The following iambics are patent- imitator ; but it is not likely that there approached the confluence he turned southwards and, crossing
    X4yors rive~r4pwus~ a aaparvduer l should be no record of his name. The Mount Taurus for the first time, entered Arzanene, where he
    TOL;TOUS h 6 - y ~+~AEI@E.
    ~ p+ raparr4rw fact that Suidas does not hint a t the
    & p i s , B€i~X@ol, I ~ O X E ~ L WaXjjOos
    V [@lhor] existence of other poems of George is no
    recovered the Roman cities of Martyropolis and Amida.I When
    OeoO Odhovros err 6 r d . f ~xrXious objection to my theory, as the list of
    uri@os X d p w p ~ vpaprljpwv . . . Suidas does not include all his extant From here h e was able to send letters to Byzantium, and thereby fill the
    city ~vithjoy.
    I n the Heracliad (ii. 144) George works.
    236 H f i 7'3RY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. I I I THE PERSIAN W A R 237

    he reached the Euphrates he was opposed by Shallr Barz, who mould have changed the history of the world,"' but the chagan
    destroyed the bridge, but the army gained the right bank by a of the Avars prepared a gigantic expedition for the capture of
    ford north of Samosata. He then crossed the Taurus for the Constantinople; and the two dangers were still more formidable
    second time, and, entering Cilicia at the town of Germanicia, from the fact that they were not independent. Alovemerts in
    arrived at the Sarus. Here the Persian general overtook him. the East had often before influenced movements on another
    The river separated the two armies, but an engagement soon frontier of the Empire, the clash of arms in the Euphrates had
    took place which, owing to the enthusiastic precipitancy of the roused an echo on the Danube ; there had even been attempts at
    Ilomans, proved wellnigh a Persian victory. The presence of joint action between the enemies of the Empire in the East and
    mind and personal prowess of Heraclius retrieved the fortunes its enemies in tlie West; but this was the first time that such
    of the day; he is said to have slain a gigantic warrior and to an alliance took the form of anything resembling strict co-opera-
    have performed prodigious deeds of valour, which excited the tion. And it was now carried out in a really alarming manner,
    marvel of Shahr Barz,2 and which well became a hero who was as the two foes appeared alnlost simultaneously on either side of
    destined to figure in medieval legend. The defeated army the Bosphorus, leagued for the destruction of the imperial city.
    abandoned the idea of contending further with their invincible Chosroes levied a new army and appointed Shahr Barz to
    adversary and retreated to Persia, while Heraclius, following lead it against Byzantium. His more experienced troops,
    the same route which he had taken in his first canipaign, pro- which had lived through the dangers and defeats of recent
    ceeded to Pontus and established his winter quarters on the years, he placed under the command of Shahen or. Saes,2
    Black Sea. whom he ordered to hunt down Heraclius, under pain of an
    ignominious death.
    Heraclius laid his plans wit11 considerable skill. He made
    V. The Second C c ~ ~ ~ ~ q ~ofu iAwrbiyan;
    ym the Tietory of
    no attempt to prevent Shahr Barz from reaching Scutari, nor
    Theodorus ; the siege of Constnntinople, 6 2 6 A.D. did he think, as many would have thought, of rushing with all
    The Eoman Empire was more seriously menaced in 6 2 6 his forces to the protection of the capital and abandoning the
    than in any of the foregoing years ; it was beset with dangers ground which he had already gained in the East. H e divided
    which put the ability of Heraclius in forming combinations to his army into three portions. One portion he retained himself
    to protect Armenia, and, in case he found it advisable, to
    a severe proof, and he was obliged to leave the execution of
    his arrangements chiefly to others. Not only did Chosroes invade Persia. The second he entrusted to his brother
    attempt, as the historian of the Sassanid dynasty tells us, " to Theodore: to operate against Saes. The third, a corps of
    veterans, was sent as a reinforcement to Constantinople, with
    bring the war to a close by an effort, the success of which
    the most minute directions as to the mode of defence which
    He crossed tlie Nymphius first. In Shahr Barz is said to have remarked should be adopted.
    Theophanes herethere is perhapsan eello to Cosmas (a Roman who had aposta-
    of a line of George Pisides : iK6paphv tised) bpEs rbv ~ a i u a p a ,b K o u p 2 , ?rGs Of the details of Heraclius' operations we are not informed.
    Fre.$660ur d v r ~ ~ p 6 u w ~$ELo sr @ Zappdpp. Spauhs ~ p b srhv &x7v ibrarar I ~ a r pi b s He entered into a close alliance with the Khazars, whom he
    $EL has taken the place of a trisyllable. TOUOGTO T X ~ B O Sp6vos d y w v i f e r a ~~ a &S i
    Further 011 we have p+rws 666s yPuvrar B K ~ WTV ~ pohhs
    S ~ T O T T ~ E L . If 15-e write
    met as they returned from a plundering expedition in Azer-
    rois hvaudors. I11 tlie description of the C u r a ~ a r pbvos for pov. d y . and dXh' biyan, and won the affections of Ziebil their king, or the
    battle i t is said that the barbarians, i j u ~ e pfor ~ a 5i s we l i ~ v etwo iamllic
    fleeing along the narrow bridge, threw lines, which we may assume belongecl brother of their king.4 Having entertained him sumptuously
    themselves into the water "like frogs"; t o a lost poem of George Pisides, w11c.11~0
    this simile also suggests George Pisides. Theoplianes obtained liis lrnowledge of Rawlinson, p. 516. 3 I t may perhaps be conjectured that
    The remarks on Heraclius' doughty this campaign. Notice t h a t he calls He also gave to Saes fifty thousand during the preceding years Theodore
    deeds, which Shahr Rarz makes to the Cosmas a nauqurite instead of a Mediser, lnrn from the army of Shahr Barz, and had been stationed in Asia Minor.
    renegade Cosmas, point in the same by a natural anachrollisnl (see belo~v, called them " Gold-Lancers," ~ p u a o A 6 y - Theophanes calls him tlie brother
    dircctio~i; see next note. I?. 267). X ~ L S(Theoyh. 6117 A.X. ) of the chagan of the Kha~ars,but i l l
    C H A P . 111 THE PERSIAA.' WAR 239
    238 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    man in an irresponsible position. I t is remarkable that he
    and beqtowed upon him and his attendants rich raiment and
    never lost faith in Shahr Rarz, nunlerous defeats and failures
    pearl earrings, Heraclius confidentially exposed to his view the
    picture of a maiden in rich costume. "God," said the Em- notwithstanding.
    peror, " has united u s ; he has made thee my son. Behold,
    this is my daughter, and an Empress of the Romans. An I n the end of June (626) the last-named general resumed
    ]lip, old station at Chalcedon, and alniost at the same moment
    thou assist me against mine enemies, I give her to thee to
    (29th June) the vanguard of the Avar army began the
    wife." Impressed by her beauty or her splendour, Ziebil was
    blockade of Constantinople on the land side.' All the
    Inore ardent than ever in his friendship, and gave the father of
    his promised bride forty thousand Khazars; and Heraclius, inhabitants of the suburbs fled into the city, and the Bos-
    phorus was illuminated on both shores by the flames of burn-
    when he had drilled them in the military discipline of a
    lZoman army, proceeded to lay Azerbiyan waste once more.' ing churches. When the cllagan himself drew near he sent
    an unexpected embassy? holding out the possibility of peace,
    Ziebil died before the end of the year, and Epiphania
    which he had before declined to consider, if an adequate offer
    Eudocia? almost the victim of a political expediency, happily
    should be made him. But the citizens-having full confidence
    escaped banishment to the wilds of Scythia and an uncivilised
    in the ability of Bonus the Patrician, relying, moreover, on the
    people, to which her father and stepmother would not have
    valour of the experienced veterans whonz their Emperor hacl
    hesitated to sacrifice her in the interests of Christe~ldom.~
    sent to them, and wrought up into a state of religious enthusi-
    Ziebil's death was not so welcome to Heraclius, as it caused
    asm, which Sergius fanned to flame, against the heathen who
    the return of his Khazar allies to their homes ; and at the end
    threatened the very heart and brain of Christendom-unani-
    of the year lie found himself in Media with a weak army.
    mously disdained to make terms with the ungodly.
    Of the collision of Theodore and Saes me know little more The siege lasted throughout the month of July, and it is
    than the result. The battle was fought in Illesopotamia, and noteworthy that the Persians did not attack the city. They
    hovered, a black threatening mass, on the opposite shore, and
    a great hailstorm, to which the Persians were exposed while
    laid waste the surrounding districts of Asia, but they left the
    the Rumans were sheltered, decided the victory for the latter.
    Saes was the servant of a more than austere taskmaster, ancl whole work of the siege to their allies. At one momeat,
    indeed, they seem to have entertained some intentions of
    this defeat cast him into such low spirits that his death
    joining the Avars in Europe, but these intentions were not
    anticipated the vengeance of Chosroes. But that monarch
    realised.
    rivalled Xerxes of old by flogging the dead body in impotent
    The city was defended by more than 12,O0 0 cavalry. The
    spite, an act which shows that Chosroes was really possessed
    army of the Avars, on the other hand, numbered 80,000, and
    by a sort of lunacy (Kaiserwahnsinn),the madness of a weak
    Then about fifteen years old. Nice-
    consisted of many nations and tongues, Bulgarians, and various
    Nicephorus he is apparently the king
    himself. I suspect that the story which I phorns calls her Eudocia, but Epiphania tribes of Slaves? and perhaps Teutonic Gepids. From the
    have reproduced in the text may be half of conrse is meant. I suppose that she Golden Gate on the Propontis to the suburb of Sycae on the
    mythical, and perhaps we shonld rather had the double name, just as her brother
    accept the account of the Armenian
    writer Sepkos, who says that Heraclius
    and her stepbrother were called Hera-
    clius Constantine. ' Attempts had been made in vain the chagan during the siege (C;ILTO~.
    to induce the chagan, by offers of money, Paseh.)
    had sent one Andreas to treat with the V n the follo~vingcentury a Khazar
    khan of the Ichazars, and the khan princess marries a Roman Emperor (Con- to desist from the expedition. I n the Geo. Pis. Bell. Av. 197 : ZBhd/30s y h p
    Bellum Avnricum of George of Pisidia O 8 v v y ~ a Z l~ 1 ; t l q s74 B o u h y d p y a8Era TC
    aided him with troops untler the com- stantine V). The projected sacrifice of we have a contemporary, but poetical,
    mand of his nephew. See Jou~nnlasint. the daughter of Heraclius to political Mij6os uup@poviiuas 74 2 ~ b E g . For the
    expediency has a parallel in th? four- source ; we have also a full account Gepids, see Theophanes, Bouhydpors T E
    Feb. 1866, p. 207. Ziebil and Heraclius in the Chronicon Paschale.
    besiege Tiflis together. teenth century in the fate of Theodora, Kal ZKX@OLS~ a r ~l i r a i d a r suup@wv?juas.
    the daughter of John Cantacuzenos, Athanasius, a patrician of Hadrian- We met them on the TEeiss in the days
    1 Nicephorus the Patriarch confounds
    ople, was his ambassador. He was of Maurice (see above, p. 141) as Avaric
    this invasion with the invasion of whom her father sent to the harem of 21~0 one of the five envoys sent to
    623. the Turkish sultan. subjects.
    240 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. III THE PERSUN WAR 241

    Golden Horn they threatened the walls with all kinds of in- infected his imagination; he said that he saw a woman richly
    genious machines ; while Slavonic sailors, female as well as dressed passing along the fortifications. And some of his
    male, had small boats ready in the Golden Horn to support the professed to have followed a dame of queenly aspect,
    land operations by attacks on the water side. I n the end who issued from the gate of Blachernae and sped towards
    of July the chagan himself arrived, and then the most for- on the sea-shore, amid which she vanished away. Such
    midable anu concentrated assault by land took place, and was incidents as this are a feature of the stories of sieges of that
    successfully repulsed, partly, it was said, by the potency of a age.
    miraculous image of tlie Virgin. After this failure the chagan The chagan retreated to his own kingdom, not without
    received (2d August) ambassadors from the Romans and the menaces that he would return again ere long, and the Byzan-
    Persians at the sanie hour in his tent, and insulted the former tines could rest and give thanks to the Virgin1 that they
    by constrainins them to stand while the latter, who were had successfully surmounted the first really imminent danger
    dressed in silk, were allowed to sit. High words arose be- that had threatened their city since its new foundation ; while
    tween the Persians and Romans, which edified and delighted the good tidings which had reached them of the victory of Theo-
    the "abominable chagan," but the incident was not without dore and of the alliance of the Emperor with the Khazal.s,-
    its use. For the captains of the Roman ships carefully an alliance which was Heraclius' answer to the conibination
    watched the straits that night and intercepted the three Persian of Shahr Barz with the Avars,-gave them further cause for
    envoys. One of these they slew in sight of tlie Persian camp, jubilation.
    another was mutilated and sent back to the chagan, the third
    was beheaded. This interception of intelligence disconcerted VI. Campaign of Assyriu, 6 2 '7-6 2 8 A.D.
    the plan that had been formed for common action ; and two
    days later the Roman fleet succeeded in destroying a number Abandoned by his Khazar allies in December, Heraclius
    of rough transport rafts, which had been launched in the waters spent the rest of the winter in Azerbiyan. 'We lose sight of
    of the Bosphorus to convey some Persian regiments across him during the spring and summer of 62 '7, and are unable
    the straits (3d August). On the same night a double attack .to determine whether he spent those seasons in Media or in
    by land and sea was organised, the arrangement being that Assyria, where we meet him in autuma2 A new Persian
    when the Slavonic and Bulgarian marines, who anchored in general named Razates? to whom Chosroes significantly said,
    the north-western recess of the Golden Horn, saw a signal of " If you cannot conquer, you can die," was sent out against him.

    fire rising from a fort in the adjoining quarter of Blachealae,' The battle, which decided the war and the fate of Chosroes,
    they should row down the inlet and proceed to Sycae. was not long delayed, and took place in the auspicious neigh-
    Fortunately Bonus received intelligence of this design, and ' The repulse of the Avars and Per- Romanus, who lived i n the reign of
    thwarted it by giving the signal himself before the Avars were sians was commemorated bv a snecial ~
    A n a s.t-
    -- s..-i ~-T.~
    a. .
    ofllce of the holy Virgin, performed on "awlinson is hardly right in as-
    ready. The Slaves saw the fire and acted according to the the Saturday of the fifth week in Lent. signing his start from Lazica with the
    arrangement; but they were enclosed and overwhelmed by the The hymn composed for this occasion, Khazars t o September 627. For the
    perhaps by George Pisides, is called the final campaign we have the contempor-
    Roman ships, which waited for thern like a trap. At this d ~ d O r u ~ oGpvor,and
    s has twenty-four OTKOL ary authority of George of Pisidia in
    misfortune the bulk of the Avar army was seized with panic or stations. The KOVT(~KLOY of the hymn his Heracliad, a hymn of jubilation on
    (a sort of prelusive abridgment of the the theme 6 ~upuoX(irpqs h{o+6eq
    and began to retire in haste. The chagan hirnself is said to whole ritual) begins thus- Xoupbqs, but we learn from i t few details.
    have felt superstitious terrors and seen visions of unearthly ~ j bHEpp(iX,+,
    j ,,rpaT,,Y; vlK~r,jpla SO Theophylactus, viii. 12, and
    hr ~ w p w ~ E ; , , aT ~ seLvijv
    v E~Xaprorljpta Theophanes ; Nicephorus calls hinl
    beings. I t seemed as if the image of the Virgin had really duaypd@w UOr 6 x6Xrr uou, ~ E O T ~ K E . Rizates' Theo~llanes places
    this battle in Deceniber of the fifteenth
    1 This fort ( ~ p o r ~ i ~ ~ of
    u p Blaohernae
    a) was called I I r ~ p h v ," V i n g " (Nice- rhe composition of short hymns for indiction (626-627) ; i t really occurred
    phorus, p. 18). -itual ( r p o ~ d p r a )was initiated by St. in the first indiction.
    VOL. I1 . It
    242 HZSTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v THE PERSIAN WAK 243
    CHAP. 111

    bourhood of Nineveh and Gaugamela. Razates, with the words that of a controlling spectator who allowed events to take
    of his sovereign echoing in his ears, challenged Heraclius in their own course, though his consent or veto was decisive.
    the midst of the battle to a single combat ; and the Emperor, He did not wish to abuse his victory; he sent a message to
    riding on his steed Dorkon? like Alexander on Bucephalus, Chosroes offering peace on reasonable terms ; and the Persian
    eagerly accepted the challenge. The Roman hero was vic- monarch wrote his own death sentence by ref~~sing.For a
    torious; Razates did not conquer, but he died. Heraclius is long time the grandson of Nushirvan had been unpopular;
    said to have slain other Persian warriors also, single-handed. his irrational cruelty and his political folly had alienated his
    Night terminated the battle, which had resulted in an over- subjects. The madness exhibited by this rejection of the
    whelming victory for the Romans, and they were fortunate clement offer of the victor was followed by an edict, ordering
    enough to have secured a royal prisoner, the prince of the the old men, the women and the children to defend Ctesiphon.
    Iberians. The insanity of a despot could scarce go further, and Heraclius,
    Heraclius then marched slowly southwards along the willing that the inevitable revolution should take its own
    eastern bank of the Tigris, crossing the great Zab and the lesser course, retired north-eastward, and crossing Mount Zagros, just
    Zab. Having spent Christmas in the " Paradise " of Yesdem, in time to escape a tremendous snow-tempest, established his
    he advanced2 upon Dastagherd, the residence of Chosroes, quarters at Ganzaca.
    built on the river Arba, about seventy miles north of Ctesi-
    phon. I n the meantime he had the good fortune to intercept The revolution against Chosroes was twofold. Shahr Barz
    a letter from Chosroes to Shahr Barz, recalling that commander and the army at Chalcedon threw off their allegiance, while at
    from Chalcedon. Another letter of opposite import was sub- the same time Gundarnaspes, the general at Ctesiphon, combined
    stituted in its place, and the Persian general received a man- with Siroes, the king's eldest son, to dethrone his father, who,
    date to remain where he was, inasmuch as a brilliant victory under the influence of his seductive wife Schirin, had decided
    had been gained over the Romans. to leave the throne to a child of hers. Chosroes, who had
    Chosroes fled to Ctesiphon on the approach of the hostile lately had the audacity to complain to his courtiers that they
    army, and when he had passed within its gates, remembered. were not all dead in fighting for his cause, was quickly seized
    too late the vaticinations of the magi, that if he set foot again and thrown into the "castle of Forgetfulness," loaded with chains.
    in that city3 his destruction was certain. H e hastened to He was killed there by a process of slow starvation, which
    leave the fatal spot, and, in the highest compulsion of base fear, was varied by the spectacle of his own and Schirin's children
    fled eastwards, with his favourite wife Schirin, to the district executed before his eyes. His son is said to have taken an
    of Susiana. The Romans meanwhile did not spare the mag- unfilial delight in the tortures of a worthless parent, of whom
    nificent palaces of Dastagherd? and, though they treated the he spoke in the most bitter terms in a manifesto which he
    inhabitants with humanity, they were guilty of gross vandalism. indited to Heraclius. Siroes professed a desire to compensate
    The buildings and all the splendours of the place were com- for all the miseries which his father had inflicted on the
    mitted to the flames (January 628). Persian kingdom by a reign of beneficence, and he began the
    From this moment the part played by Heraclius became reaction by opening the prisons and granting an exemption
    @dApas,6A~ybpavosA b p ~ w v(Theoph. The park at Veklal, with ostriches, from taxes for three years. Heraclius, in his letter of con-
    $hApas has generally been
    6118 A . M . ) gazelles, and wild asses, described by
    taken as the name of the horse, but de Theophanes, calls up reminiscences of gratulation to the new king, addressed him as " my dear son,"
    Boor prints thus. Tafel conjectured Xenophon's Anabasis. and while he professed that if Chosroes had fallen into his
    +hA~os ( 2 +aArbs). The ending as sug- He had not set foot in i t for twenty-
    gests that +hipas denotes some brand four years ; Dastagherd was his resi- hands he would have done him no hurt, he admitted that
    (cf. ~ o ~ a a r l a aap+bpas).
    s, Possibly, as dence. God had wisely punished the sins of the Persian king for the
    Ducange suggests, it may be connected They also destroyed the palaces of
    with Lat. ficlvzrs. Dezeridan, Rusa, Veklal, and Vevdarch. sake of the world's peace. He politically treated the parricide
    244 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. III TflE PERSIAN WAR 245

    with the greatest friendliness, just as Pope Gregory had treated with the Emperor's consent, was initiated by the Byzantines
    Phocas. on this auspicious occasion, that Heraclius should be sur-
    Shortly before his death Chosroes had taken a step which named Sc@io and his successors Scipiones. The great heroes
    led to the alienation of Shahr Barz. Indignant at his general's of the Republic of Old Rome were not yet forgotten by the
    delay in appearing, the true cause whereof, the interception New Romans of the Bosphorus, and it was recognised that
    of his own letter, he could not suspect, and full of distrust, he the Imperator who beat back the Asiatic power of the Sas-
    wrote to the kardarigan, who was second in command at Chalce- sanids was a historical successor of the imperator who over-
    don, a letter containing instructions to put Shahr Barz to death threw the Asiatic cornnlonwealth of Carthage.
    and hasten back to Persia. The bearer of this letter fell into Extremely noteworthy and characteristic is this combina-
    the hands of the Romans as he travelled through Galatia, and tion of Roman reminiscences with an intensely christian spirit.
    the epistle was forwarded to Constantinople. The authorities Before the end of the same century such combinations have
    there knew how to make the best use of it. They laid it become a thing of the past.
    before Shahr Earz himself, and a dexterous artifice was The letter of Heraclius came in May; he did not arrive
    adopted to create general disaffection in the Persian army. himself at the palace of Hieria, close to Chalcedon, till some
    The names of four hundred important officers were annexed to months later. All the inhabitants of Constantinople crossed
    the document, which was altered in such a way1 as to convey the Bosphorus to meet him, and received him with taper
    an order for their d-rzths. They were then assembled together, processions and myrtle branches ; but he did not enter the
    the letter was laid before them, and with one consent they city in triumph until Theodore, his brother, arrived with the
    vcted that Chosroes i a d forfeited the crown. Peace was precious relic of the Holy Rood. Of the triumphal procession
    made with the young Emperor Constantine, and the army I need only remark that he made his entry by the Golden
    hastened to Persia to depose an ungrateful tyrant. Gate and was received by Sergius in the church of St. Sophia,
    where the true cross, solemnly "uplifted,"' lent a peculiar
    The peace made between Heraclius and Siroes forms the solemnity to the service of thanksgiving. The ceremony in
    conclusion of the Persian war. The restoration of all the St. Sophia corresponded to the ceremony in the Capitol at
    Roman provinces, the surrender of all the Roman captives and triumphal processions in Old Rome.
    of the Holy Rood were the main conditions, and the Emperor
    left his brother Theodore in Persia to make arrangements for The sun of Heraclius' house turned the winter of men's
    their fulfilment. H e sent to the imperial city, in announce- discontent to glorious summer for a moment, and perhaps
    ment of his victory, a triumphant manifesto? which opened many fondly imagined that by the battle of Nineveh and the
    with the jubilate, " 0 , be joyful in the Lord,"-a song of ensuing peace with Persia the clouds which had so long loured
    exultation over the fall of Chosroes Iscariot, the blasphemer, over the Roman Empire had been dissipated for ever. But
    who has gone to burn for ever in the flames of hell. The another cloud, yet as small as a . man's hand, was even then
    same spirit is echoed in the Epinikion, coniposed for the visible on the southern horizon, and unluckily its import was
    occasion by the "poet-laureate," George of Pisidia, entitled mistaken. The Persian war was over in 62 8 ; the Saracen
    the Eera~liacl.~ A resolution, which was to become law six years and made peace in the seventh, Heraclius (p. 22 ; aivt#wue is the word),
    with great joy returned to Constantin-
    ' +aXueduas T+V Xoupbov irrraroXSv called Hememeron, "the six days," on ople, having fulfilled thereby a sort of
    but he is untrustworthy here in his
    chronological arrangement. He doubt-
    (Theoph.) +ahuederv is the Graecised the creation, but alluding also to the
    war of six years in which Heraclius mystic theoria. For God created all the less had authority for placing the cere-
    form offalsare. world in six days, and called the seventh
    Preserved in Chronicon Paschale, had conquered the Persians. Theo- mony in tile second indiction=628
    the day of rest." after 1st September. Heraclius brought
    first indiction. The letter was read out phanes xas doubtless thinking of i t Nicephorus makes the "uplift-
    from the ambo of St. Sophia. when he wrote (6119 A.M.): "The four elephants from the East to amuse
    ing" take place before the arrival of the Byzantine populace.
    George afterwards wrote a poem Emperor, having subdued Persia in
    246 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. 111 THE PERSIAN W A R 247

    conquests in Syria began in 6 3 3. I n those five intervening importance of the Hebrews in those countries. Their wealth
    years much might have been done to avert the coming storm is illustrated by the princely entertainment with which Ben-
    if the danger could have only beell realised, hut, as it was, the jamin, a Jew of Tiberias, honoured Heraclius and his retinue
    policy of Heraclius was in every way calculated to ensure on their journey to Jerusalem in 629. Benjamin had the
    success to the new foes. of being a persecutor of Christians, and yet he con-
    These five years might be considered the ultimate boundary sented, at Heraclius' request, to be baptized a Christian himself.
    between the Old and the Middle Ages ; the appearance of the Other Jews would not have been so easily converted, but kind-
    Saracen launches us into the medieval high seas, and few ves- ness might have made them loyal.
    tiges of antiquity remain. The Persian war had the double Heraclius remained no long time in the queen of cities
    character of an age of transition. As a war of Romans against after his triumph.' Accompanied by Martina and her son
    Persians it attached itself to the ancient order of things, and Heraclius Constantine, who had been recently created Caesar,
    this element is not absent from its poet George of Pisidia, he hastened in spring 62 9 to restore the cross to its rest-
    while as a religious war it was medieval, an anticipation of ing-place in Jerusalem and to set in order the affairs of
    the holy wars of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In short, his eastern provinces, where he found much to occupy him.
    it was a Ronlan crusade. He was obliged to keep a wakeful eye on Persia, which was
    in a state of political unrest; he was engaged in schemes of
    I t was unfortunate, from a political and econonlical point of religious unity, which always seems so simple and is so imprac-
    view, that the Church and State, as creditor and debtor, coin- ticable; and he began to direct his attention to the movements
    cided in the arrangement that the national debt should be in Arabia.
    liquidated with all possible expedition. For the sources from The burden of Persia may be told in a few words. Siroes
    which it was necessary to raise the payment mere the pro- reigned only eight months, and, after the short reigns of two
    vinces, which had for many years suffered the devastations of intervening sovereigns, Shahr Earz ascended the throne with
    a cruel enemy and endured the tyranny of a foreign ruler ; and the approval of Heraclius, to whom he sho~vedhimself grateful.
    it was desirable that time should be allowed them to recover The protracted residences of that general in the neighbourhood
    their old prosperity before a severe tribute was imposed. This of Byzantium seen1 to have rendesed him a sort of Philhellene,
    was the first nlistal\-e, and a serious one. Had the Church or, as contemporaries might have said, Philoromaic. His son,
    been more self-denying or more patient, had Syria and Meso- whom he namecl Nicetas, received the title of Patrician from
    potamia been left for a few years exempt from the burden of the Rornan Emperor, who further patronised his Persian friend
    taxes, a firmer resistance might have been offered to the and former foe by accepting the hand of his daughter Nice
    Arabian invader. for the deaf prince Theodo~ius.~Perhaps me may combine the
    The second mistake was the continuation of an unfortunate names of the son and daughter, " Niketas " and " Nike," with
    policy which had already proved disastrous, the persecution of the fact that Shahr Barz gave the, Holy Sponge and the Holy
    the Jews. They were massacred in I'alestine, they were mas- Spear back to Nicetas, Heraclius' famous cousin, and may
    sacred also at Edessa, and were forced to flee to Arabia. We draw the conclusion that there existed between the Greek
    are tempted to think that but for this fatal error events might patrician and the Persian general specially friendly relations
    have taken a different course, for we can hardly overrate the
    I n another place I have spoken of after Justinian ; and if the reign of tho Heraclius Constantine, the son of Boor). I cannot hesitate to accept the
    the plague in the reign of Justinian as great Emperor of the sixth century is Eudocia (generally called Constantine reading of the Vatican MS. Ni~+rav
    marking rt division between the ancient the most important epoch of parti- to distingui5h him both from his father vibv Zappdpov. This is the most im-
    and medieval worlds. But just as tion, the reign of the great Emperor of and from his stepbrother), was insti- portant correction of a detail of received
    medievalism appears before Justinian, the seventh centnly is a further limit. tuted consnlin 629 ; Niceph. p. 22. history which &I.de Boor's study of
    remnants of the ancient spirit linger See below, p. 457. ' See Nicephorus, p. 21 (ed. de Nicephorus has contributed.
    248 HISTORY OF THE L A T E R ROMANEMPIRE BOOKV

    which induced the latter to give his children those Greek


    names. But the simplest explanation may be that the chil-
    dren of Shahr Barz were baptized, and that Nicetas stood as
    sponsor for them. The cruel policy ~vhich Shahr Barz
    adopted when he became king led to his murder, and with
    some trouble Heraclius brought it about that his son Isdigerd
    received the crown. Isdigerd was the last nf the Sassanids.

    CHAPTER IV

    MONOTHELETISM

    WE have often had occasion to notice the heresies that


    pervaded and divided Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotan~ia. The
    heretics were far more numerous than the orthodox, for reli-
    gion and nationality in general coincided. I n Egypt, for
    example, there were about 30,000 Greek Melchites over
    against five or six million Coptic monophysites. Syria and
    Mesopotamia were divided between Nestorianism and Jacob-
    itism, a sort of Neoseverianism, which had spread into Egypt
    and Ethiopia. And the religion of Armenia was purely and
    simply monophysitic.
    Heraclius dreamed that it might be possible to accomplish
    what many Emperors before him had essayed in vain, and
    unite all these heretics with the orthodox Byzantine Church by
    a new formula more inclusive or more elastic.
    A new formula presented itself opportunely, the doctrine
    of a single energy. It must not, however, be thought that it
    was discovered for this ecclesiastico-political purpose.' On
    the contrary, it was a natural development of the old christo-
    logical controversies of the fifth century. Sergius had con-
    sidered and made up his rnind on the question before there
    was any thought of drawing profit from i t in an irenic direc-
    tion. I t was a question, of course, for adherents of the council
    of Chalcedon, not for monophysites. The latter, holding a
    ' Cf. Hefele, Coneiliengeschichte, iii. There is a good history of the con-
    p. 111 ; there "kam noch ein irenischer troversy by Prof. 6. T. Stokes in
    Zweck dazu." Hefele has been my the Dwt. of Christ. Biography under
    chief guide t h r o u g h ~ u tthis chapter. the heading "Person of Christ."
    250 H(STOR Y O F THE LATER ROMAN EMP(RE BOOK v CHAP. I V MONO THELE ~~ 251

    single nature, necessarily held a single energy and a single there was a colony of Armenians,l enjoining on him to teach the
    will. But it was not clear whether dyophysites should hold a doctrine of " one hegumenic energy"; and perhaps the success of
    divine and hunlan energy as well as a divine and human this attempt at unity on a small scale within the limits of an
    nature. I t might be questioned whether it was legitimate to island encouraged him to apply afterwards the same balm to
    ascribe a human energy and a human will to Christ, and the the wounds of the entire Empire. In 626, while he \vas in
    Ecumenical Councils had uttered no opinion on the subject. Lazica, he sounded Cyrus the bishop of Phasis, and, through
    A decision in favour of monotheletisin (as the new doct~ine the influence of Sergius the Patriarch, secured his co-operation.
    was called) would provide a common ground for monophysites But after the successful issue of his campaigns Heraclius
    and Chalcedonians to join hands. This fact was perhaps the could devote more assiduous attention to the question ; and the
    doctrine's strongest condeinnation if we assume that the mono- problems connected with the administration of the recovered
    physitir, controversy was more than a verbal one, and that provinces of Syria and Egypt suggested that the monotheletic
    the Chalcedonians were right, whereas it was the doctrine's talisman might be used with salutary effect. And hence
    strongest confirmation if we believe that the two parties Greek historians speak as though the doctrine had first
    divided the truth or falsehood between them. emerged in 629 at an interview which took place in that
    But while the monotheletic controversy was a natural year at Hierapolis between the Emperor and Athanasius
    offspring of the ancient conflicts of the fifth century, it must the Jacobite. An agreement was made between them; the
    be admitted that the new doctrine would never have led to a Jacobites were to return to the Church on the basis of the new
    conflict in the seventh century but for the irenic advantages theory, and Athanasius was to be raised to the patriarchal
    which, it was hoped, might be extracted from it. chair of Antioch. I n the following year Cyrus of Phasis was
    That Sergius initiated Heraclius in his new doctrine-it made Patriarch of Alexandria, and his first act was to win over
    could not yet be called a heresy, as no decision of the the important sect of the Theodosians or Phthartolatrai.
    Church had been pronounced-long before it began to have So far the policy of unification was successful. Sergius the
    any political importance, is proved by a conversation which Patriarch of Constantinople, Athanasius the Jacobite Patriarch
    took place in 622 between Heraclius and Paul of Armenia, of Antioch, Cyrus the monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria
    wherein the former asserted that the energy ( b C p y e ~ a ) of were unanimous in teaching " one theandric energy."
    Christ was single. I t was probably at this time, when his But many orthodox Christians felt qualms of distrust
    attention was specially directed to Armenia, that it first touching this new panacea which had been evolved by Sergius
    occurred to IIeraclius to make a political weapon of mono- and Heraclius. They did not feel certain of their new bed-
    theletism and reconcile the monophysitic Church of Armenia fellows-Jacobites and Theodosians and dwellers in Meso-
    with the orthodox Greek religion; and a synod which was potamia; they suspected that there was something unsound
    held in the same year at Theodosiopolis, called the synod of in the doctrine of the single energy. They found an able
    Garin, has been rightly brought into connection with this spokesman in a monk of Palestine named Sophronius, who was
    scheme. I have used the convenient word nzonotheletism, but possessed of coiisiderable dialectical ability and became the
    it should be noticed that in the early stage of the controversy champion of dyotheletism, the doctrine of two wills. He soon
    moneneryetic would be a more appropriate adjective than mono- became convinced that there was a touch of insincerity in
    theletic, for the singleness of the energy, not the simplicity of the new movement, that there was at least a readiness to
    the will,was the point at issue. sacrifice complete sincerity to political expediency. This was
    His military occupations did not prevent Heraclius from
    prosecuting this design; and we find that he issued a decree ' These Armenians mere settled i n 630. He calls Athanasius " a clever
    Cyprus by Justin I1 (sea above, p. 104). villain, with the native unscrupulous-
    (before 62 6) to Arcadius, bishop of Cyprus, in which island "lleoph~nes, 6021 A.M., i.e. 629, ness of the Syrians."
    252 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMP(RE BOOK v CHAP. I V iMONOTNELET(SM 253

    indicated in the opinion expressed by the Patriarch of desirable result, than to argue for their opinion. The Ecthesis,
    Alexandria that for the sake of ecclesiastical unity doctrinal which was composed by Sergius,' was promulgated by the
    expressions should be "economised," that is, adapted to ex- Emperor in 6 3 8 (6 3 9), and may be looked upon as the official
    pediency. The influence of Sergius, however, kept Sophronius answer to Sophronius' letter; it forbids all mention to be made .
    dumb for a year or two, but when he was appointed Patriarch of one energy or two energies, while it proclaims the doctrine
    of Jerusalem i11 634-this appointment was a false step of one will. Before the Ecthesis was published Sophronius
    on the part of Heraclius-he refused to keep silence any had died, but he left his controversial zeal as a heritage to
    longer and prepared to forge a thunderbolt. Apprised of this, a certain Stephen, from whom he exacted a solemn oath that
    the Patriarch of Constantinople determined to anticipate him he would proceed to Rome and make war against the mono-
    and crush his opposition by the authority of the bishop of theletes to the death. The four eastern Patriarchs accepted
    Rome. Sergius wrote an account of the controversy to Pope the Ecthesis, but John IV, who became Pope in 640, con-
    Honorius; and in this letter his position, which he wished the demned i t ; and thus the attempt at union in the East, a
    Pope to endorse, was, that the unity of the Church now union unstable as water: led to a schism with the West like
    restored should not be again endangered by any use of the Zeno's Henotikon in the fifth century. What remains of the
    expressions in dispute; that no person should speak of either history of monotheletism belongs to a future chapter.
    two energies or one energy. This evasion of the question I n the eleventh indiction, 6 3 8, the year of the publication
    by silence had already been enjoined on Sophronius and Cyrus. of the Ecthesis, the Patriarch Sergius died, and was succeeded
    The reply of Pope Holiorius (635) not only endorsed the by Pyrrhus, also a monothelete, and a most intimate friend of
    "just mean" of Sergius, but agreed with the doctrine of the Emperor.
    monotheletism, and this consenting of the Pope has given I n a letter to Pope John I V the The text of the Ecthesis will be found
    rise to much discussion. The most reasonable conclusion1 Emperor explicitly disavows the com- i n Mansi, x. 991.
    position of the Ecthesis and devolves 66popa@j Cvwutv, a different meta-
    is that Honorius, with an occidental distaste for dialectics, the whole responsibility upon Sergius. phor (Theophanes).
    did not really apprehend the point at issue. I t seemed to
    him a question of grammar rather than of theology. He uses
    the expression "one will," and yet we need not regard him as a
    monothelete, for he places " one energy " and " two energies "
    on exactly the same footing; and the second letter that he
    wrote was practically orthodox. Nor, on the other hand, need
    we reject as not genuine the acts of the sixth Ecumenical
    Council which condemned Honorius ; it was for the "imprudent
    economy of silence " that he was condemned.
    I n the meantime the cpistola synodica of Sophronius
    appeared, demonstrating that the new doctrine was inconsistent
    with orthodoxy; but the object of the monotheletes was rather
    to hush up the controversy, which had already produced a

    Cf. Hefele, whose discussion of the different senses ; the plural meaning
    question is impartial. Dr. Dfillinger manifestations of energy and not the
    i n his 'Papstfabeln des Mittelalters has operations of two distinct faculties.
    a chapter on the Honorius problem 2 Hefele designates this as the most
    (p. 131 sqq.), and notices that the important Urkunde of the whole con-
    Pope used energy and energies m troversy.
    CHAP. v LITERA TURE IN THE REIGN O F HERA CLZUS 255

    stuff her ears. They both rejoice that the pollution (of Phocas)
    has been driven from the palace by the might of the "Her-
    aclidae," and that literature is able to revive. History
    the new movement especially to the Patriarch
    Sergius, " the great high priest and president of the world." l
    cc He is my oldest friend," replies Philosophy, " and my dearest

    treasure." "He," says History, " breathed in me the breath of


    life, lifting me from the tomb of my illiterate plight as though
    he raised an Alcestis with the strength of a delivering Heracles.
    CHAPTER V And he generously adopted me and clothed me with bright
    apparel and adorned me with a golden chain." Here we
    LITERATURE I N THE REIGN OF HERACLIUS catch a glimpse of Sergius as the centre and patron of a
    literary revival; and this is confirmed by all that we hear of
    THE works of two authors of this age, a prose-writer and a him in the poems of his friend George the Pisidian.
    verse-writer, have come down to us. The Egyptian Theophy- The opening sentences of the funeral oration which Theophy-
    lactus Simocatta composed a history of the reign of Maurice Iactns pronounced over the Emperor Maurice eight years after
    and a work on natural history4; while George of Pisidia his death (6 1 0 A.D.) are preserved, and are a curious specimen
    celebrated the exploits of Heraclius in verse. Both the verse- of his extraordinary style :-
    writer and the prose-writer are characterised by a painful 'LLet theatre and platform and freedom of speech mourn with me to-
    attention to style and an affected use of far-fetched expressions ; day ; but let tragedy and tear keep holiday. Let dirge dance and leap
    in fact they were both, as we say now, euphuists. The in delight, being worshippecl and honourecl by a feast of such dejection.
    Let words shear thenlselves of sound, and t h e Muses shear thenlselves of
    development of euphuism at this period is highly remarkable ; fair speech, ancl Athens p u t off her white cloak. F o r the virtues are
    we can see traces of it in Agathias and other historical writers, widowed, and seek for their charioteer, some violent envy having broken
    but in the works of Tlleophylactus bombast, in all its frigidity, his wheel. Spectators, would that ye had not been witnesses of these
    was carried to an unprecedented e ~ t r e m e . ~ evils. The subject is a n Iliad of evils ; the Fnries are the chorus of my
    discourse ; and the stage of m y drama is a conspicuous tomb."
    The Ecunzenical History-such is the pretentious title-
    opens with a dialogue between the queen Philosophy and her When the Persian war came to an end in 591, Maurice
    daughter History, written in a style which the author fondly transported the military forces from Asia to Europe to act
    imagines to be poetical Attic. Philosophy promises to listen to against the Avars. The historia11 describes this transaction as
    the siren songs of History, and, like the hero of Ithaca, not to follows : " And so, now that day smiled upon the affairs in the
    l The Chronicon Paschale is also The best edition of Theophylactus East, and made not her progress mythically, in Homeric fashion,
    supposed to have been compiled in the is that recently published by C. de from a barbaric couch, but refused to be called 'rosy fingered,'
    reign of Heraclins, but it does not call Boor (1887), founded on a collation of
    for special notice here. the Vatican MS. and provided with inasmuch as their sword is not crimsoned with blood, the
    Simocatta ( ~ L ~ o K ~ Tapparently
    os) excellent indices. (See my notice in the Emperor transfers the forces to E ~ r o p e . " ~I t is hardly credible
    means " flat-nosed cat." The domestic Classical Review, March 1888.) Theo-
    cat was becoming common at this time. phylactus composed his history after that a sane man should use such language ; and most pages of
    ~ d r o is
    s used by Evagrius, and Gregory the fal?,of Chosroes, "the Babylonian
    the Great, I believe, had a pet cat. On dragon ; see viii. 12, 13. r5s daavraX60sv o l ~ o u ~ v refer-
    ~s, Theophyl. riii. 12, 3 : ~ 0 6 r w v
    the word "cat," see Lenormant, L a Letters are also extant, of which ence to the title eczcmenical. 673Ta drrb 706 uvyypa+Qws $Bophvwv 8 ~ 1
    Grade-Grdce,vol.i. p. 102 sqq. Through some are erotic. Philosophy goes on to say : " He 706 l j ? j p a ~ o~s ? j~su p a v v ~ 6 hv(duvs.
    0s He
    the Syriac qatd, catus and K ~ T O S come So Photius, aA?jv ya 67) 5 rGv ~ p o - philosophises on earth not in the calls himself "the father of the
    from " African languages," cf. Nubian a r ~ & hhfawv
    v ~ a 75sl dXhvyopr~7js8vvohs body, or else, specnlation herself, being history," as he calls an assassin "the
    kadiska. The Egyptian mau and the ~ a r a ~ o p 7 )xp+~rs
    s €19 puxpohoyiav r t v i made flesh, moves about as man with father of murder."
    Coptic schau are quite different. ~ a vaavc~$v
    l d a a i p o ~ a ~ l adrrorrh~urp^.
    v men. " v. 16, 1.
    256 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROllfdN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. v LITERA TURE IN THE REIGN OF HERACLIUS 257

    the History teem with similar passages. When a general that he was never indifferent to the strict laws of quantity
    changes his mind, he is said to "obelise " his first plan and observed by ancient writers of iambic verse; and though the
    "give the prize of victory to his second thoughts."' rule of the Cretic ending, which Porsoil rediscovered, was not
    Four important works2 of George of Yisidia remain, and of known to him, he adopted a harder callon and allowed only
    these three celebrate directly the achievements of Heraclius. barytone words to end his lines. l
    The Persian Expedition, in three acroanlata or cantos, colnes See an article by Hilberg, entitled are only three cases of Illore than one
    first, composed after the first campaign of Asia Minor, in 623. " Iiann Theodoros' Prodromos der Ver- trisyllabic foot in a line. Late correc-
    L~sserdes Xpiurbs IIduxwv bein 2" in tions of proparoxytolle verses (by per-
    The Avaric War teIIs how the combined forces of Avars, IViei~er Studien, vol. viii. Hilberg sons accustolned to political verses,
    Bulgarians, Slaves, and Huns, in leagne with the Persians, were speaks of " die tadellose Correctheit " \vhich always end ~vith paroxytone
    of George Pisides, and holds that all words) are, as Hilberm remarks, often
    driven back from the imperial city. The two cantos of the false quantities in his poems are due to to blame for irregular$ies in our hISS.
    IJeracliad celebrate the final triumph of Heraclius and the fall false readings. I n the Bexmnzeron there of George.
    of Chosroes-the fall of one whereby all were saved.3 " Where
    now is the babble of the ever-erring magi ? George looked on 'j4

    the Persian war as a crusade, and on Heraclius as the champion


    of Christendom. This note dominates in his compositions ; the
    Heraeliacl open with an invocation to the Trinity. His other
    work was the Eexaemeron, or poem of the six days of the
    Creation; it suggested too an allegorical application to the six
    campaigns of Heraclius. Written at the suggestion of the
    Patriarch Sergius and dedicated to him, it was intended to
    refute pagans and philosophers, not living philosophers, for
    there were none, but Aristotle and Plato, Porphyrius and
    Proclus. Euclid is confounded by the bee and Orpheus by
    the swan; Procluses are bidden to hold their peace and let
    the rustics speak-
    uryGcrc. ITpd~hoc.~ a AahGurv
    l ciypd~ar.5

    As in the prose of Theophylactus, we are often offended by bom-


    bast and affected expressions in the verses of the Pisidian, ' ~ u t
    the poet never goes so far as the hi~torian.~I t seems probable

    vi. 7, 7. pLywv (ii. 60). 5 1. 69.


    2 Some of his minor works are also As an example of his stilted
    extant, for example, a poem against style I may quote (de Eq. Pers. ii.
    Severns ; a poem on the Resurrection ; 289)-
    lines on the Vanity of Life ; a prose noXA+ 6h +povrls TGV +pevGv KXOYOU-
    encomium on the Martyr Anastasius. &vwv
    The best complete edition is that of ~ a r e i x e vairrdv ~ a XoyrupGv
    i auy~daets
    Migne. I have shown above (pp. 231, 7bv voU^vBxeyv6+wuav .!u~o'rruphvov.
    232, 234, 236) that it is probable that
    George wrote other historical poems He thus describes winter (Hex. 295)-
    which have been lost. ~crpGvoswpa ~ a rlb Ghv8pa uuvrb~c~ws
    Qvbs X E U ~ V T O SK U ~u e u w u ~ v w vdhwv EK 75s xupdypas 700 K P ~ O U Spapalverar.
    (i. 52). cptliver rb K ~ A A o sdutl~v00u~v
    , OL ~XdGor,
    ?roc v0v 6 X7jpos TGV cieru+aXw^v d ~ p e i r b+dhXov wuxep Q K V E K P O ~T ~ ~ X E S .
    VOL I1
    CHAP. V I EAZPZRE DISMEMBEREB B Y SARACENS 259

    ordinary occupations of the Arab were murder and highway


    robbery,' and the only checks on the shedding of blood mere
    the fear of certain revenge and the institution of the sacred
    which for a short period of the year secured the
    sanctity of human life. I t was usual to buty alive superfluous
    female children, and one of the reforms of Mohammed was the
    abolition of this custom. These habits, which transgressed the
    first conditions of a stable society, rendered political union im-
    CHAPTER VI possible; and the feeling of devotion to the tribe, which was
    strongly developed in the Arab-and necessarily developed,
    DISMEMBERMENT OF THE EMPIRE BY THE SARACENS for without it life in Arabia would have been impossible-
    tended in the same direction. Their pride in birth, the
    THE Roman Empire was delivered for ever from the Persian foe, freedom of their life, their passion for poetry, lend a sort of
    but, like a ship that "having 'scaped a tempest is straightway romantic nobility to the children of Hagar, as they were called
    calmed and boarded with a pirate," it was almost immediately by the Greeks ; but enough has been said to show that there
    assailed by a new and more deadly adversary, who displayed was another and dark side to the picture.
    the resistless energy and was animated with the uncompronlising Mohammed the Prophet has been looked upon by some as a
    spirit of a religious enthusiasm. hero: by others as literally the emissary of the devil ; and less
    When Mohammed appeared, Arabia was in a state of decline. extreme views fall again into the two classes of those who
    The religion of its inhabitants, not very sublinle originally-a think, like Sprenger, that with the prophet's burning enthusiasm
    sort of Sabaeanisnl derived from Chaldaea l-had degenerated was combined an element of vulgar cunning, and those who,
    into superstition, which attached to every object in nature without admiring him, take a more lenient view of his char-
    maleficent and beneficent deities or ginns ; and superstition acter, as conditioned by a quasi-hysterical organism. His
    was naturally accompanied by religious indifference. " The peculiar sensibility to physical pain, his tendency to fall into
    Arab of Mohammed's time was what the Bedouin of to-day is, profound fits of melancholy indicate the frame, bodily and
    indifferent to religion i t ~ e l f , "though
    ~ observing a few rites and mental, of one who is always wandering on the borderland
    muttering a few phrases. Many Jews and Christians resided between illusion and reality ; and "his first revelations," says
    in Arabia ; there was a christian bishopric in Yemen ; and thus Palmer, "were the almost natural outcome of his mode of life
    the monotheistic ideas of those creeds were not unfamiliar to and habit of thought, and especially of his physical constitn-
    the Arabs, among whom arose a monotheistic sect called the tion." The significance of his attachment to Hadfgah, the
    Hsnifs. But the H$nifs had no inspiration ; Judaism was too widow whom he married, consisted in her ability to charm
    worn a thing to attract; while Greek Christianity, with its those demons of unrest and melanqholy which afflict too sensi-
    metaphysical subtlety, could not take hold of the Semitic tive natures.
    mind. A new revelation was required ; and there was a wide Widely as Mohammed is separated from the prophets of
    field for social and moral reform, which a new religion would the Old Testament, there is a common element which unites
    naturally cover; there was the possibility of higher civilisation the Hebrew and the Arab and separates them from all-Aryan
    and of a more advanced form of political existence. For the thinkers. An incapacity for consecutive thinking, a directness
    Seth and Enoch were its prophets. Palmer, in his Introduction to his Ey 3Iuir. Sprenger in his Das Zebe?~
    Palmer, in his interesting Introduction to his translation of the Q'urall. translati011 of the Q'nran. und die Lehre des ~llohamozndsays that
    - Carlyle, Lectures mz Heyo-worship, this theory is the only one u;hich can
    "The Hero 1s Prophet." lay claim to manly seriousness.
    260 HISTOR Y O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v

    which disdains process, a love of antitheses which never seeks neetea his religion with both Judais~nand Christianity, accepting
    contentment in a synthesis, a vagueness which delights to lose their scriptures and their prophets. H9 used at first to look
    itself in metaphor, a freedom which will not be bound in on Jerusalem as the holy city and pray with his face turned
    the close but fruitful matrices of logic and which consequently towards it ; and it was not till the Jews had rejected him at
    becomes as nlonotonous as the reaches of the desert in which Medina that he turned his face to Mecca. H e regarded Christ
    it mas developed,-all these kindred features belong to both as his own preclecessor; and a prophecy of the coming of
    Xohanimed and the Hebrew prophets ; all of them were alien ~ o h a m m e d involving
    , a slight change in reading and a hideous
    and svould have been contenlptible to the countrymen of Socrates change in sense, was found i; that verse of John which promises
    and Plato. Nor were the Semites lovers of the beautiful, in the coming of a comforter.'
    the true sense, any more than they were philosophers. They The Koran, we are told by a competent a ~ t h o r i t y derived
    ,~
    were keenly susceptible to grandeur and sublimity and all that much of its power, impressiveness, and popularity, less from
    suggests the immense or the illimitable, but they were strangers the original sayings of Mohammed than from the mode in
    to the beautiful ; their love for beauty in women did not ad- which it iiitroduced "popular sayings, choice pieces of elo-
    vance beyond the limits of the sensual. Their admiration quence, and favourite legends current among the tribes for
    for objects of art or beautiful girls is always linked somehow ages before his time." I t is important to observe these links
    vith luxury or sensuality. which bound Moliarnmed with the past. H e had really no
    The " Chapter of Unity" in the Koran resumes the central original doctrine ; he only taught an old doctrine, of which his
    point of the new religion. countrymen were losing sight, in a new and impressive manner,
    at the right moment and in the right way. His originality
    In t h e name of t h e merciful a n d compassionate God.
    'L lay in the identification of himself with his doctrine, which
    Say, ' H e is God alone !
    God t h e eternal ! went so far that it seemed often mere madness or mere impos-
    H e begets n o t a n d is n o t begotten ! ture. He contrived to wrap his own personality and his
    Nor is there like u n t o h i m a n y one ! ' " revelation in an atmosphere of magnetic enthusiasm, which is
    The doctrine of pure monotheism was Mohammed's great called inspiration.
    inspiration. To profess belief in God and in Mohammed as
    his prophet was the first of the five practical duties of a I n 628 Mohammed took the first step in the direction of
    Mussu1man.l I t is not necessary to go here into further spreading his religion beyond the confines of Arabia. He
    details concerning the Islamitic creed; but I must not omit wrote letters to the Emperor Heraclius? to the king of
    to remind the reader that Mohammed brought it on several Persia, and to the king of Abyssinia (NuggAsi), exhorting them
    sides into historical connection with the past. He did not to embrace the faith of Islam.
    utterly break with the pre-existing cult of Arabia, for he made The king of Abyssinia accepted the invitation in an
    the black stone in the wall of the Kaabah at Mecca the enthusiastic and humble letter. Chosroes, transported with
    most precious object of external veneration to his followers. fwy, characteristically ordered the governor of Yemen to send
    This stone, which is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, was him the insolent Arab in chains. Heraclius said neither
    110 nor yes, but sent presents to Mohammed in acknowledg-
    originally a white stone in paradise, but it was " blackened by
    the kisses of sinful but believing lips." Nor did Mohammed ' John xvi. 7 ; r€pi~Xu.ros=A'hmed ites, Heraclius was a prey to misfor-
    s u 9 E t r t e d for 7rapd~X~~os. t u n e ; 622, both gird on the s~rord
    cease to believe in genii (ginns) ; he thought that he himself was - ralmer. about the kame t i i e ; 624, the ba%
    sent as an apostle to genii as well as to men.3 H e also con- 111. Drapeyron drans a parallel of Beder, contemporaneous n ~ t hthe
    between the career of Heracllos and defeat of Shahr Barz in Albania, etc.
    that of Mohammed. From 610 to 622 This is fanciful.
    The others were prayer, fasting, which also bound Christians. hfohammerl mas persecuted by Koreisch-
    almsgiving, and pilgrimages-duties Palmer, cp. cit. p. xiii. 3 Ib.
    262 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROLVAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. V I EMPIRE DIS/MEMb'ERED B Y SARACENS 263

    il~entof his communication. Arab writers boast that he was Arabia would prove a sufficient barrier against the people of
    really converted to Islamism ; Greek writers affirm that Moham- the south, whose formidable character he seems to have in-
    med came and did homage to him. After this Mohammed sufficiently realised. But those Saracens soon showed that they
    entered into correspondence with Mukankas, the Coptic gover- were unwilling to resist the invaders of their own race, and
    nor of Egypt, who, though he did not definitely profess belief even Roman governors proved recusants to their religion and
    in the new religion, treated the prophet with profound respect, country. A small army under the general Sergius was de-
    and sent him among other suitable presents two Egyptian feated, and the Arabs captured Bostral and Gaza.
    maidens. The first collision between the Romans and the Moslem One who is not an orientalist and cannot consult the
    was at Mnta, near the Dead Sea, in 6 2 9. The result was a Arabic authorities at first hand will be inclined to collclude
    Cadmean victory for the latter, who mere considerably inferior that it is hardly safe to venture on any but the shortest and
    in point of numbers ; and IClialid, " the Sword of God," won his barest account of the conquest of Syria. The interesting and
    first laurels in this battle. It was in the following year that romantic details which Ockley took from the dubious A1
    nfohammed entered Mecca in triumph and made the Icaabah Wakidi, and which Gibbon took from OcBley, must probably
    the central shrine of Islamism. Two years later he died for the most part he relegated to the same room as the story
    (8th June 632), and for a moment the stability of his ~vorlr of Regulus. The difficulty of critically testing materials dis-
    seemed precarious. The Arab tribes fell away; A1 Mundar, torted by oriental fancy, Mohammedan orthodoxy, and political
    king of Bahrein, on the west coast of the Persian Gulf, re- party spirit was fully felt by Weil,2 whom I have followed,
    volted. Abu Bekr, who, along with Omar, had supplenlented while I mould refer the reader who wishes for a mixture of
    by practical wisdoin the visionary nature of tlie prophet, was legend and history to the pleasant pages of Ockley.
    elected tlie first caliph (sz~cccsso~). He saw that the salvation The four generals to whom Abu Bekr had entivsted the
    of the cause must be wrought, not by conflicts in Arabia, but war against the Christians were Abu Ubeida, Schurahbil,
    by foreign conquest; he apprehended that the prophet must Amru, and Yezid. It was intended that each should attack a
    look for honour, not in his own country or in peace, but a b r a ~ d separate part of the Syrian provinces, but the serious resist-
    and by tlie sword. Accordingly preparatiolis were made for ance which was encountered made a combination of forces
    war against both the Persians and the Romans ; and while necessary, and the caliph therefore recalled Khalid from
    lchalid, son of Welid, was sent against Iralr, four generals southern Mesopotamia, where he had enjoyed a career of unin-
    were commissioned to attack Syria? terrupted ~uccess.~I t appears that shortly before the arrival
    The programme of these enthusiasts, inspired with greecl of Khalid a battle was fought at Adjnadein? in which the
    and fa.itld, lusting equally after proselytes and riches, was Saracens were victorious (30th July 634), but it is not clear
    characteristically concise and direct. Three alternatives were whether this was the battle in which Theodore, the Emperor's
    offered to the foe-the Koran, tribute, or the sword. Heraclius, brother, commanded the defeated side.5 The decisive battle
    who had established his headquarters a t Edessa, had made no was fought soon afterwards (end of August) on the banks of
    adequate preparations to oppose them. He foolishly trnsted the Yermuk, or Hieromax, which flows into the Lake of
    that the Saracens of the deserts which separate Syria from ti be ria^.^ The Roman generals were a Persian named Baanes,
    Theophanes places this in 6124 the clefeat a t Gahatha are placed after Romanus, the governor of Bostra, Theoph. 6125 A.M. mentions that
    betrayed it. He was the first maga- Theodore, being defeated, went to Her-
    A . M . , which should correspondto 631- the accessioll of Omar. Nicephorus riser (see p. 267).
    632 4 . D . , but, as Theophanes loit a records the fate of Sergius (of whom he aclius a t Edessa.
    enigmatically speaks as 6 ~ a r Nh i K f ~ a v , GeschicJ~teder Chalife?~,1846. "he most important question in
    year in the reign of Phocas, i t means Six victories are specially men-
    632-633. The death of A l ~ n Bekr p. 23). The Saracens sewed hi111 up ill the chrollology of the Syrian cam-
    tioned by Weil, i. pp. 32, 36, 37. paigns is the date of the battle of
    (Abu1)achar) is correctly placed in the
    folloning year, 6125, hut the capture of
    the skin of a camel ne\vly slain and
    left llim to putrefy.
    ' Ib. p. 40. fifuir, A?L?LU~S of the Yermuk. Was i t fought in 634 or in
    Bostra, the defeat of Theodore, and Early Caliphate, p. 206, places the 635 ? Was i t the hattle of Adjnadein
    battle of Adjnadein in spring 636. or the battle of Yermuk that imme-
    261 HISTORY O F THE L A T E R ROMANEAIPIRE BOOIil CHAP. V I ' EYDS A R A CENS
    EMPIRE D ~ S M E I K ~ E ~ B 265

    but called by Arabic authorities Vartan,l and Theodore Trithy- feet bound together.'
    -
    The lioillails did not hesitate to attacli
    rius, the imperial treasurer, who is to be distinguished froill the camp, and a large compaily of concealed foes cut then1 to
    the Emperor's brother of the same n a n ~ e . ~ ~ h a on l i dthis pieces or put them to flight. A general rout ensnecl, and illany
    occasion was the life and soul of the Saracens ; he allayed the of the Romails were drowned.
    cliscorcls of the commaaders and won a complete victory. Tlie result of this battle decicled the fate of Dainascns, the
    Great preparations had been niacle by the Ilomans, a i d stronghold of southern Syria. The small army that hastened
    6 0,O 0 0 light-armed troops of the Philhellene Arabs of Ghassan to its relief was met and vanquished, and in 635 the city
    reillforced the army of I:aai~es.~ I t is clifiicult to hariiloi~ise surrenclerecl.'
    the accounts of this fiercely fought battle, aild me canilot but. I t is not a little surprising horn coillpletely this first expe-
    see that the chaff of legend is mixed with tlle grain of history, dition of the Saracel~sparalysed an Emperor who hacl cleser~eclly
    as in the " Homeric " siege of Damascus. The storm of sand, won a high military reputation. It djcl not occur to him to
    for example, which blinded the Persians at Cadesia, has beell lead his arniy in persoil, and when me combine this fact with
    transferred in one ilarrative to the banks of the Yerm~~l<.Abn the utter physical prostration and nlental derangement from
    Ubeida yielded to his lllore martial cal~tainl<halid the chief which he suffered in the follox~-ingyear, we cannot avoid the
    conlmand in the action, nncl contented himself with tlie conclusion that his health \mas already rapidly failing. I t is to
    h~ullble and useful post of stancling in the rear ancl driving be further observed that Martina, his coilstant companion, who
    for~varcl the fugitives. The Arabs were fortified for their possessed the same sort of iilfluence over him that Schirin hacl
    toil by the concise and vivid words, "Paradise is before you, possessed over Chosroes, aware of her husband's decliniag
    -

    behind you the devil ancl the fire of l~ell." In the engage- health, mas in all probability taking measures to secure her
    nieilt we call detect that the Mosleill were again and again own interests in the case of his possibly approaching decease.
    compelled to retreat, and were exposed to terrible showers The offspring of the intrignes of an ambitious queen is sns-
    froill tlle bows of Armenian archers. For a long time the picion,
    - distrust, and division ; and not only does the coilduct
    result wavered, and the balance of Mars was equal. It was of Martins after her husband's deatli conlpel us to entertain
    perhaps decicled by a curious anlbusll devised by the Arabs, the idea that she was an intriguer while he lived, but direct
    who placed arouncl the tents of their camp camels with their indications of division ancl distrust in the imperial family are
    preserved. The relations of ail Emperor are often obstacles to
    cliately preceded the advance on Da- battle a t the same place in Augnst-
    mascus? I t is to be ol~serve~l that September of the same year, the inter- the designs of his consort; and Theodore and Martina, thougll
    Theoplianes, while he places the battle vening nlonths having passed away in uncle ailcl niece, were antagonists. Accordingly we find that
    in 6126 n.ar., that is 635 (not, as is skirmishing (p. 98).
    generally stated, 636), makes the attack Another of t h e difficult questions Theodore's defeat at Adjnacleiil or Gabatha was made a pre-
    on Damascus a consequence of it, and which beset the history of these years text against him ; Heraclius sent him bound as a prisoner to Con-
    when we combine this with the cir- is the identity of Vartan ; was he
    culnstances t h a t (1) he places i t a t the Baanes (Vallan) or n o t ? Finlay dis- stantinople, and instructed Constantine to niake his disgrace -
    end of the first year of Omar instead tinguishes two generals (vol. i. p. public and keep him in strict confinement. We can hardly
    of a t the beginning, and t h a t (2) 2311 .?fin)
    --" .

    August ((11. 23d Jnly), the day of the This is clear from the narrative avoid snspecting that the disgrace of Theodore was due to the
    battle, fell on Tuesday in 634, we may of Theophanes. After the defeat of
    conclude t h a t i t took place i n 634 ; Heraclins' brother, Baanes is sent wit11 The authority is the Armenian tion of Laodicea under the conduct of
    sce \Veil, i. 1). 45 note, and 1,. 47 note. Theodore, the sacellarius, against tlie history of Sepsoq. See Drapeyron, Thomas, the commander of the gar-
    Most historians, however, accept the Arabs (6125 ~ . ~ x . = G 3 1 )they
    ; mi11 a L'Em21erez~rHt!raclius, p. 367. rison, and his wife, one of the imperial
    date 636, while Finlay holds t h a t there victory and drive the enemy to Da- According t o the romance of Al princesses. But the Saracen general,
    were two battles of Yermuk, the first mascus. I t is to be observed t h a t Tl~eo- Wakidi, Dmnaseus mas defended with repenting of his clemency, overtook the
    in 631, before the siege of Damascus, phanes places the departure of Heraclius heroism and suffered a cvuel vengeance. fugitives as they rested in a valley and
    and the seconil in 636. I n any case from Syria before the battle of Yer- \\.'hen the soldiers became weary of ~nassacred them. The daughter of
    the date 636 seems nnfonridccl. 3Iuir mnk. slaughter the remainder of the inhallit- Heraclins, we are told, was spared ant1
    places a battle of 'il'acfisn or Yern~ulr 3 Weil gives the number of the ants received perniissiol~t o \vitl~dram restored to her father, while her hua-
    in A11ril 634, and a seconll greater Greeks as a t least 80,000. from the city, and set out in the direc- band died fighting.
    CHAP. V I EMPIRE DISfiIEMBERED B Y SAKAChNS 267
    266 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN E,MPIRE BOOK v
    dore were the chief offenders ; they were both banished to
    e~lmityof Martina, as we hear that lie was one of those who
    condenlned her marriage. islands.
    After the capture of Damascus tlle invaders appear to have Abu Belrr had died just before the battle of Yermuk was
    fought, and had been succeeded by the great and austere On~ar,
    reinailled quiet for allnost the space of a year, but at the end
    for whom the attractions of the future life did not consist in its
    of 6 3 3 or the beginning of 6 3 6 the " high roofs of Emesa "-
    Euzcsne fastiyia celsa-or Hims, as it was called by the licensed sensuality. He was sterner than Abu Bekr, and his
    drastic management soon restored the discipline of the army,
    Arabians, and the city of Heliopolis or Baalbec were taken.
    Thereupon Heraclius, who was at Edessa or Antioch, forgetful of which had degenerated after the capture of Damascus. The
    turbulent and ruthless Khalicl was deposed from the chief com-
    his ancient valour, despaired of saving the provinces of Syria,
    mand and made the lieutenant of Abu Ubeida.
    and cleterrnined to save his own person by flight to Coastan-
    tinople,l even as he had fled on another occasion many years The captures of Enlesa and Heliopolis were soon followed by
    before at Selymbria. He was able, notwithstanding the prox- the fall of Tiberias, of Chalcis, of Beroea, of Epiphania, and of
    imity of the Saracens, to hurry to Jerusalem and seize the cross, Larissa. Edessa agreed to pay tribute ; Antioch fel1,"robably
    ~vhichhe was resolved to prevent from falling again into the by treachery, for so much credit I am inclined to give to the
    hands of unbelievers. H e bade farewell to Syria, and when story of Yukinna, the typical n~aya~iser. There can be no
    doubt, that the rapid conquest of Syria was facilitated by the
    he arrived at Chalceclon he established his residence in Hieria,
    his favourite palace, and was seized there by a sort of hydro- apostasy of Christians, as well as by the treachery of Jews ;
    phobia. He was afraid to go 011 board a ship for even such a it \vas expected that the yoke of the Arab might prove
    short voyage as the crossing of the Bosphorus, and used to send lighter than the yoke of the Roman ; and there mas certainly
    his sons to represent their father at public cereillonies in the no lack of magarisers. The very name wzaga~ise," to em-
    capital. At length sonle one proposed to nialce a wide bridge brace Islam," is a Syriac forin which passed into Greek,3 and
    of boats, and by covering it with earth, and hedging it with proves tlle frequency of apostasy to Mohammedanism in that
    green branches, lend it the aspect of a hedged lane on dry country.
    land. Over such a bridge the Emperor consented to ride. The The chronological order of the capture of these towns
    reception of the cross at St. Sophia was a rite of sac1 solemnity, is uncertain, but there is little doubt that after a siege of two
    contrasting doubtless in the minds of spectators with the glory years Jerusalem was compelled to surrender in 63'1. The
    of its reception six years before. inl~abitants refused, however, to yield to any general save
    During these days there was a usurper in Syria, and there Onlar himself.
    were conspiracies in Constantinople. Baanes the Persian, Accordingly tlie Caliph Olnar came fro111 Arabia to take
    Heraclius' general, took advantage of the Emperor's witli- ' The implication of Theodore, son
    are fornled the verbs jqOl)
    clrawal, which 11e might represent as a sliameful desertion, of the general of the same name, serms
    to proclaim himself Augustns ; but, under the circumstances,
    to connect the conspiracy witlr the im-
    1,risonment of his father.
    jqOILF (as if Aphel alld Etllpel),

    the matter was not of nlucll importance. I n the conspiracies "Theolrll. places the capture of An- both m'eaning to become hloslern.
    the Emperor's love-child Athalaric and his nephew Theo-
    ti0211 in 638 or at earliest in last months
    of 637 (6129 A . M . ) ~h~~~ are juvm& and
    I co~ijecturedkiyself that payapiS.ctv
    Tlie farewell of Heraclius to Syria l~lacesi t in 636, after the fall of Aleppo,
    r a s co~lnectcdwith 'Ayap7v6r (Saracen,
    lit. descendant of Hagar) and had come
    jSm,&. Tlie latter is the form I
    is placed by Ockley and Gibbon i n 638 ; Hims, and Antioch. The same antho- have met in the continuator of tlle
    through tlie Syriar, whence tlie initial Chrolaicon of Earhebraens, bnt I find in
    but cf. Weil, p. 79, and Finlay (i. p. rity sets the capitolation of Jerusalem ,u ; but I find that Payne Smith had
    360) \vho points out that 'LOckley's a t the end of 636, liere re as I have ac- the TJ~esaurusthat the Aphel form is
    cepted tlie date of Tlleophanes, 637 ; already noticed i t in liis Tlzesnz~~t~s.
    Dr. niore nsual. I'ayne Srnith (s.9.) men-
    Arabian authorities confolulded the G \ ~ y n ncommunicated to me the fol-
    young Heraclius with his father." Nicephorns (p. 24) implies that Egypt tions the Greel; payapiTw as formed from
    Theophalles is hardly right in placing was ljeiug conqnered while Heraclius loring note : From the name jV&& it, as you supl)osed.''
    the event in 634. Biuir (01, eit. p. 201) mas still in Syria.
    268 H(STOR Y O F THE LA TER ROIMAN EMPIRE BOOK v C H A P . VI EdfPIBE DISMEMBERED B Y SARACENS 269

    formal possessioll of the Holy City,' and men woildered at his the golden horse, the silver camel with the golden foal, and the
    austere surroundings and his rough dress, which was simple immense carpet of white brocade " with a border worked in pre-
    even to ferocity, a much worn and lnuch torn skin. The Patri- cious stones of various hues to represent a garden of all kinds
    arch ~ophronius,the combatant against monotheletism, acted of beautiful flowers."' Sixty thousand soldiers received about
    as a lugubrious guide through the holy sights of the city, and $3 1 2 apiece. The battle of k'alulah, fought early in 637,
    with difficulty persnaded the caliph to array himself in more finished the work of Cadesia, and by the end of that year all the
    decent costume to enter the precincts of the church of the land west of Mount Zagrus from Nineveh to Susa was Arabian.
    Resurrection. The sight of Omar kneeling at the shrine drew The last king, Isdigerd, had sought a refuge in distant mountain
    from the bishop the exclamation, uttered in Greek, " The fastnesses, and three years later he made a forlorn attempt to
    abomination of desolation which was spoken of by Daniel the recover his kingdom. But the battle of Nehavend, " the victory
    prophet, is in the holy place." A mosque was erected on the of victories " (Fattah-hul-FuttQh), stamped out for ever the
    site of Solomon's temple, but the Christians mere tolerated dynasty of the Sassanids, which had lasted somewhat more than
    as subjects of the caliph, on condition that they made no four hundred years (2 26-641).2
    attempt to proselytise the disciples of Mohammed, and paid The Arab conquest of Persia was marked by the foundation
    a tribute. of Kufa on the ruins of Ctesiphon, and the erection of the city
    Heraclins made a last desperate attempt to recover the lost of Bussora, or Bassra, on " the river of the Arabs," as was called
    provinces in 638. He sent his son Constantine to Syria, ancl the united stream of the Euphrates and Tigris. Bussora be-
    an army was collected at Diarbekr or Amida, which proceeded came soon a great mercantile centre.
    to besiege Emesa. Khalid hastened from the north, Abu
    Ubeida from the south, to relieve it, and a battle was fought THE CONQUESTOF EGYPT BY AMRU.-T~~general Amru,
    in the neighbourhood which decided that Syria was to remain who is said to have had previous acquaintance with Egypt,
    in the hands of the Mohammedans until three centuries hence and was doubtless aware of the internal dissensions which
    the valour of imperial successors of Heraclius should set up a prevailed in that land, obtained with difficulty the permission
    christian standard once more in Syrian provinces. I n 638 of the caliph to invade it in 639 or 640. If a foreign
    Muaviah was appointed emir of all the Saracen empire froin invader was welcome to some in Syria, still more was he
    Egypt to the Euphrates. Once Syria was conquered, the Ronlan welcome in Egypt. The native Copts, who were Jacobites,
    possessions in Mesopotamia were an easy prey to the Saracens. hated the Greeks, who were Melchites, and this element
    Edessa, Constantina, and Daras were talien in 6 3 9, and the reduc- in the situation was made use of by Amru to effect his
    tion of these strong places meant the conquest of Mesopotamia. conquest.3
    Meanwhile the Persian kingdom had been overthrown in The conquest of Egypt is somewhat clearer in detail than
    the great battle of Cadesia (636). That field was the scene of the conquest of Syria. Perenum or Farma was taken first,
    struggles which lasted four days, bnt ultimately the elements
    intervened, and a storm of sand contributed to the victory of Raalinson, op. cit. p. 566. Care- pay them 120,000 dinars a year. When
    less of the unity of a work of art, the Heraclius heard thereof he indignantly
    Said (Sa'ad).2 Some months later the conqueror entered caliph allowed i t to be cut up and sent Manuel, an Armenian, aspraefeetus
    Ctesiphon, and divided its riches and its marvels. Among the divided. augustalis, who refused to pay the
    Isdigerd lived for ten years in re- stipulated money. Hence the expedi-
    treasures found in the palace Takht-i-Khosru may be mentioned fuge among the Turks and the Chinese. tion of Amru (Theoph. 6126 A.M.)
    In 651 he made an attempt mith their Nicephorus notices the scheme of Cyrus
    Theophanes place- the conquest of The Persian army numbered help to recover his kingdom, but was to marry one of Heraclius' daughters to
    Palestine a t end of 637 A.D. (see sub 120,000. The great standard of the repulsed and slain. Amru and convert him to Christianity
    6127 A.M.) He desclibes Omar as Perslan kingdom, said to be a black- I n 635 Cyrus, Patriarch of Alex- (p. 24). Rut the dealings of Cyrus
    h?r6~piuivu a r a v i ~ + v8 v 6 ~ i ~ v d ~ ~ v o s . smith's alnon, nas captuled in this andria, had, without consulting the with the unbelievers drew suspicions of
    battle. Emperor, apeed with the Saracens to paganism on him (p. 26).
    C H A P . VI EMPIRE DISMEMBERED BY SARACENS 271
    270 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN hMP1K.b BOOKV
    tinpished at each of which a stand was made, and at some of
    with the help of the Copts ; the invader was next opposed at these stages more battles than one were fought, in which the
    Bilbeis and at Umtn Danin by Greek forces, and, having Arabs were usually victorious. At length Alexandria was
    overcome in two battles, he laid siege to Babylon. Here he
    reached. The great Greek city which supplied New Rome
    waited for reinforcements from Omar, who sent him 12,000 with corn might perhaps have been saved and formed the
    men, and after a siege of some nlonths Babylon fell. The basis for the recovery of Egypt if Heraclins had lived longer.
    capture of this city was as decisive for the fate of Egypt as ~ u ast he was making preparations to send an armament for
    the capture of Damascus had been for the fate of Syria. It its defence he died of a painful disease, which had been long
    is probable that a great many Syrians were influenced by the afflicting him (10th February 641), and the intrigues and dis-
    latter event to desert the imperial cause; it is certain that turbances which ensued upon his death absorbed the attention
    the success of Anlru at Babylon decided Mulraulias, the of Constantinople. No help was sent to Alexandria ; on the
    Coptic governor, to yield to the Arabs, and exchange the contrary, it even seems that troops were withdrawn from it,
    yoke of Constantinople for the yoke of Mecca. The sin~ple for selfish purposes, by one of the opposing parties in the
    life of the Arabs, their religious enthusiasm, and their con- capital. The inhabitants ultimately abandoned all thoughts
    tempt for death inspired him with reverence; he did not of defence; those who possessed property left the city by
    hesitate to make peace, and agree, on behalf of the Copts, to sea, carrying off their possessions ; and in December 641, after
    pay a moderate tribute. a siege of fourteen months, Amru made his entry.l
    The impression made upon him by the followers of Mo- Egypt was now a possession of the Saracens ; and, with the
    hammed was thus described by Mukaukas when the Emperor exception of Cyprus, the Roman Empire no longer held any
    Heraclius upbraided him for submitting to the invader : " I t territory in the East sonth of the Taurus mountains. Onlar
    is true," he said, " that the enemy are not nearly so numerous as would not permit Amrn to make Alexandria the capital of the
    we, but one Mussulman is equivalent to a hundred of our men. new province; it was too far from Medina, and the land
    Of the enjoyments of the earth they desire only simple cloth- about Misr (Babylon) was more fertile. Accordingly a new
    ing and simple food, and yearn for the death of niartyrs because city was founded on the spot where Amru had encamped
    it leads them to paradise ; while we cling to life and its joys, when he a7as besieging Babylon, and was hence called Fostlt,
    and fear' death." This illustrates the spirit which enabled the " the Tent " ; but the town afterwards assumed a inore ambi-
    Arabians to carry all before them in the first years of their tious name and became Cairo, "the City of Victory," and the
    new greatness ; the joys of paradise were before their eyes as mosque of Amru commemorates to this day the Saracen con-
    they fought. A1 Wakidi gave poetical expression to this spirit quest of Egypt. To the Egyptian population, whose squalor
    in the words which he placed in the mouth of a youth fighting formed a vivid contrast to the splendour and luxury of Alex-
    under the walls of Emesa: " Methinks I see the blacli-eyed
    andria, the change of masters did not seriously matter. The
    girls looking upon me; one of whom, sholxld she appear in cultivation of the soil was left in their hands; E g p t was
    this world, all mankind would die for love of her. And I see
    now to be a granary for the Arabs, as it had been fornlerly
    in the hand of one of them an handkerchief of green silk ancl a granary for the Romans. The old canal which connected
    a cap of precions stones, and she beckons me and calls out, the Nile with the Red Sea mas opened up. "The channel
    Coine hither quickly, for I love thee." followed the most eastern bracch of the river as far north as
    From Memphis and Babylon the Greeks retired to Alex-
    andria, fighting as they went. Four places can be clis- ' Weil, i. 114. According to Theo- in battle, BIarinus was defeated and
    phanes, Manuel was the general of the hardly escaped with his life, and Blari-
    Greeks. Nicephorus nlentions three anus suffered a great defeat and nas
    Weil, vol. i. p. 111. five days' journey froni Alexandria ; generals who were successively sent to himself slain.
    2 cap. li. (2) Kom S c h a ~ i k; (3) Siltis ; (4) Iier- defend Egypt (1). 24). John was slain
    Weil, ib. p. 112 sq. (1) Terenut, mu, a day's journey from Alexandria.
    272 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. V I EMPIRE DIS~EMBEiPEDB Y SARACENS 273

    Bilbeis, then turned to the right through the vale of Tuinllt, and the Franks, where the tenlptation to write episodes is
    and, striking the salt lakes near Timseh, so reached the Red strong, I have diligently avoided Herodotean digressions.
    Sea by what is now the lower portion of the Suez Canal." l
    Before we conclude this chapt,er we must bid a more
    I may quote part of a letter which the Caliph Oinar
    solemn farewell to Heraclius, whose death has been already
    wrote to the conqueror of Egypt, to illustrate the government
    of the first caliph and especially the character of Omar. One casually mentioned. On the 11t11 of February 6 4 1the saviour
    of New Rome 1vas laid beside Constantine, her founder, and
    might imagine that he would have shown respect and honour to
    Justinian, who had made her glorious, in the church of the
    the general who had won such an iinportant land for Islam, but
    his words express the sternness of an austere deity, who is not Holy Apostles, which Constantine's mother had built. For
    three days the body was exposed to view in an open coffin,
    satisfied with works and reaps where he has not sown :-
    watched over by eunuchs, in accordance with the wishes of
    .' I have reflected on you and your condition ; you are i n a great and the dead Emperor.'
    excellent land, whose inhabitants God blesses b y nunlber and might, b y
    land and sea-a land ~ v h i c heven the Pharaohs, i n spite of their unbelief, Heraclius is one of those unfortunate heroes who have
    brought b y useful works into a flonrishing condition. I a m therefore outlived their glory, and have thereby won the sympathy as
    extremely snrprisecl, that i t does not bring in half of what it brought i n well as the admiration of posterity. Alexander the Great
    formerly, although this decrease cannot be excused b y famine or a bad
    died in the fulness of his prosperity; Constantine the Great
    year. You wrote to me before of many imposts which you laid on the
    land. I expected they would pour i n ; but instead I receive excuses, did not experience the mortification of seeing his work undone ;
    mhich do not please me. I shall not accept a whit less than the former Justinian passed away before his successes in ltaiy were half
    revenue." reversed by the Lombard invaders and before his system
    The preceding account of the Saracen conquests may collapsed. But the Emperor who saved the inheritance of
    appear a dry sketch, because it is barren in details. Bat this Rome at the time of sorest need, the warrior who, like Alex-
    is unavoidable. For in t,he story of the conquest of Syria ander, overthrew a Persian sovereign, the champion who
    legend is so mingled with history, that if we once attempt to nlaintained the cause of Hellenism as well as the cause of
    choose among the details, which come mainly from oriental Christendom, was destined to live too long. He was to live to
    sources, we can never be sure with which element we are see the provinces which he had won back from the fire-wor-
    dealing. No compromise is possible between Weil and Ockley. shipper fall a prey to the Semitic unbeliever; he was to live
    Again, it may seem to some that the conquest of Syria demands to behold the Holy City in the power of a more dreadful foe
    as a sort of due, even in a Roman History, a long disquisition than the Persian; he was to live to hear a new word of more
    on the Saracens, an elaborate biography of Mohammed, and a ominous sound than the old and familiar " Medisn~." And the
    collection of anecdotes to illustrate the characters of the caliphs woes of his latter years were aggravated by a hideous di~ease.~
    and their emirs. But here, as in the case of the Lombards But his name mas not forgotten ; like Alexander the Great, he
    Bluir, op. eit. p. 244. The statis- to the Red Sea ; the first was begun i~nssedinto medieval legend.3
    tics of the population of Alexandria and abandoned by Necho, son of
    given by Arabic historians are interest- Psammetichus, about 615 B.c., but the ' Nicephorns,
    acre of sixty-six.
    11. 27. He died at the Otto of Preisingen wrote a rolllance
    ing if true. The male population was Persian Darius completed i t ; the of Hcraclius in the twelfth century. M.
    600,000 ; the number of male taxable second was dug by Ptolemy Philadel- O ~ r o D s y , + v ~dsoupeiv
    Ka #peAAe u a v i s a
    Drapeyron (op. eit. p. 282) notices that
    ~ a r h7 0 0 $ T ~ O U8 7 r ~ r l t k ~~'U T $ @ E T O y h p
    Jews was probably about 70,000 ; the phus, but fell into neglect, and was there is a colossal statue at Barletta,
    a 6 7 0 6 r b aL8oiov ~ a Ki ~ T &TOG ~ p o u d s o u
    Greeks numbered 200,000, of whom opened again by Trajau ; i t fell into supposed to be of Heraclius. Heraclius
    30,000 escaped before the siege. In neglect again under the later Empe- a h $ r b oi7pa C r e p s e v . To the super- conquering Chosroes was the subject of
    the cit,ywere 4000 baths, 400 theatres ; rors, and was restored by Amru (P. stitious mind of a Patriarch the nature
    of the disease xyas determined by the a painting on enamel at Limoges (ib.).
    in the harbour 12,000 vessels (1) jp. 120 sqq.) Heraclea, a t o ~ v i ~in TTenetia, mas
    240, cf. Weil, i. p. 116). The burnlng Weil, who is more inclined to re- nature of the sin which Heraclius had
    committed in marrying Martina. The founded soon after the victory of 628,
    of the library by the Saracens is only a ject than to accept, concludes that this commemoratillg in its namc the same
    nlemher which offended suffered.
    legend (cf. Weil, ib.) Weil sketches letter is genuine. I translate from his Niceph. ib. hero (ib.)
    the history of the canals from the Nile translation (p. 124).
    VOL. 11 . T
    CHAP. V I I SLA YES ( N ILL YK(CUM AND THRA C E 275
    brethren were to be closely connected with the Eastern
    Empire.
    Dammler supposes that the Croates and Serbs' were
    tribes under Avaric suzerainty, and that with the consent of
    tlleir lords they crossed the Danube to take possession of
    Dalmatia and Upper Moesia, which tlle Slovenes had laid
    waste. The fact that Pope John IV, a Dalmatian by birth,
    sellt an abbot to Istria and Dalmatia, between 640 and
    642 A.D., to collect christian relics and ransom christian
    CHAPTER VII prisoners from the heathen, proves that the newcomers occupied
    those provinces in the reign of Heraclius. I n later years,
    THE SLAVONIC SETTLEMENTS I N ILLYRICUI\I AND THRACE when the power of the Avars had passed away and the Serbs
    and Croatians had been converted to Christianity and entered
    IN the first half of the seventh century important Slavonic into connection with Byzantium, the idea arose that they had
    migrations took place which affected the future of the Haemas been originally invited to settle in their homes by the Emperor
    peninsula. The details and the dates of these movements are Heraclius, and this idea, accepted and echoed by the Emperor
    obscure, but the general outline is sufficiently clear.' Constantine Porphyrogennetos, has been generally received.
    I n the year 610 we hear of Bavarians i11 conflict with I have been speaking of the Croatians as an unequivocally
    Slaves (Slovenes) on the upper Drave,2 and we find the Slavonic people, and this is the generally received doctrine.
    latter taking up a permanent abode in the district of Carniola I believe, however, that it is not a strictly correct view. Be-
    or Krain. At the same time, farther south, the settlements of fore the tenth century the legend had arisen that the Croatians
    the Slovenes in Illyricum, Macedonia, and Moesia were in- came to their new abodes from the land of White Croatia
    creasing, so that there was a considerable Slovene population under the leadership of five brothers, IZlukas, Lobel, Cosentzes,
    extending from the frontiers of Bavaria almost to the Aegean. Muchl6, Chrobitos, and two sisters, Buga and This
    But this homogeneous population was not destined to become Croatian legend has a strong family resemblance to the Bul-
    welded together and form one nationality; for a few years garian legend of Krobat (or Kubrat) and his five sons, which
    later-at what moment cannot exactly be determined, but will be related in another chapter3; and I think we can hardly
    certainly during the reign of Heraclius-two other peoples, hesitate to suppose that Krobat and Chrobitos are the same
    Slavonic but not Slovenic,3 known as the Croates and tlle prehistorical hero of the Hunnic nation to which the various
    Serbs, pressed into the lands of Upper Rloesia, Lower Pannonia, closely related tribes of the Bulgarians, Cotrigurs, and Ono-
    and Dalmatia, which they permanently occupied, thereby gnndurs belonged. If this be a true view, the name Croatia
    cutting off for ever the Slovenes of Carniola and Carinthia fro111 is not Slavonic, and, as a matter of fact, no probable Slavonic
    the Slovenes of Macedonia and Lower Moesia. The lot of the Constantine Porphyrogennetos says Adm. Imp. iii. 152), whence also the
    north-western Slovenes was to be linked with that of tlie that the original home of these peoples name u.!ppouha for poor shoes such as
    \\-as in White Servia (beyond Hungary), Slaves wear, and r ~ ~ p p o u A t a v ofor
    f the
    Franks and the Western Empire; while their south-eastern but he is confusing the Serbs and Sorbs. cobblers who make them ; the Serbs,
    Dommler believes t h a t there may be he says, were so called because they
    My chief guide has been Dummler's 3 I use the adjective Slovenic of
    some foundation for a Great or White were the 6oOAor of the Roman Emperor.
    excellent article on the history of Dal- those Slaves who were called z ~ h a p ? l v o i Croatia ( B ~ A o x p w p & ~ oto
    r ) the north-east
    or ZOAaPqvoi by Greek writers. Their Zlr6por in Procopius, B. G. iii. 14, has
    matia in the Vienna Sitzztnqsberichte of Bohemia, as the Croatian name
    (23d A p ~ i 1856,p.
    l 353 sqp.), t o which descendants in Carniola, Carinthia, eke., been identified by gafarik with the
    appears in the neighbourhood of Kra- Serbs.
    I may refer the reader who is curious speak a language closely related to the kau. Constantine thought Z.!ppkot was
    a9 to the literature of the subject. Serbo-Cloatlan. Const.Porph. iii. p. 143 (ed. Bonn).
    a Latin n )rd equivalent to servi (de
    ' Paul, litst. Lafcg. iv. 39. be lo^^-, cap. xi.
    276 HISTOX Y OF THE L A T E R ROMAIV EMPIRE BOOK v

    explanation of it has ever been suggested. On the other hand, froni the old Greek coiony of Epidaurus; and the town of
    tlie Hunnic or Bulgaric name leads us to the interesting con- Cattaro (Dekatera) had a similar origin. Salona, the home of
    clusion that the establishment of the Croatian Slaves as an Diocletian in his last years, did not escape destruction, and
    independent state in Dalmatia was due to the same conditions some of its inhabitants founded the town of Spalato,' or Spa-
    that established the kingdom of the Bulgarian Slaves in Moesia. latro, around the palace of Diocletian, from which it derived
    The Slaves of Croatia were clearly conquered by a Bulgarian its name. IS it fanciful to suppose that, when the people of
    people, just as the Slaves of Moesia were conquered by a Bnl- Salons fled from their city at the approach of the invaders,
    garian people. Bnt when and where the former conquest took they made for the Emperor's palace, and that soisie cried in
    place cannot be determined. I t does not seem probable that Greek, 's palation ('9 ~aX&r~ov-thatis, " to the palace ! "), and
    Hunnic Croatians suddenly entered Dalmatia in the seventh that hence the name Spalation, which became Spalato, mas
    century and conquered the Slaves who had been forming settle- given to the new town ? Further north, in the district of
    ments there for the past hundred years. Some definite record Liburnia, the city of Jadera2 (Zara) defied the Slave, and four
    of such an event would have been preserved, and there would islands opposite the mainland-Veglia, Arbe, Cherso, and
    have been most certainly a Croatian kingdom ruled by sovereigns Lussin, of which the two latter together are called by one
    of Hunnic names, instead of a number of practically independent name, Opsara -also remained under the supremacy of the
    iupans. We must therefore suppose that Dalmatia was in- Empire. The inhabitants of these cities add islands were called
    vaded in the reign of Heraclius, not by Croatian Huns, but by Rolnanoi by the Greeks, and retained the Latin language. A
    Croatian Slaves, that is to say, Slaves who had been con- Byzantine stmt&gos,in whose hands military and civil powers
    quered many years before in some country north of the Danube were combinecl, resided at Zara, and it may be conjectured that
    by Bulgarians, and had already absorbed the individuality of he was responsible to the exarch of Ravenna. The payment
    their conquerors. Turanian Chrobat or Krobat was associated of a certain tribute and the contribution of ships and sailors
    in the legend with Slavonic names, Buga and Tuga, Weal for service in the Adriatic were practically the only link of
    and Woe. I nsay add that this theory is supported By tlie connection that bound these dependencies with the Empire.
    non-Slavonic name of the Croatian governor, Boanos (,Bo~voF), The kingdom of the Croatians was probably much larger
    which strongly reminds us of the Avar Baian, and of Baian or from the seventh to the ninth century than in later t,imes ; for
    Batbaian, who in Bulgarian legend was one of the sons of at first it seems to have included Bosnia, which was afterwards
    Krobat. lost to the S e r b ~ . Croatia
    ~ was divided into four iupes, governed
    by independent princes called gupans. There was one great
    The invasion of Croatians and Serbs caused a general flight
    coastwards among the Roman inhabitants of Dalmatia, and new dissimilation (as e.g. in luseiniola, ros- (Romaic i n this passage means Latin),
    signol). Argosy is generally derived in the sense that i t was founded before
    towns were founded on islands and promontories, just as Venice from the ship Argo ; but i t is possible Rome (!) I t is not easy to see how he
    is said to have heen founded by fugitives from the Huns and that Ragnsan galleys may have been got jam arat from Jadera.
    the original argosies, and that tlie me- Dummler deduces this from the
    as llonembssia was probably founded in the Peloponnesus by tathesis of tho first two letters may statement of Const. Porphyr. that
    have been due to reminiscences of the Croatia had declined in the middle of
    fugitives from the Slaves. The inhabitants of the ancient mythical vessel. the ninth century, and that its military
    Traguriuln (Traii) l withdrew to the opposite island of Bua; 'AusdhaBov, interpreted by Con- power had once amounted to 60,000
    stantine Porph. as sahdrrov ~ L K P ~ Ya, cavalry and 100,000 infantry-numbers
    Ransiuin,2 or Ragusa, was founded by the citizens who fled little palace ; a derivation which seems incredible from the size of their land in
    Tragurium is nlentiolled by Poly- that the original name of the 'Paouuaioc in the highest degree doubtful. durrd- later times-combined with the notice
    was Aavuaior, from a " Romaic " word XaOos is a prickly shrub with a fragrant that a t first the Croatians spread them-
    bius (xsxii. 18). I t is called Tupayyod- oil, and this Greek name seems to have
    prov by Const. Porph. XaD = cliff (apparently connected wit11 selves in Pannonia (evidently Lower
    X z a ~ ) . The change from X top is highly been a Volksetymologie. Pannonia) and Illyria, i.c. Dalmatia
    V t is hard to decide whether there Const. Porph. says that Diadora
    is anything in the statement of Con- improbable, as there is no other lilluid and the land north and east towards
    i n the word to cause assirnilatioll or was called in "Romaic " jaw^ erat the Save and Drina.
    stantine Porph. ( d o A h . I ~ Iiii.. 136)
    278 HISTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EAIPIRE BOOK v C H ~ \ P .V I I SLA VES IN ILL I'RICUM AND THRACE 279

    $upan, but his was merely a titular greatness, which, however, head of a Roman army in those provinces, and could to a
    afterwards developed into real monarchical power under the certain extent keep the Slaves in check and prevent the land
    external influence of other monarchical constiti~tions.~ from being deluged with the strangers. But during the reigns
    South of the Croatians, who had occupied northern Dal- of Phocas and Heraclius the political anarchy and the pressing
    lnatia as far as the river Cettina, were the four races of mari- clifficultie~
    of the Persian war rendered the government unable
    time Serbians. The Narentanes,+who became renowned as to extend its protection to the Illyrian and Thracian provinces ;
    pirates, dwelled between the Cettina and the Narenta, and for they were left to shift for themselves. The large fortified
    many generations, living amid inaccessible roclis, resisted the towns, Thessalonica, Hadrianople, or Marcianopolis, were able
    inflnences of Christianity, whence they were called by their to defy the Avar and the Slave, or to purchase exemption from
    Itoman neighbours Pqans, a word which a Greek writer of their hostilities ; but there were no forces to hinder the occupa-
    the tenth century supposed to be Slavonic and translated tion of the land. When the great Scythian destroyer marched
    " nnbaptizecl." The district between the river Narenta and the against the city of Constantine in 626, to capture it in con-
    town of Ragusa was occupied by the Zachlums,aniniportant tribe; junction with the Persian, it must have been through an
    south of whom dwelled the less considerable Travouni between almost Slavonic land that his way lay. The connection then
    Ragusa and Cattaro ; and the Dukljani between Cattaro and of Heraclius with these Slavonic settlers, which had been some-
    dntivari, in tlle district corresponding to modern Montenegro. how handed down to the imperial antiquarian, probably con-
    We seldom meet with tlle Romans of Dalmatia and their sisted in arranging a " mode of living " with them. Heraclius
    Slavonic neighbours in the general current of Bonlan history doubtless made compacts with the chiefs of their tribes-even
    during the seventh ancl eighth centuries. We may conclude as Constantine and Aetius made compacts with Visigoths and
    that as the power of the Avars decreased, the power of the Vandals, and Zeno with the Ostrogoths-that they should inhabit
    Slaves increased; and that when Avaric influence had quite certain limited territories. I t cannot be doubted that Heraclius,
    passecl away, the Slaves entered into peacefnl relations with after his Persian victories, directed his attention to the condi-
    the Emperor of Constantinople before the end of the seventh tion of the Haemus countries, which sorely needed succour after
    century, perhaps in the year 678, when all the powers of the a long neglect; but for us their history is buried in obscurity
    West vied in establishing friendly relations with Constantine during this period. At the same time the decline of the Avar
    ITT. Soon afterwards they were converted to Cllristianity. monarchy, which set in soon after the failure of the chagan at
    Constantinople, influenced the political situation, and a general
    We may now turn from the south-western Slaves, who were revolt of the subject S l a ~ ~ eand
    s Bulgarians, which drove the
    destined to remain free from Turanian influence, to the south- Avars westward, may have been attended with new migrations
    eastern Slaves, who were soon to pass under a Turaaian yoke. to the lands south of the Danube.'
    The statement of Constantine Porphyrogennetos that Heraclius Regions of Lower Moesia and the lands of Macedonia about
    settled the Slaves in Thrace and Macedonia cannot be accepted Thessalonica seem to have been the two chief Slavonic districts,
    without reservation. We have seen how during the last thirty or, as we may call them, the Sclavinia~.~The action of Hera-
    years of the sixth century Thrace and Illyricum were receiving clius doubtless consisted it1 recognising these settlements as
    a considerable Slavonic population ; the invaders took up their (lependencies on the Empire. Before we reach the end of the
    abode in the land, and lived half as peasants half as freebooters.
    During this time the valiant and experienced Priscus was at Of the fall of the Avar monarchy Nestor-"They have vanished, like th;
    ~c hear Ilttle. Suidas, sub voee "Apaprs, Obri, nithout posterity, without heir
    has thls notice, BTL 706s 'Apdpr~01 BbX- nz plcntene ni ~~aslZdka).
    Dummler notices t h a t the court of
    the great Eupan bears clear traces of
    Lesina, Curzola, MQleda, were colonise(1
    by the Narentanes. yap01 x s d rpdios tip67u fi@dr~cau. 111 ( ; S~iayinia( E ~ l a p ~ish now
    ) u x d of
    Frank inflnence. 3 So called from the town of Die- late legends the Avars are called"Opppor, the lands which corresponded to the
    ' The islands of south Dalmatia, cloa. alld a Rusqian proverb is preserved by ancie~ltPannon~a.
    280 HZSTORYOF THE LATER XOMANELVPIRE BOOKV

    seventh century we shall hear of the " seven Slavonic tribes "
    in Moesia, which were subdued by the hlgarians, but we know
    nothing more precise about the Moesiall Sclavinia.
    Of the Macedonian Sclavinia we know more; the Life of
    St. Benzetrizcs has preserved some details touching the tribes
    which, settled in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica, harried its
    territory and threatened its walls. Eetmeen Thessalonica
    and Beroea, in the valleys of the Axios and the F~a1'iacmon,
    abode the tribes of the Drogubites and Sagudates. South of
    these, a district on the Gulf of Pagasae (Volo), in Thessaly, CHAPTER V I I I
    was occupied by the BelegezBtes (whose name survives in the
    modern Velestino), the Berz6tes, and the Bajun$tes. All these CONSTANS I1
    tribes combined to besiege Thessalonica in the episcopate of
    archbishop John I1 (675-681), and the city of St. Den~etrius THEhistory of the successors of Heraclius is veiled in the mo-,
    was hardly saved by the miraculous protection of its patron. profound obscurity. We have no contemporary historians ;
    Other Slaves were settled on the Strymon, and the Eunchiiles the writers on whom we are obliged to rely almost entirely,
    were among the most formidable neighbours of the cities of lived more than a hundred years later? and it is not even certain
    Macedonia. Most of these barbarous tribes infested the sea as from what sources they obtained their xaterials. From the
    well as the land, and penetrated in their light piratical boats curt and scanty notices of these chronicles it is impossible to
    into the waters of the Propontis.' obtain a clear or definite idea of the state of the Empire, and
    We saw reason to suppose that in the reign of Maurice
    Theophanes, confessor, and Nice- Niccphorus is not clear, likeTheophanes,
    Slaves had begun to settle in the lands south of Mount Olym- phorus, Patriarch of Constantinople. in the matter of chronology. One of
    pus. I t is almost certain that the Slavonic element in Greece Both wrote, the former his Chronicle the authorities used by Theophanes was
    and the latter his Short History, a t doubtless the Chronicle of John of
    increased during the reign of Heraclius, while the entire atten- the beginning of the ninth century. Antioch, called Malalas, who probably
    tion of the government was occupied by the struggle with Persia, The interesting question is, what were lived about 700. I suspect that for the
    their sources for the history of the reign of Constans, Malalas was the
    for we can hardly refuse to allow so much credit to the strong seventh century. We have seen that chief source. It is worthy of note that
    statement of the contemporary Isidore of Seville that "the Theophanes utilised George of Pisidia in several places Theophanes uses the
    for the Persian wars of Heraclius, and Macedonian names of the months (6136,
    Slaves took Greece from the Romans," Sclavi G~aeciamRonzanis up to the year 628 (or perhaps for a few 6150, 6164, 6186, 6205 A.M.), generally
    tule~zcnt.~But while we infer so much from the words of years later) there were the entries of the i n recording such occurrences as earth-
    Chronicon Paschalc, which was doubt- quakes. As this was a characteristic of
    the Spanish bishop, I think we call hardly infer more. I t less consulted both by Theophanes and the Paschal Chronicle (not of John
    is certain at least that the large towns did not fall a prey to Nicephorns. But these sources (1) do Malalas), I would conjecture that he
    not account for all their notices in the consulted some lost Alexandrine con-
    the Slaves. Athens, for example, was still Greek and to some reigns of Phocas and Heraclius, and (2) tinuation of the Paschal Chro~~icle.
    entirely deserted them for the later part Besides these later writers we have,
    extent still a seat of learning, for the great Theodore of Tarsus, of Heraclius' reign and for the reigns of chiefly for the ecclesiastical history, the
    to whom our own England owes so much, was educated there. the Heraclidae. If we compare the two Acta Conczliorurn and the Lzber PontzJi-
    chronicles i t is easy to see that the calis. Some chapters in Paul's HZS-
    Nor had the country yet become Slavised, as it is said to have sources used by Nicephorns mere also toria Langobardorum are important
    become in the following century. used by Theophanes, and in some cases for the later years of Constans. The
    their very words are the same. But i t Vita Scti. Demetrii has been already
    See Hopf, Griechische Geschzchtc, is also clear that Theophanes had access referred to. Zonaras and Cedrenus (or
    Acta Sanctorurn, Oct. iv. pp. 162.174. to earlier writers whose works were not
    p. 94, and belovc., 11. 337. Whron. 120. rather John Scylitzes) preserve some
    in the hands of Nicephorus ; for (1) the details unnoticed by Theo hanes, which
    sources of Nicephorus deserted him they probably drew 4rectly from
    entirely for the reign of Constans, (2) Theophanes' sources.
    292 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. VIII c0N.STAN.S /I 283

    our account of the reigns of Constans 11, Constantine IV, and purposes by fair means, the stepmother was prepared to resort
    Jnstinian I1 must necessarily be defective. to more doubtful practices. For not only had she been herself
    repulsed, but the public voice had unmistakably declared that
    Yielding doubtless to the persuasiolls of his beloved and Constantine, the eldest son, who had held the position of
    ambitious wife and niece Martina, EIeraclius had drawn A U ~ U S ~ Ufor
    S many years, shculd enjoy a greater dignity and
    up an impracticable will, in which he enjoined that the authority than his younger stepbrother.
    administration of the Empire after his death should be carried There were two opposite parties now, the party of Martina
    on jointly by his eldest son and colleague Constantine, by in close league with the monotheletic Patriarch Pyrrhus, and
    Heraclonas his son by Martina, and by Martina herself. the party of Constantine, who had faithful adherents in
    Accordingly, when her husband had closed his eyes, Martina Philagrius the lord treasurer (comes sacrarum lnrgitionum), and
    called a conclave, consisting of the senate and the Patriarch his squire (6n-aan-~arrjq) Valentinus. As Coustantilie was ortho-
    Pyrrllu;, and laid the testament of the dead Emperor before dox and believed not, like his father, in One Will,' the opposition
    them. I t seems that she then summoned the citizens of of Pyrrhus to his government was all the bitterer. If Con-
    Byzautium to the hippodrome, and there, supported by the stantine had been a stronger man he must certainly have
    presence of Pyrrhus and the senate, made known publicly prevailed against his enemies, supported as he was by general
    the last injunctions of the great Heraclius. The people public opinion. One is tempted to think that he might have
    demanded with impatient clamours that the two young safely banished his stepmother. He won at least one success
    Emperors should appear, and Martina unwillingly allowed them with the help of Philagrius, who revealed to him that Heraclius
    to coine forward. She was determined from the beginning to had consigned to the care of Pyrrhus a sum of money which
    take the first place, and keep both her august stepson and her might serve as an ample reserve store for Martina if she should
    own son, also august, in the background. But the public ever be driven from the court. Constantine forced the reluctant
    opinion of the Romaioidisapproved of the sovereigntyof awoman, Patriarch to produce the money.
    and they made her understand that her audacious project would After this, Constantine fell sick, and for change of air crossed
    meet with opposition. Some one is said to have cried out to over to his palace at Chalcedon. But the salubrious atmo-
    the Augusta, "You are honoured as the mother of the Emperors, sphere of Asia did not avail, and he died, after a reign of three
    but they as our Emperors and lords." A cogent reason too months and a half. I t was generally supposed that poison was
    was assigned for her remaining in an honoured obscurity; administered to him by his stepmother, but as one of our
    " When foreign ambassadors come to the court, you cannot authorities, who gives fuller details of these events than the
    receive them or reply to them "; and this decisive objection was others, does not even hint at such a suspicion,2 we are not entitled
    thrust home by the rude exclamation, "God forbid that the to assert it as a historical fact, though1 it may seem credible or
    Roman Empire should fall so low." The people dispersed even probable. When Philagrius, who waited on the Emperor,
    cheering the Emperors, and the Empress retreated, discomfited saw that his master's end was approaching he f d t fears for his
    but not hopeless, to the imperial palace. own safety, and advised Constantine to engage the army to pro-
    This first scene, in which the schemes of Martina were tect the rights of his children to the succession, in case he died.
    baffled, was of evil augury for the future, and we shall not be
    ' Zonaras, vol. iii. 11. 313 (ed. Din- have been a slow one. Pyrrhus, ac-
    surprised to hear that, failing to acconlplish her ambitious dorf). cording to Theophanes, had sometllillg
    Nicephorus, from whom the pre- to do with his death ; but then Pyrrhus
    Theophanes calls him Heraclanas, against the Saracens, and was crowned cecling account is derived ; as he uses
    Nicephorus calls him Heraclius. His Augustus i n 638 (Nicephorus, pp. 23 xyas a monothelete. bZartinaJs guilt was
    the expression v6uq.1 X ~ O V L &U U V C ~ X E T O , and generally believed, and Constans as-
    lroper and imperial name mas doubtless and 26). He was born in 615, and there- Constantlue seems to have lain ill for
    Heraclius, and he was named popularly fore was about twenty-six years old at serted i t as a fact in a speech to the
    some time at Chalcedon, the poison, if senate after his accession.
    Heraclorias to distinguish him from his his father's death. t h e l ~lvas poison in the case, must
    father. He attended his father in Syria
    284 HISTORY O F THE LATER R O M A N EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. V I I I CONSTANS 11 285

    Constantine gladly accepted the advice, and sent Valentinus to land in Asia. This state of things produced impatience and
    with a letter to the army, also entrusting to his care a large discontent, which were augmented for the orthodox by the fact
    sum of money,l with which he was to persuade the generals and that the monotheletic and unpopular Patriarch was closely
    soldiers to resist the n~achinationsof Martina and her children. associated witch the Emperor and his mother. Pyrrhus was
    Heraclius was proclaimed in the city successor of Con- called upon, perhaps by a deputation, to crown Heraclius, and
    stantine ; and the proclamation of her son meant the ascend- the importunity of the people was so urgent that the Patriarch
    ency of Martina. One of his or her first acts was to banish communicated it to the Emperor, and the Emperor assented to
    Philagrius to Septae, a fort in Africa near the Straits of the coronation. The crown of his father Constantine, which
    Gibraltar; and other persons attached to Constantine were Heraclonas had put away ill the sanctuary of the church, was
    punished, though not with death. Valentinus meanwhile mas placed on the head of Heraclius; whose name by the will
    not inactive, and he appeared at Chalcedon, with the troops of and acclamation of the people was changed to Constans or
    Asia Minor, as the champion of the children of Constantine. Constantine.
    The time of the vintage was approaching, and, as a large number A strong feeling of odium prevailed against Pyrrhus. The
    of the inhabitants of Constantinople possessed vineyards on the ignorant and superstitious portion of the community thought
    Asiatic coast round about Chalcedon, the presence of Valentinus doubtless that his impious views on the matter of one will were
    there in a hostile attitude threatened to be eminently vexatious. mysteriously connected with the disagreeable state of things that
    Heraclius, the eldest son of Constantine 111, was in Constan- had come about. I t appears that on the day of the coronation
    tinople, and his stepuncle Heraclonas, in order to anticipate, or the rabble proceeded to St. Sophia with intent to lay rude hands
    perhaps repel, the snspicions and murmurs of the people, produced on Pyrrhus. When they failed to find him there they entered
    him in public as a proof that he was safe, and embraced him the thusiasterion, with a crowd of Jews and other " cacodox "
    as if he were his own son. This display of affection seemed persons; they tore up the sacred robes and defiled the holy
    credible, as he had received Heraclius in his arms after place, and then paraded through the city with the keys of the
    immersion in the baptismal font. He confirmed this denlonstra- church gates hung on a pole. That night Pyrrhus, seeing that
    tion by swearing on the wood of the cross, in the presence of his life was in jeopardy, stealthily entered the great church,
    Pyrrhus, that neither from himself nor from others should the and worshipped there for the last time. He laid his cloak
    children of Constantine receive hurt. The asseverations of his (&p6+opov) on the altar and said, "I resign not my sacred
    own good faith were accon~panied by imputations against the office, but I take my leave of a disobedient people." He crept
    genuineness of the conduct of Valentinus, whom he accused of out unobserved and remained concealed in the house of a pious
    aiming at the imperial throne. To confirm this charge he woman until he found an opportunity to sail to Carthage.3
    crossed over to Chalcedon in the company of the young Nicephorus says that Heraclius strongly suspect that Constantine was
    Heraclius and tried to persuade Valentinus that his intentions (Heraclonas) bade pyrrhus crown his his imperial name, and Constans only
    nephew, " b u t the people constrained a popular name (a parallel case to
    towards the princes were friendly and loyal. But the squire the Emperor to accomplish the work." Heraclonas). I n that case he was the
    of Philagrius refused to accept his snspicious assurances; I suppose the incident indicates the true Constantine IT, and sixteen, not
    odium that prevailed against Pyrrhus. fifteen, Constantines ruled over the
    and when they of the city heard this, they believed the The crown, valued at 70 lbs, of gold, Nicephoros, p. 31 : rpbs rilv
    Romans.
    Emperor and reviled Valentinus. belonged to Heraclius ; i t had been
    buried with him, but his son Constan- XaA~qBbvos [sc. ?rbXiv] d s t a h e l . The
    Meanwhile the vintage was ripe, and the soldiers did not tine had exhumed it, and, after the editor, de Boor, queries " Kapx~66vos1"
    spare the grapes ; nor were the vintagers from the city allowed death of the latter, Heraclonas dedi- in a footnote, and i t is alniost certain
    cated i t in St. Sophia. that here (as in other places) there has
    ? Theophanes calls him Constans, but been a confusion between Chalcedon
    ' Nicephorus, p. 29 : xp-ijpara U U Y T E . uxihla voplupara = 2,010,600 aurei= on his coins he is called Constantine, and Carthage. For the following refer-
    AoOvra €is ~ o u 6 r q r a d p 1 e p o ~pvprd8wv £1,256,625, omitting T ~ V T Ewhich is ant1 Nicephorus the Patriarch was ence to Maximus and Theodosius, the
    i p6pia ~ a blt a ~ t - very doubtful.
    [ T ~ U T E ] ~ L ~ K O U ~~W aUhri ignorant of the name Constans. I pillars of orthodoxyin Africa, &v' A @ p r ~ i j ,
    CHAP. V l I I CONSTANS I1
    286 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE nooev

    The coronation of Constans the Second rendered it practic- changed parties. What became of the Emperor Tiberius we
    able to make an arrangement with Valentinus and his soldiers are not informed.
    at Chalcedon ; and this was really the motive of the popular
    Before September 642 Constans, then a boy of eleven years,
    movement. The terms of the compact were that the Caesar
    David, the brother of Heraclonas, should be crotvued Emperor, was sole sovereign, and not long after that date he made a
    and named Tiberius: that Valentinus should be created comes '
    short statement to the senate which has been preserved and
    exczcbitorum, that no account of the money which the late deserves to be quoted :-
    Emperor had given him should be demanded, and that the " My father Constantine, i n the lifetime of Heraclins, his father and
    soldiers should receive a largess. These events took place in m y grandfather, reigned in conjunction with h i m for a considerable time,
    the month of October (641), and at the same time Paulus, the but after his death for a very short space of time. F o r the envy of his
    stepmother RIartina cut off his excellent hopes and deprived him of his
    chancellor of St. Sophia, was elected to the patriarchal chail life,-and this for the sake of Heraclonas, the son of her incestuons union
    instead of Pyrrhus, whose theological views he shared. with Heraclius. Your vote chiefly contributed to the just deposition of
    Thus at the end of the year 6 3 1 there were three Emperors, her and her son from the imperial dignity, that t h e Roman Empire should
    Heraclonas, Constans, and Tiberius; but the mode in which not beholcl a most illegal thing. Your noble lordships are well aware of
    this ; and I therefore invite you to assist me b y your advice and jndg-
    the coronation of Constans had been extorted and the well- ment i n providing for the general safety of m y subjects."
    known unscrupulousness of Martina precluded the hope of a
    permanent harmony. Concerning the course of events our This short speech is noteworthy in two ways. I t shows
    authorities fail us ; all me know is that before a twelvemonth that a general belief prevailed that Martina had poisoned Con-
    had elapsed the senate resolved to adopt the violent measure stantine; and it indicates the importance of the senate at this
    of deposing Heraclonas and banishing him, along with his time. By the decision of the senate Martina and Hera-
    mother Martina. The sentence of banishment was accompanied clonas had been deposed, and tha tender age of Constans
    by a barbarous act of justice or revenge; the tongue of the obliges us to assume that the administration of the Empire
    Empress was cut out and the nose of her son was slit. We was entirely in the hands of the senate during the next few
    cannot hesitate to suppose that some terrible provocation had years.
    been given. I t is remarkable that Valentinus was banished Two revolts may have alarmed the inexperience of Constans
    at the same time, whence we must conclude that he had in the early part of his reign. A patrician named Valentinian,
    who was apparently a general of troops in Asia Minor, re-
    is hardly relevant if it was not at Carth- barely nlentioned this event goes on to belled, but Constans caused him to be executed, and recalled
    age that Pyrrhus was questioned by the the year 673. Thus for the reign of
    curious monks-rives s i j v povarbvrwv Constans we depend chiefly on Theo- the army to the duty of loyalty (645). It is tempting to sup-
    . .. dvcpedvwv ; and i t is not conceivable phanes (for other sources, see above, p. pose that Valentinian is a mistake for Valentinus, and that
    that monks at Chalcedon would have to 281).
    seek information from Pyrrhus concern- There is no reason to ascribe this the squire of Philagrius who undertook the cause of the chil-
    ing what must have been perfectly lacuna to our MSS. and not to Nice- dren of Constantine had been made a Patrician ; but the other
    familiar to them, the Ecthesis (TGV phorus himself. I t seems to me, as I
    ~ K T E B ~ Pof
    TWHeraclius.
    U) already stated, to indicate that for the statement that some one named Valentinus was banished along
    Niceph. 11. 31. (David and Mari- reign of Constans there was extant only
    nus, the sons of Martma, had been one Greek source of any value, and that with Martina makes us hesitate to accept this identification.
    created Caesars, and her daughter\, thissource was consulted by Theophanes, Two years later Gregory? the exarch or governor of Africa,
    Aupstina and Martina, had been cre- while it was not in the hands of Nice-
    ated Augustas in 639 or 640, ib. p. 27.) phorus. I hold that this source nas revolted " along with the Africans," but was soon afterwards
    After this point there is a gap of more the Chronicle of John Malalas of Anti-
    than thirty years in the epitomiqed his- och. Theophanes probably also con- Theoph. 6134 A.M. Krjvoras ~ p b s Heraclian family-may have bee11 a
    toly of Nicephorns, who proceetls from snlted some other meagre chroniclc in riju U ~ ~ K A ~ 8Aeyev.
    TOV son or grandson of Gregory the uncle
    the election of Paul to the patriarchate
    in 641 to the death of Constans, whom
    which the b1acedonian months were
    used. See above, p. 281.
    ' One is fain to conjecture that this of Heraclins.
    Gregory may have belonged to the
    he calls Coilstantine, in 668, and having
    288 HISTORY O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. V I I I ColvsTi41V.S 11 289

    routed by the Saracens, who invaded those provinces and corn- The first expedition of the new naval power was against
    pelled the people to pay tribute (647-648). Cyprus (649). The armament numbered 1'100 ships; Con-
    ~tantia,tthe capital city, was taken, and tlle whole island was
    While this tragic drama was being enacted among the ravaged. But Muaviah dicl not attempt to occupy it perma-
    nently, and perhaps 11e was prevented from doing so by the
    children of Heraclius at the court of Byzantium, the Saracens
    news that the Roman chamberlain I<akorizos was sailing against
    were extending their power. I n the year 646 the officer
    Nanuel, who had unsuccessfully defended Alexandria, made an him with a large force. The emir sailed back to the coast of
    Syria and turned his attention to the little island of Aradns,
    essay to recapture it, with a fleet of 3.00 ships, but the Greeks
    lying not far from the niainland between Gabala and Tripolis.
    were utterly defeated in a battle which was fought close to the
    Eot all his endeavours to take the fort were vain; and equally
    city. I n consequence of this attack the Arabs razed to the
    ground the walls of the city of the Ptolemies, and made Fostkt, vain was his attempt to induce the inhabitants to surrender by
    afterwards to become Cairo, the capital of Egypt. To the the mediation of a bishop named Thoniarichos. The Saracens
    Egyptian dominion of the caliph, Amru had added the western returned to Damascus, but next year attacked Aradus again
    line of coast, including the town of Barca,l as far as Tripolis, with greater success. The city was burnt, the island was left
    uninhabited, vhile the people were allowed to depart and settle
    and in these regions tribute was paid to the Arabs in the form
    of African slaves. I n 64'1 Abn Sarh, who had succeeded elsewhere. Aradus had been a flourishing mercantile city for
    many centuries; it mas the Venice of the Syrian coast, secured
    Amru as governor of Egypt, advanced along the coast in the
    direction of Carthage, and, as has been already mentioned, de- by its insular position. Strabo the geographer noticed that the
    feated the Roman governor Gregory, who opposed him at the Araclians resisted all temptations to follo~vtthe example of the
    head of an army of 120,000 men. The Semites were begin- Cilicians and adopt the trade of piracy. The destruction of the
    ning to reappear in a quarter from which a powerful branch place by Muaviah is an example of the barbarous and short-
    of the same race had been exterminated eight hundred years sighted policy of Mohammedan conquerors.
    I n the following year (6 5 1) an Arab general marched into
    before.
    I n the same year which witnessed the failure of the arma- the southern provinces of Asia Minor and carried away 5 0 0 0
    ment of Manuel at Alexandria, another expedition sent by land captives. Constans, who mas hampered by Italian and perhaps
    by other affairs at this time, sent an ambassador to Muaviah
    against Muaviah, the general in Syria, was also repulsed, and
    and arranged a peace of two years, for which he was probably
    the Saracens overran parts of Asia Minor and Armenia, and
    advanced as far as Tiflis. I n the meantime the death of the obliged to pay a considerable sum. This peace was not actu-
    unbending Omar and the election of the more flexible Othman ally violated, but in the following year the Romans lost Arnle-
    nia by the revolt of the Patrician Yasagnathes (a Persian), who
    led to many consequences, good and bad, for the power of the
    new nation. The chief injurious consequence was that the made a treaty with Muaviah, delivering up his own son as a
    dissensions and discords, which the strong personality of Omar pledge. The Emperor, who had proceeded to Caesarea in Cap-
    padocia in order to see what measures could be taken, despaired,
    had firmly suppressed, broke out under the weaker and less
    unselfish supremacy of Othman. The chief advantage was that we are told, of Armenia, and returned to Byzantium. Never-
    theless, two years later he sent forth an army under Maurianus
    Muaviah, the energetic ruler of Syria, was permitted to organise
    to recover that important country ; but Maurianns was driven
    a fleet, which Omar, who had a superstitious distrust of the
    before the Saracen general Abib to the foot of Mount Caucasus
    perfidious sea, had obstinately forbidden.
    (654 A.D.), and Armenia remained tributary to the caliph.
    1 The surrounding district seems to sppointeclstrat&gos(general)of Barkaine, I n the sanie year (664) the Romans met with another
    have been called Balkaine, for me read and sent to Egypt against the Sara-
    111 Nicepliorus (p. 24) that John nas cens. reverse in the loss of the iniportant commercial island of
    VOL. I1 . U
    290 HISTORY O F THE LA TER ROMAN l f M P l A ' b BOOK x
    CHAP. VIII CONSTAlVS I 1 291
    Rhodes. We are told that the celebrated statue of Helios
    above), leaping into the imperial vessel, hurried off the Emperor
    called the Colossus of Rhodes, was sold to a Jewish trader illto another vessel and unexpectedly saved him. But he him-
    of Edessa, who carried off the metal on 900 camels ; a ilotice
    self, bravely in the imperial ship, slew many, this
    which shows the wealth and enterprise of the Jewish merchants
    most lloble man, and devoted himself to death for the Emperor ;
    at this time.
    for the enemy surrounded him and compassed him about, sup-
    Encouraged by his successes, achieved on an element strange
    posing him to be the Emperor, and, having slain many, he war
    to the children of the desert, against Cyprus, Rhodes, and the
    himself slain by the foe, along with the man who wore the
    little fort of refuge at Aradus, Muaviah ventured to organise
    inlperial clothes. But the Emperor was thus saved by flight,
    a grand expedition against New Rome herself (655 A.D.)
    and having left all he sailed to Constantinople."
    Constans, informed of his intention, prepared a fleet, and, sail-
    After this great reverse an event happened which proved
    ing to the coast of Lycia, anchored at Phoenix. The events
    fortunate for the Romans, by preventing Muaviah from following
    that followed may be told in the words of the chronicler :-
    up his success. This event was the murder of Caliph Othman
    " All the armament of Muaviah was collected at Tripoli~ in
    (6 5 6 A.D.), which was succeeded by a struggle for the caliphate
    Phoenicia. And having seen this, two brothers, servants of
    between Muaviah and Ali. The weak Othman had fallen the
    Christ, who abode in Tripolis, the sons of Bucinator, pierced by
    victim of a conspiracy, and Muaviah assumed the part of his
    the zeal of God, rushed to the prison of the city, where there
    righteous avenger. On a pulpit in the great mosque of Damas-
    mas a multitude of Roman prisoners. Bursting open the gates
    cus he hung up the bloody shirt of the slain caliph and the
    and loosing the prisoners they rushed to the house of the am6r
    mutilated fingers of NBila, who had tried to protect him. Ali,
    (emir) of the city and slew him and his staff, and, having burned
    the son-in-law of Mohammed, had made the new city of Kufa
    all the furniture, sailed to Romania. Muaviah, however, did not
    the capital of his caliphate. Having subdued a revolt at Bus-
    give up his design. He marched himself on Caesarea in Cap-
    sora by the celebrated victory "of the Camel," he invaded
    padocia, and made Abulathar captain of the naval armament.
    northern Syria, and the battle of SiffQn,where the forces of the
    The latter sailed to a place in Lycia called Phoenix, where the
    rival caliphs met, was finally decided by an appeal to the infal-
    Emperor Constans was stationed with the Roman fleet, and
    lible Koran. Having signed a document by which both agreed
    fought a naval battle with him. And as the Emperor was
    to accept the arbitration of the sacred book, Muaviah and Ali
    preparing to fight, on that night he dreamed that he was in
    returned to their respective cities, Kufa and Damascus. The
    Thessalonica, and awaking he related the dream to an inter-
    arbitrators appointed were An~ru, as the representative of
    preter of dreams, who said, ' Emperor, would that you had not
    Muavia'h, and Abu MQsa, as the representative of Ali. Abu
    slept, nor seen that dream ; for your presence in Thessalonica
    M ~ s awas outwitted by the cunning of Amru, and Muaviah,
    means, being interpreted, that the victory inclines to your foe.'
    accordirg to the terms of the contract, was the r i g l ~ t f caliph.
    ~~l
    But the Emperor took no account of this, and drew up his fleet
    But, as Ali declared the arbitration unfair, and would not
    in line- of- battle and challenged an engagement. The ships
    surrender his claim, the double caliphate lasted until his death
    met, and the Romans were defeated, and the sea was stained
    in 6 6 1 A.D.,after which event his son Hassan2 abdicated in
    with the blood-streams of the Romans. The Emperor changed
    favour of Muaviah.
    garments with another; and the son of Bucinator (mentioned
    Occupied with these conflicts and rivalries, Muaviah was ob-
    Theophanes incorrectly describes i t material or the price thereof was sup- liged to submit to a treaty favourable for the Romans in 659
    as now pulled down. The colossus had plied by the siege-engines of Deme-
    been thrown dowli by an earthquake trius Poliorcetes. See Mahaffy, G ~ e e k AD. The caliph agreed to pay to Constans 1 0 0 0 nomismata
    about 225 B.C. (Polybins, v. 88). Pliny Life and Thought, pp. 334 and 342
    (Hist. Nut. 34, 18) writes sed p e e n s spy. l Theophanes cu2 6146 A.N. He of the caliphs.
    pzcoque miruczclo est. I t was the work 06s &XXy v l ~ ~ v"give
    , victory to
    always calls Muaviah 11fc~vias. He IYeil, i. 265. Hassan was the hero
    of Chares of Lindus, and either its another." uses the vord d,uvpet;w, "be ameer," of no less than seventy divorces.
    239 II'ISTORI' OF THE LATER ROAlAN EI~IPZRE s o o s v C H A P . 1'111 CoflsTAfb's I1 ?!h

    ($G23), and for every day as long as the peace should last, a The reply made by New Rome to the deposition of I1n:tl
    l~orseand a slave. Tvas an edict of the Emperor Constans known as the Type.'
    I n the preceding year Constans had availed himself of the This clocu~nentis not a declaration of inonotheletisni, like the
    tranquillity of his neighbonrs on the south-easten1 frontier to Ectllesis of Heraclius, but deals with the question of 0116 mill
    lilnlie an expedition against the Slaves who were settled in the as the Ecthesis had dealt with the question of one energy.
    provinces of the Balkan peninsula, and were manifesting an Under pain of serious penalties, it is comillanded that no one
    unruly spirit. The country which these Slaves occupied was &all speak of either one will or two wills, one energy or two
    callecl Sclavinia, bnt we are not informed where this country energies ; that the whole controversy shall be buried in oblivion,
    lay. Thus we cannot decide with certainty whether Constaiis and that " the scheme which existed before the strife arose shall
    illarched westward to the Macedonian land beyoncl Mount be maintained, as it would have been if no such disputation
    Rhodope, where, as we know, there were Slavoiiian settlements, had arisen."
    or northward to the Moesian lands beyoncl Mount Haeinus, which The spirit of the Type of Constans was similar to the spirit
    were then alnlost entirely Slavonic ; but the former alternative, of the Henotikon of Zeno, but was marked by a more absolute
    which is adopted by the Gernlan historian Hopf,l seenis the and imperial tone. Paul, doubtless, urged Constans to issue
    inore likely. Constans conlpelled them to pay the tribute an edict establishing the doctrine of one will, but if Constans
    which they had refused, and led away many captives. was not wholly indifferent on the subject, he was certainly
    Constans -was a man of strong will and restless energy, and not a bigot; and such an edict would have been dangerous,
    he displayed these qualities in the sphere of religion as ~ ~ r eas
    ll or at least imprudent, in the face of the great body of
    in other departments. To his ecclesiastical policy we nlust orthodox opinion in Constantinople. He was only seventeen
    attribute, in the first instance, his unpopularity with the peolAe years old when the Type was promulgated, and we are not in-
    of Constantinople, whose detestation he cordially reciprocated ; formed whether he acted by the advice or against the counsels
    and this unpopularity, hampering and oppressing him at of the senate. The document certainly displays the true spirit
    every step, drove him to nlake the renlarkable resolution of imperial indifference which cares more for the State than
    of transferring the seat of empire to the West. This then i~ for the Church; and its form, an edict and not a symbolnn~,
    the lilost fitting place to give a brief account of the ecclesi- distinguishes it essentially from the Ecthesis of Reraclius. The
    astical affairs of his reign, with which his expedition to Italy penalties to be incurred by those who disobeyed the decree
    naturally connects itself. were, in the case of a bishop or clerlr, deposition ; in the case
    of a monk, excommunication ; in the case of a public officer in
    After the death of Heraclius a monk named Maximns civil or military seryice, loss of his office ; in the case of a
    carried on a vigorous campaign in Africa against monotheletism ; private person of senatorial rank: loss of property ; in the case
    and in 646 A.D. the African councils, at his instigatioa, drew of a private person of obscure position: corporal punishment
    up a manifesto against the heresy, which they forwarded to ancl banishment for life.
    Pope Theodore, a Greek by birth. I n accordance with a sug- The strict or bigoted orthodox adherents of the doctrine of
    gestion made by the orthodox African bishops, the Pope wrote two wills deemed the Laodicean injunction of neutrality no
    on the matter to Paul, the n~onotheleticPatriarch of Constan- less to be reprobated than a heretical injunction of monothelet-
    tinople, and Paul replied in a letter professing in the strongest ism. The Type implied that the one doctrine was at least as
    terms adhesion to the doctrine of one will. The Pope decide11 good as the other ; and in Rome there existed a strong feeling
    to exconlmunicate the heretical Patriarch, and perfornied tlie The text of t h e Type ( T i s o s ) is cilic~~,geschicht
    iii.
    c, 186 sqg.
    cerenlony with the utmost soleianity. [)reserved among t l ~ c acts of the His father Constantine had not
    Lateran Co~ulcilof 649 ; bIansi, C07lcil. been a inonothelete.
    a. 1029, 1( '21. Co~npareHefele, &la- 3 rrjv 8s~o?jpwv. T&Y i+av&v.
    291 HISTORY OF THE: LATER RO-MANEAIPIRE nooev CHAP. V I l I CONSTANS II 295

    on the matter, ~vhichled to the convocation of the Lateran Synod that it was resolved to condemn him. H e was not taken
    in the following year (649 A.U.) Pope Theodore had died in directly to Constantinople, but was detained a prisoner at the
    the meantime, and his successor, Pope Martin, presided at island of Naxos for a whole year? H e relates himself that he
    a council which condenlned inonotheletism and the Type. was allowed to enjoy such meagre comforts as an inn could
    Martin was a man of learning and endowed with a fine pily- afford, and to refresh himself occasionally with a bath. He
    sical frame, "marked out by ~rovidence,"says a Catholic his- arrived at New Rome in September 654, and on the day of
    torian, " to be the martyr for the dyotheletic faith." After the his arrival was left from morning until evening on the deck of
    synod he wrote to the Emperor, infornling his Majesty of its the ship, exposed to the jeers and scoffs of Byzantine s c ~ r r i l i t y . ~
    conclusions, and requiring him to condemn tlie heresy, "for the At night the weary pontiff was carried from the ship to the
    safety of the State is always wont to flourish along with the prison of Prandearia, where he was obliged to remain for
    orthodox faith, and the Lord, rigl~tlybelieved in by your cle- ninety-three days. I t is said that during this time he was not
    mency, will assist your po~1rer in making war justly against permitted to bathe once. I t is evident, although not expressly
    your enemies." stated, that these long periods of imprisonment antecedent to
    While the Lateran Synod was sitting, Olynlpius arrived tlie trial were adopted in order to break the Pope's firm spirit
    as the new exarch from Constantinople, with imperial in- and torture him into accepting the Type. This treatment was
    structions to secure the observance of the Type in Italy and an imitation of the measures that Justinian had employed to
    not to respect the person of the Pope. I t is said that Olym- tame Pope Vigilius.
    pius ordered his squire to kill Martin at the communion ofice, At last the uuhappy bishop of Rome was brought before
    but, though the man constantly watched and waited, by some the tribunal ; a sacelluri~~sor private treasurer of the Emperor
    ii~iracnlous acciclent he was never able to see the I'ope. conducted the proceedings. The illustrious prefect of the city
    The superstition of Olympius was touched by this evidently was also present, but not apparently as presiding judge. We
    , supernatural frustration of his impious plans, and he revealed need not describe the details of the trial, which seems to have
    the whole design and the reason of his presence at Rome to lasted but a short time. The Pope denied all the vain allega-
    the intended victim. " Having made peace with holy Church, tions of conspiracy and rebellion, and sometimes retorted on
    he collected his army and proceeded to Sicily against the his ignorant or malignant accusers. I t appears that the
    Saracens who were dwelling there. And on account of sin Emperor sat during the proceedings in an adjoining room, for
    there was a great mortality in the Roman army, and after that it is related that the sacellarius came forth from the Emperor's
    the exarcll fell ill and died." l chamber and said to Martin: "Thou hast fought against the
    But a new exarch, Theodore Calliopas, who did not arrive Emperor-what hast thou to hope? Thou hast abandoned
    in Italy until 6 5 3 A.D. (15th June), was not of such impression- God, and God has abandoned thee." The same minister gave
    able stuff. He was obliged to wait for sonie days i11 Rome orders that the pontifical robe should be torn from the body of
    until he coulcl conveniently arrest the Pope, who happened to the Pope, and then turning to the prefect of the city, said,
    be ill; but he soon seized a favonrable opportunity and con-
    Naxos was reached in three months, stantinople we have the account of a
    veyed the holy father to a ship which lay in readiness to bear hut we are not told where they halted qzcidnm Christia?zissimus(ib. 853 sqq.),
    him to Constantinople, that he might there reply to charges o~ so~itc. The Pope was allowed only cf. Hefele, iii. 208 sqq.
    six servants (pucruli) and a cnz~c~clus, Martin lay " a spectacle for all
    of treason which were alleged against him. Martin was said perhaps a personal attendant (Dncange, angels and men," says our "most
    to have conspired with Olympius in revolting against the G'Ioss. Hed. Lat., explains it by fc~w~ulus). christian " informant ; he calls the
    According to our notions, this part of rnockers lupaces (which is perhaps in-
    Emperor, and it was on this charge of conspiracy, and not on the treatment was not too fell. The tended to suggest a lupanar), ib. 854.
    the ground of ecclesiastical opposition to an imperial edict, alrest and voyage of Martin are related 3 The general name in the seventh
    by hinlself in a letter to a fricnd (Mansi, century for the count of the sacred
    Anastasius, Tit.Pont., Vit. dZ(irt. x. 851-8531; of his suffelings at Con- patrimony (see belo\!-, p. 324).
    296 HISTORY OF THc' L A T E R ROMAfV E,?IPIRE nooR v CHAP. V I I I CONSTANS‘ If 297
    " Take him, and hew hiill in pieces." H e also called up011 all writer, iilie a dog to his vomit." His second patriarchate
    those who were present to curse the primate of Christendom. lasted for less than five months.
    The executioners roughly rent the tunic from neck to skirt Although Constans mas a friend of Paul, and iiaturally
    and exposed the venerable person of the I'ope to the gaze of his desired to support the Byzantine archbishops, his policy in
    enemies or judges. Iron chains were cast upon his neck and 13ersecuti~~gPope Martin was by no means the same as that of
    he tvas dragged off to the praetorium, where he was detained Jnstinian in persecuting Pope Vigilius. The Caesaropapisin of
    for a short time, caged up with coinlnon criminals. Thence lie Jnstinian, who composed ecclesiastical works himself, was
    was conveyed to the prison of Dionlede and thrown with such different from the imperialism of Constans. Both sovereigns
    violence into a cell that his legs were cut and the floor was wished to malie the Church dependent on the State, but to
    stained with his blood. It mas now midwinter and bitterly Justinian the ecclesiastical unity was an end in itself, while to
    cold, so that the I'ope, who was in a wealr state of liealtll alicl Constans it was mainly a lneaiis to political unity. Justinian
    unable to use his limbs (lie had been obliged to assume an was interested in the nature of the doctrine for its own sake,
    erect position at the trial), must have suffered intensely. Two Constans only desired that the doctrine should be uniform.
    women connected with tlie prison pitied and mere fain to The eyes of both Justinian and Constans were fixed on Italy;
    assist him, but fear witblleld them. his Italian policy influenced perceptibly the ecclesiastical
    While the bishop of Old Roine was undergoing these hard- measures of Jnstinian ; but it was solely with a view of
    ships, his rival, Paul the Patriarch of New Rome, mas lying drawing Italy closer into the frame of the Roinan Empire
    sick, nigh unto death. Constans, after the trial of Martin, that Constans was so earnestly concerned for the unity of
    visited the bedside of Paul and related all that had happened, religious belief.
    to cheer the sick man's heart wit11 triumph. But Paul felt 110 A great object of Constans mas to bring the outlying
    satisfaction. H e said, "Woe unto me, that I have this too to provinces of the Empire, the exarchate of Africa and the
    answer for," and conjured the Emperor to desist froin further exarchate of Italy, into closer union with the centre, so that
    cruelty and not to put Martin to death. The Emperor did not the Empire might present a compact resistance to Mohanlniedan
    indeed relent, but he decided to change the fate of Martin from progress. Syria and Egypt had been lost, and Constans could
    death to l~anishrnent; and, after a space of eighty-five clays llnrdly look forward to recovering them in the immediate
    spent in prison, the fallell Pope was permitted to say farewell future; in Rhodes, Cyprus, and Armenia, however, he might
    to his friends. H e was then confined for two days in the hope to re-establish Roiiian supremacy. But first of all it was
    house of the secretary Sagolel~a,and 011 the 26th of March inlperative to prevent Saracen aggression in the West, where
    6 5 5 was sent to the reinote shores of Cherson, ~vherehe died the fertile provinces of Africa and Sicily1 were seriously
    before the end of the year (1Gth Septen~ber),~ having endured threatened by the unbelievers. A t this time the affairs of the
    great privations. I n the nleantilne Paul the Patriarch had IMkan peninsula, already thoroughly penetrated with the
    died and was succeeded by Pyrrlius, the same who had held . Slavonic element, seem to have occasioned little concern. When
    the patriarchal chair in the days of Heraclius and Martina, he had recalled the refractory Slaves to a sense of their obliga-
    and had relinclnishecl tvitllout resigning the office. H e had in tions to the Empire by his expedition in 658, Constans might
    the rneantiiile visited Carthage and Italy, and a t Old R o ~ n e feel secure in regard to those provinces ; and as for Asia Minor,
    llad for a while, really or feigaeclly, acknowledged the error of it was well garrisoned with soldiers and regularly organised
    his ~vays and confessed the doctrine of the two wills, but under a military administration. H e tvas free then to fix his
    afterwards returned, in tlie choice language of an orthodos The fir,t expedition of the Saracens Sftoorindei iffzisulw~n,~icli Sicilin, i. p.
    against Sicily was made from Syria i n 8",9q. The second expedition mas
    ' Some letters written by Xartin a t Chersoll are preserved, Mansi, x. 861 652 ; i t mas against them t h a t Olym- frorn Alesandria in 669 (ib. 1)p. 98, 99),
    llius, the exarch, fought. See Amari, for ~ r h i c hsee below, p. .?lo.
    298 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE ~oosv

    attention on the West, and he might dream of recovering tlie cllronicler, " in the city, n11d eil~bnrlieclin a fast sailer (;lronioii) ;
    lost lands of Italy lion1 the Lombarcls and rivalling the fame 11e tnriied back nilcl spat at the imperial city. But even
    of Justinian. in Sicily the clreaiil dicl not leave him," etc. This attribution
    Circumstailces suggested to his miilcl a new idea, and carried of an act of cliilclisll and indecent spite to a illan of strength
    him further in his occidental policy than he had meditated. and ability like Constans, tliroms suspicion on the whole
    H e was personally unpopular at Constantinople, and n7e inay narrative.
    suspect that conspiracies soilletimes menaced his throne and The scllenle of Constans to transfer the seat of empire fro111
    his life. By the orthodox he was naturally detested. H e had New IZollle back once illore to Old Eome was, we nlay pre-
    followed up the persecution of Pope Martin by the persecutioa sume, influenced by two chief motives, one negative and one
    of Masimus and his two disciples,l who enjoyed a wide celebrity positive, either of ~vhichwould alone have harclly been sufli-
    as champions of the true faith against the monotheletes, and cient to deter~ninehiin to take such a course. The negative
    this persecution seems to have created even greater oclium motive was a desire to leave Byzantium, where he did not feel
    than the affliction of the Pope. But an unwise act in the at ease and mas hampered by his unpopularity. The positive
    year 660 embittered still more the hatred ~ v i t hn~hich the motive was a resolve to attempt to reconquer Italy, if not the
    Emperor was regarded. whole peninsula a t least southern Italy, from the Lombarcls.
    Of Theodosius, the brother of Constans, we hear for the He would at the same time be able to protect Sicily and Africa
    first time on the occasion of his death, and we linom not from the advance of the Asiatic foe.
    whether he held the rank of Caesar or not. H e seeills to When we remember the scheme entertained by this Em-
    have been orthodox in religion, but we are ignorant in nrliat peror's grandfather Heraclius and thwarted by the influence of
    way he became an object of suspicioil to his brother. Con- the Patriarch Sergius, to transfer the imperial residence from
    stans had cornpelled him to become a deacon, before the New Rollle to Carthage, we are tempted to draw an analogy,
    death of the Patriarch Paul, who consecrated him ; and it is and conclude that this westward tendency, manifested on t ~ v o
    said that Theodosius often administered to his imperial brother occasions in the seventh century, was due to the pressure froin
    the " undefiled mysteries in the holy cup." I n the year 6 60 the East-a sort of unconscious retreat, in the case of Heraclius
    the suspicions of tbe Emperor were again aroused, and he put before the Persians, in the case of Constans before the Saracens,
    Theodosius to death. It is said that he repented afterwards in order to win a breathing space for organising forces and
    of this act. " After his death," we are told, " he (Theodosius) means of resistance. This was a direct motive with Heraclins;
    frequently appeared to him (Constans) in his sleep, wearing a it may have been an indirect cause with Constans. At least
    deacon's dress and offering him a cup of blood, saying, ' Drink, we may be sure that in resolving on the inlportant step, he
    0 brother ' ; for which reason, overcome by despair and dread tool< the Saracen problem-the " eternal question "--seriously
    of the apparition, he determined to go to Sicily." " into consideration. But the negative motive, the feeling that
    I t is vain to suppose that we can guess all the nlotives their administration was cramped in the pampered city of
    that nlay have influenced Constalls to bid farewell to tlle city Byzantium, was operative with both Emperors. The Eyzan-
    of tlle Bosphorus in 662, but we nlny decidedly reject a tines would not allow Heraclius to leave them, but they made
    sensational story like this, related by a writer of the eleventh no effort to retain his granclson. Yet afterwards, when Con-
    century, and evidently enlanating from the clinrcli party stans sent for his wife and his three sons, they were not per-
    inimical to Constans. It is bomld up with other susl)icions mitted to obey the
    details. " He left his wife and three sons," 1)roceeds the
    Constans said it was fitting to pay (ed. Dindorf), Ek. xir. cap. 19). This
    T l ~ cAnastasii (Tlieol)l~.GIGO ,~.>r.) higher honour to mothers than to is not n~entiolledby Tlleolrl~anes.
    Tllis is rclated only I)y Ccclrc~~uu (I~OIIII),vol, i. p. 762. daughters (Zonams, vol. iii. 11. 316 V c e below, 11. 306.
    CHAP. V I I I COA'STA ArS 11 301

    On his may to Italy, Coiistans visited Athens. This men- of the city that Grinluald could not come. Sesuald demanded
    ti011 of Atl~ensas a station of the imperial journey indicates to see Ronluald himself, and, when the duke appeared, bade
    the flourishing co~ldition of the Greek city in the seventh hold out a little longer with constancy, as tlie king was
    century. Thence he proceeded to Tarentnm. An army ac- and prayed him in return for his own sacrifice of
    co~npaniedhini ; we are not told of wl~atnnnibers it consisted, life to protect his wife and children. By the order of Con-
    but it mas 1arge.l 4, story is narrated that when Co~lstails stans tlle head of the dauntless Sesuald was hurled by an
    landed at Tarentun1 his first act was to consult a hermit imniense catapult into tlie town.
    w1iether his l~rojectto subdue the Lombards would be snccess- Aware of the approach of the Lombard king. Constans
    1 The holy nlan prayed a whole night, and in the illorni~ig abandoned the siege and proceeded in the direction of Naples,
    replied, " No, because a certain queen coming from another but on the way he was harassed by an attack of Mitola, tile
    province built a basilica of St. Jolin the Gaptist in Lombard count of Capua, near the river Calor.Veniaining himself at
    territory, and therefore they are protected by the saint. The Naples, the Emperor comnlitted 20,000 men to the commancl
    time will come when tlie o ~ a c l ewill be despised, and then the of a noble named Saburrus, who boldly promised to subdue
    race sliall perish." to his sway the Lombards of the Beneventan duchy. But
    Notwithstanding the hermit's answer, Consta~lsinvaded the Saburrus mas ignominiously defeated at Forino by Romuald,
    territory of the duke of Eeneve~itum and captnrecl alnlost all who advanced to meet him with part of his father's army.
    the tom-11s that he passed.3 He razed Lucerin to the ground, but I t appears that, cliscouraged by this defeat and the un-
    failed to talre Avent;~. Finally, he laid siege to Eeneventum. expectecl resistance of the Lombards, Constans surrendered his
    The duke at this time was Romuald, a stripling, the son of idea of shifting the balance of the empire to the West; he
    Grimuald. Grimuald had seized the Lombard crown when certainly abandoned the project of fixing his capital at Rome.
    it was disputed by the two sons of Eotharis, and had left He proceeded thither from Naples, and was met at the sixth
    the dnchy to his son. Eoinnalcl despatched his nzt,t~iciz~s,4 milestone from the city by a great procession, led by Pope
    Sesuald, to the lands beyond the Po, to obtain succour from Vitaliaii, who presented him with a cloak inwoven with gold.
    his father. Constans meanwhile pressed the town hard, but He stayed for twelve days within the ~valls,the first Emperor
    the resistance was brave. At length Sesuald returned, bearing of New Rorne that had visited Old Rome for wellnigh three
    the news that Grimualcl was coming to the rescue of his centuries. But he showed scant respect for the eternal city,
    son, but the Ron~ans-or Greeks, as the Latin llistorian calls the venerable mother of the Empire. H e disn~antledher of her
    them-captured tlie messenger before he reached the city. bronze ornaments? in order that he might enrich her daughter,
    The Emperor mas frightened at tlle news, and hastened to the younger R o n ~ e . ~This incident seems to signify that lie
    make a truce with Romnald, mllo gage him his sister Gisa as intended to return to his eastern residence at some future time.
    a hostage. Constans tlien V e d Sesuald in front of the walls, Meanwhile he had resolved to live in the city of Syracuse,
    having instructed him, on pain of death, to announce to the men whither he proceeded from Rome by Naples and Reggio. A
    Aetn Scti. Bnrbari; collccta i ? ~ -ings of Coilstans in Italy and Sicily
    ?ui?lzcrn szio~.p~n~ li~zcltitz~dilzemarc ( B k . v. cap. 6 STY.) Paul, v. 9, petra~iam. Ravenilate archbishops the privilege of
    trnnsgresszis czst. Cf. F. C. Schlosser, Near Believentnm. receiving thepnlliuliz directly from the
    3 o7lalLesque yenc per qz~ns vencriit
    Gcsc7~ichtcclcr I,i7clcrstiirnze?zclc~~
    Kaiser Langobnrcloru?n eivittctes ctpit (Paul, v. He stripped the Pailtheon of its Emperor. The epitaph of JIanriis laatls
    bronze tiles, tegzllns aercas. Pliocas him for having fread Raveillla from the
    des ostriimiscltcit Ecichs, p. SO. i). had given the Pailtheon to the Roman
    "We are told t h a t tlie prophecy was A tutor or spo+edr (erlueator). yoke of Roniaii servitude (Agnellus,
    Church, and it had become the basilica Vita Alao~ri,cap. 4).
    fiilfilled by the basilica a t Jlodicia 5 This is the orcter of events in P;111l ;
    of the Blessed Mary (bcntne Jfurine),
    (JIonza) becoming the resort of a d d - but, as tlie editor of the ,!L G. H. etlition ensque [tegz~ln~] si7izzcl cziw~ riliis
    terers, etc. I'aul the Deacon, the remarks in a note, the iiarrativo harillv l'xnl, v. 11. It is also worthy of note ont?libzts o ~ ~ ~ n n z c i C'o~zstc~~~ti?~ol~olil~~
    ~tis
    that JIaiirus, the arcllbishop of Ra- trn/zs?l~itteret
    (ib.)
    historian of the Loml~ards,who \vote hangs together, and perhaps we slloul~l veiina, illducecl Constalls to runke hiin
    in the latter part of the eighth century, suppose that the episode of Sesiiald per iadictioilcli~se21ti?izal11, 663-664
    indepcnclelit of Rouie, ancl give tlie (ib.)
    is the main autl~nrityfor the proceecl- preceded the peace.
    CHAP V l l I COATS TAIVS 11 303
    302 HISTORY OF T,W: LA TER Z?O.lIA N E.1IPIRE noos v
    liiill 011 the heacl with. it and fled. When the Emperor
    Latin historian complains that he ~overnedwith a rod of iron.
    tarriecl long ill the bath, his attendants, who weye waiting out-
    ttHe iinposed such afflictions on tlie people, on the inhabitants side, rusheil in and found him dead. AS soon as he was
    or propriet,ors of Calabria, Sicily, Africa, and Sardinia, as were
    buried, unknown persons1 compelled an Armenian named
    never hearcl of before, so that eve11 wives were separated from
    Mizizios to assume the purple, "because he was very good-
    husbands and sons from their parents." l Churches were looking and handsome." The usurper's reign was short, for
    robbed of their treasures. The south of Italy belonged, not to
    the young Constantine arrived promptly from Constantinople
    the exarchate of Ravenna, but to the government of Sicily anu with a large armament and put both Mizizios and Andreas
    Sardinia; and perhaps the disorganised state of Africa, owing
    to death. I t is possible that Andreas inay have been the
    to the attacks of the Saracens, induced Constans to attach its
    instrument of conspirators greater than himself; for a certain
    administration also to that of Sicily. He thus formed a sort
    Justinian of high position was executed, and his son Ger-
    of special imperial prefecture or principality, with Syracuse fol
    nlanus,3 who was destined in future days to be famous as a
    capital and residence. How far he directed the administra-
    patriarch of Constantinople and an opponent of iconoclasm,
    tion in the East we are not told, but his son Constantine is
    underwent the indignity of emasculation. The names Jus-
    represented by the historians as acting irresponsibly at Con-
    tinian and Germanus remind us of the great imperial house
    stantinople, and carrying on negotiations with the court of
    of the sixth century, and one is tempted to conjecture that
    Damascus. Germanus t,he Patriarch may have been a descendant of kins-
    In his sphere of government, where he presided for about
    folk of the Emperor Justinian.
    five years, Constans had two enemies, one on either side, the
    Constans may be considered a typical example of a certain
    Saracens in Africa and the Lombard duke of Beneventunl in
    class of later Roman Emperors. There is, I apprehend, a
    southern Italy. He recovered Carthage and other cities which general idea current that the Emperors who reigned at Con-
    had fallen into the hands of the Mohammedans, but these
    stantinople were, almost without exception, either weak and
    successes were obliterated by the great defeat which a Roman cruel profligates or strong and cruel profligates, and that, if any
    army of 3 0,O 0 0 men experienced at Tripolis. The Saracens,
    were strong, their strength was generally misdirected. Such
    however, did not yet obtain a permanent footing in Africa,
    an idea is totally false. Brought up in an atmosphere of in-
    ancl if Constans had not imposed such severe taxation, and trigue and danger, calculated to foster the faculty of self-help
    thus appeared less a deliverer than an oppressor, it is possible in a strong boy and at the same time to produce a spirit of
    that Africa might have remained a Roman province longer cynicism, Constans grew up a stern and inflexible man, with
    than it did. I n Italy, Romuald gained some successes, but decided opinions on policy and administration, resolved to act
    made no considerable addition to Lombard territory. The independently and not afraid of innovation, surprisingly free
    presence of Constans in the West seems to have roused some
    Theoph. (6160 A.M.) does not define Paul does not mention the presence
    apprehensions in the Frank kingdom; the mayors of the whothepersonswere. Thattheelevation of Constantine. He says : contra quem
    palace may have thought that he cherished the daring design of Rlizizios was not the will of the army Italiae milites, alii per Histriaqn, alii
    is stated by Paul. Diac. v. 12, regnum perpartes Campagtiae, alii vero aparti-
    of recovering the long-lost Gallic provinces for the Empire. arripz~itsed absque orientalis emrcitus b m dfricae et Sardil~iaeve7aientcs i n
    In the year 668 Constans was assassinated at Syracuse in volz~ntate; but the editor of Paul (in Siracusas eum vita privaruq~t. Some
    Jf. G. H.) thinks that Paul's only MSS. insert enziliae before milites, and
    the baths called Daphne. A certain Andreas, the son of source was the Life of Pope Adeoclntus, I believe i t should be retained, as re-
    Troilus, went into the bath with hini to wait upon him. As and that he misunderstood the words ferring to troops from the exarchate.
    ilfizezius qui erat i n Sicilia cum exercitt~ I would read Italiae alii Aentiliae
    the Emperor was preparing to smear himself with Gallic soap? orientale ii~tartizavitet arripuit rcynum. milites, alii having fallen out after the
    These words, however, do not justify similar letters of Italiae; or perhaps
    Andreas, seizing the vessel in which the soap was contained, us in making the army primarily re- omit Italiae, which is unnecessary.
    sponsible, though of course i t must have "onaras, 1-01. iii. p. 316 (ed. Din-
    Agnellus, Vita Afaz~ri,cap. 4. tacitly consented. dorf).
    ? ~ U A X L uplj~cuOac
    K ~ (Theoph. 6160 AN.)
    CHAP. VIII C0NSTAilTS 11 305
    304 HISTORY OF THE LA TER R0112AiV EL1lPIRE EOOK v
    ill corninon with the earlier than with the later Roman
    from religious bigotry in a bigoted age, an ~u~usually strong
    and capable ruler. Althongl~his ecclesiastical attitude drew Emperors, and so far he was retrograde.
    I n tlie second place, ever since Constantine the Great had
    upon him the disfavonr of orthodox colltelnporaries and
    built his new capital on the Eosphorus, the gravitation of the
    historians, we hear not a single hint that he was addicted to
    Empire had tended to centre in New Rome ; the Roinan Empire
    sensuality, and this is a testimony to his austere life-negative
    llad tended to contract itself to south-eastern Europe, while
    indeed, but extremely weighty when we consider what scan-
    tile provinces which it still retained in the West became, as it
    dalous calumnies it has always been usual to circulate 011 the
    were, important outposts. The idea of Constans to take the
    sinallest pretext regarcliilg persons of obizoxious religious
    opinions. He was never under the influence of n~iaisters,as sceptre from the daughter and restore it to the mother was
    far as me lc110117, and his independent self-reliant conduct may retrograde and unpractical; and he conlcl make no serious
    attempt to realise the scheme. I t woulcl have involved a
    have sometimes seemed obstinacy; but it is hard, on our i11-
    sufficient data, to judge of individual deeds. I n regard to the struggle against the conditions of geography, a struggle where-
    act which has excited most odium, the execution of his brother, in only in its best days the Roman Empire could succeed.
    we are ignorant of his motives and the circumstances of tlie Since the time of Theodosius the Great, nay since the time of
    case. I t was an unwise act for a prince who was unpopular Diocletian and still earlier, we can trace the tendency of sonth-
    with the orthodox ; an orthodox prince, like Constailtine the eastern and south-western Europe to throw off the unnatural
    Great, night have done worse things with impunity. unity superinduced by Roman sway. Notwithstanding, Coilstan-
    TVe can, however, form an opinion of the general policy of tinople retained a hold on parts of Italy and Sicily for many cen-
    Constans, and we must pronounce it to have been perverse, turies, but the bond was always loose. At .the same time the
    though not fruitless. I n two different ways he opposed the influence of Greek civilisation on western Europe through these
    Italian provinces was of high importance; and thus, although
    tendencies of his age.
    I n the first place, the Roman Empire was becoininq every the scheme of Constans to abandon New Rome was perverse,
    year more deeply tinged with an ecclesiastical coloui. I n lie must have done useful work in consolidating the Ron~an
    power in southern Italy, and laying a foundation for its
    this respect a great change had silently taken place during the
    last hundred years, since the time of Justinian. The christian permanence there until the eleventh century.
    element of the christian Roman Empire has become doininant Cut if Constans stands condemned in the light of ecnmeni-
    cal tenclencies, Demosthenes, Cicero, Jnlian, and many others
    in men's minds, the Roman element has fallen into the back-
    ground. The importance of the Patriarch has increased, and a stand by his side. I t may seem startling to place him among
    inen devoted to an ideal or inspired by enthusias~n;but this
    close union between him and the Emperor is more than ever
    necessary. I do aot refer to any change in Sta,te mechanisin severe Emperor of the seventh century, animated with some
    reflection of the old Roman spirit, and out of touch with his
    or in the administration of law, though here too Ronlan tracli-
    ow11 age, was one of the men in history who have trodden the
    tions have undergone distinct alterations, but to a change in
    the public mind, and the views of people on politics, society, i vine press alone. Of his domestic life we know nothing, not
    and life in general. Now when Constans, by the issue of eve11 tlie name of his wife. The only record on the matter,
    washed up from the waves of time, is that from Italy or Sicily
    his Type, asserted, as it were, the insignificance of the burning
    he summoned his wife and sons, and that two powerful ministers
    theological problem of the day, and, assumillg an attitude of
    (or, some writers said, the Eyzantine people l) refused to permit
    indifference to the doctrinal question, regarded the matter
    entirely from a political point of vielv, he clearly opposed tile ' Zonaras, xiv. 19, "Some of his phanes says in one place (6153 A . M . )
    frif:nds prevented this. I3ut others say t h a t t l ~ Hyznntines
    e woulcl not let them
    tendency of his age to look upon church matters as the vital that the people ( r b rrh+j@os)of tile city go, in another place (6160 ~ . a r . ) he
    interests of the worlcl. 11i this respect Constails had mure did not perlnit t l ~ e u lto go." Theo- attributes the intervention to Antlreas
    VOL. I1 . S
    306 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN E M P l K b BOOK v CHAP. VIII CONS TANS I1 307
    them to obey the summons. The last years of his life at least caliph mould help him against the Emperor. Constantine,
    were not enlivened or encumbered by domestic society. the Eniperor's son, who directed the administration at Con-
    As to the Saracens, little was added to their previous con- stantinople, sought to checkmate this movement by sending
    quests during the reign of Constans, and therefore we must another ambassador to the court of Damascus, but the diplomacy
    pronounce that his foreign policy was on the whole SUC- of Sergius was successful, and Muaviah's general Phadalas was
    cessful. They had indeed secured a footing in Armenia, in sellt to assist Saborios. Then Constantine appointed Nicephorus,
    Cyprus, in Rhodes; even in Africa, but these were small reverses a patrician, to lead a Roman force against Saborios, who was
    conlpared with the losses experienced by Heraclins. I t niay stationed at Hadrianopolis in Bithynia, prepared for war. An
    also be said that Muaviah would probably have extended his , accident hastened the suppression of the revolt. Saborios was
    dominions farther but for the war of succession with Ali ; in the habit of taking exercise daily on horseback outside the
    nevertheless we are only entitled to consider actual results, ancl walls of the town. One day, as lie was approaching the gate,
    we must agree with Finlay when he says of Constans that he applied the whip to his horse too severely, and the animal
    "the ~ m p i r eunderwent no very sensible diminution of its disdaining the bridle rushed off at a furious gallop, the head of
    territory during his reign, and he certainly left its military forces the rider was dashed against the gate, and cleath followed.
    in a more efficient condition than he fonncl them." Nor should Meanwhile Phadalas had advanced to Hexapolis, and, seeing
    I omit to mention that to Constans may have been due a that the Romans were united, the Arnleniac troops having
    partial reorganisation of the provinces. returned to their allegiance after the death of Saborios,.he sent
    for reinforcenlents to Muaviah. The caliph sent his son Yezid
    The Saracens were not inactive while Constans was in the with an afmy, and the combined forces proceeded to Chalcedon
    western regions of the Empire; they invaded Asia Minor and captured niany prisoners. They also took the important.
    alniost every year. I n 6 6 3 " Romania," as the Roman Empire town of Arnorium in Phrygia, and, having secured it by a garrison
    was called in Asia, was invaded, many captives were led of 50 00 men, returned to Syria. Towards the end of the year
    away, and many places rendered desolate. I n 664 Abd Constantine commissioned Andreas, the same chamberlain
    Errahinan repeated the expedition, and this time wintered in whom he had sent as an ambassador to Muaviah, to recover
    Roniaii territory, where in the following year he was joined by Amorium. Andreas arrived by night, and the deep snow
    a body of Slaves, who had crossed the Hellespont and preferred aided his enterprise by raising the ground and so lowering the
    to be the slaves of the caliph than the subjects of the Emperor. height to be scaled. By ineans of a plank or ladder, he ancl
    Five thousand of these Slaves were settled in Syria, at a place all his company entered the city. and every Arab in Amorium
    called Seleucobolus, in the district of Apamea.2 The years was slain.
    6 6 6 and 6 6 7 were marked by expeditions of Busur a3ainst
    Romania. I t does not appear that any permanent injury was
    inflicted by these incursions.
    At this time the troops stationed on the Armenian frontier,
    and called Arme.niakoi, were commanded by a general of Persian
    origin, named Saborios (Sapor). I n 6 68 he revolted against
    the Emperor and sent his captain Sergius to Tduaviah, promis-
    ing that lie would subject Romania to the Saracens if the
    the chamberlain and Theodore, b KOXW- time.
    vdas (see below, p. 309). He had evi- 'Theoph. 6156 A.X.
    dently two sources before him. 3 u~pa'r)7Ah~qs,apparently used in a
    ' Ithodes was only held for a short general, not a technical sense.
    CEIAP. IS CONSTANTINE IV 309

    based their deinand on the ingenious and fanciful idea that,


    because they believed in the Trinity, it was meet that they
    should be governed by three Emperors. The assignment of
    such a reason indicates a religions and theological view of
    tllillgs becoming dominant in men's minds, so as to penetrat~
    and alien relations of life. Constantine entrusted to
    Theoclore, captain of Coloneia,' tlie delicate task of praising
    the soldiers for their excellent motives and persuading them
    to return to their stations, while their leaders visited the
    CHAPTER IX capital and consulted with the senate touching the execution
    of the wishes which they had expressed. When the arnly
    COFSTANTIWE ITT ' had obediently departed, Constantine caused the instigators of
    the movement, ~ 1 1 0came at liis invitation to Constantinople,
    WHENConstantine I V set out from Constantinople at the time to be gibbeted at Sycae. IVe are also iiiformecl, in apparent
    of liis father's death to arrange tlie troubled affairs of Sicily, connection with tliis affair, tliat the Emperor slit the noses of
    his face mas smootll. When he returned, having successfully llis two brothers, but the record is considerecl somewliat sus-
    accoinplislied liis iilission, he wore a beard, and the Byzantines picious, as me learn on the sanie authority that in t l ~ eyear
    gave him the name of Pogonatos or "the Bearded." This cir- GSO Constantine deprived his brothers Heraclius and Tiberius
    clulnstance is interesting, because since the fifth century, when of the imperial dignity and reigned alone with liis son
    Leo was called Makelles and Anastasins Dikoros, there is no J ~ s t i n i a n . ~ If this seems unlikely, we may suppose, wit11
    record that any Emperor received a niclinarne, but from the Finlay, that the noses of the two princes were not slit until
    end of the seventh century forward, few Emperors escape un- 680, and that the first notice of the chronicler anticipates tlie
    hoiiourecl by some popular appellation, so that the practice of order of events ; or we may suppose that the mutilation took
    nicknaming sovereigns is one of the minor features of tlie place in 669, but that at some time between that year and
    Byzantine world. Had the imperial residence been Alexandria, G S O Constantine was compelled by political considerations or
    not an Emperor from Constantine to Heraclius would 1ial-e public opinion to associate his brothers in the Empire again.3
    escaped the stinging wit of the Alexandrines, who were The cliief events of the reign of Constantine I V were the
    notorious for their love of mockery, like the Florentines in Saracen war, including the seven years' siege of Constantinople,
    later centuries. When Alexandria was lost to the Empire, the establishment of the Bulgarian power on the south side
    her ~ilantle,or at least some shreds of it, fell upon Ryzaatiunl. of the Danube, and the sisth Ecunlenical Council. Bul-
    Constantine had no intention of sharing the adininistration l The meaning of this title is not Pope Agatho (Mansi, xi. p. 233).
    or the imperial title with liis two young brothers Heraclius v i t e clear. Coloneia is of course the Constantine's marriage with Anastasia
    and Tiberius, who had perhaps received the rank of Caesar tolrll (near the river Lycus, and almost probably took place about the time of
    line soutll of Cerasas), after which the his fathel's clesth.
    before their father's death. But the army of the Anatolic tllfllle Coloneia mas called in later See Theopl~anes,6161 and6173 A.M.
    times. I t call hardly have been forme(1 Perhaps, however, Sclilosser's explana-
    district, which embraced Lhe regions of Isauria, Lycaonia, Pisidia, illto a separate district a t this time, but tion (Gesch. d c r b i l d e ~ s t z ~ ~ mKffiisc~,
    e~~c~e~~
    and western Phrygia, suddenly nlarched to Chr,ysopolis am1 ~'crhaps the commandant of the city p. 89) is the true one. He thinks that,
    hall an independent and honourable if me find a difficulty in tlie statements
    sent over the straits to Constantinople a deputation demanding 1'o"tioll. Theodore seems t o have been of Theophancs, i t is because we forget
    tliat the two brothers should Le crowned Emperors. They an iml'ortailt personage of Eyzantinm ; t h a t the mutilation took place secrctly
    hnt ~ v h ythe captain of Colo~leiashoultl i n the recesses of the palace ("dass dies
    lie a11 inflnentialnlinister in the capital im innern des Palastes vorging "). I t
    For this reign we liave the histoiy of Eicephorus as well as tlie chrollo- is pot clear. may be observed t h a t Theophanes' clates
    gral~h
    y of Theophancs. - This .is confirmed by a letter of a t this period are rather u n t r n s t ~ o ~ t Y ~ y .
    310 H f i T O R Y OF THE LATER ROAIAN EATPIRE noox v
    CHAP. IS CONSTANTINE IV 31 1

    at length the Saracens, "put to shame by the help of God and


    garian and Slavonic affairs will be dealt with in another
    chapter. the Mother of God, and having lost many fighting men and
    receivecl great injury, returned in great grief." This was not
    The usual invasioiis of Asia Minor by Saracen generals the end of their disasters. The unsuccessful fleet was caught
    continued as before. The severe winter of 6 6 9 was spent by in a storm at Syllaeum and dashed to pieces on rocks. All
    Phaclalas on the shores of the Propontis at Cyzicus, and in the ships that escaped were attacked by a Byzantine admiral,
    670 many PLoinan snl?jects were led into captivity by Busnr. who commanded the Cibyraiot fleet: and were destroyed. The
    Africa had been attacked in 6 6 9, and, after the death of Con- naval armament in the Hellespont had been doubtless sup-
    stans, a forillidable descent was made on Sicily by the Saracens ported every year by a land army on the Asiatic shore ; it is
    of Alexanclria, who canied off all the treasures that Constans at least certain that, concurrently with the rout and destruction
    had collected.' of the fleet of Chaleb, the Saracens met with a disaster on land.
    But in 67 2 Muariah, who had conceived the ambitious An army under Sofia11 was defeated by the Roman generals
    project of conquering the hole Itomail Empire, and tllought Florus, Petronas, and Cyprianus, and 3 0,O 0 0 'Arabs were
    perhaps that the young Constantine would prove a less firin killed."
    adversary than his father, prepared a great naval expeditioll. , I t is not clear from the words of our authorities whether
    The arn~an~ent set sail under the conimand of Abd Errahnlan " Eonlaic (Greek) fire" was actually used during the siege ;
    before the end of the year; ancl during the winter nlonths but at all events the Greeks discovered it about this time. The
    some of the ships anchored at Smyrna, the rest off the coast discovery is attributed to Callinicus, an architect of Heliopolis
    of Cilicia. The troops of Abd Errahillan were reinforced by in Syria, who fled to the Romans, " and having prepared
    yet another squadron before they proceeclecl to the Helles- nlarine fire, burned the ships of the Arabs and their crews alive."
    pont, into whose waters they sailed about April. Froin April is the name by which it was known.
    illa~ine$fil.e(n-iip 6JaX&ucr~ov)
    to September (673) the fleet lay moored froill the promon- I t is an obvious supposition that the siphon-boats, mentioned
    tory of Hebdonion, on the Propontis, as far as the promontory above, mere connected with the new discovery, but our best
    of Kyklobios, near the Golden Gate, ancl engagements ~vitll authority mentions the marine fire subsequently, as if it had
    the Ronian fleet which defended the harbour continued from been introduced after the siege, so that it will be safer to con-
    morning to evening. Constalltil~ehad made provisioll in good clude that the siphon-boats and the caccabopyr~ho~iwere
    time to receive the enemy. He constructed a large number of inventions of a simpler and less infernal kind, like the fireships
    fireships and fast-sailing boats provided with tubes or siphons of Gaiseric, or the sulphur-machines said to have been used
    for squirting fire, of which we do not know the exact nature." by Proclns against Vitalian.
    These engines mere very formiclable, and in Septenlber the the fiist year of the operations, he places been transferred to the actual siege.
    Saracens, having accoinplishecl nothing, sailed to Cyzicus, which the peace with Muaviah i n 677 (6169 TO? TGV KLPUP~LWT&V
    c~pa~qyo0
    A.M. =September 676 to September 677) (Zonaras, xiv. 20), a detail mentioned
    they captured and nlade their minter quarters. The same i.e. 678. I have no doubt that a siege of neither by Theophanes nor by Nice-
    seeen years was a fabulous tradition, phorus, vr,hich indicates that Zonaras
    operations were carried on cluring the following year with the and it may be observed that Theophanes had another source before him.
    sallle result, and were repeated every year until G'77.4 Then maker the siege of Caesarea by the That the Saracens were not idle i n
    Saracens i n the reign of Heraclius last other parts of the Empire is shonrn by
    Their leader was Ab11 Allall Ibn about it, as i t was not an csploit to be seven years. The tradition canhe partly
    Icais (see Amari, Storia deiJfz~stll?nn,~liproud of. Their silence col~firmsthe the fact that Phadalas wintered in
    accounted forif we remember that the Crete in 673-674.
    d i Sicilia, pp. 98, 99 ; Paul. 1TTarn. Roman accounts. ,Yee Weil, i. 1).293. Saracens set sail in 672, and supFose The commander, Abd Errahman,
    . This was the secolld
    Hist. L c L ~V.L ~13). 8 ~ r ~ j p e r ~s d , u € ' y i t k ~ sK ~ K K ~ ~ O R U ~ ' # ' ~ ~ O V S
    that the peace may not have been colt- was killed during the siege, a victim
    landing of the Saracens in Sicily. After ~ a 8pbpwvas
    i c r q 5 w v 0 $ ~ 6 p o u r (Theoph.) c2uu'ccZ ulltil the end of 678; i t rnight (say Arab historians) of the envy of
    this all their attacks were from Africa. 4 Theophanes says the siege con- be roughly said that seven years ha11 Muaviah. He was succeeded by Sofian
    "Elmakin places the espedition in tinued for seven years ; but this state- elapsedhetween these extreme dates,and
    672, and this agrees with Theophanes. ment is at variance with his own chron- Ibn Auf. Yezid, Muaviah's son, took
    this very loose statement might have part i11 the expedition.
    The Arab authorities say very little ology, for mhile he malies 673 (LC.674)
    31'7 HISTOX Y OF THE LA TER ROdIAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. IX COATSTAN T m E I V 313

    The utter failure of his ambitious enterprise inclined Asiatic foe to pull down the bulwark of Europe was a noble
    Jfuaviah to peace, and another circumstance confirnled his in- triumph for Constantine. On him devolved the defence of
    clination. Bands of freebooters, or c~r?nntoZi,who led an out- European Christendom and European civilisation against the
    law life in the wild heights of Mount Taurus, llad penetrated TT-itheringmind which blows from Arabian deserts, against
    to the recesses of Mount Lebanon,' where they assisted the Islam which blights thought and slays freedom; and he
    cause of Christendom by harassing and plundering the un- conducted the defence well. And the European nations
    believers and affording a safe shelter to christian refugees. recognised what he had done, alid acknowledged him as
    The Greeks called these outlaws npclhtai," but they are more the most powerful representative of the great cause of
    generally known by the name Mardaites (" rebels "), whicll was ~urope.' We are told that the advantageous peace which
    applied to them by the S a r a ~ e n s . ~They increased in number Constantine made with the Saracen caliph created a great
    and power, being constantly reinforced by Slaves and Syrian sensation throughout the West, and redonnded to the name
    natives, and they soon dominated Palestine " from the Biacli and glory of the Roman Emperor. The chagan of the Avars,
    mountain to Jerusalem." The presence of this hostile n i o ~ ~ n - and the kings who ruled beyond him, the governors and
    tain population of Christians was a serious danger to the Saracen castaldi, and the greatest chiefs of the western nations sent
    power in Syria, and a notable advantage to the Eomall Em- ambassadors laden with presents to Constantine, and entreated
    peror. I t is not surprising that Muaviah was glad to accept him to confirm peace with them. The Emperor received the
    a disadvantageous peace. The Greek chronicler states that he embassies graciously, and there T V ~ Sa universal state of security
    and his counsellors were much afraid, " supposing that the both in the East and in the West. I t is to be regretted that
    Empire of the Ronlans is guarded by God." He therefore sent our historians have not mentioned precisely the names of the
    aillbassadors to Byzantium, offering to pay a yearly tribute. nations which desired the friendship of him whom they recog-
    The Emperor sent back with them to Damascus a patrician nised as a champion against the Moslem. By the kings who
    nailled Johannes, and nicknamed Pitzigaudes; as an old and ruled beyond the dvars we may understand the Franks, and
    experienced statesman of sound judgment, to arrange the terms perhaps even the Anglo-Saxons, while the governors and cas-
    of the treaty, and Muaviah, we are told, showed him the most taldi (1cdarah80~) evidently refer to the Lombard duchies and
    profound respect. castaldies. I t is possible that the Visigoths may have also
    Two instruments were clrawn up to the effect that the peace sent envoys to the great "Republic."
    was to last for thirty years, on conditioil that the Saracens I t is a curious coincidence that it was under an Emperor
    l~aiclthe Eomans 3000 lbs. of gold, fifty captives: and fifty bearing the name of its founder that the city of Coilstantine
    thoroughbred horses annually. was first to undergo the assault of the 3lohamniedan destroyer,
    The repulse of the first great expedition organised by the and that also under an Emperor Constantine it was finally
    The clearest accuurlt ot the origin and Saracen historians (Sathas, ib. p. to pass into Mohammedan hands. We may say that in this
    of tllc Blardaites is given by Sathas, .51). Nicephorns calls the Mardaites
    L'ibl. G'mec. I l f d i i Aevi, ii. Introdue- 6nhlras. siege the keynote was struck of all that New Rome mas to
    tion, p. 45 sqq. 4 Theophanes, 6169 A.X. In the
    E(luivnlent, as Sathas says, to Bn6- days of Jnstinian I1 they numbered I t is important to remember, as I Eiclaro, who cares far more for the 7~rb.s
    $'Xaror or Gpxayes. They carried great 12,000. have from time to time in the preced- regin, where he spent many years, than
    iron clubs, whence dneXarc~6v"a club." Pitzigaudes, or Pitzigaudios, may lng pages observetl, that the western for the Gothic court of Toledo. But i t
    3 dIc~'r~Zaitarz~rn, hoc est rebclliuin perhaps be coilnected with the word sovereigns throughout the sixth and is equally reflected in Fredegarius and
    ilomcn eisdem crearunt (Edenensis apud that was used in a diminutive form to seventh (and eighth) centuries never Isiclore of Seville. Isidore writes of the
    Assemanni, Bibl. Orient. i. 602). The revile Justinian (see vol. i. p. 343), ceased to regard New IZome as the centre prosperity of the Gothic kingdom :
    Turkish erluivalent mould be {oppnd8es uya68apc=r~yau6dptov. of tlie civilised world, and to consider frtriturq~iehacte?lzis inter rcgias i?Lfislas
    (Sathas, loc. cit.) Cf. the notices in Theo- 6 So Nicel~llorus
    ; Theophanes gives themselves, not co-ordinate with, but et opes lrirgas in~periifelic~tate securn.
    ~ h a n e ssz~b ccnnis 6169, 6176, 6178. (absurdly) 8000, a mistake which per- subordinate to, the Roman Elnperors This is the ideal,-the happiness of tlie
    :.- accourlts given by Theophanes of haps arose from a confusion of Nf=50 in dignity. This spirit is reflected Empire.
    '~rdaitesare collfirmed by Syrian with ,H= 8000. 111 Greg01-7 of Tours, and in tlolln of
    31.1 HZSTOX Y OF T H E LATER R O I ~ ~ AEMPIRE
    N BOOK v CIIAP. I S CONS TAN T ' E ZV 315

    perforli as tlie bulwarlr of Europe while she was still Rome' ; 110 danger from the young Constantine, whom he had assisted
    ancl me inay regard the embassies of the western nations on in quelling the usurper Mizizios, was emboldened to declare
    this occasion as an unconscious recognition of the fact. lliiilself in favour of the two wills.' I11 consequence of this,
    Theodore, the Patriarch of Constantinople, and Macarius, the
    Afuaviah died in 6 80, and his son Yezid, who had succeecled Patriarch of Antioch, pressed tlie Emperor to allow Vitalian's
    i11 obtaining his recognition as heir-apparent four years before, name to be struck off the diptychs of Constantinople (67s A.D.)
    reigned in liis stead. Yezicl's short reign was disturbed by the Constantine refused to act hastily, but, as soon as the peace
    opposition of Abd Allah Ibn Zubeir and saddened by the tragedy ~vitllthe Saracens gave him time for other affairs, he conceived
    of Icerbela. A plague in Syria, the hostile inroads of the the idea of organising a "Catholic assembly" to decide filially
    Mardaites of Lebanon, and serious agitations in Arabia clisposecl on a controversy, concerning which lie had not himself made
    Abd Allnalik to maintain the peace with the Empire, and tlie up his mind. He therefore wrote a letter to Pope Donus,
    treaty was renewed (6 8 5) on the slightly altered conditions whom he addressed as " Ecunienical Pope " ( O ~ I C O ~ ~ E V L I C ~ ~
    that the payments were to consist of one pound of gold, one rr&-aq), and proposed a Catliolic congress, to be held in Con-
    sleve, and one horse for every day in the year.' stantinople, at which the western dioceses should be fully
    I n the reign of Constantine, Crete was the only Eoman represented. He suggest,ed that the Pope should send three
    country that the Arabs succeeded in making tributary, and this or more deputies conilected specially with the Roman curia,
    success was only temporary. The christian inhabitants indeecl twelve archbishops and bishops from other dioceses under his
    may not have felt niucll repugnance to the Saracen yoke, for jurisdiction, and fo~lrmonks from each of the four Greek clois-
    tlie policy of Afuaviah was to make his burden light and to treat ters at Ilonie. H e also promised that the exarch of Italy
    with cleiilency, humanity, and toleration his christian subjects. sl~oulclreceive commands to assist and further the journey
    I t is even related that in the year 678, when an earthqualie of the delegates by supplying money and ships, even armed
    shook llesopotaliiia, and the anibo and dome (batan and trull?is) 1-essels-castellated carnbi-if necessary.
    of the cl~urchin Edessa fell in, Muaviah, at the recluest of the But when Constantine dated this letter (12tli August G 7 S),
    Christians of the place, rebuilt the edifice. the Pope to whom it mas addressed had been already fonr
    inonths cleacl (since 11th April)-an indication of the rate at
    Having made a brilliant peace with tlie caliphate, and having ~vhichnews travelled at this period. Pope Agatho had suc-
    also niacle a treaty more prudent than l~oiiourablewith tlie ceetlecl Donns, ancl on receipt of the imperial epistle he deter-
    Bulgarians, as will be related in another chapter, Constantine iniiied to liolcl a prelinliliary synod at Eome, in order to obtain
    enjoyed peace until his death, ancl was at leisure to turn his a consensus of the opinions of western divines touching the
    attention to ecclesiastical affairs. He did not, like liis father, matters in dispute. A considerable time intervened before tlie
    struggle against the current; he did not think of pressing any
    bishops could be collected, as many came from great distances,
    measure like the Type of Constans; but, professing a strict
    ancl the synod was not held until Easter GSO. Bishops froin
    impartiality, which was probably genuine, he was willing to let all the " nations " mere present-from the Lombards, from the
    the inonotl~eleticcluestion be decided entirely by the Church. Franks, from the Goths, from the Slaves: from tlie " Gritons,"
    After the death of Constans, Pope Vitalian, apprehending or, as we shoulcl say, the Anglo-Saxons. Felix of Arles repre-
    For tlle last fonr centuries she has was called New Rome. sented the Gallic Church ; Wilfrid of York was present, but by
    been an outpost of Asia instead of a 2 Theoph. places the peace in 6 1 i 6
    l~ulwarkof Europe; bnt it is possible A.M., ~vllichcorresponcls (as Theopl~anes accident ancl not as a d e p ~ t y . ~The synod condemnecl mono-
    that in the future, when she is no is a year wrong) t o 684-685. Ilnaviall
    longer Stnmbonl and neither Turkish I1 succeeded l'ezid in 683, Sfervan fol- See Hcfcle, iii. 225. Robertson 3 Otller synods were held about the

    nor Greek is spoken by her rulers, lowed in 684, and Abd Almalik (callell erroneously ascribes this step to Pol7e salue time, e.g. one a t Milan, anotlier
    she may have to perform the same by Theoph. Abimelech) in April 685 Atlcoclatus, of Donatist namc,Vitalian's a t Hedtfield convoked by Thomas of
    functions as in the days \rllen slie (died 705). successor. V l i a t is, Dalmatia. Canterbury.
    316 NfiTOR Y OF THE LATEX ROLWAN EbfPZIIE BOOK V
    CHAP. IX COAKTANT(NE IV 317

    theletism, and a report of its acts was despatched to Constan- ollly the formal side of the proceedings, as an impartial and
    tine, accompanied by a letter from Pope Agatho, intended to be disinterested chairman, and took no share in the theological
    a sort of appendix to the Bpistola doynntica of Leo 1.' The discussions. He thus followed the example of Marcian, who
    Pope apologises for the clelay in assembling the synod, owing presided at the council of Chalcedon. To the right of the
    to the great distance of the bishoprics, some of which were at Emperor sat George the Patriarch of Constantinople, Macarius
    or beyond the ilorthern ocean. He states that he had hoped for the I'atriarch of Antioch, the representative of the patriarchate
    the presence of the archbishop and philosopl~er of the great of Alexandria, and others ; to the left sat the delegates of the
    island Britannia, Thomas of Canterbury, hut that prelate was Pope, Theodore of Ravenna, Basil of Gortyn, and the represent-
    unable to come. 111 co~npliancewith the Emperor's snggestion, ative of Jerusalem. I t should be noticed that several of the
    lle sends three bishops-Abundantius of I'alermo, Johannes of Greek bishops were really representatives of the Eoman
    Reggio, and Johannes of l'orto, with two priests, a deacon and Church, namely Johannes, the archbishop of Thessalonica,
    a snbdeacon of Rome, along with Theodore, a priest, to repre- " vicar ( / ? L K & ~ L O ~of
    ) the apostolic throne of Rome " ; Stephanos

    sent the Chnrch of Ravenna,-not, however, trusting much to of Corinth, " legate of the apostolic throne of Rome " ; and Basil
    their learning, for people who live among the " natio~ls" ant1 of Gortyn in Crete, "legate of the lloly synod of the apostolic
    have to win their livelihood by bodily labour cannot acquire throne of elder Rome." At tlle first eleven sittings and at the
    niuch erudition ; they were, however, well grounded and firm eighteenth the Emperor presided ; his presence at the others
    in the tenets of the five general councils. He then proceeds was prevented by business.'
    to expound a symbolunl of the ortliodos faith. The letter was The council unanimously, with the exception of two indi-
    addressed to Constantine, Heraclius, and Tiberius. viduals, condemned the monotheletic doctrine, as savouring of
    JT1len the Italian delegates arrived at Constantinople they Apollinarianism, in that it diminished the fulness of Christ's
    were received with honour and maintained at the Emperor's humanity, ancl asserted as the true doctrine that "there are
    expense, the palace of Placidia being placed at their disposal. two natural wills and two natural energies, without division,
    I t is related that on a certain Sunday they took yart in a alteration, separation, or confusion." I t also anathematised the
    solemn procession to the clinrch of St. Mary in tlie suburbs of cliief representatives of the false doctrine, including Pope
    Blachernae. The Emperor meanwhile issued a sawn "to the Honorius. The Patriarch George had declared his acceptance
    most blessed archbishop and ec~unenicalpatriarch " Georgios, of the two wills at tlie eighth session (7th March), and on
    directing him to sunlnloil an asseilibly of metropolitans ancl the same occasion it was voted that the name of Pope Vitalian
    archbishops. should be restored to the diptychs? to which course tlie Emperor
    The sixth Ec~ulir~enicalCouncil met in a domed cl~amber consented, and the members of the synod cried out:
    (t~zcllus)in the imperial palace on the '7th of November, and "Long live the preserver of the orthodox faith ! Long live
    its sittings, eighteen in number, lasted for wellnigli a year, the new Constantine the Great, the new Theodosius the Great,
    the last being held on the 16th of September G 81. As the the new Marcian, the new Justinian ! We are slaves of the
    Bishop of Rome sent delegates, as the Patriarchs of Constan- Emperor !
    tinople and Antioch were present in person, and as the " Long live the orthodox Pope Agatho of Eonle !
    l'atriarchs of Alexandria and Jernsalenl were represented by "Long live the orthodox Patriarch George !
    priests, the council was ecun~enical. " Long live the holy senate ! "
    The lioly Gospels were placed in the middle. The Emperor, At the ninth sitting Macarius of Antioch, who had read a
    surrounded by ministers and. officers, presided, l ~ u tclirectecl
    At the last sitting l i d n~enll~ers "Theodore, the predecessor of Georg:,
    ? For this council, see hlansi, XI. 11.
    Rere present, but the earlier sessiol~s had struck out liis name, apparently in
    "A sort of Seitenstnck to the Ellis- n cle not so fillly attended.
    toln of Leo t o Flavian " (Hefele). 208 .sqq. ; Hefele, iii. 235 sqq s l ~ i t eof the reluctance of rile Emperor.
    318 NlSTORI' O F THE LATEX RO.1IAN EdfPIRE HOOK v CHAP. IX CONS TANTIATE I V 319

    inanifesto of his articles of belief, ancl Stephanos were deposed and was restored to the see of Constantinople after the cleat11
    from their offices, and therefore coulcl not attend the succeeding of George. As he had been anathematised by the council,
    sessi0ns.l W e may observe that Macarius, when he was it was his interest, says Baronins, to erase his name from
    pressed concerning his cloctrine, had cleclinecl to use a nun~erical the black list ; and accordingly he substituted O N O P I O N for
    adjective-one or two-and professed to hold simply, with OEOAOPON, and also made certain additions and alterations
    Dionysins, a theanclric energy. This position was perhaps more in the order of the acts. For f ~ ~ r t h edetails
    r on the subject
    philosopl~ical than either of the debated alternatives, but it I may refer the curious to Hefele.'
    tendecl to coincide with monotheletisnl. Constantine died in the year 685, leaving the Empire, a t
    A curious incident diversified the course of discussion at peace with foreign nations, to his son Justinian. H e was
    the fourteenth sitting. A certain I'olychronius, ~ v h owas a buried in the church of the Holy Apostles.
    monothelete, offered to prove the truth of his doctrine by the
    performance of a miracle, ancl the co~ulcilconsented to witness
    the experiment. I n the open air outside the palace a corpse
    was laid, and I'olychronius cletainecl in suspense or ain~~semeiit NOTE ON GREEK F I R E
    a large crowd, while he endeavoured to resnscitate the (lead
    body by whispering formulae in its ears. Doubtless inany THE invention of Greek fire is attributed to a Syrian named
    who ~vatched his operations were not sure of the event, but, Callinicus. It mas preserved for a long time as a secret by the
    when all his incantations prover1 vain, he was liooted as a new Roman government, but in the tenth century books were written on
    Simon Jlagus. the subject.
    The following receipt for the manufacture of Greek fire is con-
    The proceedings of the council concluded as usual with an tainecl in a treatise by a tenth-century writer, known as hlarcus
    adc1re.j~to the Emperor, ~ v h oaffixed his signature to the acts, Gmecus, on the composition of inflammatory powders and licluids
    with the worcls " we read and approved." for military purposes. " Take pure sulphur, tartar, sarcocolla
    I cannot leave this subject without a word on the Jeli- (Persian gum), pitch, dissolved nitre, petroleum, and huile de
    cate problem of tlle conclenlnation of Pope Honorius, which gemme (1) ; boil these ingredients together ; saturate tow with the
    bears directly on the question of papal infallibility, and was concoction, and set fire to it. The conflagration will spread, and
    can only be extinguished by urine, vinegar, or sand." Another
    brought up in that connection a t the Vatican Council of compound closely resembled gunpowder : a pound of sulphur was
    1SG 3 and lSSO. I t is not of serious consequence whether 1)oundecl in a mortar with two pounds of charcoal and six pounds
    Honorius, who was not a strong inan, deserves the benefit of a of nitre; the mixture was poured into long, narrow, and tight
    doubt, thongh it is plain enough that his own words are not envelopes, like cartridges, closed at the ends with iron wire.
    consistent with the accepted orthodox belief; but it is of great These shells were ignited ancl hurled through the air, probably by
    consequence, from a11 ecclesiastical point of view, whether the catapults. The naphtha or fire of Medea mentioned by Procopius
    seems to have been a simpler form of the later r.GpBaXciuuiov.
    sixth Ecumenical Council anathematised a Pope as a heretic,
    as in that case one Pope at least was not infallible. Baronius
    could not admit such a monstrosity, and resorted to a theory, " vol. iii. 278.
    Co~~eilic~~gcsehichtc,
    have taken this from the alticle
    on Marcus Graecus in the Biogmphie
    littirairc.
    -generally rejected as baseless and elaborately refuted by
    Hefele,-that the acts of the sixth Council mere tampered with
    by the Patriarch Theodore, who abandoned his heretical belief

    Theophanes was appointed to mention5 him as the I'atliarch of


    succeed Macarius and was present a t Antiocll a t the council.
    tlle fourteenth sitting ; helice Zonaras ' d v C y v w f i ~ v~ a uvvyvtuaficv.
    i
    CHAP. X ]US TL%'IAL%'11
    other hand, undertook to compass the removal of the Mardaites,
    who were a perpetual thorn in the side of the caliphs, from
    their homes in Lebanon. These mountaineers " rendered unsafe
    and uninhabited all the mountain towns of the Saracens from
    Mopsnestia to the Fourth Armenia." They were, however,
    monotheletes, and this fact made the Itonlan government look
    on then1 with disfavour, in spite of the services which they
    rendered in weakening the common enemy. And so Justinian
    did not demur to a measure, which really meant,, in the
    CHAPTER X chronicler's words, a maiming of the Roman power, by removing
    (( the brazen wall," that is the Mardaites. We are not informed
    JUSTINIAN I1 how the measure was executed; but it must be remembered
    that these christian outlaws considered themselves the subjects
    of the Emperor, and it was perhaps at the instance of Constantine
    JUSTINIAN
    11, like his father Constantine and his grancl-
    father Constans, was placed in the position of an absolute ruler IV that they had entered the highlands of Syria. Certain it
    at a very early age. He mas only sixteen when his father died. is that the Mardaites, to the number of twelve thousand, were
    But, although the energy of the Heraclian fanlily descended to transferred to Romania. Of these some were settled in Thrace?
    him in sufficiently full measure, he was not endowed with the others in Asia Minor, while others were enrolled in the army,
    cool judgment and steady heacl of his father and grandfather, and Justinian proceeded in person to the Armenian provinces
    and he was seduced by a desi~eof personal glory, which had in order to superintend the disposal of the immigrants. I n the
    never misguided then1 into taking a false step. The conse- meantime Leontius, general of the Anatolic troop^,^ had subjected
    quence mas that he committed nlany fatal blnnuers, and becaine Albania and Iberia to the Roman supremacy, and sent a large
    extremely unpopular. This public odiuil, however, was in- return of tribute money to the Emperor. This expedition
    directly incurred, for it attached primarily to the nlisconduct of involved direct hosbility with the Saracens and was a breach of
    favourite ministers, against whose influence the young monarch the peace, but Abd Almalik was then too much hampered by
    was not proof. It is in the days of adversity, after he has been other affairs to retaliate.
    ignominiously expelled from the throne, that the vigour ancl During the year 68 9 or 69 0 Justinian was occupied by a
    spirit of the man are most clearly revealed. war with the Bulgarians, provoked by himself, in which he was
    Abd Almalik renewed with Justinian the peace which he successful; and the Slavonic captives whom he carried off he
    had made with Constantine on ternis that superficially seemed established in Asia Minor, near the Hellespont, and formed
    more favourable.' The caliph undertook to pay 1 0 0 0 nomis- of them " a supernumerary corps " ( r r e p s o 6 a r o ~Xa&) 30,000
    mata and the daily tribute of one horse and one slave, while strong. I t appears that Justinian by his policy in regard to the
    Mardaites had lost the support of the soldiers of Mount Taurus
    the Romans and Saracens were to clivide between them the
    revenues of Armenia, Iberia, and Cyprus. Justinian, on the and the Anatolic district, and was obliged to have recourse to
    the Slaves.3 Trusting to the strength of these new military forces,
    1 688 A.D. The date given y! worth more than that of a Greek writer,
    & I. (op. cit. p. 53) says that
    Sathas
    Theophanes is 6178 (=685-686, z.e. place the rising of Said not earlier thali they were divided into two bodies, of
    Cibyraiot theme. See Theophanes,
    686-68i), but I believe with \Veil that 688 ; hence we lllust conclude that which one was scattered. throughout
    6178, 6179 A.M., and Constantine
    this must be wrong. For Tlieol~ha~lesTheophanes' date is wrong. See \Veil, Porph. de Adm. Imp. cap. 50, iii. p. 229.
    agrees with the Arah sources in placing ii. 468. Similarly we must plafe Hellas, especially Epirus, where to the
    present day their descendants are called
    * F?f the Anatolic theme, see below,
    tllc peace and the revolt of Said in the Justinian's dissolution of the peace 111 cap. xii.
    same year ; but the Arab sources, \vhose 692 or 693, not, as Theopllanes, i l ~ Mirdites, McpGi~ar, while the other W. Sathas, Zoc. eit. M. Sathas
    division was ultimately settled in the
    antliolity on purely Saracen history is 6182. -7-7 .- notices that from Justinian I1 to 1204
    CHAP. I /USTlnrcAlv 11 323
    he LVRS not afraid to clefy the power of the Saracens ancl clissolve occasion the Slavonic refugees proved serviceable, because they
    the peace. I11 6 9 2 he refused to receive a new Saracen were versed in the topography of the country.
    coinage, introcluced by Abd Almalik, inscribed with verses of Other transplantations and inlmigrations, as well as those of
    the I < o r a n . V l l e payments had been made before in the the Mardaites, took place in the reign of Justinian. fanline
    nlunicipal coins of Syria, on tvhich the effigy of the Roman ill Syria ( 6 8 7 ) induced a nnmber of the natives to migrate
    Emperor was represeated. Abcl Alrnalik protested that he had
    to Itomania. I have already mentioned the transportation of
    fulfilled his part of the bargain, and that he desired peace. Rut
    the Slaves to Asia Minor, and although most of these were
    as he had reduced to his sway Persia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia, formed into a military body, sonie were doubtless settled
    his hancls were free, and he clicl not shrink from war ; and, as as agriculturists in the north-western provinces on the
    Justinian was obdurate, the Saracens marched to battle with Propontis. To the sanie regions the Emperor also designed to
    the doculllent on xvhich the terms of the peace were inscribed
    transplant part of the population of Cyprus. Cyprus, by the
    stucl; on the point of a lance, as a stanclard ancl a protest. The
    new arrangement which had beeii made with Abcl Almalik, was
    engagement took place in Cilicia, near Sebastopolis, and victory half-1Zoman and half-Saracen territory ; and Justinian wished
    was ensured to the Saracens by the desertion of the " super- to leave the whole island to the rival power ~vithoutsurrender-
    llumerary corps " of Slaves, in which the Emperor hacl too lightly ing the Eonlan tributaries. As the Cypriotes sailed across to
    placed his confidence. Two-thirds of these troops joined the the niaii~lancl the ships were caught in a storm, many mere
    enemy and turned upon the Ron~ans.~Justinian fled to the
    clrown'ecl, and the rest returnecl to the island. But the design
    Propontis with the reniriant of the barbarians, and at Leucata, was carried out notwithstanding this mishap, and the Asiatic
    near Nicon~edia, he put to death the Slaves who hacl been residence of the bishop and people of Cyprus was a new city,
    faithful to hi111 ill his fury against those who had been false. iiamed Justinianopolis, in the neiglibourhood of Cyzicus.'
    The defeat at Sebastopolis led to the revolt of Synlbatius The fact that the north-western provinces, known at this
    (Simpadj, a patrician of Arnlenia holding the same position time as the district of Opsikion, were chosen for the trans-
    that Saborios had held in the reign of Constans. He snbjected
    planted settlers can be explained by historical events. Through-
    southern Armenia to the Arabs."oon afterwards the Iionlall out the entire century they had been continually exposecl to
    dominions were invaded by the unbelievers, and on this the clevastations of foes, first the Pe~.sians,then the Saracens,
    the qnestion of the iillperial succession the affair of Sebastopolis, and it seems ~vhoused to establish themselves on the shores of the Propontis
    is solved exclusively by tlle troops of l~robablet h a t Theophanes, led on by
    the Tanrns (including t h e Anatolic the contest, anticil~atesevents, as he
    or the Bosphorus, to menace the capital of Iionlania. This
    theme). sonletimes does, and tliat both the battle circumstance necessarily brought allout depopnlation in those
    1 The clironology is extremely un- and the revolt of Armenia took illace i n
    certain, and I have ventured to depart 6185, or in 693. districts, and there was need of new colonists.
    from Tlieol>llanes, for it seelns probable I t mill be convcnimt to put together Justinian's foreign policy, including his idea of a super-
    t h a t he may have erred in the dates of in this place (after St. l l a r t i ~ l )the
    other cvents as wcll as in those of the chief facts regardilig the relations of the numerary Slavonic corps, had beeii eminently unsuccessful ; his
    Saracen wars. I am persuaded t h a t Arabs to Armenia :- domestic policy was also a failure. This was chiefly due to
    the Bul~.rtrianmar followed the peace First Saracen invasion.
    with the Mollammedans. Saracens penetrate to Torin, which, the proceedings of his two notoriously unpopular and un-
    however, is soon afterwards lost.
    J' See Weil, ii. 468 sq. Armenia beco~ucsa Sararen province. principled ministers of finance. The influence of ministers or
    3 An Armenian historian, accorc1i:lg Armenians revolt against the Arabs,
    to St. Martin, gives the lumber of but in 657 return t o their allegiance. subordillates had been almost quite inoperative in the reigns
    The country is rulecl by tributary
    deserters as 7000 horse. Armenian princea. of Constans and Constantine, both strong and independent
    4 Tlieophanes places the dissolution Romans attempt to recover Arlnenia,
    <if the peace in 6182, the battle of and hostilities continue till monarchs ; but Justinian was a man of more inlpulse than
    w11e11 the Arabs subject the land and
    Sebastopolis in 6183, aild the revolt of
    Symhatius in 6185 ; he mentions 110
    Arab governors are appointed. ' The repopulating of Cyprus is the imperial writer was mistaken, and
    events in 6184. Rut the revolt of (see St. Martin, Jfdnwires S I L ~Z'A7~vnc1~ie,
    . attributed by Constantine Porl,h. (de that the act mas really due t o Tiberius
    i. 340). Ad71a.Zvnp.'cap. 4i)tothe same monarch, I11 (Apsimar). See belo~r-,17. 356.
    Simpad must have followed hard upon Justinian, bit 11.Satlias has s11olr.n that
    CHAP. X ] U S T m N 11 325
    3% HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN E M m E BOOK v
    to the former count of sacred largesses. A monk who for-
    steadiness, and was ailenable to both good and bad influences.
    sook his retreat to become a civil minister would naturally be
    He unwisely allowed great latitude to his two favourites,
    looked upon in those days with the utmost suspicion. The
    Stephanus and Theodotus, whose cruelty and rapacity covered
    oppressions which he exercised and the extortions which he
    him with oclium and obloquy.
    practised are reported to have been terrible. But his offences
    Theodotus, who had been the abbot of a monastery? was
    were aggravated by the fact that he went beyond his jurisdic-
    general logothete2 ( y ~ v X~o y~o OhB ~~~ q an
    ) , officer corresponding
    tion and succeeded in exacting money with no sufficient reason
    1 A monastery in Thrace, built near We learn of this measure of Ana-
    the straits called Stenon at the nlonth stasius from John Lydus, ii. 27 : 6 X ~ y b - from men of senatorial rank, on whom the office of the private
    of the Enxine. ~ E V O S ~ a ~ p i p L j v i o GciXaE
    s T ~ S i8i9 TWS domains had no legal claim, and confiscating their property;
    "he history of the financial bureaux d v q ~ o d a ~TQ s PaarXei ~ a T iU X ~ VZK apoy6-
    of the Ronlail Empire is curious. (1) vwv aep~ovoias, Sv ~ a acirbv i od a p i v he was able even to put them to death. H e was cruel to
    Originally the private property of dpr8podpevov ' A v a a ~ d u t o s 6 n d v ~ a 8 ~ - his victims, we are told, and used to hang them up by ropes
    Angustus and his successors (patri- @pwv d v e u . n j a a ~ o , ~ t d ~ p l a rOv o a ~ peEILj8~i
    nzoniuiit) was distinguished from the ~ s p i v o ~ 5 v 70;s a p d y p a a t v d r w s p+ and scorch their bodies with a straw fire lit beneath them.
    $sezcs or property of the princeps. ( 2 ) uvyxdast K ~ ~ V O L C V . I think the word Stephanus, a Persian eunnch, was sucellarius, or keeper of
    But when the Flavians sncceeded the d v e a ~ ~ j a a ~"re-established,"refers
    o, ton
    Julio-Clzudian dynasty they inherited temporary institution of an offire of the privy purse, and he too by his "bloodthirsty" oppression of
    the patrimony, which therefore came to similar name in the reign of Arcadius the citizens made tlie Emperor hated. A story is told that
    be regarded as crown property instead (sacri patrimonii contitiva, mentioned in
    of family property. Hence arose a an inscription). This notice of Lydus once, when the Emperor was absent, " the savage beast " amused
    second distinction between the patri- is confirmed by Basilica, vi. 1, 102, 103
    snonitenz (which soon became merged in (ed. Heimbach, i. p. 148), and by certain himself by administering a whipping to the Empress-mother
    the fisc) and the res privata, which juristic glosses quoted by Bocking, who Anastasia as if she were a little school-girl. Whether it was
    corresponded to the old patrinzoniuna. has a learned aiid valuable ,note on the
    This rcs (or ratio) privatn branched otf subject in his Notitin Dignitatunr, ii. at the suggestion of one or other of these two men that the
    in the time of Septimius Severus, anit 376 sgq. As Bocking says, the names prefect of the city was empowered to imprison for years many
    the distinctioll was between tlie jise + of the three officials corn. sacr. larg., conz.
    patri~nonizcmand the res privata ; and rei priv., and coin. saer. patr. might be persons of high rank and position, or whether the prefect was
    after Caracalla there are no traces of translated in German (respectively) by like unto the nlinisters of the treasuries, we cannot say. The
    patrimonial officers (procurators) in Finanz?ni?zistcrdes Reichssehatzes,F. des
    Italy. (3) The rcs privata in turn Kronschatzes, and F. des kaiserliehen general result was that Justinian's government was detested.
    travelled along the same path as the Privatver7nh;ge~zs. Like his distinguished namesake Justinian I., the Emperor
    prctrimo~cizcsit. In the fourth ceiltury I n Greek the patrimonium mas
    the fisc is administered by the illustrious generally called $ i 8 1 ~ + asptovala or was seized with a passion for building. He erected a new
    count of the sacred largesses, and the ociala, and thus thc corn. patr. is called
    private estates by the illustrious co~nes in the Basilica (loc. cit.) ~ 6 f i q s 77js and splendid triklinos in the palace, and appointed Steph-
    rei privatac ; but the res privata ceases i 8 i ~ i j s aepiovuias. But in popular anus as a kind of taskmaster to superintend the progress of
    to grow, and the personal property of speech he was known as the saeellariz~s
    the Emperor is managed (probably) by or purser. The words o a ~ e h h i o v and the building and accelerate its completion. I t was a con-
    the grand chamberlain (praepositus u a ~ s X X d p ~ ooccur
    s in an oratio of Gregory natural that men should apply a con- the contes rei privatae ( ~ b f i q s ~ i r v
    sacri cucbict~li). This was certainly the of Nazianzus in Juliante~n,and come jugate adjective to the public treasury. a p r p d r w v ) . I conjecture that the same
    case in the fifth century, and at length from the Latin diminutive saccellzts The adjective chosen by the instinct of fate that befell the patrimonium in the
    the Emperor Anastasius, finding i t an (saecellarius), a little bag. In later the Romaioi was ~ E V L K ;~ Sthe exchequer third century befell the respritlata in the
    inconvenient system and approving of times aa~aXXdprospassed back into Latin was called ~h Y E V L K ~ V; and the count seventh ; the private estate was absorbed
    tlie principle of division of labour, (saeellaritcs,with only one e). In the of the sacred largesses came to be called by the fisc (that is, the sacrae largitiones
    instituted a new officer, the comes sacri ChroniconPasehale, Leo (or Leontius) the the X o y o 8 e ~ q s7 0 0 ~ E V L K O V ^ or Xoy. ~ E V L K ~ S , Or the y 6 v r ~ b v ) .
    pqtrimonii. And thus patrimo?tium Syrian is called d d a b a a ~ e h h a p i w v ,and a name which Nicephorus (p. 37) para- 1 p ~ T E 6 p o tu~~ o r v l o ~civaprGv
    s ~ a dl x d -
    emerges once more as an official term I presume this means that he was once 1~1lrasesas TGV 8qpoaIwv X O ~ L U T ? ~In ~ . pots a c p ~ ~ a a e i { w (Nicephorus,
    bearing its original significance. At count of the patrimony. I11 the reign v p. 37),
    the year 609 we meet with Anastasius, while Theophanes uses the vord O s o ~ a a -
    the beginning of the third centnry the of Heraclius we meet the sacellarius K ~ P V T TGV
    ~ X a p y i ~ i ~ v w v but, in the vicwv. For their accounts of these two
    patrimoniurn meant crown property and Theodore, whom Nicephorus describes course of the seventh century the name ministers, Nicephorus aiid Theophanes
    res privata meant personal property ; as 7Gv P ~ U L X L K GxVp q p d ~ w v r a p i a v , and fell into disuse. I suspect that some had the same source before them, as
    at the beginning of the sixth century now in the reign of Justinian we meet changes in the financial administration is clear from the similar it^: of their
    patri~nonit~~n meant personal property Stephanos holding the same ofice. The were made by Constans, who was prob- language.
    and res privata crown property. (See old Latin name was probably almost ably his own chancellor of the ex- 2 This large hall extended from west
    0.Hirschfeld, Untersuchunaenauf dem obsolete. chequer.
    Gebiete der rowiischen Verwaltungs- As the adjective i 8 i ~ b swas applied to to east, and was connected with the
    lleauwhile we hear nothing more of X p u a o ~ ~ i ~ X r vby o s a long gallery called
    geschiehte, i., especially p. 43). the Emperor's private property, it mas
    326 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. ]r jU.STL%'IAN 11 327
    genial work to tlle inhuman sacellarius, who did not content of which the object was to consider important matters which
    himself with beating the ~vorkmen,but used to stone both had been neglected at previous councils. Amid the excitement
    them and the overseers. of theological discussion, moral life had declined and church
    Close to the palace was a church sacred to the Mother of discipline had become relaxed ; the Emperor desired to reform
    God, whose sitnation presented an obstacle to new plans of morals, to bring Christian life into order, and to uproot the
    Justinian. He wished to utilise the place partly for a foun- remains of Jewish and heathen perversity. The acts of this
    tain' and partly for tiers of benches to accoinmodate the synod are peculiarly interesting to the general historian, as
    members of the blue faction when they were receiving the illustrating manners and morals, and we shall return to it in
    Emperor on public occasions. H e therefore begged the another place. I t was called Quinisextz~nz,because it was a
    Patriarch Callinicus3 to deconsecrate the church that he sort of supplement to the fifth and sixth general Councils
    might pull it down, but the Patriarch replied, "We have and it purposed to be ecumenical, .but the Pope, Sergius,
    received a form of prayer for the establishment of a church, refused to sign the acts on account of certain clauses, such as
    but for the abolition of a church we have not received such." the prohibition of fasting on Saturdays and the permission to
    But when the Emperor pressed him hard, he said evasively, priests to marry.' Justinian attempted to force the Pope to
    "Glory be to God, ~vhois long-suffering now, always, and his will by violence, such as Constans had used to Martin, but
    for ever and ever, Amen l " This convenient formula was the feeling in Italy was strong for the bishop of Rome, and
    accepted as an adequate prayer of deconsecration ; the chnrcli the soldiers of the exarchate supported him against the spath-
    was pulled down and the fountain was made ; ancl at Petrion arius whom Justinian had sent to seize him.
    a new church to the Virgin was built to compensate her for
    the denlolition of her house in the Augusteum. At length in 695 the inevitable retribution came, ancl
    Jnstinian professed to concern llinlself for the morals of his Justinian suffered the penalty of his unpopular policy and
    subjects. At least he assembled a synod (i?z t~*zlllo)in 692; injudicious oppression of the higher classes. His fall came
    the T p l ~ X i v o sA a u a i a ~ 6 s , according to with a roof, partially if not wholly about on this wise.
    the reconstruction of the palace by >I. (11. 256). Leontius, an Isaurian, the general of the Anatolic theme,
    Pas~atis. " I t i$ hardly necessary to remark
    that T ~ ~ K X L Y Onieans
    S a hall or gallery or whom we saw fighting in Armenia and Iberia and gaining
    large room (roofed or open) provided repute in war, had incurred the Emperor's suspicions or the
    with seats or couches, and does not, like
    the Roman trielinizcm, imply a dining- enmity of his favourites, and had pined for three years in prison.
    1'00111.
    and is known as the synod in trullo reckoning according to the Byzantine
    ' qbrdX7, a cascade f o u n t a i ~ ~(like ( ~ a excellence).
    r Its date has divided era of the world, we obtain 691, and
    mode111 fountains in appearance), such Ii~storians,but tliere seems no doubt tlierefore the synod met i n 692 (or in
    as is represented in n~osaics in the that 692 is riglit, as Hefele thinks. last four months of 691). I t is strange
    apse of San Vitale at Ravenna. This Tarasius (at tlie seventh Co~lncil, a t that Hefele makes no referelice to tlie
    George Pachymeres writes tlius of church of tlie Virgin is called rDv Nicaea) said that this synod took place remarkable passage in Tlieoplianes (ncl
    Justinian's t~iklinos(ii. 145, ed. Bonn): pqrporroXirou, that is one of the four or five years after tlle council of 6177 A.M.), who quotes the third canon
    Btarrov d v ~ a~ a ,udyav
    l ~ a Baupaardv
    i churches under the immediate care of 680 - 681, that is in 686 ; but i t took in full and gives the correct date, rpqO',
    Xhxpiov dvra 70% ~ a r iahXas E ~ U L ~ U U Ltlie metropolitan. place in tlie fifth indiction, whereas but falls into a mistake through com-
    .xpdr?s ~ a dvwf3ev
    l 8ws K ~ T W 6 i $ ~ o v r a , The form Gallicinus occurs in some 686 fell in the fourteenth indiction, an11 luting by the Alexanilrian era, and
    Xaprrpbv p2v roixois, haprrpbv 6' 8Bhqb~i MSS. of Paulns Diaconus (vi. 31), the date is otherwise untel~able. Tar- thus places i t in 707, wliicli is iui-
    ~ a rr~prrrbv
    i ~ d X X o s . C. Manasses apparently a Latin popular etymology.
    T C ~ asius probably confou~lded the synod possible.
    (1. 3301) calls the room- To an Italian, Callinicusmeant nothing ; i n trltllo with the synod which met to The four others which they re-
    the very similar Gallicinns suggested Iceserve the acts of the sixth Council jected were, the approbation of the
    "crowing cock." The mistake is of from forgery (687). We must read eighty-five apostolic canons ; the com-
    course due, not to Panl, but to a copyist, 6195 A.M. ( s p q B ' ) instead of 6109 (which mand to abstain from blood and things
    and also occurs in the case of Callinicus 011 any theory is absurd) in tlie third strangled ; the clause against repre-
    a patrician. canon of the acts of the synod, where scnting Christ as a lamb ; and the
    I t mas held in the same domed the preceding year is referred to and erluality of the bishop of Co~istautinople
    P a s l ~ ~ tconjectures
    is that i t was covered room in the palace as the sixth Council, definedas the fourth indiction ; whereby, with the bishop of Rome.
    3'28 HISTOR Y OF THE LA T E R ROAfAN E,WP/RE ROOK v 'HAP. x JUS TIiVIAN I1 329

    Perhaps it was in connection with the defeat at Sebastopolis I t is stated as the cause of his fear that the Emperor had
    that Justinian placed him in confinement. But at length (in ;iven orders to a patrician and general named Stephanus, and
    695) he was suddenly released, and at the same time informed gurnamed Rusius (not to be confounded with Stepllanus the
    that he had been appointed General of Hellas" and must
    'I sacellarius), to massacre the people of Constantinople by night,
    without delay set out for his district with three fast sailers. beginning with the Patriarch. This mandate would be quite
    He had two friends who used to visit him in prison, Paulus, a credible if attributed to Justinian after his return from exile,
    monk and astronomer, and Gregory of Cappadocia, who had but I feel considerable hesitation in believing that he had at
    once commanded a mountain fort, presumably in Asia Minor, this time reached such a pitch of insanity.
    with the title of J<leisz~ria~ch,
    and, having since become a monk, The Patriarch Callinicus not unwillingly acconlpanied
    was then abbot of the monastery of Florus. These two monks Leontius to the cathedral. There he said to the people,
    had often averred to Leontius, while he was in prison, that he " This is the day which the Lord has made," and all the people

    was destined to become Emperor of the Romans. On the cried, " Let the bones of Justinian be dug up," that is : may
    night of his departure for Greece he nlet them? to say farewell; Justinian be accursed.' After this preliminary quasi-religious
    he reminded them of their prediction, and observed bitterly, sanctification of their future acts, all proceeded to the h i p p -
    " Now my life is ending in misery, for I shall be expecting drome. Thither the unfortunate Justinian was led at day-
    every moment death to follow me." " Fear not," they replied, break; and in the southern crescent, where such scenes
    " the prophecy mill be soon fulfilled. Only listen to us and usually took place: his nose and his tongue were slit, after
    follow us." which despiteful usage he was shipped off to the Tauric
    I n accordance with the directions of these ecclesiastics, peninsula, whither his grandfather had banished Pope Martin.
    Leontius took his men and his arms and proceeded silently to The mutilation which Justinian suffered cannot have been
    the praetorium, or residence of the prefect of the city. H e so severe as the terms naturally suggest. The operation
    knocked at the gate and announced to the porter that the performed on his tongue did not deprive him of the power of
    Emperor was waiting without, having come for the purpose of speaking, and we may assume that the cutting of the nose
    arranging the treatment of some of the prisoners who were did not mean its total removal. I11 fact, it seems prob-
    incarcerated in the buildings. The prefect, informed of the able that the words are more cruel than the acts really
    imperial presence, came hastily down to opin the gate ; and were; and that the rinokopia and glossotomia, which were
    was immediately overpowered by Leontius, beaten and bound. ordinary occurrences in Byzantium, and are cited as instances
    Then the prisoners, who were numerous and of exalted rank, of Bxzantine cruelty, were little more than a very severe and
    were set free. Most of them were soldiers, and some had indelible brand, which, however, did not materially affect the
    languished in the dungeons for seven or eight years. Leontius, victim's general ellb being.^
    sure of their fidelity, provided them with arms, and then The expulsion of Justinian was accompanied by the execu-
    proceeded with his party to the Augusteum, crying aloud, "Ho, tion of the two detested ministers of finance Stephanus and
    all Christians to St. Sophia ! " and he sent others to cry the Theodotus, who with their feet tied together were dragged
    same summons in other regions of the city. A multitude of hvau~aqhj ~b du~ka 'IOUUTLYL~VOD
    tinern fast gsnz fremd, weil ihnen, wie
    citizens thronged to the church, and in the meantime the (Theoph.) This was the regular form
    allen Orientalen, das far niente eili
    of cursing in Eyzantium, so that dva- Genuss statt eines Uebels ist, und
    revolutionist, along with the two monks and the most important ' J K ~ T T W came to mean " curse." selbst die freiwillige Absperrung in
    of the released prisoners, went to the Pat~iarcheion,where they Kloster und Zellen etwas verlockendes
    hat: statt der Breiheitsstrafen ent-
    found the Patriarch filled with alarm. In regard to Byzantine punishments wickelt sich viellnehr ein raffinirtes
    Zacharia (Griechzsch- romzsches Recht, System von Leibes-und Lebensstrafen,
    In the Julianisian port of Sophia, near the region of Manron, in the south- Pref. p. viil ) remarks : " Freiheits-und nelches die Turken nur zu eifrig
    -rt of the city. Gefangniss-serafen bleiben den Eyzan- adoptirt haben."
    330 HIS T O Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN El$fPZRE BOOK v

    through the thoroughfare and burned at the place called


    Bous.
    Thus the prediction of the astrononler Paulus came to pass,and
    Leontius the Patrician, instead of being " General of Hellas,"
    became Emperor of the Romans. And thus too the dynasty
    of Heraclius, having lasted for eighty-five years, came to an
    end; for we need hardly reckon to its credit or discredit the
    few years during which Justinian, having returned from exile,
    enjoyed the supreme power again and committed acts that
    were worthy only of a madman. CHAPTER XI

    I may conclude this chapter by putting forward .the con- FOUNDATION OF THE BULGARIAN IilNGDOM
    jecture that Justinian 11. made Justinian I. a inodel for his
    own acts. I do not mean that he attempted to adopt the BY the middle of the seventh century the Balkan lands were,
    spirit of the great monarch's administration ; I mean that he as we have seen, covered with Slavonic settlements, so that in
    had a fancy for aping his namesake in certain minor matters. Moesia, Illyricum, Macedonia the Slaves constituted the bulk
    I n the first place, unlike his immediate predecessors and fore- of the population. The towns on the sea-coast were still
    fathers, he caused expensive architectnral works to be exe- Greek, and the remains of the old Albanese and Thracian
    cuted; like Justinian I., he desired to be remembered as a nations lingered still among the mountains; but it was evi-
    builder. I n the second place, he intended to force Pope dent that destiny had marked out the peninsula north of
    Sergius to comply with his will by violence, as Justinian I. nlount Olympus for a Slavonic country.
    liacl forced Pope Vigilius. Here of course he had the more The Slaves, however, were themselves incapable of union ;
    recent example of his grandfather Constans. I n the third they had no political instinct in that direction ; and if
    place, when he was in exile he married, as we shall see, the a principle of unity had not been induced from without,
    sister of the chagan of the Khazars. As Justinian's wife she they might have never become dominant, they might have
    was called Theodora, and I conjecture that the banished monarch, even been gradually crushed by the Emperors of Constan-
    when he chose this name for her, thought of Theodora the tinople.
    wife of his great namesake. I n the fourth place, he forilled The people who supplied the unity, which the Slovenes
    designs against Abasgia, as we shall learn in a future chapter, were by themselves incapable of realising, were the Bulgarians,
    and here too I think he was recurring to the days of Justinian a non-Aryan race allied with the Khazars, Magyars, etc., and
    I. Certain it is that from Justinian I. to Jnstinian 11. me belonging to what is called t l ~ eUgro-Finnic branch. We
    hear of few dealings between the Empire and the Abas,'u n s . have already met them as early as the end of the fifth century
    Again, the foundation of Justinianopolis recalls the eponymous fighting with Theodoric, and defeated by him; we have then
    cities of Justinian I. Once more, Stephanus and Theodotus, seen them invading the Roman Enipire in the reigns of Ana-
    the instruments of cruelty and extortion, remind us of John stasius and Justinian, and afterwards, at the end of the sixth
    the Cappadocian; and since John's prefecture no Emperor is century, reduced to a condition of semi-dependence on the
    recorded to have employed such notorious oppressors until the Avar monarchy. These Bulgarians, who dwelled on the
    monk became logothete and the eunuch sacella~iz~s under the Euxine coast north of the Danube in BudBak and Bessarabia,
    second Justinian. had separated from the great Bulgarian nation, whose home
    33.2 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROIMAN EMPIRE BOOK V

    was in the lands between the Don, the Volga, and the Icuban, and fifth brothers do not represent separations from the
    east of the Sea of Azov.' lnother nation on the bank of the Kuban, but rather offshoots
    The Greek historians Theophanes and Nicephorus? living froill the daughter nation between the Danube and Dniestr.
    at the end of the eighth century, record a story about the Both these later settlements of the Bulgarians in Pannonia
    Bulgarians, which they must have drawn from a common and in Italy must have talren place in the seventh centnry;
    source, as not only their facts but their verbal expressions and we must evidently connect the fifth with the notice of
    coincide. This story is legendary, but i t has a historical Paul, the historian of the Lombards, that King Grimuald settled
    foundation. Kobrat, or Konrat, was king of the kindred some Bulgarians, who entered Italy peacefully under the leader-
    nations of the Bulgarians and Icotragoi in the reign of Hera- ship of one Alzeco, in the neighbourhood of Beneventum.l
    clius. He died in the reign of Constans, leaving five sons, The Bulgarian Iring who revolted against the Avars and
    whom he exhorted to cling ~ogetherand not break up the allied himself with Heraclius, Kobrat or Krobat, is called
    Bulgarian power. As might have been predicted, they did Kurt in the Slavonic list of Bulgarian monarchs to which we
    not follow his admonition. The first son, Baian or Batbaian have already referred. Nicephorus records that Kubrat, the
    (a nanle that reminds us of the chagan of the Avars in the nephew of Organ and chief of the Onogundurs, revolted
    reign of Maurice), renlainecl in the territory of his father; against the chagan of the Avars and made a treaty with
    the second, whose name was Kotragos, established himself on Heraclius, who conferred on him the title of Patrician ; more-
    the right bank of the Don; the third, Asperuch, crossed the over, Kubrat expelled the Avars from his own land. This
    Dniepr and Dniestr, and settled near the north bank of the event was decisive for the history of the Bulgarians, just
    Danube; the fourth migrated to Pannonia, and was subject as the battle of Netad was decisive for the history of the
    unto the Avars ; the fifth travelled still farther west, and Ostrogoths.
    settled in the " pestapolis of Ravenna." I n the reign of Constantine I V the independent Bulgarians
    This notice crowds into the reign of Constans the Second began to distress the neighbouring Roman territory by their in-
    events that took place nearly two centuries before. The cursions. The Emperor determined to take vigorous measures
    migration of the third brother, Asperuch (or Isperich, as he immediately, and, instead of merely strengthening the frontier
    is called in the Slavonic record of Bulgarian monarchs 3), defences, to attack the enemy in their own country and teach
    represents a migration that took place before the year 480 A.D. them a salutary lesson. H e prepared a naval armament as
    We may further conjecture that the migrations of the fonrth well as a land army, and transported the Asiatic troops to
    Europe. The territory of the Bulgarians was called Oglos or
    l mpi rijv MatLjr~v X l p v ~ v~ a 7 87bvphorus, and JiriEek gives the former.
    Kh+rva ~ o z a p 6 v (Nicephorus, ed. dc I n the second place, he places Kobrat's Onglos (an angle or corner), and corresponds to the district
    Boor, p. 33). death and the division of the kingdom marked BudZak on modern maps. Here they possessed strong
    &I.JirlEelr, in his excellent chapter in the reign of Constantine I V ; but
    on " die Einwanderung der Bnlgaren," Nicephorns (like Theophanes) places it Paul. Diac. v. 29. The places con- poses) ; but Theophanes, 6171 A.M.,
    is not quite accurate in his statement in the reign of "the Constantn~ewho ceded to the Bulgarians were Sepinum makes the former identification, 7Gv
    toorhing the Greek account of the Vor- died in the West" (i.e. Constans 11). (Sipicciano), Isernia (Sergna), Bovia- Qdvvg.ovv8olipwv BovAydpwv ~ a Korpci-
    i
    gesehichte of this people. In the first Apparently M. JiriEelr has quoted his num, and other civitates. Alzeco's title ywv. The first Kuhrat or Kurt is his-
    place, he speaks as if it were only to be authorities here at second hand. was changed from dux to gastaldius. torical, and really reigned 011 the
    fonnd in the history of Nicephorus, 3 This obscure record (see Jiriliek, p. Those who were subjects of the Avars Danube, but the second ICubrat is
    and does not once mention Theophanes ; 127) contains several inexplicable Bul- afterwards migrated to the territory of legendary, or at least a personage of
    and yet Theophanes is fuller in his garian words, which Hilferding has the Franks, who treacherouslymmdered remoter antiquity. The actual reign
    details than Nicephorus, although both tried to interpret by the help of Hun- them all (Fredegarins, cap. 72). of a famous Kuhrat in the seventh
    drew from the same source. But the garian. According to it, Kurt reigned Ki~lgof the Onogundurs (Nicepho- century led to the old legends being
    curious point is that M. JiriEek, while sixty years. The name of the royal rus, p. 24). Nicephorus does not identify attached to his name, and it was sup-
    professing to quote from Nicephorus, Bulgarian family mas Dzllo. The list the Ollogundurs with the Bulgarians, poscd that it was he who led the
    really quotes Theophanes -c.g. the begins from the earliest times and goes nor Onogunduric Kubrat, of the reign Bulgarians from the Caucasus to the
    name Batbaian is the form in Theo- down to 765 A.D. The first Bulgarian of Heraclius, with Bulgarian Kubrat, Danube. Organ (the father of Kubrat)
    phanes, Baianos the form in Nice- king, Avitochol, reigned 300 years. of the r e i p of Constans (as he sup- is a Turkish name.
    CHAP. xi F O UhJDdTTON OF BULGARIAN KINGDOM 335
    334 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN E,IIPIRE BOOK v
    The chief towns of the new kingdom founded by Isperich
    and inaccessible fortresses, secured by precipitous rocks which were Pr&slav (Peristhlaba),' on the Kamdija (about a degree
    rose behind and perfidions nlorasses which stretched in front, due west of Varna), and Drster (Durostorum, the modern
    so that it was a difficult c o ~ u ~ t rfor
    y an invader. When they
    Silistria), on the Danube ; and in these regions the kingdom
    saw the great expeditions by land and sea that had come
    col~ti~~ueci for more than two centuries with little change in its
    against them, the Bulgarians, greatly terrified, retreated into
    boundaries, nearly corresponding to the modern principality of
    their fastnesses, ancl for four days enclnred a siege. Eut un-
    Bulgaria. I t was not till the tenth century that Bulgarian
    luckily the Emperor, who had accompanied the naval arina-
    supremacy extended to the south-west, and included the Slaves
    ment in person, fell sick of a pain in his foot, and, commanding
    of Macedonia and Dacia. I n the meantime the conquered
    his forces to continue the siege, departed with a few ships to
    Slaves were by a gradual process conquering their Tartaric
    Mesembria. Some regiments of cavalry nlisconstrued the cle-
    parture of the sovereign as flight, and, seized with a groundles: conqueror^.^ The Bulgarian customs had little influence on
    panic, fled themselves. The panic was communicated to the the Slavonic character; and the Bulgarian language had less
    rest of the army, the flight became general, and the Bulgarians, influence on the Slavonic language. On the contrary, the
    issuing from their retreats, pursued and completely routed the Bulgarians were Slavised, and ultimately absorbed among the
    Romans. All whom they captured they put to death. Still Slaves, so that the Bulgarian people of the present day is
    pursuing, they crossed the Danube and advanced to Varna, purely Slavonic, with nothing non-Aryan about it except its
    near Odessus. Struck by the natural features of Moesia, name and a slight infusion of Tartar blood.
    which seemed to lend it a peculiar security,-the Haelnus on I n these events we see two features of Slavonic history
    the south, the Danube on the north, the Euxine on the east,- prominently marked. We observe on the one hand the
    they determined to change their habitation and establish them- inability of the wayward Slavonic tribes to forin a political
    selves south of the Danube. unity, without an alien power to give the initiative by sub-
    Accordingly, the Bulgarians reduced to subjection the seven jecting them to a monarchy. On the other hand we see the
    Slavonic tribes that dwelled in Moesia, experiencing probably assimilative absorbing power of the Slavonic race-herein
    little resistance, and disposed them along the frontiers of the somewhat resembling the Hellenic-which was able in a short
    new Bulgarian kingdom, to defend it on the west against the time to obliterate the identity of the conquerors, while i t
    Avars ancl on the south against the Ron1ans.l The tribe of the profited by the principles of unity and monarchy which they
    Severs ( ~ E , ~ ~ ~ was
    c L F placed
    ) to guard the pass of Eeregaba in had introduced. I call these two phenomena features of
    the eastern 13all;ans. The PLonlan towns and forts were gradn- Slavonic history, because they recurred some centuries later in
    ally reduced, ancl Constantine, after the failure of his great the more ceiebrated case of the Russians, and, if my conjecture
    expedition, was coi~strained to make a treaty with the new touching the Croatian Slaves is right, they had occurred in a
    Iringdom tliat mas being founded within Eoman territory, and less pronounced form b e f ~ r e . ~The unity, to which the Slaves
    to agree to the payment of a certain sum of lnoney every year of Russia tvould never have attained of themselves, was super-
    to the Bulgarian king, Isperich. The motive of Constantine induced by the Northmen of ~candinavia, who founded a
    in paying this tribute seems to have been to save Thrace fro111 Russian kingdom; but the language, the manners, and the
    immediate invasion, so tliat he might have tinie to take identity of the conquerors were soon absorbed in Slavism.
    measures for its permanent security against "the new and Thus for the 'Slaves the way to unity and empire has lain
    abominable " neighbours. ' I t is uncertain when Peristhlaba ministration. As to the Slavonic cul-
    was founded. A t first Varna was prob- tivators of the soil, JiriEek says they
    There is a story, resting on Arabinn hedge provided with wooden windo\vs ably the capital. were probably reduced to a sort of
    authority, that the entire Bulgarian (JiriEek, p. 133). ? Noble Slaves were admitted by partial Leibeigemehaft.
    kingdom \\.as surrounded by a thorn ' Roesler regards them as Huns. their conquerors to a share in the ad- See above, cap. vii.
    336 HISTOX Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    \vhether this took place as he was returning from Thessa-
    through acceptance of a foreign yoke; they have lost their
    Ionica with his captives or after he had settled them in
    life in order to save it.
    c )~)sikion. The Bulgarians, however, seem not to have harassed
    The khan of the Bulgarians ruled with a council of six bolya~s
    llle Empire again during the reign of Isperich, who died in
    (Poihd86q, whence the Russian boycw), and the coiistitution
    rested on an aristocratic basis. The customs of the Bulgarians
    ;r 10 and mas succeeded by Terbel.
    I may add a word as to the history of the old Eulgarians
    had an oriental complexion, and differed totally from those of
    \\-iio dwelt on the Xuban and Kama. Their kingdom was
    the Slaves. They were polygamists. The women veiled their
    citlled Great Bulgaria, and was on friendly terms with the
    faces, and the men wore turbans, and both sexes wore loose
    Saracens, who converted it to Mohammedanism in the tenth
    trousers. The king partook of his meals alone, without the
    company even of a wife. The Bulgarians cared only for war, t.t~ntury. I t suffered from the enmity of the Khazars and the
    It~issians, and was finally, in the thirteenth century, ex-
    and their barbarous manners present no trace of industrial
    developn~ent. I n their old homes they did not use coins J ~ernlinatedby the Tartars. And thus the only relic of the
    cattle were the medium of exchange. They were a super- 1:nlgarians is their name, which in western Europe1 has come
    111 be a word of opprobrium, connoting a nameless vice.
    stitious people, and considered magical rites a necessary pre-
    liminary to battle. l
    I lnay conclude this chapter by noticing the series of
    About ten years after the settlement of Isperieh and his
    ,~tt,ltcltswhich were made upon Thessalonica by the Macedonian
    Bulgarians in Moesia, the young Emperor Justinian dissolved
    Slave3 in the latter part of the seventh century. I11 675 or
    the peace which his father had made by refusing to pay the
    6 7 6 the fierce tribes who dwelled on the coasts of the
    stipulated tribute (689 A.D.) He ordered the cavalry regi-
    'L'l~ermaicand Pagasaic gulfs blockaded the capital of Illyricum
    ments stationed in Asia Minor to cross over to Thrace,
    land and sea. But the ships of the besiegers were scattered
    " desiring to lead captive the Bulgarians and the Sclavinias,"
    1,)- ;I storm ; and, as far as we can determine from the account
    that is the Sclavinia which was now included in the Bulgarian
    r l*iulsiuittedby a biographer who writes for edification, a sally
    kingdom and the Sclavinia to the west of Mount Rhodope,
    of tbe besiegers put the land army to flight, and Chatzon, the
    which was nominally part of the Roman Empire, but was
    ,>l~jefof the expedition, was captured, and stoned to death by
    constantly rebelling. I n the following year (6 9 0) Justinian
    \\omen, The inhabitants attributed this deliverance to the
    first marched northwards against the Bulgarians, whom he
    repulsed, and then turned westwards against the Slavonic special intervention of St. Demetrius, whose church still attests
    settlements in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica. He suc- r lle honour in which he was held ; just as, nearly a hundred
    years before, the repulse of the Avars was gratefully set down
    ceeded in collecting a vast number of Slaves, some of whom
    to 11js protection.
    voluntarily joined him, while others he forcibly constrained;
    But the Slaves had not abandoned the idea of obtaining
    and, having transported them to Asia Minor, settled them in the
    district of Opsikion. We have already seen how he formed ~~~hsession of the great capital of Illyricum. I n 67'7 the aid
    bf the holy Demetrius was again needed, when the barbarians
    thirty thousand of these captives into a " supernumerary corps "
    (

    returned to the assault, reinforced by Avars and Bulgarians


    under the command of Nebulus, and how twenty thousand of
    them deserted to the Saracens. . ~ u d~rovidedwith poliorcetic machines. The blockade lasted
    for a month, and then the foe retired, the saint having again
    The Bulgarians enjoyed a slight revenge for their defeat.
    wrought deliverance for his city. At this time John I1 was
    They waylaid Justinian, " as he was returning," in a mountain archbishop of Thessalonica, and his activity in providing for
    pass, and he escaped with difficulty. But it is not clear
    the defence of the town is closely connected with the super-
    She Jiridek and Roesler, Ron~.Stud. p. 239. The main source is the Respma
    "heoph. 6180 A.M.
    ' Similarly from the Ugrian (Hungarian) name ccmes our " ogre."
    ad cons. Bulyar. of Pope Nicolas (Iiardnin, v. p. 353). T'OL. I1 . z
    338 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v

    natural colouring given to the events by the ecclesiastical


    biographer, in whose pages the praetorian prefect plays a
    subordinate part. The city suffered from an earthquake soon
    after this siege, and had the distress of beholding the church
    of its patron in flames. A greater misfortune befell it in the
    death of the archbishop. Then we have a glimpse of Perbund
    (Pervund), " chief" of the Runchines, walking in the streets of
    the town; but the praetorian prefect suspects him, commits
    hini to irons, and sends him to Constantinople. H e attempts
    to escape from prison and is slain. C H A P T E R XI1
    I n consequence of this dealing with Perbund, his tribe,
    the Runchines, combine with the Sagudates and march against ORIGIN OF THE SYSTEM OF THEMES
    Thessalonica (6 78). For two whole years the city is closely
    blockaded, and endures all the miseries incident to a siege. ONE of t.he most obscure and also most interesting problems
    The Emperor is unable to send more than ten small ships to of seventh-century history is the origin of the "Byzan-
    its relief; and the raising of the siege is finally due to clis- tine themes." I n the tenth century the Emperor Con-
    sensions among the beleaguerers. The Belegezktes desert to the stantine Porphyrogennetos wrote a treatise on the themes
    Romans, and the enemy's camp is broken up (680) ; but the or districts into which the Empire was a t that time divided,
    credit of the deliverance falls to the share of the saint. Once and he distinctly assigns their origin to the seventh century.
    more, in the following year, the city is besieged; and once The assertion of the imperial writer would by itself weigh
    niore the besiegers are repulsed by its protector. I n the little, because he was lamentably ignorant of history and quite
    meantinie the waters of the northern Aegean are infested by destitute of critical ability, but it is confirmed by the unde-
    the Slavonic pirates.' signed testimo~yof the historians Nicephorus and Theophanes,
    1 For these events, see the " Vita 0 c t . i ~(162-174).
    . The nameof theprae- whose narrative of the latter years of the seventh century
    Sancti Demetrii,"intheActaSa~actorz~nz, torian prefect is mentioned-Charias. presupposes at least the beginning of a thematic division, if I
    may be permitted to use the expression. Nicephorus and
    Theophanes lived indeed a century later, but they made use of
    NOTE earlier sources. Constantine further fixes the latter part of
    the reign of Heraclius as the date of the introduction of the
    THE question touching an early introduction of Islam among the theme system. This statement is not contradicted by the
    Bulgarians is discussed by C. M. Fraehn in an essay on "Drei scanty records of the history of that time; but it is not
    Miinzen der Wolga-Bulgaren aus dem x. Jahrhundert n. Chr." necessitated. The passages in Theophanes and Nicephorus
    (Md172. de d'ncnd. inq. des sciences d e St. Pdte~sbourg,vol. i. 6th series, which bear on the question prove only that the new division
    1832, p. 171 sqp.) Some of the customs of the Moesian Bulgarians was partially made before the death of Constans (668 A.D.)
    (above, p. 336) and the name of one of their kings (Omar, below,
    p. 473) point this way ; but the authority of Ibn Foszlan and others There are, however, reasons for supposing that Constantine was
    establishes that Great Bulgaria was converted to Mohammedanism in a certain sense right.
    in the tenth century. Fraehn accordingly assumes an earlier and Many of the themes which existed in the middle of the
    a later introduction of Islam, and connects the hostilities of the tenth century had been created recently, within the preceding
    heathen Khazars with the early conversion (p. 189). fifty or sixty years. Such were either smaller districts of
    subordinate importance, which had previously been subdivi-
    340 HZSTOR Y OF TEE LA TER RO,?fAN EJ!fPIRE BOOK V CHAP. X I I ORZGLN OF THE SYSTEM OF TiYEAfES 341

    sioils of large themes, or else new acquisitions won from suddenly (like the French departments) by the fiat of one
    hostile territory, such as Longobardia and Lycandos. With Emperor.
    the origin of these Constantine was of course familiar. But But the military necessities which existed in the reigns of
    he did not think of applying the facts, which lie had heard Heraclius and his successors are by no means a complete ex-
    with his ears and his father had told him, to the course planation. I t seems to me that we shall miss the import of
    of past history, and coacluding by analogy that many other the new provincial system which developed in the seventh
    themes were also of later institution; and that the whole and eighth centuries if we fail to recognise that it was really
    Empire had originally been divided into a few large districts, initiated in the sixth century, and that the administrative
    from which the elaborate system of seventeen Asiatic and changes of Justiiiian were the link between the system of
    twelve European themes gradually developed.' Diocletian and the medieval system. I showed in a former
    For this is the coilclusion to which we are led by a careful chapter how Justinian's reforms departed from the principles
    collection of all the passages bearing on the subject in our two of Diocletian, and anticipated an arrangement which was
    chief sources for Roman history from Constans I1 to Nice- elaborated in later times.' Thus it would be false to consider
    phorus I. that the tendency to supersede the hierarchy of officials and
    The word thenze meant properly a military division or regi- abandon the principle of division of labour-in fact, to recur
    ment, and this fact indicates that the geographical themes had to the system of the imperial provinces under the early Em-
    a military origin, and tliat the new division was due at least perors-appeared first in the seventh century; the new
    primarily and partly to needs of warfare. The language of departure was really made by the great Justinian. What was
    the historians makes this fact plain, and we can trace in their the strategia (orpraeturu) of Sicily but a theme founded in the
    pages the transition from theme in the sense of troops quar- sixth century? But the circumstances of the seventh century,
    tered in a particular district to theme in the sense of the the wars with the Persians and the Saracens, favoured the
    district over which the stratdgos or military goveriior p~esided. development of this Justinianean novelty and gave it a par-
    But we can also see their origin clearly stamped on the names ticular direction. The absence of definite statements in our
    of the themes themselves ; and here we find an important dis- meagre sources renders it impossible to trace out in detail
    tinction which helps to elucidate the whole subject. A certain the course of this development; nevertheless a careful
    number of the thematic names are of military origin, while the examination of incidental notices may lead us to some im-
    rest are purely geographical. Of military origin, for example, portant conclusions. We may first see what intimations our
    was the Opsikian theme, so called because the Opsikion (ob- authorities, Theophanes and Nicepliorus, give us of the exist-
    sequizcnz) or imperial guard was quartered in that district ; the ence of themes (or rather stratdyini) in the seventh century;
    Armeniac theme received its appellation from the Armeniakoi, we may then pass on to consider their origin; and finally
    or troops placed to guard the Armenian frontier; whereas we may glance, in anticipation, at the development of the
    Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lycandos are geographical names. system in the eighth century.
    Now a study of our historical authorities shows us that
    the former class of themes are the most ancient, and that I. The earliest definite notice that concerns us is that of
    themes with names like Cappadocia and Sebasteia were the revolt of Saborius or Sapor, the general of the A~meniakoi,in
    formed long afterwards. Hence we may draw the general
    conclusion that the thematic system grew gradually and un- ' I had written this chapter long I see that he recognises the Justinian-
    before I read the excellent Russian ean reforms as an anticipation of the
    designedly out of military necessities, and was not created y r k of N. Skabalonovitch, entitled themes (p. 185) in nis interesting
    The Byzantine Empire and Church chapter on the thirty-eight themes in
    In the eleventh century the number of themes had increased to thirty- in the Eleventh Cei~tury" (Vizantyskoe the eleventh century.
    eight. Gosudarsfvo i Tserkou v xi. Vklci?).
    342 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XII ORIGIN O F THE SYSTEM OF THEMES 343

    the last year of C0nstans.l This entitles us to conclude that the Cibyraiots. I t is evident, however, that the little mari-
    at that time the provinces of the Empire bordering on Armenia time town of Cibyra: between Side and Ptolemais, had already
    were under the separate government of a general, and the given her name to the naval troops of those regions, a dis-
    regiments under his command were called Armeniakoi. TWO tinction such as her greater namesake, the inland Cibyra of
    years later we learn that the soldiers "of the theme of the Caria, never achieved ; and perhaps this distinction was due to
    Anatolilioi" went to Chrysopolis and preferred a curiously some energetic enterprise against a Saracen fleet. The tern1
    expressed req~lestto Constantine IV,2 and twenty years later drungarius was specially applied to admirals and to com-
    Leontins mas general of the Anatolikoi (690 or 691). These manders of the watch.
    passages prove the existence of an Armeniac and of an Anatolic I n the seventh century then it appears that there were at
    district, ulider separate strategoi, in the reign of Constans 11. least three administrative divisions in Asia Minor, the Opsi-
    Two other districts, afterwards called themes, seen1 to have kian, the Anatolic, and the Armeniac, subject respectively to a
    been under the authority of independent military governors in count and two stratkgoi ; and probably a fourth, the Cibyraiot
    the latter half of the seventh century ; they are first mentioned drungariate. The question now arises whether there were not
    in the reign of Justinian 11.3 That Emperor settled the also other independent districts, which do not happen to be
    Slaves " in the parts of Opsikion " in 6 8 17-6 8 8, an expression mentioned because they played no prominent part in the
    which shows that the troops quartered there had already seventh century. Now in 71 1 we are told that Justinian I1
    associated their name with the territory. The cominander of collected the Opsikians and Thracesians, and of these Thrace-
    the Opsikians was not entitled general, but cozcnt, and the sians one Christopher was the t u r n ~ a ~ c h .The
    ~ Thracesians
    " couilty " of Opsikion stretched along the Propontis and were evidently regiments transferred from Thrace to Asia
    reached to a considerable distance inland; it included Dory- Minor for military service against Persians or Saracens.
    laeum, near which city the district of the Anatolics began. They were originally one turma or division of the troops com-
    Moreover, " Hellas " was under the command of a general, for we manded by the stratQgos of Thrace, but when they were per-
    hear that Leontius was released from prison and appointed manently established in Asia Minor they could no longer obey
    strategos of Hellas. that general and were under the supreme command of their
    There is no direct evidence that the southern coast of Asia turmarch. This turmarchy some years later was raised to the
    Minor, from near Miletus on the west to near Seleucia on dignity of a strati?gGa, or theme proper. As for the Bncel-
    the east, constituted in the seventh century a Cibymiot theme. larian theme, which included the old provinces of Honorias
    We hear of no strategos of the Cibyraiots. until the year '731 ; and First Galatia, we hear nothing of the Bukellarioi until
    but, although we hear of no strat$gos, we hear of a d~ungarius. the year 765, and I think we shall be safe in attributing the
    I n 69'7 Apsimar, who became the Emperor Tiberius 111, was Coastantine Porphyrogennetos calls to contain three poipat and be equiva-
    drungzri~~s of the Cibyrai~ts.~The words of the chroniclers i t a contemptible place ( E L T E X O ~~S a i lent to a pCpos: thus a drungarius
    d ~ a ~ o v o p d u r o u?roXiuparos), and says would be much the same as a p ~ p d p ~ 1 ) s .
    :.),;? 7 th;, he was especially connected with the people or the name wa.; given to the theme for Epiphanius (I learn from the notes on
    ~ s Coryclls (Attalia) ; but it is not clear whether he
    s ~ l f i t of insult and not for honour, on account Maurice) derived Gpohyyos . . from ~ h y ; y o s ,
    of the rebellious nature of the people of a snout.'
    was subordinate to some one who bore the title strategos of the d~striet(de TI~crn.vol. iii. pp. 38, Vheophanes, 6203 A.M. B p a ~ ? f u t o s
    the Cibyraiots, or whether he was himself the sole admiral of 36). Pinlay thinks that the imperial is simply formed from B p k ~ v s the , geni-
    writer mas mistaken, and that the tive case bv the termination 10s.
    Theophanes, 6159 A.M. For an 3 1b. 6180 A.M. Cf. 6203, 6205 theme derived its name from the We fiid Roman and foreign troops
    earlier mention of the Armeniakoi, see A.M. greater Cibyra. But the greater Cibyra called Bueellarii a t the beginning of the
    below, p. 347. 1b. 6190 A.M. 8p0uyydpro~ TDV did not belong to this theme. fifth centnry ; sec Olympiodorus, fr. 7,
    Ib. 6161 A.M. Theophanes' expres- Kt/3upatwrrjv eis K o u p r ~ c ~ r abrrdpxovra.
    s D T U ~ L ~ Z"aI S , troop of soldiers," r b B o u ~ ~ X X d p r odvopa
    s bv rais fiplpars
    sion, 706 06paros rDv ' A v a r o X ~ ~ &hardly
    v, Nicephorus, p. 40 : urparoG dpxovra is used in Vopiscns' Lqe qf P~obtis,cap. 'Ovwpiou 6Qhpero arb U T ~ U T L W T & 06
    proves that the district of the Anatolics rDv Koupr~twrDv r u y ~ d v o v r a 7% Q a b 19. I n the Stmtegikon of Maurice (Bk. p6vwv 'Pwpaiwv dXXb ~ a rl6 r 0 w u rrsGv
    was as yet definitely termed a theme. Ktpuparwrrjv xhpas. 1. cap. 3, ?rep1 ivopdrwv), a Gpodyyos is said h s G'aUrws KUL 7 b ~orGepdr.swv arb Gra-
    344 H(STOX Y O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE HOOK v CHAP.XII ORIGIN OF THE S Y S T E M O F TNEMES 315

    origin of the theme to Leo 111, who, as we shall see hereafter, To sum up, our chronicles prove that there existed i11 Asia
    probably organised a symmetrical system of thematic divisions. Minor in the seventh century two themes or districts under
    Optimaton: " the poorest of the themes," did not perhaps strat&goi, or governors in wliose hands military and civil
    become a theme until a still later period. Paphlagonia, in the authority were combined. These were the Ameniac ancl tlie
    eighth century, though perhaps not in the seventh, was a part Anatolic themes, and both were much larger1 then than me
    of the Armeniac district: and Cappadocia was included in the afterwards find them in the tenth century. Eesicles these,
    Anatolic. The parts of Cilicia close to the Saracen frontier there was the Opsikian theme governed by a count, who in
    were presumably governed by one or more cleisurarchs, perhaps dignity and pox7er was on a level with the strategoi. There
    responsible to the Anatolic general. were also the drungariate of the Cibyraiots (at least this seeills
    It is possible that there may have existed in the seventll the most probable theory) and the turmaxhy of tlie Thracesians;
    century an anticipation, in some sort, of a theme which did not and these administrations were probably indepenclent, thongli
    exist in the days of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, but existed not equal in dignity to the strategiai. Thus prac:tically the
    a little later in the days of Basil 11. We read that when Cibyraiot theme and the Thracesian thenie existed in the
    Heraclius, sailing from Carthage against Phocas, anchored in seventh century. In Europe we find two strategiai, Thrace and
    the Dardanelles, he received some information from a certain Sicily, dating from the reign of Justinian, and two strategiai of
    functionary called the count of Abydos. I t is tempting to later date, Africa2 and Hellas. The exarchate of Raveiina was
    think that he may have had control as a governor over the similar in nature though different in title ; and the praetorian
    surrounding districts, and that thus the theme of Abydos, prefect of Illyricum,3 who still kept state at Thessalonica, was
    which was formed by splitting up the theme of the Aegeall in some sense a military governor, as the defence of the city
    Sea, was anti~ipated.~But perhaps it is safer to attribute devolved upon him. We may tabulate then the following list
    only financial offices to this Abydene count, and connect him of military districts for the seventh century :-
    exclusively with the dues4 which were exacted from merchants
    entering the Propontis. ASIA. EUROPE.
    +6pou ~ a ul v p p y o i k 2+.!pe~o ?rX$Bovs. reading of Zosimus, which places tlie 1. County of Opsikion. 1. StratBgia of Thrace.
    Cf. fr. 11, in which the derivation of defeat of Radagaisus on the banks of 2. StratBgia of the Anatolikoi. '2. Stratkgia of Hellae.
    the word is given from ,8ou~dAXarov, the Danube (BibZiotheca Gradca Mrdii 3. StratPgia of the Arnleniakoi. 3. StratBL+a of Sicily.
    "stale bread." Optila, the Hunnic Aevi, ii. Preface, p. 36). Greeks from 4. Turmarchy of the Thracesians. 4. Strategia of Africa.
    assassin of Valentinian 111, was a the mountainous regions, of Taurus 5. Exarchate of Ravel~na.
    bucellarizu of Aetius (Idatius). I n the were associated with these Optimati as 5. Drungariate of the Cibyraiots.
    Strategikon of Maurice (Bk. i. cap. i. p. followers (dnau?rru.raL), and called dppd- 6 (?). Stratsgia of C ~ l o n e i a . ~ 6 (1). Prefecture of Illyricuni.
    20) bucellarii and foederati are men- Tor (Maurice, Strategikon, i. 3) ; they
    tioned as ~ ~ X O Y T E Sand
    , again (in cap. 9) bore the same relation to the Optimati But besides these there were possibly other indepenclcnt
    bucellarii and spatharii are conpled as ?rai8es to the foederati. Hence tlitl
    together. It has been suggested to name Gotho-Graeci was applied to thc governments in Asia Minor which chance has not recorded.
    derive the word from bucula, part of a descendants of these strangers, who Perhaps we may take it for granted that some of the strat@giai
    shield. became gradually Hellenised, while t l ~ e
    t The origin of the Optimati is also name Optinzati, as Constantine Porpli. instituted by Justinian had not; yet been superseded. The
    mentioned by Olympiodorus, fr. 9 : remarks, became a name of dishonour.
    7 0 v p e r & P 0 8 0 y ~ u o v 1 ' 6 ~ 6 ' ~OI~ K E + ~ - The armati assumed the name ~ K U V ~ T O L , l The Anatolic theme included the stantiue IV operating apaiust the Stry-
    XarGrar d n r l p a ~ o r& ~ a X o u ^ v ~EES o . 8 3 8 ~ and ~ ~reduced their former masters to later themes of Charsianon and Cappa- monian Slaves, in tho L7ic of S f . Br-
    u v v ~ ~ i v o v ~ rehrr i L 8 a s ,08s ~ a ~ a n o h e p $ u a s the position of servants (Sathas, lor. cil. docia, see Const. Porphyr. de Adm. metrius. His existence at the end of the
    Z T E X ~ X O W PoBoyriiuov ~ p o u ~ ~ a r p l a a ~1o1. .38). Impe~io,cap. 50. eighth century is attested hy a letter of
    The origin of the Optimati in the East Maria of Paphlagonia, to W ~ I O I I I V n the reign of Justiniau, Africa Theodore Studita.
    was presumably of a similar nature ; Constantine VI was betrothed, ma* was governed by a praetorian prefect I doubtfully include this on lily
    it is possible that the Goths led 6~ TGV ' A p p v r a ~ D v (Theoph. K 2 i i and a magister militum, but i t was list on account of Theodore, 6 T ~ KoAw- S
    captive by Stilicho may have been A.M.) soon changed to a stratggia or paetura. vsias, who played a papt at the By-
    settled in Bithynia and other parts of 3 Compare Skabalonovitch, 01). rif. 1). Cf. Nicepliorus, fi. 3, rijs u ~ p a ~ ~ y l 8 ozantine
    s court in the reign of Constans
    Asia Minor. So a t least M. Sathas 205. dpx6js. I1 and his son, as mentionetl ahove,
    supposes ; but he adopts the erroneous 4 Called ~wpFthpxra'APd8ou. We fin1 him in the reign of Con- p. 309.
    346 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOK v CHAP. X I I ORIGIA' OF THE S YSTEAf O F THEMES 347

    stratQgosof Lycaonia had probably given way before the juris- strat8gos and at another time as the strat&lat&sin Armenia.'
    diction of the Anatolic general, and it is possible that the Some years later, when Asia Minor was overrun by the Per-
    same fate may have befallen the Justinianean praetor of Pisidia.' sians, and the civil authority of the praetorian prefect of the
    But the nloderator of Helenopontus was perhaps still in exist- East or of the governors of the Armenian provinces could not
    ence, and the region of Paphlagonia may not have yet been be maintained in the constant presence of the foe, i t was
    incorporated in the Arnleniac theme, but may have enjoyed natural that the general of the Armeniac armies should extend
    the rule of an independent stratdgos, as in the sixth century. his control to civil matters and act as a provincial governor.
    The procoiisulate of Cappadocia had certainly ceased, and per- The ambiguity of the word " stratsgos " rendered this change easy
    haps the proconsulate of Asia; but Asia is still spolcen of as a and natural. Men were accustomed to the stratsgoi of Paph-
    separate province, though a governor is not mentioned. I t lagonia, Lycaonia, Sicily, Thrace ; and it was not hard to think
    may also be noticed that there was a strathgos of the Eoman of the general of Armenia as a strathgos in the same sense-
    cities on the coast of Daln~atia,~
    but it is uncertain s\~hetherhe a military and civil governor. I t is impossible to determine
    was responsible to the exarch of Ravenna or directly to the when this change mas officially recognised. I n the last Per-
    Emperor. sian campaign of Heraclius we meet one George, a turmarch
    of the A?s~ei.ziaboi,~and I think we may assume that at that
    11. Though the mist of ages has obscured the actual cir- time the name Armenialcoi was the ordinary term for the troops
    cumstances which attended the innovations noticed in the under the strategos (or magister) of Armenia.
    foregoing pages, we can ~ n a k esome attempt at explaining how This theory is illustrated by the parallel case of Africa. A
    they came about. First of all, I would once more insist that mayistcr ~izilitumand a praetorian prefect at first coexist ; the
    the beginning of the changes mas prior to the seventh century prefect soon disappears ; and the qncbgister becomes a ~tratdgos,~
    -that the change really began with the administrative reforms in the sense which the word bears in the Novels of Justinian.
    of Justinian. I n fact, as I said before, Justinian founded the The origin of the Ailatolic theme is susceptible of a similar
    theme of Sicily and the theme of Thrace, though they were not explanation. When the Syrian provinces were lost to the
    then called themes but stratdgiai. The stratdgos or praetor Saracens, the troops of the East, who obeyed the ntagister ?~zilitzcat
    who governed in Sicily in the sixth century mas the forerunner per orientem, retired to Asia Minor, and henceforward the
    of the strat6gos who governed there in the eighth century ; energies of that officer were limited to a narrower scope. For
    and the son of Artavasdos, who was stratdgos of Thrace in 740, security against the new lords of Syria it was necessary to
    was the official descendant of the first strathgos who v7as ap- place the provinces north of the Taurus under military control;
    pointed by Justinian, when the vicariate was abolished. che old office of praetorian prefect of the East4 fell then, if it
    I shall begin with the Armeniac theme, because its origin had not fallen before, into disuse; and the supreme military
    admits of a siniple explanation. I t will be remembered that commanders became also the supreme civil governors. This
    Justinian in the early years of his reign instituted a new seemed no great innovation, for the strategiai instituted by
    military commander, entitled nzc~yistermilitz~mper Arnzc7ziam. Justinian had accustomed the governnlent to the idea of com-
    The Greek word strntdlat!~ was almost entirely confined to bining civil and military functions. And thus the stratQlat6s
    express the Latin magister militam, while the word stmttgos, of the East: or, as he was perhaps nsually called, strat&gos,
    which in stricter use corresponded to praetor, was also enlployed Compare Theophanes(ed. de Boor), dorns in the reign of Phocas (Theoph.
    1). 253, 14, with 266, 21. p. 295, 5, ed. de Boor).
    as an equivalent for magister. And thus we find John Mysta- I b . 325, 3. 5 Cottanas held this post in the
    con (in the reign of Maurice) at one time described as the I n t l ~ West
    e he was generally called reign of Phocas (ib. 296, 22). A u r p a -
    the Patrician of Africa. T~?,&TT)E, Ptolemaeus, is mentioned to-
    The last praflectz~s ji~raetorioper wards the end of Heraclius' reign (ib.
    We find an Anatolic general active in Pisidia (Theoph. p. 389, ed. de Boor). Or. (E?rapxos\ of whom me hear is Theo- 340), and Sergius, a u ~ p a r 7 h d r q s1s
    , sent
    See above, p. 277.
    348 HISTORY O F THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v

    became strategos in a new sense, and the ambiguity of the term the Asiatic regiments were specially distinguished as the
    facilitated the transition. The adjective nl~atolic(eastern) was cavnllu~icor cavalry themes.'
    the word coinmonly applied to the army of the general of the
    Anatolh (East),' and so, when certain districts in Asia Minor The ques'ion arises whether the new provincial governors
    were consigned to the care of that generzl, they were known were invested with financial as well as with civil and judicial
    as the districts of the Anatolics. This I believe was the powers in the seventh century. In later times they did nqt
    origh of the Anstolic theme. exercise financial f~~nctions, which were assigned to special
    Thus the governors (strathgoi) of the two most important imperial officers, called p~dtonotnrioi or cZioik6tui; but it is
    provinces or themes of Asia in the seventh century, the Ana- possible that this arrangement was due to Leo 111, who paid
    tolic and theArmeniac,were tile descendants of mayistri 7)~ilitl~vn, special attention to the financial administration, and that at
    who had been instituted respectively by Diocletian and Jus- first the stratkgoi superintended the collection of tribute.
    tinian. Justinian certainly had in some instances assigned such functions
    Neither the chroniclers nor George of Pisidia give us infor- to his praetors, but it is 1:ardly probable that the Emperors,
    mation as to tlie divisions of the armies which followed Hera- especially the Emperor Constans, would have long left such
    clius to battle. Cut we hear of the Arnleniakoi, and there extensive powers in the hands of their governors without
    were of course the A~latolikoi. 3istinct froill these were the control. I think we may assume that the tribute was levied
    troops from Thrace and the troops from Greece. May we not by officials not formally dependent on the governors, though
    assume that Heraclius, reviving the classical name of Hellas, dependent on their help in case difficulties arose.2
    called the latter HellncZilcoi, on the analogy of Anatolikoi and
    Armeniakoi ? The soldiers from Thrace, we may argue froni 111. ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANISATION ENDER LEOIII.-As We
    the name of the later theme; were Bnown as Thracesians. are discussing the subject of the themes, it will be convenient
    Besides these, there were tlrs regiments especially attached to to anticipate a little and speak of sorile further changes which
    the person of the Emperor ; they mere named in Latin obse- were probably made by Leo, the first Isaurian Emperor. Finlay
    qz~catcsor obscqz~izc?,~,
    in Greek tile o23silcion or opsikia7zs. ssid that the division into themes, which he supposed to have
    We may assume with tolerable certainty that wllen Syria was been made by Heraclins, was reorganised by Leo 111, but he
    lost, these regiments, wit11 the exception of the Helladikoi, has not given any proof of his ~tatement.~I have shown in
    were disposed in various parts of Asia Minor. The Helladikoi what sense the assertion is true that they were established by
    returned to Greece to defend it against the inroads of the Heraclius.
    Slaves ; the Opsikian regiments were disposed in the regions Now there are, I believe, sufficiently clear indications that
    adjoining the Propontis ; the Thracesians, or at least some of Leo the Isaurian made certain changes in the administrative
    them, occupied parts of Lydia and Phrygia ; while the central divisions of the Empire, which entitle him to be considered the
    districts of Cappadocia, Galatia, and Phrygia were assigned to first organiser of a regular system of themes. I n the year 731
    the Anatolics. This accords with the statement of Constailtine we find the Cibyraiots under the government, not of a
    Porphy;.ogennetos that tlie themes were formed in the days of
    Compare Theophanes, 6206, 6263, may notice that Skabalonovitch
    Heraclius on accoullt of the Saracen invasions. 6265 A.M. They were r d Efw ~ a p a h - designates the tendency to centralisa-
    The soldiers of Opsikion were often designated as the X a p i ~ b BCpara, apparently as opposed tion and the organisation of defences
    to '' internal " themes or regiments ar.ainst the Saracens as the two prin-
    perntic themes ("the themes over the water ") ; and some of stationed at Byzantium. cFples (one internal and one external)
    Compare Sliabalonovitch, op. cit. w h i ~ h concurrently determined the
    by the stratffnos of Armenia to the case, and I am sule it has not in the pp. 189, 190, for the relations of the iilstitution of the theme system (p.
    Saracen caliphr?nthe days of Constans ; second. finance officers with the governors of 184).
    but I question whether ~ ~ ~ a r ~ X d1 rr7js ~ sb4as and T ~ dvaroX7js
    S are used the themes in the eleventh centnry. I History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 12.
    has ~ t stechnical sense in the f i ~ s t indifferently.
    350 HISTORY O F THE LATER R O A A N E M P I R E BOOKV

    turmarchies in his district, a turmarchy of Hellas and a tur-


    drungarius, but of a strat6gos.l I n 740 we find the Thracesians
    inarchy of the Peloponnesus; if his sway extended to the
    ruled by a strattgos, no longer by a t u r m a r ~ h . ~A Bucellarian
    Adriatic, there mas a third turmarchy-called perhaps Epirus
    theme3 under a strategos is mentioned first in the reign of
    Constantine V, Leo's son and successor (765-766). But when or Nicopolis. I t is impossible to say whether these turnlarchies
    existed at the end of the seventh century, when Justinian I1
    we put these data together, we can hardly avoid drawing the
    appointed Leontius strattgos, or were established by Leo 111.
    conclusion that Leo I11 introduced a symmetrical system of
    I n any case there is no reason to suppose that those regions
    stratkgiai or themes, (1)by raising the Thracesian subdivision
    to be a chief division, independent of the Anatolic general; had ceased to constitute a strathgia in 7'27. Agallianus, the
    turmarch of Hellas in that year, governed the Helladikoi-the
    (2) perhaps by giving the name of stratkgos to the Cibyraiot
    soldiers and people of northern Greece.'
    governor,4 who was independent before, but was hereby raised
    I t is not clear whether Macedonia constituted a theme at
    to equality with the Anatolic and Armeniac stratggoi; (3) by
    constituting the Bucellarian theme out of what was before, this time.2 The land was inhabited by Slavonic tribes, and it
    perhaps, a minor division of the Opsikian. The result was seems probable that the sway of the praetorian prefect of
    that the Anatolic theme was curtailed, and though it continued Illyricum was practically limited to Thessalonica. We may
    perhaps assume doubtfully a theme of Macedonia.
    to be highly important, it no longer overshadowed Asia Minor.
    On the whole then I would set down the European themes
    These new arrangements were doubtless accompanied by a strict
    in the eighth century as-
    definition of subdivisions,-turms and cleisurae.
    I n Leo's time then, and throughout the eighth century, the 1. Thrace. 3. Hellas (including Peloponnesus).
    Asiatic themes seem to have been5: 2 Macedonia (7). 4. Sicily (including Calabria a n d Bruttii).

    1. Opsikian. 4. Armeniac. To these divisions must be added ( 5 ) the government of


    2. Anatolic. 5 . Cibyraiot. the islands, which in later times was called a theme; (6) the
    3. Thracesian. 6. Bncellarian. exarchate of Italy; and (7) the free state of C h e r ~ o n . ~
    7. Coloneia (a).
    It is as groundless to say of the 10. Cololieia ; 11. Sebasteia (Second Ar-
    I n regard to the European provinces, Thrace, like Sicily, had name 'Ehhasc~oi that i t was con- menia) ; 12. Lycandos ; 13. Cibyraiot ;
    temptuous as i t would be to say the 14. Cyprus ; 15. Samos ; 16. Aegean ;
    been a strat6gia since the days of Justinian. We find Hellas same of the name 'App~vla~oi ; cf. my 17. Cappadocia. 11, Twelve European :
    governed by a strategos at the end of the seventh century," and remarks, p. 437. 1. Thrace ; 2. I\Iacedonia ; 3. Stryrnon ;
    There was a general of Macedonia 4. Thcssalonica ; 5. Hellas ; 6. Pelo-
    although we meet a turmarch of Hellas in 72 7,?there is no reason in.801-802 ; cf. Theophanes, 6294 A.M. ponnesus; 7. Cephallenia ; 8. Nicopolis ;
    to suppose that a strattgia had been changed into a turmarchy. The reader may like to have before 9. Dyrrhachium ; 10. Sicily ; 11.
    him the list of themes i n the tenth Longobardia ; 12. Cherson.
    The general of "Hellas," a name which came to be specially century enumerated by Constantine There is no evidence to prove that
    used of northern Greece, doubtless administered the affairs of Porphyrogennetos in his little work on the themes of Strymon, Macedonia,
    the themes. I. Seventeen Asiatic : 1. Cephallenia, Nicopolis, the Aegean
    the Peloponnesus and thus there would naturally be two Anatolic ; 2. Armeniac; 3. Thracesian; were or were not established in the
    4. Opsikian ; 5. Optinlaton ; 6. Bucel- eighth century. Cephallenia, like
    Theophanes, 6224 A.M., Manes was cerned himself with their organisation. larian ; 7. Paphlagonia ; 8. Chaldia Cherson, was used as a place of exile ;
    the stratggos. Cf. 6235, 6237, 6263 See below, p. 356. The district of Cibyra (about Trapezus) ; 9. Afesopotamia ; Apsimar banished Bal.danes thither.
    A.M. included the island of Rhodes.
    l b . 6233 A.M., Sisinnakios was the 5 id^^ these there was the inde-
    Stratgg'Js. Cf. 6234, 6235, 62519 6258, pendent catepanate of the Mardaites of
    6262, 6265, 6270 A.M. Attalia, instituted by Tiberius 111, and
    ". 6258 A.M. Cf. 6263, 6270, therewere probably several independent
    6285 A.M. cleisurarchies (e.g. of Seleucia).
    I t is possible, however, that this T1leophanes, 6187 A'M'
    change may have been of earlier date
    and carried out by Tiberius I11 fi. 6219 A.M.
    (Apsimar), who was a native of those 8 The Peloponnesus is called in Theo-
    regions (perhaps of Attalia) and con- phanes (6247 A . M . ) r h K ~ T W T L Kk~p7.
    CHAP. XI11 TbVElVTY YEARS O F ANARCHY 353
    reigns of the three subsequent Emperors form the third
    group.

    I. The Leontins ~vhorn Verina crowned at Tarsus and


    Isaurian rebels acknowledged in the fifth century has never
    been enrolled on the lists of Roman Emperors, and thus the
    Isanrian Leontius who overthrew the dynasty of Heraclius is
    the first and only sovereign of his name. He enjoyed power
    for three years. His reign began auspiciously with a year of
    C H A P T E R XI11 peace, but in 697' troubles threatened him from three quarters.
    Lazica and " Varilucion " revolted under the Patrician Sergius,
    TWEKTY YEARS OF ANARCHY who magarised or went over to the Arabs; Asia Minor was
    overrun by a Saracen army; and the same enemy occupied
    THE twenty years which intervened between the banishment Africa and placed garrisons in the chief towns. The affairs of
    of Jnstinian in 695 and the accession of Leo the Isaurian Africa led in an unforeseen way to the deposition of the
    in 71'7 witnessed a rapid succession of n~onarchs,all of whom Emperor.
    were violently deposed. Isaurian Leontius was succeeded by Almost due south of Carthage, the city of I-Cairowan was
    Apsiincr, who adopted the name Tiberins, and these two reigns fonaded in the reign of Constantine I V by Okba (6'70) ; six
    occupietl the first ten years. Then Justinian returned froh years later it was taken by the Christians, then r&taken by the
    exile, recovered the throne, and "furiously raged" for six Saracens, and taken yet again by the Christians (683), in
    years (705-711). He was overthro:vn by Bardanes, who whose power it remained until it was recovered by Hassan,
    called hiinself Philippicus ; then came Artemins, whose imperial whom Abd Almalil: sent against Africa at the head of a large
    name was Anastasius ; and finally the years 7 1 6 and 7 1'7 saw army (6 9 '7). Hassan also conquered Carthage and compelled
    the fall of Anastasius, the reign and fall of Theodosius, and it to receive a garrison. But before the year was over,
    the accession of Isaurian Leo, whose strong arm guided the Leontius sent an efficient general, John the Patrician, in com-
    Erllpire from ways of anarchy into a new path. This period mand of the entire Roman fleet, to rescue Africa from the
    nlav be most conveniently treated by dividing it into three invader. When John reached Carthage he found that the
    parts. The more orderly reigns of Leontius and Tiberius Saracens had secured the entrance to the port by a strong
    I11 we may associate together ; the adventures of Justinian chain. But, bursting through this obstacle, he expelled the
    and his acts after his restoratioil stand by themselves ; the garrison from the city; and then freed all the other fortified
    towns from their Saracen occupants. Thus in a short space of
    ' Tl~eol)l~anes and Nicephorus, who were implicated or interested, and that time the Roman dominion was re-established, and the successful
    are still our main, I may say only, the historians obtained access to these
    sources, record with considerable ful- ncta 2 This conjecture I would support general wintered at Carthage, waitink for imperial behests from
    ness the revolutions which overthrew by the fact that Theophanes derived
    successively Justinian, Leontius, Tiber- the celebrated conversation between the Constantinople. I n the meantime Abd Almalik prepared a
    ins, Justinian again, Philippicus, Emperor and the Greens in 532 from larger fleet than he had sent to the western seas before, and
    Anastasius, and Theodosius i n a period certain & K T ~ (at least this seems the
    of twenty years. Their accounts com- natural interpretation of the passage). early in 6 9 8 his armament arrived at Carthage and drove the
    pletely harmonise and are often verbally I t seems best to suppose that the &KTU Roman vessels from t,he harbour. Seeing that with his present
    idelltical, so that they must have drawn were preserved in the archives of the
    from the same sonrce. What was this demes, who had organised committees forces he had no reasonable prospect of holding out against a
    sonrce 1 May I venture to conjecture and officers ; where else would the
    that the rlolnes of Byzantium preserved conversation in question have been Amari, Storia dei dlusulmani di Sieilia, i. p. 113. Okba Ibn Nafi was the
    official records of events in which they preserved ? (See above, p. 56 note 2.) 'ounder.
    VOL. I1 2 A
    354 HISTORY OF TH/4: LA TER RO,$fAN EMPIXE BOOK v CHAP. XI11 TWENTY YEARS O F ANARCHY 355
    Saracen siege, John returned to the East in order to obtain (cavallaric themes), and charging him to provide by careful
    reinforcements. His fleet put in at the island of Crete, which personal inspection for the efficient defence of the important
    lay directly in his homeward course; and events took place passes of Cappadocia. For a short time a revolt in Persia and
    there which proved important to the whole Empire. the outbreak of a plague in Syria staved off an invasion ; and
    The snbordinate generals of the various regiments and in '700 the usual course of events was reversed, and, instead of
    themes conspired to throw off their allegiance to Leontius, and finding the Saracens invading Romania, we find the Romans
    incited the army to join in the revolt. I t is said that they overrunning northern Syria. According to the exaggerated
    did not wish to return to the Emperor "for fear and shame "; accounts of the Greek historians, they killed two hundred
    whence we rLlay perhaps conclude that they had in some way thousand Arabs, besides carrying away immense spoil and
    thwarted the commander-in-chief and feared the consequences many captives. I n the following year the c ~ l i p hretaliated,
    that might ensue if he should complain to the Emperor. and Mopsuestia was taken and received a garrison of
    The rebels fixed their hopes and favour on Apsimar? the Mohammedans.
    d~ungariusor admiral of the Cibyraiots, as the inhabitants of This success was followed up by the acquisition of the
    the coast countries Pisidia and Panlphylia were officially called, Fourth Armenia, the province which had been f ~ r m e dby
    and they gave hinl a new and august name, Tiberius. Justinian I. and included the city of Martyropolis and the fort
    Apsimar and his party sailed directly to Const'antinople, of Kitharizon. The inhabitants revolted fro;n the Romans
    and anchored at Sycae. For a time Leontins held out, but his under a Persian, Baanes, who was nicknamdd " Seven Devils."
    enemies succeeded in bribing certain officers who possessed At this time the Romans seem to have frequently employed
    keys of the gates2 to admit them near the palace of Persians as governors of frontier provinces.
    Blachernae. When the soldiers obtained admission they Armenia was now vacillating between allegiance to the
    stripped the inhabitants of their goods and plundered their Romans and allegiance to the Saracens, as i t had formerly
    houses. I t was an unfortunate year for the citizens of Con- wavered between the Romans and the Persians. I n '703 the
    stantinople. They had hardly recovered from a deadly plague Armenian rulers rebelled against the Commander of the
    which had ravaged the city for four months, when they were Faithful and slew the Mohammedans who were residing or
    forced to submit to violence and pillage at the hands of the sojourning in Armenia. They then sent a request to Tiberius
    troops who were paid to defend them. We shall see this I11 that he would occupy the country afresh with Roman
    occurrence repeated before many years have elapsed. troops. But the wrath of the caliph was irompter than the
    Tiberius I11 dealt with Leontius even as Leontius had succour of the Emperor, and a Saracen general speedily arrived
    dealt with Justinian. He mutilated his nose, but, instead of and quelled the insurrection. The Armenian grandees who
    banishing hini to Cherson, confined him as a monk in the had been the leaders of the rebellion were assembled by the
    cloister of Dalmatus. The chief supporters of the deposed stratagem of the relentless captain into one place and burned
    monarch were flogged and banished. Having established alive.
    himself securely on the throne, Tiberius took measures for the The loss of the Fourth Armenia and the subjugation of the
    safety of the provinces of Asia Minor by entrnsting his brother Romanising party within Armenia itself were perhaps partially
    Heraclius with the sole command of all the cavalry regiments compensated for by a great victory which the Emperor's brother
    Apsimar was doubtless a native of were obliged to take a peculiarly solenln Heraclius gained over Saracen invaders in Cilicia, 70 3 A.D.,
    those parts. I conjecture from his ilame oath of fidelity (@pi~rbs gpros,-hy the and by a second great victory which the same general achieved
    that he was originally one of the Gotho- holy table).
    Graeci, for mar is the common ending 3 A plague of the same nature as that in the following year over another army in the same district.
    ("prince ") which we meet in Teutonic which raged i n the days of Justinian, Amid the details which historians record of the elevations
    names-Hinkmar,Gelimer, Billimer,etc. the chief symptom being a swelling in
    On receiving the keys these narders the groin. and falls of the Emperors of this period, who appear and vanish
    356 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROAfd AT EMPIRE BOOK v CIIAI,. 1111 T Il'E:\'T 'I Y E A12.7 OF A ATARCHY 357

    so rapidly in scenes of treason and violence, we are apt to lose district and placecl it m~tlertlie conlinancl of an independent
    sight of the steadfast and snccessf~~lresistance which the stmtc*gos.
    Enzpire never failed to offer to the Saracens. Outlying pro- The r e i ~ nof Tiberins I11 was by no nleans discreditable as
    vinces indeed, like Africa and Sicily, might be doomed to far as foreign politics mere concerned, and tlle silence of Lis-
    Mohammedan servitude ; but ever since the days of Heraclius torinns leacls ns to conclncle that his snljects were not oppressed
    the main strength of the curtailed Empire was preserved. Had by heavy burdens. The only act recorcled of hiill wllicll dis-
    it not been for the able sovereigns and generals of New Rome, closes tlle apg~ellensivenessof an illegitimate sovereign is the
    the Saracens might have almost, if I may use the word, banislllnent of I'hilippicus, the son of a patrician, to the island
    Islamised Europe. of Cephallenia. Philippicus had dreained that his head was
    To Tiberius I11 we must doubtless attribute the repopulation overshado~veclby an eagle,' a dream which, according to the
    of Cyprus: whose inhabitants had been transferred to the convention of necromancy, betolienecl future empire, and -cJras
    shores of the Propontis by the policy of Justinian 11. Tiberius likely to awaken the fears even of a legitimate Emperor. The
    sent three noble Cyprians, named Phangumes, to the court of fall of Tiberius was Brought about by the banished descendant
    Damascus, bearing to the caliph a request that he would allow of Heraclius, the Emperor Justinian, and to him we must now
    the Cyprian captives, whom he retained in bondage, to return return.
    to their country. The caliph consented, and thus the island was
    repopulated. Moreover, at the request of the Cyprians? who 11. Cherson, called in earlier times Chersonesus and built
    were much troubled by Saracen pirates, the same Emperor not far from the site of the modern Sebastopol, was a flourish-
    provided for the defence of the island by placing in it garrisons ing coinmercial city3 which maintained down to this late period
    of the Apelatai or Alardaites of Mount T a ~ r u s117110
    , ~ were kno-cvn and still later its old Hellenic traditions and municipal organ-
    as St~atioiai(Stradioti). The attention of Tiberius, who was isation, little affected by t l ~ eRoman administration, for though
    perhaps born and reared in Pamphylia, seems to have been it belonged to the Empire it held a unique, almost independent
    specially directed towards the souther11 coast lands of Asia position. This position was secured by the privileges which
    Minor, and he placed the rest of the Mardaites in the city were granted to the community by Diocletian and Constantine
    of Attaleia under a chief of their own, who was called a in return for the assistance ~vhichthe Chersonite soldiers had
    c a t e p a n . V t is also possible that he organised the Cibyraiot rendered to the former against the liing of Bosporus, to the
    latter against the Sarmatians and Goths. A golden statue of
    Constantine Porph., who is our et raaionevole, vi mando un capo con
    authority, attributes this to Justinian molt: homiui de arme, lnolte nobil the great Constantine, his own gift, mas placed in the council
    I1 (de Adni. Imp. cap. 47), but bl. famiglie, et altri Stradioti." hall of the city. The prosperous history of this municipality,
    Sathas (Bib. G. Jfed. Aev. Introd. p. "1. Sathas deduces t h a t the Stradioti
    33 spq.) shows that i t must be attributed came from those regions from three a strange survival of old Greek life, was occasionally varied
    to Tiberius. According t o Constantine circumstances : (1)the preservation of by hostilities with the town of Bosporus, situated on the straits
    himself, the repopnlation took place Apelatic songs in Cyprus, where they
    seven years after the evacuation, and are more abundant than elsewhere ; (2) which connect the Euxine Sea with Lake Maeotis, and corre-
    this a t once brings us to 698. the notice of Cyprian chronographers sponding to the ancient Panticapaeum, while over against it,
    Sathas, ib. p. 55. He quotes from t h a t Mamas, the patron saint of tlle
    Amadi, Storia di C@ro, blS. fol. 7 : Apelatai, was transferred from I\lonnt embayed on the opposite shore, was the city Phanagoria,
    " Questi [the Cyprians] essendo sta Taurus t o Cyprus ; (3) the co-operation
    dependent on the Khazars. We see in the warfare of these
    infestati da corsari, et ricordandossi of the garrisons in Cyprus and the Mar-
    che .per avanti li corsari presero e t daites in Attalia against the Saracens cities the relations of old Greek history repeated; we see the
    ruinorono molte fortezze, li parse ri- (Const. Porph. de. Grcr. i. p. 660).
    cheder a1 Imperatore, che si trovava in ~ a ~ e r r d v;waccortling to 11. Sathas, rivalry between a city like Athens, wedded to freedom, and a
    Constantinopoli et pregarlohumilmente a n Apelatic Hellenising of cnpitn7uts. city prone to submit to the thraldom imposed by despots.
    volesse mandar uno signore con homini See Const. Porph. dc Arl?i~.Iilrj~cap.
    d'arme a1 governo et custodia del paese 50, where details are recorded of a Compare the storyof the eagles float- oil, and exported hides, salt fish, and
    a spese de cssi habitanti; la qua1 dispute bet\veen a catepnn and an ing over the head of Marcian as he slept. probably cattle. Compare Pinlay, vol.
    instantia parendo a1 Imperator justa imperial n secretis. W b e r s o u imported corn, wine, and i. p. 402.
    358 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. X I I I TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 359

    Cherson would have fain made Bosporus a free state like unto scruple to betray his august brother-in-law. H e sent a guard
    herself; Bosporus1 essayed to inoculate Cherson with the disease to Justinian on the pretext of protecting him against violence
    of tyranny. But the cause of republicanism prevailed, and on the part of the Ichazars themselves, and gave secret orders
    while Bosporus was made free for a season, though she after- to Papatzys, one of his ministers in Phanagoria, and to Balgitzis,
    wards returned to her old ways, Cherson successfully escaped governor of Bosporus, to kill Justinian. Bosporus stood in
    the plots that were laid against her constitution by Bosporite a sort of dependent relation to the Khazars, resembling the
    intriguers. relation of Cherson to the Romans. Justinian was apprised
    Justinian, who had been condemned to live in this remote of the danger that menaced him by his wife Theodora, to
    corner of the Empire, was not overcome by his misfortunes, whom it was revealed by a servant of her brother. Justinian
    and did not despair of recovering his throne. Desire of sent for Papatzfs, with whom he had been on terms of personal
    vengeance was a powerful motive for weaving schemes and friendship, and when he was alone with him strangled him
    cherishing hopes. The magistrates of Cherson, aware of his with a cord. He then requested a private interview with
    uneasy spirit and his unconcealed designs, deemed it dangerous Balgitzis, and dealt with the governor of Bosporus as he had
    to have in their state a plotter against the existing govern- dealt with the governor of Phanagoria. These two feats show
    ment, and determined either themselves to slay him or to send not only the personal strength, but the energy, resources, and
    him to Tiberius. Justinian, learning their intentions, fled to a bolclness which seem never to have failed this clever and
    place called Daras (or Doros), close to the territory of the eccentric prince. Having sent Theodora back to her brother,
    Tetraxite Goths, a people which we met before in the days of he secretly embarked in a fishing boat which he found on the
    the first Justinian. The banished Emperor then communicated shore, and sailed to a place called Symbolum, near Cherson.
    with the chagan of the Iihazars, and asked him to accord a He sent one of his few attendants into the city to fetch some
    refuge to a fallen monarch. The chagan was proud to show friends or adherents who had remained there.
    him every honour, and to give him his sister in marriage; The vessel bearing back the exiled Augustus sailed along
    and Justinian and his wife established their abode in the northern coast of the Euxine, and somewhere between the
    Phanagoria. We are told that this princess was called mouths of the Dniestr and the Dniepr it was caught in a
    Theodora, but we cannot suppose that this was her original stornl. The crew despaired. One of his attendants said to
    name. I t is clear that she adopted the Greek name at the the Emperor, "Lo now, my lord, we perish. Make a compact
    time of her marriage ; and I suspect that Justinian selected with God for your safety, that, if he restore your sovereignty,
    " Theodora" because the illustrious wife of his renowned you will take vengeance on none of your enemies." But
    namesake Justinian I. bore that name. I n other matters also Justinian answered angrily, " If I spare a single one of them,
    he seems to have copied the example of the same sovereign: nlay God drown me here." And they came safely forth fronz
    and it was perhaps in memory of the great Emperor that he the storm and reached the Danube. This incident illus-
    had been baptized Justinian. trates the temper of Jnstinian's metal. If he was not
    The Emperor Tiberius I11 was soon informed of these p e a t enough to grant a general political pardon, oblivious
    events in the Tauric peninsula, and was seized with alarm. of personal wrongs, he was not weak enough to sink, in a
    He sent an embassy to Khazaria, and promised money to the moment of superstitious fear, to the tameness of repentance
    chagan if he would send him Justinian alive or dead. These or forgiveness. His courage and indomitable spirit did not
    offers tempted the cupidity of the barbarian, and he did not desert him in the imminent peril of a shipwreck.
    Bosporus was conquered by the its o m affairs, i t continued to be tribu- The rescued mariners sailed up the Danube, and Justinian
    Ehazars in the sixth century in the tary to the chagan. sent Stephanus, one of his companions, to Terbel, king of
    reign of Justin I1 (Menander, F. H. G. I have put forward this conjecture
    iv. p. 247), and, although left to manage above, p. 330. Bulgaria, who, as the city of Peristhlaba had hardly yet been
    360 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XIII T W E N T Y YEARS OF ANARCHY 361

    built, was probably residing in Varna. Stephanus invited were talcen to the Iiynegion and decapitated. Heraclius, the
    Terbel to assist in the restoration of his master to the imperial A
    able brother of Apsimar, was brought in chains from Thrace
    throne, and promised in return that Justinian would give his and hanged, with all his captains. The Emperor extended his
    daughter1 in marriage to the Bulgarian monarch, as well as vengeance even to Apsimar's soldiers, but whether we are to
    nlany gifts. Terbel gladly consented to the proposals, and interpret literally the statenlent that they were all put to
    welcomed Justinian with g e a t honour. death is doubtful. The Patriarch Callinicus was deprived of
    These events took place in '701, and Justinian spent the his eyesight and sent to Old Rome, and Cyrus, a monk of
    winter with the Bulgarians. I n the following year he marched Amastr6, was appointed to succeed him. The restoration of
    to Constantinople, accompanied by his host Terbel and a large the Heraclian house was in fact succeeded by a reign of terror.
    Bulgarian and Slavonic army. For three days they remain&l Men of civil and military distinction were slain in nlultitudes,
    outside the walls, attempting to persuade the citizens to and the manners of their destruction were various. Some
    declare for the legitimate monarch, but the citizens only were invited by the Emperor to a repast,' and as they rose at
    insulted them. At the end of three days, however, Justinian its conclusion were taken to be gibbeted or decapitated ; to
    with a few soldiers succeeded in gaining an entrance by a others he made death bitter by enclosing them in a sack
    conduit somewhere near the palace of Blachernae, in which he and casting them into the sea.
    took up his abode for a time. The city was won without a The second Justinian did not forget the second Theodora.
    and Terbel returned to his kingdom laden with gifts, He sent a large fleet to Khazaria to fetch her, but the ships
    among which royal plate is especially mentioned, and honoured were wrecked on the way, and the loss of life was considerable.
    with the dignity
    - .
    of Caesar. The chagan is said to have thereupon sent a message to
    The vengeance of Justinian on his enemies was summary Justinian : " Fool, should you not have fetched your wife in
    and unsparing. Apsimar, or Tiberius, who fled to Ap~llonias,~ two or three vessels and not caused the death of so many?
    was captured ; and Leontius, who for seven years past had Do you expect that you will have to seize her by force ?
    lived the religious or innocuous life of a recluse, was dragged Learn that a son has been born to you. Send and take both
    from his monastery by the sovereign whom he had mutilated her and him." Accordingly the Emperor sent Theophylactus
    and banished. Both the illegitimate but well-meaning mon- the chamberlain; and Theodora and her son, having arrived
    archs who had ruled the Roman world during the ten years of safely at Constantinople, were crowned Augusta and Augustus.
    Justinian's exile were haled in chains through the streets, and The six years of Justinian's second supremacy were in-
    exhibited in the hippodrome. Sitting aloft in the cathisma, glorious, yet were not marked by any overwhelming loss. He
    the restored Emperor presided at the games with his feet quarrelled with the royal " Caesar," and made an unsuccessful
    resting on his prostrate fettered rivals ; and the facetious expehtion by land and sea against Bulgaria. Anchialus was
    populace shouted a verse from the psalms, " Thou hast trodden blockaded and taken, but the cavalry, who formed the most
    on the asp and the basilisk ; the lion and the dragon thou hast important part of the army at the time, were not sufficiently
    trampled under foot."* When the spectacle was over they wary, and as they straggled about in disorder the enemy
    Jnstinian's daughter must have places his sojourn ir, Blachernae in attacked and routed them. For three days Justinian remained
    been an infant. We know not the 6197 (704-TO5), but the recovery of the shut up in Anchialus with a remnant of horse-soldiers who
    date of his marriage with Theodora or throne (/3auihslav d.rroXap~dvei)in 6198.
    the length of his residence a t Phana- Here Theophanes rectifies the discrep- had escaped, and then, having ordered all the horses to be
    goria ; but the existence of this ancy between the A.M. and the in-
    daughter shows that the marriage took dictions by spreading the events of one Azjsimar. Basilisk moreover suggests shalt thou trample under feet ") and i n
    place not later than 703. year over two. See above, p. 197. pautAs6r (emperor). This verse (Psalm the Septuagint. dprar66e~~vov.
    The actual capture of the city Thracian or Bithynian Apollonia xci. 13) is different i n our version %~~po8avc/roush~oier(Theoph. 6198).
    seems not to have taken place until The lion (X.!ovra) refers to Leontius, ("Thou shalt tread upon the lion and Justinian was niclyamed Bhinotmttos,
    after 1st September, as Theophanes while the asp (drurl6a) is a play om adder : the young lion and the dragon " Nose-mutilated.
    362 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. X I I I T W E N T Y YEARS OF ANARCHY 363

    hougl~edand so rendered useless to the enemy, he returned by fleet, consisting of all kinds of ships,-fast sailers, triremes,
    sea to Byzantiun~. immense convoy vessels, fishing smacks, and even small boats
    The town of Tyana, situated on the road that crossed Asia (chelandia). These were collected and fitted out at the expense
    Minor and connected the Propontis with Syria, was lost to the of all the inhabitants of Constantinople, including the guilds
    Saracens after a long siege. Justinian sent two generals at the of artisans1 as well as the senators. Maurus and Stephanus
    head of an army, consisting of both untrained husbandmen and Asmictus, who were entrusted with the command of this
    regular soldiers, to relieve the place. Here again, as in the expedition, apparently received orders to slay or send to
    Bulgarian expedition, want of discipline proved disastrous, and Constantinople the members of the chief Chersonite families,
    the Romans were routed. Pressed by hunger, Tyana yielded, and to make Helias, a spatharius, governor of the city. The
    and the place was left deserted. The inhabitants had stipulated commands were nearly but not entirely obeyed, for the strip-
    that they should be allowed to settle elsewhere, but the Saracens lings were reserved for slavery. Tudunus the governor and
    perfidiously enslaved some and banished the rest to the desert.' other men of note were sent to Justinian, who tormented some
    The caliphs were beginning to abandon the clement and of them by tying them to spits ( a o 6 p k a ~and
    ) roasting them
    enlightened policy of Mnaviah, in whose reign the Christians before a fire ; while he killed others by binding them to small
    had been treated almost as well as if they had lived under a boats, which were filled with stones and sunk in the sea.
    christian government. Abd Aln~alikimposed a tax called the But Jnstinian was by no means satisfied that the youths had
    Haratch, which fell exclusively on Christians and was a heavy been spared, and he issued conlmands that they should be con-
    burden. This innovation probably induced many Christians to veyed to Constantinople. For this purpose an armament set
    flee to the refuge of the Empire. Valid took the great church sail from Cherson in October 71 0, but one of the fatal storms
    of Damascus, which was famous for its splendour, from the which so often trouble the treacherous Euxine befell it, and
    Christians, and converted it into a mosque. He also ordained seventy-three thousand persons are said to have been drowned.
    that the State accounts should no longer be kept in Greek.2 This misfortune delighted the Emperor,who seems to have become
    I t appears, however, that the Arabians were not good arith- really insane. H e despatched another fleet to lay the city of
    meticians, and they continued to employ Greek notaries. Cherson level with the soil and destroy every human being in
    The fact that the army of relief which Justiniall sent to the place. Helias, the new governor of Cherson, along with the
    Tyana was largely composed of peasants seems to confirm the Armenian Bardanes, also called Philippicus, who, having been
    statement that he more than decimated the Roman armies in a exiled to Cephallenia by Apsimar and recalled by Justinian,
    spirit of improvident revenge. I t is plain at least that after had accompanied the expedition to Cherson, determined to resist
    the death of Apsimar there was a decline in the military power the inhuman project, and they sent for aid to the Khazars.
    of the Empire. The years 710 and 7 1 1 were marked by The affair assumed the complexion of a revolt, and the army
    Saracen invasions. that had been sent to wreak vengeance on the Chersonites
    declared against Justinian. When that monarch learned the
    Against Cherson, which had cast him out in his adversity, course that things had taken, he attempted to repair his fatal
    the Emperor was filled with an animosity which assunled the blunder, and despatched to Cherson George Syrus the general
    nature of a monomania. He resolved upon the destruction of logothete, John the prefect of the city, and Christopher a
    its inhabitants. I n 7 1 0 he prepared for this purpose a large captain of the Thracesian troops, to retract the imperial orders
    Theoph. 6201 A . M . denominator is three. This is a curious and restore things to their former position, to send apologies to
    Theophanes (6199 A . M . ) says that record of a nation who in later times
    Greek characters were still used for mere famous for mathematics and in-
    numbers, because the Arabs could not vented manipulationsmith zero (cipher= 'crvy~A~rc~iv ~ TE a hl p y a u r ? j p ( a ~ ~ v He was a patrician.
    express 1 or 2 or 3 or 8$, i j r p i a , i.e. Arab. sifr, mhence Low Latin zcp?~yrune, Ma1 GqporQv xal rraurbs d @ @ ~ ~ i o v 3 r o u p p d p x ~ s rGv 0 p p ~ l ) r r l w v (Theo-
    (Theoph. 6203 A.M.) phanes j.
    either rh. r p l a , 8, or fractions whose Ital. zero for ze3ro).
    364 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. X I I I TWENTY YEARS O F ANARCHY 365

    the chagan of the Khazars, and to bring to Constantinople the defence of his throne. He had recourse once more to Terbel,
    leaders of the revolt, Helias and Bardanes. He sent with them the Bulgarian king, and obtained from him about three thousand
    Tudunus, the former governor, and Zoilus, the " first citizen "' soldiers. With these auxiliaries he crossed over to Asia, and
    of Cherson, who had survived the process of roasting at a slow along with the Opsikian and some of the Thracesian troops
    fire ; he eipected that their fellow-citizens, on receiving them proceeded along the coast to the plain of Damatrys, where he
    back, might be ready to surrender Bardanes and Helias. left the main body of the army, and proceeded himself with a
    The rebels received this company into the city. They put small company as far as Sinope, impatient to receive news from
    the prefect and the logothete immediately to death, and sent the Tauric peninsula. As he anxiously watched the sea, he saw
    their followers to the land of the Khazars, a bourn from which at length the fleet of the rebels making full sail for Constantin-
    they never returned. The name of Jnstinian was then publicly ople. " Roaring like a lion," as the chronicler says, Justinian
    cursed in Cherson and the other towns of the peninsula, hastened back to Damatrys. But meanwhile Philippicus was
    and Bardanes, under the more classical name Philippicus, was received in the capital without striking a blow, and took prompt
    proclaimed Emperor. When the news of this revolution reached measures to secure his authority. Helias was sent forth
    Constantinople, Justinian slew the children of Helias in the against Justinian, and by promising immunity from punish-
    arms of their mother, and compelled the unfortunate lady to ment to the nien at Damatrys, he induced the whole army to
    submit to the embraces of a hideous "Indian" (Ethiopian) desert the Emperor, whom he immediately decapitated with his
    who enjoyed the privilege of being the imperial cook. sword.' Philippicus sent the spatliarius Helias to Old Rome,
    Then for the third time Justinian prepared an armament for to display in its streets the head of the fallen Emperor.
    the purpose of abolishing Cherson. H e placed it under the Tiberius, the little son of Justinian, who can have been
    command of Maurus the Patrician ; he did not forget to pro- little more than six years old, took refuge under the guidance
    vide a battering-ram, a helepolis, and other engines for the of his grandmother in the church of the Virgin, near the palace
    destruction of fortresses, and he strictly enjoined the captain of Blachernae. Maurus the Patrician and Johannes Struthus,
    to spare not a soul in the doomed city, and to keep him a spatharius, were sent to put him to death, that the lineage
    (Justinian) constantly informed by letters touching all that of Heraclius might be exterminated. They found him clinging
    happened. Maurus laid siege to the town, and by nieans of his with one hand to the leg of the altar; a fragment of the wood
    engines made some impression on the walls and battlements, of the cross was clasped in the other, and his neck was hung
    but the arrival of the Khazars, to whom Philippicus had fled with holy relics. Hard by, outside the precincts of the altar,
    for refuge and succour, put an end to the siege. The army of sat his grandmother Anastasia,-it seems that his mother
    Maurus, thus foiled and afraid to return unsuccessful, could Theodora was already dead,-and when the officers entered the
    hardly choose bnt embrace the cause of Philippicus, who, still old lady fell at their feet and begged them to spare the life of
    uncertain of his prospects, had remained at the chagan's court. the little boy. She clung to her grandson, but Struthus
    The chagan would not surrender the suppliant until he had approached and dragged him away, replacing the holy wood on
    exacted a promise from the Roman soldiers that they would the table and hanging the sacred charms around his own neck.
    not injure him, and received a security in money. They took the child to the postern gate of Callinice; stripped
    As Justinian gained no tidings of prosperity or adversity
    Barasbakurios (protopatrician and tember 711) ; but he also records (by
    from Maurus, he suspected treachery, and took measures for the count of Opsikion), who had accom- a natural regression) under the same
    panied Jnstinian back from Cherson year the first expedition, which must
    7bv 8~ u ~ t p z s~ a yhvous
    l ( i v ~ aT p U 7 0 - the ships which conveyed Tudunus and and remained true to him, was also have been sent before September 710.
    ~ o X k (Theoph.)
    ~v dv&u~a$av. the other prisoners to Constantinople, killed. Theophanes rightly records the 6 ~ 74
    1 ~ P W76v KaAAtvf~?pTaps-
    Maurus was the name of one of the while Stephanus returned with the main second and third expeditions to Cherson ropriy, Theoph., and so Nicephorus,
    generals of the first expedition. I pre- armament which was lost at sea. and the overthrow of Justinian under in whose text there is some corruption
    sume that he returned in command of Maurus was nicknamed Bessus. the year 6203 (=September '710 to Sep- here.
    CHAP. XIII T W E N T Y YEARS OF ANARCHY 367
    366 HISTORY O F THE LATEX ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    near Classe, where tents were pitched on a meadow of green
    him naked, and, laying him on the lintel of the gate, " cut his
    throat like a sheep's."l He was buried in the church of SS. grass within sight of the Greek ships. The unsuspicious guests
    were seized, gagged, and thrown into the holds of the
    Cosmas and Damian,-the last representative of the house of
    vessels, and then the ministers of vengeance set fire to the
    Heraclins.
    city. Among those who were taken to New Rome was the
    Before Justinian was banished in 695 he had made an un- archbishop Felix, and, while the other prisoners were cruelly
    successful attempt to compel Pope Sergius to accept the acts of put to death, Justinian in consequence of a dream allowed him
    the Trullan Synod. After his restoration he returned to this to escape with the loss of his eyes.' One of the most notable
    question again, and sent a copy of the acts to Pope John VII, victims was Johannicis, once a secretary at Byzantium, who
    requesting him to assemble a council for the purpose of consider- was crushed to death between two stones.
    ing them. As John knew that some of the clauses would be The most serious single event in the six years' reign of
    inevitably rejected, he refused to undertake the matter from Justinian Rhinotmetos was the destruction of Tyana, but, as
    prudence or timidity (7'0 6 A.D.) Justinian sunimoned John's we noticed before, this disaster was only a result of the de-
    successor, Constantine, to the East, and received him at Nicomedia generation in discipline and the decrease in numbers of the
    with an honour and respect very different from the usual military forces. The problem which devolved upon a subse-
    reception accorded to Popes at New Rome. I t seems probable quent Emperor to solve was the reorganisation of the army.
    that Constantine may have partly yielded to Justinian's wishes As to Justinian himself, our narrative has brought out the
    about the synod of 692 ; certain it is that he returned to Old salient features of his character, in both prosperity and adver-
    Rome, having received from the Emperor a confirmation of the sity. I t is well worthy of notice that no writers allege any
    privileges of the Roman see.2 charge of sensuality against him, or even hint that his erratic
    The city of Ravenna was unfortunate enough to incur the nature transgressed the bounds of conventional morality in the
    displeasure of the tyrant who so furiously raged against Cher- direction of unchastity. The quality of continence seems to
    son. The men of Ravenna had not deemed it necessary to have been hereditary in the race of Heraclius.
    disguise their delight at the dethronement of a prince whose
    restoration they could not foresee ; and they had also ventured 111. I'HILIPPICUS,ANASTASIUS 11, AND THEODOSIUS 111.-
    to protect Pope Sergius against the violence with which Jus- Armenian Philippicus was not the sort of man to heal the
    tinian threatened him. The Emperor, we are told, bethought diseases of the Empire or to guide it out of the waves of
    himself how he might best take vengeance on the disobedient anarchy into secure roads. H e was essentially a man of
    city of the ex arch^.^ He despatched a fleet under a certain pleasure, who had no sense of the responsibility of his position,
    Theodore, who faithfully executed the imperial mandates. The and looked on the imperial throne as a personal prize which
    nobles and chief men of Ravenna were invited to a banquet the occupant for the time was only called upon to enjoy.
    BIKTJY T~OPCLTOLJ
    (Tlieoph.), which that a t this time the bishops of Rome
    The unsettled condition of things and the swift succession
    Nicephorus expresses by { ~ ; o u dA6you were generally Greeks, and perhaps, of Emperors were well calculates to nourish such agreeable
    BLKTJV, a phrase which illustrates the as has been suggested, this indicates
    origin of llAoyov ("horse") in medi- the influence of the exarchs of Ra- and unprincipled notions. I t is said, however, that the senti-
    e v d and modern Greek. veuna. ments which he judiciously expressed in conversation were
    2 I n the opinion of J. Langen (Gc- 3 Our authorities for this episode in
    schiehte der romischen Kirehe vo?&Leo I. the history of Ravenna are Liber Pont<fi- sound and laudable, and diametrically opposed to his actual
    bis Nikolaw I., 1885, pp. 598, 599), we calis, Vzta Constuntini I. (Migne, Patrol. behaviour. H e spent large sums of money on luxurious in-
    may assume that Justinian and the 128, p. 947), and Agnellus, VitaFelicis
    Pope came to an understanding concern- (Muratori, S. R. I. ii. 1, p. 160), where dulgences and frivolous amusements ; he was unduly addicted to
    ing the Trullan Synod, and that full details are given. Compare MU-
    Justinian probably yielded to Constan- ratori, Annuli, iv. pp. 184, 185. Gib- Felix was consecrated in 708. and his sarcophagus may be seen in
    tine in regard to (article 36) the primacy bon does not mention this act of Philippicus restored to him his con- the church of San Apollinare in
    of the Roman see. I t is worth noticing Justinian. fiscated property. He died in 724, Classe.
    CHAP. X I I I TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY
    3G8 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROL~IAN
    EJfPIRE v
    I ~ O K
    of Crete, who was under the jurisdiction of the Pope ; Elpidius,
    the pleasures of bed and board ; and besides a11 this he mas a a deacon of St. Sophia ; Antiochus, keeper of the records ; and
    n~onothelete. the quaestor, Nicolnus, who had at one time been a cupbearer;
    The first conditioil of regenerating the Empire was the a man profounclly versed in medicine. The acts of the sixth
    reorganisation of the army, and this obvious duty was utterly Council were publicly burnt, and the names of the anathe-
    l1eglected by Philippicus, whose reign of two years was nlarked matised monotheletes were again inserted in the diptychs.
    by military disasters on the northern as well as on the south- Old Rome declared herself opposed to this heretical policy by
    eastern frontier. hanging a picture of the sixth Council in one of her churches
    Terbel, on the pretext perhaps of avenging his friend Jus- instead of the Emperor's portrait; and there was a popular in-
    tinian, as Chosroes I1 in the days of Phocas professed to avenge surrection, which Pope Constantine could with difficulty quell,
    his friend Maurice, penetrated with his Bulgarians and Slaves
    against an officer sent t,hither by Philippicus. I t was said that
    through the pass of Phileas into Thrace and nla~chedto the the cause of Philippicus' repudiation of the sixth Council was
    Bosphorus, plundering and slaying as he went. At the straits
    the fact that a monk had at one time predicted that Bardanes
    they found merry parties of rich people preparing to cross over would possess the throne on the condition that he subverted
    to the Asiatic suburbs, where they were to celebrate a marriage the acts of that
    feast and enjoy sumptuous entertainn~ents. These holiclay-
    At Whitsuntide in 713 the reign of this sovereign came to a
    makers were provided with the various materials required for violent end, owing to the hostility which was felt towards --- him
    the festive celebration, including valuable silver plate. The
    by the military commanders. After the calamitous inroad of the
    Eulgarians came upon them as they were on the point of cross- Bulgarians, the Opsikian troops had been stationed in Thrace to
    ing, and spoiled and nlassacred them. The suburbs of the capital
    defend the passes of Mount Haemus. Their commander, the
    up to the Golden Gate were plundered, and no opposition was Patrician George Buraphos, entitled " the Count of Opsikion,"
    offered to the enemy, who retreated at their leisure, laden with and another patrician, Theodore Myacius, conspired to overthrow
    booty and driving droves of cattle. the government of Philippicus, and they sent Rufus, the proto-
    At the same time Asia Minor was exposed to the usual
    strator or colonel of Opsikion, along with some soldiers, to accom-
    Mohammedan invasions. Amasea in Pontus and other strong
    plish the deed of violence which was necessary for their purpose.
    cities in that district were taken in '712, and in the following
    year Antioch of Pisidia fell into the hands of the foe. The Philippicus had just celebrated the commemoration of the
    birthday of the city by the usual spectacles in the hippodrome.
    only act attributed to the inactive Emperor is the removal of
    We are told that on this occasion the Greens were victorious
    the Armenians from their own land to the Fourth Armenia and
    districts in the neighbourhood of Melitene. This shows that in the contests. H e had made his arrangements for Whit-
    sunday ; he was to enter the hippodrome to the sound of music,
    the Saracen occupation of that province was only temporary,
    he was to bathe in the public baths of Zeuxippus, and then to
    and that it had been left by them in a depopulated condition,
    breakfast in the palace with "the citizens of ancient family."
    which Philippicus was induced to remedy by new Armenian
    As he was enjoying a mid-day siesta on the eve of Pentecost,
    settlers.
    after a morning banquet with his friends, Rufus and the soldiers
    The fact that Philippicus was a hereti:: was perhaps more
    who had been chosen for the act of treason traversed the rooms
    fatal to him than his want of energy and his spendthrift ways. of the palace, entered the sacred bedchamber, and, rousing the
    H e banished the orthodox Patriarch Cyrus to a monastery and Emperor from his sleep, hurried him off to the tiring-room
    appointed John,a monothelete,in his stead. Amonotheletic party
    was organised at Constantinople, consisting of numerous ecclesias- cirb K ~ U K O ~ L ~ K ~(Theoph.)
    PUV Theoph. 6205, per& r o X t r G v dtplyato-
    tics and senators,and led by the new Patriarch; Germanus, bishop A similar story is cold of Leo 111, y ~ v G vcip~u~?jua~.
    IS the reader will learn below.
    of Cyzicus, who afterwards became Patriarch ; Andrew, bishop VOL. 11 2B
    370 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOK V CHAP. XIII TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 371
    (o~natdrion)of the green faction in the hippodrome. No one Germanus is the same man who had been emasculated by
    recognised the Emperor, and the conspirators deprived hiin of Constantine the Fourth and who had supported the mono-
    eyesight. theletic tendencies of Philippicus ; but he suddenly and
    The next day was Whitsunday, and when the people were opportunely returned to the orthodox faith. I t is related that
    assembled in the church of St. Sophia, Artemius, the chief John too professed that he had been really orthodox always,
    secretary of the deposed sovereign, was brought in and crowned and that he had only consented to the heretical measures of
    by the Patriarch under the name of Anastasius. I t is unfor- Philippicus in order that a real heretic might not be appointed.
    tunate that we are not accurately informed of all that happened This laudable "economy," however, did not enable him to
    in the hours that intervened between the seizure of Philippicus retain the chair.
    and the coronation of Anastasius, but it is evident that the A report reached Byzantium in 714 A.D. that the Saracens
    senate and the people united to determine the election of the were mustering their forces, and preparing for a grand expedi-
    new Emperor independently of the Opsikian party, who certainly tion against the Roman Empire both by land and by sea. I n
    would not have chosen him ; for immediately after his acces- consequence of these tidings, Anastasius sent a deputation of
    sion he blinded, and banished to Thessalonica, George the senators to Damascus for the nominal purpose of proposing a
    count of Opsikion and Theodore Myacius. peace to Valid, but really in order to spy the extent of the
    Saracen power and to discover what truth was contained in
    The second Anastasius proved himself, on the whole, equal the alarming rumour. The most prominent member of this
    to the emergencies of the time. H e recognised that the pressing embassy was Daniel of Sinope, the prefect of the city, who
    necessity was to regenerate the military power of the Empire, was entrusted with the secret behests of the Emperor. They
    and he set himself with diligence to perform the task. He went and saw and returned with the news that the report was
    promoted the most efficient men to the chief co~nmand,pay- entirely true. Then the Emperor, with a promptitude similar
    ing especial attention to the cavalry regiments, which at this to that which Constantine IV had exhibited on a like occasion,
    period were of greater importance than the infantry. His made preparations to withstand a siege. H e issued a pro-
    practical knowledge of the details of official work, and his clamation that each inhabitant was, to provide himself with
    general experience as an important minister, fitted the former means to procure sustenance, sufficient to last for three years,
    chief secretary to direct the general administration of the and that all who were too poor to compass this were to leave the
    Empire with ability and skill. If his reign had not been cut city instantly. H e filled the royal storehouses and granaries
    short he might have enabled the State to tide over its perilous with copieus supplies of corn, and carefully provided for their
    season and founded a new dynasty, especially as he was an security. He renewed the sea walls, which were showing
    orthodox adherent of the doctrines of the sixth Council. But signs of decay, and built new ships to defend the city against
    unfortunately there was a fatal circumstance connected with attacks on the sea side ; while for the protection of the inland
    his elevation, which caused his fall ; he had ascended the throne, fortifications he erected engines of all kinds for hurling darts
    not as the candidate, but as the opponent of the influential and stones.
    Opsikian theme, whose count he had sent into exile. Anastasius, however, was not destined to win the glory of
    Anastasius I1 reversed the ecclesiastical policy of his pre- successfully withstanding a Saracen siege. The death of Valid,
    decessor. H e deposed the Patriarch John, and translated
    Germanus, the bishop of Cyzicus, to the see of Constantinople." approval of the most religious priests that which is weak and fill up that
    and deacons and all the pure (~dayoOs) which is deficient, translates Germanus,
    So Zonaras, Bk. xiv. 25, " The 11th August 715. The citatorium of clergy, and the sacred Senate and the the most holy metropolitan and presi-
    members of the senate and the mass of translation has been preserved by Theo- Christ-loving people of this divinely dent of the metropolis of Cyzicus, to be
    the people create Artemius the proto- phanes, and may be cited as a specimen protected and imperial city, the divine bishop of this divinely protected and
    asecritis Emperor." of such formulae. " By the vote and grace, which doth at all times tend imperial city."
    372 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XI11 TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 373

    who was succeeded by Suleiman, interrupted the course of the Emperor is a token of fitness for occupying a throne, Theodosius
    preparations ; but Suleiman by no means intended to abandon was certainly worthy, for he fled from the threatened honour
    the project, and in '715 news arrived that a fleet of the Sara- and concealed himself in the mountains. He was found, how-
    cens of Alexandria had repaired to Phoenicia, in order to hew ever, and constrained by force to assume the dignities and incur
    cypress wood for ships, and increase the power of their navy. the dangers of a tyrant.
    The Emperor, who knew the value of promptitude, conceived Thus it came about that the ships and engines arid forti-
    the idea of attacking the enemy while they were engaged in fications, which Anastasius had prepared to repel assaults of
    this occupation. He appointed Rhodesl as the place of meet- the unbelievers, were applied to the use of defending his
    ing for the troops whom he destined for the expedition; and government against a refractory division of the army. The
    he caused the forces of the Opsikian theme to embark in swift Emperor left his most trusted ministers in charge of the city,
    vessels and sail thither, whence, united with the other themes and, crossing over to Asia, shut himself up in Nicaea. Mean-
    under the general command of John, the general logothete, while the Opsikian troops which had rebelled at Rhodes had
    who was an ordained clergyman,2 they were to proceed to been reinforced by other regiments which belonged to the
    Phoenicia. At Rhodes, John found the commanders of the Opsikian district, and also by the soldiers called Gotho-Graeci.'
    various regiments filled with zeal for the expedition, and ready They marched to Chrysopolis (Scutari), and with an armament
    to obey his commands ; the Opsikians alone were recalcitrant. of merchantmen which they had collected they carried on an
    They renounced allegiance to the Emperor, whom they had i~effectual warfare for six months with the fleet which de-
    never loved, and, disdaining to obey a general logothete, beat fended the city. Then Theodosius crossed over and occupied
    John to death with clubs. The collected forces were im- the Thracian districts to the west and north of the city walls.
    mediately dispersed, and returned to their various stations, Treachery, like that which delivered Constantinople into the
    while the rebellious theme proceeded to Constantinople in hands of Apsimar and caused the fall of Leontius, now de-
    order to carry their revolt to its natural conclusion. They livered it into the hands of Theodosius, and caused the
    desired to subvert Anastasius, and gave no thought to the dethronement of Anastasius. The officers in whose custody
    question of a successor ; even as they had overthrown Philip- were the keys of the gate of Blachernae proved untrue to
    picus without a plan or a thought for the future. It is in the their trust, like their predecessors, and Theodosius was admitted.
    conduct of the Opsikian theme that we see the anarchical At night the Opsikian soldiers and the Gotho-Graeci entered
    complexion of the times most clearly reflected. On the way the city and pillaged it, sparing none. Here again was a
    to Constantinople, however, they actually deigned to reflect; repetition of the things which had happened when Leontius
    that it would be well to choose a head for their enterprise, and was deposed by Apsimar.
    to put forward a candidate to replace the sovereign whom they Theodosius sent the ministers of Anastasius and the Patri-
    had determined to dethrone. Characteristically they chose a t arch Germanus to Nicaea to assure the Emperor that further
    haphazard one who could be nothing more than a figure-head. resistance was vain. Anastasius submitted quietly to the will
    At Adramyttium, on the sea-coast of Mysia, they picked up a of fate or providence, and was allowed to live as a monk at
    stray tax-gatherer named Theodosius, who, if he had no vestige Thessalonica without undergoing any ill treatment.
    of those qualities which are generally demanded in an Emperor,
    bore at least an imperial name. His obscure respectability The reign of Anastasius was too brief, notwithstanding his
    rendered him inoffensive, and if unwillingness to become an honest endeavours, to restore order to the disordered State, or
    to wipe away the effects of so many years of " tyranny." "The
    The occupation of Rhodes by Mua- and popularly called Papa Johan-
    viah had been only temporary. nhcis. Theophanes (ed. de Boor), p. ' The origin of the Gotho-Graeei, I'o~Ooypa?uor, and Optimati has been
    He ww deacon of St. Sophia, 385. noticed ahove, p. 344.
    374 HISTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XIII TWENTY YEARS OF A N A R C H Y 375

    affairs of the Empire and the city," says Nicephorus, "were governors of Abasgia, but this relation can hardly have lasted
    neglected and decaying, civil education was disappearing, and long, as the Empire in the seventh century was beset by too
    military discipline dissolved." I t was a time for the enemies great dangers and difficulties to retain its grasp on this remote
    of the Romans to reap a harvest of prisoners and captured country. We may assume that the Abasgi had been prac-
    cities. Theodosius had good intentions, but was utterly tically independent for more than a century when Justinian I1
    ignorant of politics, and completely incapable of adminis- conceived the idea of reducing them to subjection ; and here,
    tration; and during the short period to which he gave the again, I am inclined to suppose that he was consciously imi-
    name of Theodosius I11 he is a lay figure, almost forgotten, tating his more glorious namesake. The Alans occupied a
    in the background. We may occupy the space which should wild and spacious territory north of the Caucasian range, but
    have been devoted to the acts or policy of an Emperor with they had no access to the Euxine, from which they were shut
    a digression on the adventures of the man who stood in the off by the Abasgi, who lined its eastern shores.
    foreground and was destined to be Theodosius' successor, Leo We are fortunate to possess an account of Leo's adventures,
    the Isaurian, general of the Anatolic troops. risks, and escapes in these barbarous regions, and the record
    According to some, Leo was a native of Germanicia in is apparently genuine, and certainly credible, sounding almost
    Commagene, but the more approved account places his origin like an excerpt from a diary kept by Leo himself.
    in the Isaurian mountains.' I n the first reign of Justinian I1 From Constantinople the ambassador may have proceeded
    his parents emigrated to Mesembria in Thrace by the orders of to Trapezus either by land or by sea, and thence he sailed to
    that monarch, who, it will be remembered, had a, passion for Phasis, the important seaport of Lazica. I n Phasis he stored
    transplanting his subjects. When Justinian returned with the' the sums of money which the Emperor had given him for the
    Bulgarians to recover his throne, Leo met him on the way with execution of his diplomatic mission, and then proceeded to
    a gift of five hundred sheep, and this mark of attention pleased Apsilia with a few natives who knew the topography of the
    the Emperor so much that he made Leo a spatharius (aide- country. H e crossed the Caucasus and entered Alania, where
    de-camp). A malevolent or premature accusation that the he was received with high honour by Itaxes, lord of the
    spatharius was plotting to ascend the throne himself, while it Alans, and his proposals were favourably entertained. But in
    mas triumphantly repelled, and only brought shame upon the the meantime Justinian, who desired the final disappearance
    accusers, who could not prove their charge, left a rankling of Leo, had perfidiously caused the money stored in Phasis to
    suspicion in the heart of the sovereign, who took an early be removed, arid had permitted the fact to be so generally
    opportunity to despatch Leo on a comnlission to Alania-a known that the news thereof reached the adjacent land of
    bourn from which he expected that his anlbassador would Al~asgia. Then, as the Alans were preparing to invade and
    never return. The purpose of his mission was to provoke the subject Abasgia, the potentate of the Abasgi addressed the
    Alans to invade and reduce the Abasgi, a people who, once potentates of the Alans thus : " Justinian had at his disposal
    infamous for their trade in enlasculated boys, had been re- no other such consummate iiar, save only this man, to let loose
    formed, christianised, and reduced to a sort of dependence by upon us and to excite us against one another. For as to the
    Justinian I. The Roman Emperors used to appoint the money which he promised you, he deceived you: for Justinian
    sent and took it away. But do ye hand him over to us and
    Theophanes, 6209 A.M., 6~ r $ s I'cp- or Armatoli of Mount Taurus were
    , dX1)Osip 66 6~
    p a v r ~ i w v~ a r a y 6 p ~ v o s7$ called. Cf. Sathas, Bzb. Gr. illed. Aev. we will give you 30 0 0 nomismata ; and let our love not be
    79s 'Iuavplas, and he is generally known ii. Introd. p. 43. The name illaccdonian dissolved." But to this remonstrance the Alans replied, " We
    as "the Isaurian." His family was is a relic of the days of Alesander and
    perhaps transferred to Thrace at the
    t ~ m eof the dispersion of the Mardaites,
    his successor, and was used in the sense
    of noble: "it survived up to the last ' Theolbhanes, 6209 A.M. He men- Iberia and Lazica.
    and perhaps his father was one of the century among the mercenary soldiers tions that Saracen influence was already +p:s in Theophanes, -but it
    " Macedonlans," as the Drakoi Hellenes in Naples and Venice " (zb.) doillinant in Abasgia as well as in evidently refers to the Alans.
    376 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XI11 TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 377

    followed his advice, not for the sake of money, but for the love their companions and cut off from the Empire by the Saracens,
    of the Emperor." The lord of the Abasgi sent once more, who had occupied Lazica, they were obligtd to remain in the
    doubling his offer; and this time the Alans, conceiving a defiles of the Caucasus, living as desperate brigands. The
    subtle purpose, consented. They had no intention of betraying rumour of their presence reached Alania at the other side of
    their friend Leo, but they deemed it an excellent opportunity the mountains, and it was suggested to Leo that he should
    to spy out the enemy's country. So they said to Leo, "YOU embrace the chance and join them. I n the month of May,
    see, the road to Romania is shut up, and you cannot pass. under the guidance of fifty Alans, he crossed the snows of
    Wherefore let us deal subtly and pretend to agree to surrender Caucasus with the help of cyclopodes or snow-shoes, and was
    you, and so discover their passes, and plunder and destroy glad after his long expatriation to come among Romans again.
    their country, acting thereby to our own advantage." But his return was as yet only half accomplished. I t was
    Accordingly, ambassadors of the Alans went into Abasgia still a difficult problem how he and the two hundred soldiers
    to arrange the compact, and, having received the usual gifts, were to reach Phasis.
    returned along with a company of Abasgi, who were to pay the I n the Caucasian highlands, not far from the place where
    stipulated money and to receive Leo in return. The bargain Leo joined his countrymen, was a fort called Sidaron, which
    was faithfully carried out, but the Abasgic captors had hardly was then held for the Saracens by a governor named Pharas-
    departed with their prisoner when they were attacked by a band manios. As Pharasmanios was at peace with the Armenians,
    of Alan soldiers, who, as had been preconcerted, rescued Leo Leo ventured to send a messenger to him with this message :
    and bound his guards. Then the Alans invaded Abasgia with "Make peace with me and become a subject of the Romans.
    great effect, owing to the knowledge of its topography which Supply us with the means of reaching the sea and crossing to
    they had acquired through the embassy. Trapezus." But Pharasmanios rejected the request.
    When these events came to the ears of Justinian, and he Then Leo placed some of his men in an ambush at night,
    saw that Leo was inviolable among the Alans, he wrote to the directing them, when those i n the fort issued forth in the
    Abasgic monarch: "If you allow Leo to pass safely through morning to work in the fields, to seize as many as possible,
    your country, I shall condone all your errors." The Abasgi, or at least prevent their returning to the gates, until he and
    who entertained a salutary fear of the Roman Empire, were the rest of his comrades arrived. The plan was carried out
    delighted, and offered their children as hostages to the Alans successfully, and Pharasmanios was left with a small number
    that their guest would receive no harm. But the suspicious in the fort. Leo approached the gates and repeated his pro-
    Leo refused to avail himself of the opportunity, saying, " The posals, but the governor again refused. The place, however,
    Lord can open me a door to go out." was too strong to take.
    Some time after this (probably in 712) 1 a joint army of A circumstance now occurred which converted the obstinacy
    Romans and Armenians invaded Lazica and laid siege to of the governor into a reluctant compliance. When Marinus,
    Archaeopolis. Hearing that an army of Saracens was the potentate of the Apsilians, @n adjacent and subordinate
    approaching, they retired to Phasis, but a division of about tribe, heard that Leo was besieging SidQron,he concluded that
    two hundred men was left behind in the Caucasian region of the Romans must be numerous, and fearing their hostility, he
    Apsilia, whither they had diverged to plunder, Separated from came with a band of three hundred and offered to conduct
    1 The only expedition to Armenia ment of Zonaras that when he returned Leo to the coast. Then Pharasmanios, perceiving the attitude
    that we hear of at this time is that both Justinian and Philippicus were
    sent by Philippicus, 6204 A.M., 712 A.D. Emperors of the past and Anastasius Theophanes says iLsomeof his men ginally formed part of the Roman army.
    This does not indeed accord with was on the throne. If we assume t h a t and, Armenians." It is not clear Is this fort ( 2 ~ 6 1 1 p 6 v ) the same as the
    Theophanes' statement that Leo after Leo was sent i n 710 (the latest probable whether this means that Armenians fort of the Misimiani, called Tzachar or
    his final escape returned t o Justinian, date) and returned i n 713, he was three had subsequently joined the band, or ZtGrlpoGv ? See vol. i. p. 463.
    but it does accord with the direct state- years i n Alania. only refers to Armen~answho had ori-
    378 HISTORY 3 F THE LATER ROMAN EfMPZRE BOOK v CHAP. X I I I TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 379

    of Marinus, relented and said, " Take my child as a hostage ; He wrote a letter to Leo to this effect : "We are aware that
    I agree to serve tlie Empire." Leo received the child, but the Empire of the Romans devolves upon you. Come then to
    insisted that the father should surrender the fort, and gave him us that we may discuss the conditions of peace." Meanwhile
    a safe-conduct, promising to enter the gates with not more he blockaded Amorium, awaiting the arrival of Moslemah, who
    than thirty men. The recent adventures of the spatharius had was to join him ; ana as the Saracens apprn~chrdthe walIs of
    trained hinl in the arts of prudence or perfidy, and he issued the city, they cried out, according to the directions of their
    secret commands to his troops to burst into the fortress as general, "Long live the Emperor Leo ! " and exhorted the
    soon as tlie gates were opened. H e burned the place to the Anzorians to take up the cry. Leo, in reply to the letter
    ground, and then paid a visit to Apsilia, where he was honour- which he had received, demanded why Amorium was blockaded
    ably received. Thence he was escorted to the coast and re- if the Saracens desired peace. To which Suleiman said, " Come,
    turned to Constantinople, where great changes had taken place and I shall retreat."
    during his absence. Justinian had been deposed, Philippicus Thus assured, but still distrustful, Leo approached Amorium
    had reigned, and Anastasius was on the throne (713 A.D.) ' with three hundred cavalry. A company of Saracens clad in
    This Emperor, who sought out men of merit and ability complete armour advanced to meet him, and encamped about
    for military commands, made Leo general of the Anatolic half a mile from their own army. For three days they met
    theme. The Armeniac regiments, which protected the eastern daily and discussed the possibility of arranging a peace. Leo
    provinces, were entrusted to Artavasdos. These two generals, was well aware that his enemies were secretly plott~ng to
    a,ltllough they stood aloof when the Opsikians deposed . capture him, while he was himself scheming to save Aaulmm,
    Anastasia, looked with unveiled hostility and cold derision on which he knew would surrender when Moslemah arrived.
    the government of Theodosius. The eyes of Asia were fixed on I n order either to test their intentions or by some means to
    Leo as tlie Inan who, both by his position as the most powerf~~l communicate with the Amorians while the Saracell officers
    general in the Empire and by his natural talents, was the best were engaged,' he invited the chief men of the Moham-
    qualified candidate for tlie imperial diadem. medan army to a banquet, and while they were enjoying them-
    I11 the meantime the Caliph Suleiman was preparing to selves a messenger succeeded in conveying to the besieged a
    carry out the projected expedition against the Empire. H e secret message : "Fear God and do not betray yourselves,
    sent two armies into Romania, one under his brother Moslemah for lo, Moslemah approaches." Meanwhile Suleiman had also
    and another under a general named Suleiman. The latter, determined to take advantage of the banquet for his own pur-
    advancing through the Anatolic districts, approached Amorium, pose, and had commanded three thousand cavalry to encircle
    -the city which in the days of Constans I1 had been seized the place. As the company sat at table a sentinel entered and
    for a short time by the Saracens and soon recaptured. Suleiman informed Leo that the camp was surrounded by horsemen ; but a
    saw that it was insufficiently defended, and perceived at the Saracen cavalier named Zuber immediately stepped forward and
    same time that Leo, the Ariatolic general, was in opposition to explained to the astonished general that a slave had run away
    the government of Theodosius. He also discovered that Leo from their camp with a large sum of money, and that they had
    was regarded as destined to be the next Emperor, and he mounted horse to catch him. "Do not put yourselves out,
    argued that it would be a great blow to the Empire to seize gentlemen," said Leo, who understood the art of dissimulation ;
    the person of such an able man. For this purpose he resorted " in whatever part of our camp he takes refuge, we shall Snd him."

    to stratagems, of which details have been preserved. I t is hard to follow the details of tracted banquet. I t would be inter-
    So Zonaras distinctly states, and i t Tays, surely that moparch wonld have Theophanes' narrative, which is not esting to know whence Theophanes
    is otherwise probable (cf note p. 383), dealt stringently with him as a pas- marked by lucidity. I t seems plain to obtained these deta~ls. He does not
    Bk. xv. cap. 1. If he had returned in sible rival whom he had already perse- me that the communications with the mention whether Suleiman was a t the
    the days of Justln~an, as Theophanes cuted. Amorinns took place du.ing the pro- banquet or not.
    380 HISTOR Y OF TNE' LA TEE ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. XIII TWENTY YEARS O F ANARCHY 38 1

    Before the banquet was ended, Leo contrived to have an modern books on the subject, they seem to have been drawn
    interview with the bishop of dmoriun~,who stole out of the originally from memoirs of some eye-witness, perhaps of Leo
    city to his camp and was introduced to a, room in his tent. himself, or at least to have been related by an eye-witness
    Rut the Saracen guests discovered that the bishop had paid to some contemporary writer. Though they are sometimes
    the general a visit, and indignantly demanded that Leo should affected with the incoherence of a chronicle, they exhibit the
    give hinl up to them. Leo gained time by parleying, while circumstantiality of memoirs.
    attendants disguised the bishop as a woodman or a, water- The Saracen army soon became weary of their leaguer
    carrier, and sent him from the dangers of the camp to flee to before the walls of Amorium, and showed signs of mutiny.
    the security of the mountains. Then Leo asseverated that the The soldiers wished to plunder the country, and tke generals
    bishop was not in the camp, and urged the Saracens to search were obliged to yield and raise the siege. When they had
    it. This altercation probably led on to a general discussion of retreated, Leo appeared at Amorium, and having removed
    differences and grievances, which Leo at last terminated by the women and children and all valuable property, and
    offering to go to Moslemah and leave the decision to him. placed in the city a garrison of eight hundred men under
    The Saracens agreed to the proposal, and he was allowed to the command of a, turmarch, he proceeded southward to
    leave the camp with a body of two hundred men, on the pre- Pisidia.
    text of hunting. But he soon abandoned the beaten tracks I n the meantime Moslemah had crossed the passes and
    and diverged to the north. When some Saracens, who had entered Cappadocia, which was then destitute of defenders.
    accompanied him for the sport, asked him whither he went, Cappadocia was included in the Anatolic district, and Leo
    he replied that he intended to change the position of his camp ' apparently had not a sufficient number of troops at his dis-
    " t o the meadows."l "Your plea is not good," they said, posal to defend all points. The chief towns were doubtless
    " and we will not go with you." When they had departed garrisoned, and some of his troops may have perhaps been in
    Leo remarked to his men, "They have pledged their faith to Cilicia or Pisidia acting against the Saracen general Omar,
    us, but nevertheless they wished to seize us and thereby who had invaded those parts. The Cappadocians went forth
    to destroy the Christians of Amorium; yet of our men and from their abodes to meet Moslemah, offering him abject sub-
    beasts which we left behind us they have taken none." H e mission. But Moslemah, aware (perhaps from letters of
    then advanced ten miles farther and encamped. Next day Suleiman) of the relations subsisting between the Emperor
    he sent the domesticus of his styatom or harness-corps to Theodosius and Leo, and wishing to catch the latter by a bait
    Suleiman, bearing a message of reproach for his treacherous and " through him subjugate Romania," asked the Cappadocians
    intentions. whether they were subjects of the general Leo, to which question
    These details I have thought it worth while to reproduce they replied in the affirmative. " Do ye whatever he does ? "
    fully, often almost in the words of the chronicle in which they "Yes." "Depart then to your fortresses and fear no one,"
    are preserved, because, while they are to be found in few said the generous or wily Saracen, and he commanded his
    EIP r h X~PdslaOkXw p ~ r a ~ X q ~ ~ U ^ u abeing
    t. understood. Of course this as- army to abstain from plundering all the regions which were
    I t would be interesting to know sumption is not necessary, but the subject to the administration of Leo.
    whether all these conversations were various machinations which Leo was
    conducted by interpreters. One cir- obliged to carry on during the banquet When Leo heard this, and knew that Suleiman had com-
    cumstance suggests tho possibility that would have been more easily practicable municated to Moslemah the events of the camp at Amorium,
    Leo may have known Arabic. If inter- if interpreters were not present. The
    preters (Saracens who knew Greek) fact that afterwards a Saracen caliph he wrote to Moslemah that he wished to visit him, but that
    were present, he could not so easily made an attempt t o convert Leo t o the treacherous attempts of ' .leiman had filled him with
    during the banquet have given secret Islam may also point in this direction:
    orders; if he could converse with his if Leo knew Arabic, the caliph would apprehension and deterred hi111 from going. The following
    guests in Arabic, he could speak to his have thought him a specially favour- conversation is recorded to have passed between the Saracen
    attendants in Greek without fear of able subject.
    382 HISTORYOF THE LATER R O M A N E M P I R E BOOKV CHAP. XIII T W E N T Y YEARS OF dArAXCHY 383

    general when he received the letter and the messenger who shrinking under the undesired grandeur that had come upon
    brought it. him but could not make him great. H e posted his son, whom
    Moslentah. " I see your general mocks me, because I w h ~ l l y he had presumably invested with the imperial title, on the
    abstained from ravaging his provinces." Asiatic side of tlie Propontis, perhaps in command of the
    Messenger. "Not so, but he really means what he says." Opsikian troops. Having assured himself that Moslemah had
    Moslenznk. " How is Amorium affected towards him ? " evacuated Romania, Leo advanced to Nicomedia and routed
    Messenger. '' Well, and is loyally subject unto him." the young prince l; but this victory did not immediately secure
    Mosle?nnh (angrzly). " Why do you lie ? " him the crown. H e probably spent the minter at Nicaea or
    Messenger. " I t is as I say. And he has thrown a garrison at Nicornedia ('716 - 71
    ' ?'),%and early in the ensuing year was
    into i t with a turmarch, and driven out the superfluous Emperor. The immediate cause of the general
    families.'' consent both of the military commanders and of the civil
    Moslemah, whose intentions had been to take Amorium in ministers to the elevation of Leo is represented to have been
    summer, to wait for the fleet and proceed to the coast of Asia a well-grounded fear, occasioned by the certainty that a vast
    Minor for the winter, was much vexed at the news. He Saracen armament w o ~ ~ in l d a few months besiege Constantin-
    sent back a message to Leo, inviting him to come and make ople, and the consciousness that Theodosius was devoid of the
    peace. Leo calculated that in the course of five days Mos- skill required for its defence, and utterly unfit for the duties
    lemah would have passed beyond the limits of the Anatolic of a commander. Otherwise they might perhaps have preferred
    district, and he shaped his plans accordingly. H e sent two the inoffensive Theodosius, who could never have attempted to
    consulars to Moslemah with this message : I received your . (' strain the imperial authority against the aristocracy. There was
    letter, and accept your offer and shall come to you. But, as a formal meeting of the Patriarch, the senators, and chief officials
    you know, I am a general, and must travel with my appurten- to choose an Emperor, and they chose Leo, with the knowledge
    ances and silver plate and my retinue. Send me then an and consent of Theodosius himself, who, we are told expressly,
    assurance for the safety of each of them, so that, if things turn consulted the senate and the Patriarch touching his own
    out satisfactorily-well, but if not, I may return without re~ignation.~H e received an assurance of personal safety, and
    injury or despite." The envoys overtook Moslemah, at Theo- was permitted to withdraw to a monastic retreat at l3plphesus,
    dosiana, and obtained from him the required safe-conduct. where he died and was buried. The word 5yle~a,"health,"
    But his large army, which soon exhausted the supplies of a was the inscription which the third Theodosius wrote for
    district, would not permit him to halt anywhere for long ; he his tomb.
    was obliged to be constantly moving to new pastures; and
    when the envoys had returned to Leo, Moslemah had already The twenty-one years of anarchy, which happily came to
    reached Acroinon and was beyond the boundaries of the Anatolic an end by the accession of Leo the Third, were the direct result
    provinces (autumn '7 16). He was accompanied by " the tasius succeeded at Pentecost 713
    officials of the palace" and provided and reigned till after Angnst 715 (see
    with paurxr~+brroupyla. I t is curious Theoph. 6207 A.M.) ; Theophanes re-
    While Leo was thus baffling the Saracens in Asia, Theo- that his name is not preserved. lates his fall under 6207, though i t is
    dosius was sitting in the palace on the Byzantine acropolis, "hilippicus was deposed a t Whit- evident that i t really took place in
    suntide 713 ; Anastasius reigned more 6208, possibly at the end of 715. I t is
    $apcALas, that is women, children, the western districts of Asia Minor, than two and less than three years; clear that Nicephoius is not accurate
    and non-fighting population, for whom Ka'reh6Eiv means to go towards the Theodosius ahont one year, until the in assigning two years to Anastasius
    thecompound pluralsubstantive yvvac~b- coast. proclamatioll of Leo, March 717. Theo- (both in his History and in his Chrono-
    rrar8a was in use. 3 I thus translate Slrdrous, which
    phsnes says Philippicus reigned two graphy).
    trrL T+Y 'Aulav ~ a , r ~ A 6 ~(Theoph.
    iv Ducange (Gl?ss. Med. Graec.) renders years and nine months, and Anastasius Combine the statement of Nice-
    p. 389, ed. de Boor). A d a , as opposed viri yrzmarzz. I t mas an honorary one year and three months. But here phorus, Brev. p. 52 (ed. de Boor), with
    to Cappadocia and Phrygia, means title. he is not consistent with himself. Anas- that of Theophanes.
    384 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v CHAP. SIII TWENTY YEARS OF ANARCHY 385

    of the long struggle between the Imperium arid the aristocracy,l are exposed, its pretensions are shown to imply anarchy by the
    which had been going on ever since the death of the great logic of facts; and the necessity of a real imperial power is
    autocrat Justinian, ana was itself an offspring of the original demonstrated. At the same time the far-sightedness of the
    dyarcllical nature of the Roman Empire. The senatorial of the Heraclian dynasty in their administrative organ-
    classes, who were now chiefly natives of Asia Minor, did not isation of Asia Minor is clearly shown.
    wish to make any fundamental change in the constitution; I n the first place, the candidate of the party of opposition
    they only wished to liniit the absolutism of the Emperor and finds on his elevation that fie must desert his old aristocratical
    to fetter his hands. Their opposition hampered Constans I1 and become an autocrat, if his administration is to
    and Constantine I V (as it had hampered Justin I1 and Tiberius be really efficient and if he is not to be a niere puppet. This
    11), but did not oppress them; they guided the helm with tact was the first proof of the necessity of iniperial autocracy under
    and firmness. But Justinian 11, like the Emperor Maurice, the given conditions. I n the second place, the political differ-
    had little or no tact, and firmness in him was misapplied and ences in the Empire, which had not even in Asia Minor the
    impolitic; he strained the bow too tight and it gave way. unity produced by a comnlon nationality, exposed an illegiti-
    The executions and long imprisonments of r~umerousnobles mate Emperor like Leontius to the jealousy and rivalry of
    were an apparently drastic but really inept way of crnshing sections other than that to which he belonged. Leontius
    the opposition. was the representative of the Anatolic districts; the soldiers
    Closely combined with this opposition was a spirit of of other Asiatic districts combined to overthrow him. This
    nationality which had been growing up in Asia Minor, and want, of national unity made the strong hand of a single
    which could not escape the attention of the Emperors. I t . individual indispensable to maintain the integrity of the
    was perhaps with a view to keeping this spirit in subjection, as Empire. I n the third place, unity, integrity, and common
    well as with a view to defending the Empire against the action were of vital importance at this time, when the
    Saracens, that the country was organised anew into large Moslem were threatening Christendom, and it was a lively
    districts with separate and independent generals. Justinian's consciousness of tlzis fact that caused the senators and mili-
    system of transplanting human beings was a line of policy tary commanders to reject the weak and meek Theodosius,
    partly directed to the same purpose. The importation of whose character ought to have rendered him the ideal Em-
    Mardaites, Cypriotes, and Slaves might be expected to assist in peror of the refractory aristocracy, and elect the able Isaurian
    denationalising Asia Minor, while a stray notice makes us who made the Empire feel the power of a firm will and obey
    suspect that he also exported inhabitants of those provinces the constraint of a strong hand.
    to Europe. The parents of Leo I11 were transferred from I may notice here the curious resemblance between the
    the regions of Mount Taurus to Thrace, and it is highly im- state of affairs that lasted for a considerable time in the Frank
    probable that this was an individual case. The Isaurians were kingdom and a political phase which appeared for a moment
    peculiarly obstinate in clinging to their nationality. jn the Roman Empire. I t is well known how the Merovingian
    The year 6 9 5 was thus a year of triumph for the anti- monarchs became finally unburdened of all the duties and
    imperial aristocratic party. The legitimate and autocratic attributes of royalty except the name, while the real power
    Justinian was deposed, and one of themselves, an Isaurian centred in the mayors of the palace (majares do.nzw).' And so,
    and former general of the Anatolic theme, was elevated in his just for a moment, at New Rome it appeared possible that
    stead. Theodosius might have continued to reign in name, and might
    But it is not long before the inherent elements of the have been succeeded by a series of inoperative Emperors,
    situation display themselves. The illusions of the aristocracy while the actual power might have been invested in some
    The taik6s of Japan are an instance of a similar historical phenomenon.
    1 Finlay notices t$s, vol. i. p. 397.
    VOL. I1 2c
    386 H I S T O X Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v

    minister, perhaps the curopnlntes, who was the Byzantine


    analogue of the mayor of the palace. Yet, though t'his
    might have appeared possible, it was really impossible. The
    feeling for the dignity of the imperial throne was too strong
    to permit of its ever becoming permanently a political non-
    entity.

    While we followed the events which led to the fall of


    Leontius we had hardly time to realise the fact that Africa
    had finally passed away from the hands of her Roman rulers C H A P T E R XIV
    and was once more, after a period of nearly eight hundred
    and fifty years, subject to a Semitic people. I t was decreed SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS DECAY IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY
    that Heraclius and his race should see Roman provinces
    subdued one after another by the enemies of Christendom; THE prevalence of superstition and the decay of culture
    but it might seem a slight concession on the part of inexorable render the seventh century perhaps the darkest age of Europe
    fate that the country which had sent a saviour to New Rome within historical times; and the contemporary glory of the
    in her great need should not be lost by one of his dynasty, Arabs makes Christendom seem all the darker. We may first
    but should remain, at least formally, Roman until the last glance at the superstition which prevailed in the Roman Empire,
    " Scipiad " had fallen. The retreat of the Romans from Africa and then consider the decline of culture and the decay of
    was the knell of the greatness of Carthage; her history was education ; after this we may pass to the moral condition of the
    now over. The consistent policy of the caliphs dethroned the clergy, and finally notice the rise of the Paulicians.
    venerable Phoenician city from her position as the capital of When I speak of the deplorable extent of superstition, I
    Africa, and the circulnstance that she had been originally a do not refer primarily to the lower classes of society, among
    Semitic, not a Greek or Roman, foundation did not save her whom it prevails at all ages. The degrading feature of the
    from the lot of Alexandria. I t was mortifying enough for end of the seventh century, which the Emperors of the eighth
    Antioch and Toledo to behold the exaltation of Damascus century tried so manf~~lly to reform, was the ignorant credulity
    and Cordova; but Cordova and Damascus were ancient and of the richer classes : and this credulity was generally
    famous cities. The mighty capitals of Persia, Egypt, and accompanied by nioral obliquity. Men who professed to be
    Africa had to bear the greater indignity of yielding precedence educated believed in the most ridiculous miracles ; and the law
    to upstart rivals with strange names-Kufa, Bagdad, Cairo, of natural cause and effect, which however inadequately
    and Kairowan. recognised has generally maintained some sort of ascendency
    in human reason, became at this period practically obsolete. A
    patriarch and a Pope believed in the power of painted virgins
    to heal the sick and maimed, or to exude unearthly balsams ;
    and no hesitation was felt in accepting the legends, that certain
    pictures regarded with peculiar veneration were, like manna,
    manufactured in the workshops of heaven. To this subject I
    shall have occasion to recur when I come to the war that
    was waged by the Isaurian sovereigns against the adoration of
    pictures ; and there is no clearer and surer proof of the
    388 HATSTOXY OF THE LATER RO~MANE M m E BOOK v CHAP. X I V SOC(AL AND RELIGIOUS D E C A Y 389

    malignancy of this nzoral pestilence than the fact that Leo I11 legend, was the compulsory conversion of all Hebrews in the
    nlaile an attack upon superstition the basis of his policy of Empire.
    reform. The clergy could not guide mankind to a spiritual An incident that took place during the siege of Pergamus by
    apprehension of the great doctrines of Christianity, because they the Arabs in '71'7 A.D. shows the depths of depravity to which
    had lost that spiritual apprehension themselves ; they taught superstition was impelling humanity. The inhabitants of that
    the worship of dead synzbols and the efficacy of the letter; city, in order to fight with more effect against the besiegers,
    they encouraged the growth of superstition and themselves led took a pregnant girl who was approaching the time of her first
    lives which Christianity would regard as immoral. delivery, and having cut in pieces both her and her unborn
    At the appearance of an " iris " in heaven (March 673), we infant, boiled the fragments in a pot of water. The soldiers then
    are told that all flesh shuddered and declared that the end of clipped the gauntlets of their right hands in this concoction,
    the world was c0me.l Every one believed in the prediction of believing that the blows of their weapons would be surer and
    fut,ure events, and the Einpire was overrun with impostors, stronger after the horrible anointment. I n spite of these en-
    linconscious or deliberate, who gratified the desire of nlen to lightened precautions, Pergamus was taken, but it is character-
    believe in supernatural revelations. A monk who dabbled in istic of the age that those who condemned the act ascribed the
    astrology and a Cappadocian abbot foretold to Leontius the success of the Saracens to it, and affirmed that the hands of the
    Isaurian his future elevation. Another Cappadocian prophesied soldiers were unable to hold a sword on account of the defile-
    to Justinian I1 his restoration. Philippicus dreamed that he ment. This incident is worthy to be placed beside the sacrifice
    mould be Emperorj-his dream, that his head was overshadowed of the maid-servant at the tomb of the Empress Eudocia, just
    by an eagle, reminds us of the legend of the Emperor Martian,- one hundred years before.'
    and on that account apsirnar banished him. The story of the The tragedy of Pergamus was of course suggasted and
    ass-driver Conon (said to be the original name of Leo ILL), who instigated by one of the nnnlerous soothsayers or hekatontarchs,
    resting in the noonday heat under the shade of oalrs, hard by a who infested the Empire and were denunciated by the Quini-
    fountain and a chapel of St. Theodore, was accosted by two Jews sext Council. Hekntontnrch was the name in use for old people
    endowed with magic powers and acquainted with the secrets who had obtained a reputation for occult lore; perhaps it was
    of futurity, and was apprised by them that he was one day to so applied in jocular reference to the extreme age of these
    be the lord of the Roman world, illustrates not only the general wizards, just as the word centurion might be used as an' in-
    credulity, but the superstitious horror with which Jews were tentional " mistake " for centenarian.
    regarded at this time by Christians. They were thought to The increase of ecclesiastical influence in the Empire is one
    be direct emissaries of the d e v i l . V n e of the minor aims of of the most striking features of the seventh century; and as
    the Quinisext Council was to uproot the remains of Jewish the dignitaries of the Church readily acquiesced in the growth
    perversity, and one of its acts ordains that no Christian is of superstition, to which they were themselves inclined, the
    to have any dealings with the Jews, to take unleavened bread, prospect of reform seemed almost hopeless, as it would be
    to receive medicine from them, or to bathe with them. One necessary to carry it out in spite of the institution with which
    of the measures of Leo 111, scarcely in harmony with the the spiritual life of the age was interwoven. The Isaurian
    Emperors in the eighth century undertook the task, but the
    Theoph. 6164 A.M. Q@pi& r i o a Macedonian months are used in the obloquy which has ever been attached to their names among
    nip(, hv pqvi M a p ~ l yAdorpy, &UTEX ~ Y C I V Chrmieon Pnsehale of Alexandria, and i t
    s uuvr6X~id~ U T L VTheophanes
    r d v ~ a 871 . seems probable that Theophanes' source the orthodox shows how much the undertaking cost them.
    obtained this notice from a chronicle was a continuation of it, now lost. We have already met indications of the way in which
    which used the Macedonian names of 'The same two Jews were said to
    the months. Prom the same source he have wheedled Caliph Yezid I. into ecclesiastical influences had penetrated secuiar and political life,"
    received the date of Muaviah's death adopting iconoclastic measures by
    (6171 A.M. pvvl ' A p ~ c p u i yi). The promising him a long reign. See above, p. 212. ". p. 309.
    390 HISTORYOF THE L A T E R KOfifANEMPIRE BOOKV CHAP. XIV S O C I A L AND RELIGIOUS UECA Y 39 1

    and as an illustration of the same circumstance it may be Emperor and the Patriarch were regarded as the two pillars of
    appropriate to quote the coronation oath, which, we may the Roman constitution, and that harmony between them was
    certainly conclude, was used in the seventh century, if not the essential condition of the prosperity of the Empire.
    before.' The new Emperor used to recite the oath in the
    great church of St. Sophia. Sunk tllough Constantinople was at this period as regards
    The declaration began with the creed, " I believe in one learning and education, it was still the centre of European
    God the Father Almighty, etc.," and then proceeded thus: culture ; thither young men still, though not so frequently as
    " Moreover I accept and confess and confirm the apostolic and in preceding centuries, repaired from western lands to learn
    divine traditions, and the ordinances and forlnulae of the six Greek and theology. The Empire was generally regarded as
    ecumenical synods and the occasional local synods ; also the the greatest power and the centre of light in Europe ; and Pope
    privileges and usages of the most Holy Great Church of God. Agatho, in a letter to Constantine IV (680 A.D.), writes that
    Moreover I confirm and accept all the dogmas that were laid it was the expressed wish of a synod assembled at Rome that
    down and sanctified by our most Holy Fathers in various places, the Empire, wherein is the chair of St. Peter which the other
    rightly and canonically and blamelessly. I n the same manner barbarians revere, should for Peter's sake have the primacy over
    I promise to abide and continually to prove myself a faithful the other peoples. But the diffusion of culture and the inter-
    and true servant and son of the Holy Church; moreover to be change of ideas were hindered and rendered difficult by the
    her defender and champion, and to be kind and humane to my slowness of communication between East and West.' This
    subjects, as is meet and right, and to abstain from bloodshed and infrequency of intercourse not only withheld advantages from
    mutilations and such like, as far as may be, and to counten- the West, but reacted unfavourably on the Empire itself. Similar
    ance all truth and justice. -4nd whatsoever things the Holy effects were produced by the decrease of communication be-
    Fathers rejected and anathematised, I do myself also reject and tween the various parts of the Ronian dominions in the East.
    anathematise, and I believe with all my mind and soul and Provinces became isolated, and the better classes of their
    heart in the aforesaid holy symbolum of faith. And all these inhabitants became more and more provincial. At the sixth
    things I promise to keep before the face of the Holy Catholic Council Theodore of Melitene called himself apologetically a
    and Apostolic Church of God. Dated . . month, . . o'clock, . . provincial, X o p ~ ~ c 6;9 and in fact there was no part of Europe,
    . . . indiction, . . . year." except perhaps Constantinople, to which the name might not
    The Emperor handed this document to the Patriarch with be applied from a wider point of view. Pope Agatho com-
    the following formula :- plained that theological study had completely decayed, and
    "I, . . . the Roman Emperor and Sovereign faithful in indeed become quite impossible in Italy owing to the vicinity
    Christ, the God, having signed this with my own hand, do hand of the Lombards. A certain knowledge of Greek, however,
    it over to my supremely holy lord and ecumenical Patriarch, was still prevalent ; there were Greek monasteries at Rome ;
    Sir . . ., and, along with him, to the divine and sacred Synod." and it is probable that while the monotheletic controversy
    We shall have occasion in another place to notice that the agitated the East many orthodox inhabitants of Thrace and
    Codinus, de Ofic. cap. 17, gives i t in i t was composed for the coronation of Asia may have betaken themselves to Rome. Rut there is
    the form used after 787 A . D . , as seven Leo I. one point on which it may be well to insist; there must
    ecumenical synods are mentioned. But I have substituted six for seven, so
    there is no reason to suppose that any as to give the form i n which the oath ' For example, the death of a Pope Mansi, xi. 195 ; Hefele, Cogacilien-
    change was made a t the coronation of a a s taken by Justinian 11. was not known a t Constantinople four geschzchte, iii. 226, 227). At the
    Nicephorus I. (or of any subsequent This clause smacks of the seventh months after the event. Pope Donus same time i t must be remembered
    Emperor) save the substitution of seven century, and was probably introduced died 011 11th April 678, and the Em- that Mediterranean commerce was al-
    for six. I t is possible that the form after the dethronement of some peror jyrote a letter to h i n ~dated 12th most entirely in the hands of the Greek
    may be as old as the fifth century, Emperor (Justinian I1 1 or perhaps August 678. His suclessor, Agatho, subjects of the Empire.
    though i t seems hardly likely that Phocas). ~L;py. had bee.- elected on 27th June. (See
    392 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROfifAN EMPIXE BOOK v

    have been constant if not considerable intercourse between prominent scholar acquainted with Greek. As for Gaul, a
    Italy and Greece, including Macedonia and Thessalonica, bishop of Rouen mentions certain Greek authors, including
    during the seventh cent~iry and up to the year $ 3 3 A.D., Plate, Homer, Menander, and Herodotus,l who, he considers,
    inaslnuch as the Balkan peninsula, except Thrace, was under are studied with too much diligence.
    the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the bishops of Rome. To return to the Empire after our digression to western
    I t is a strain on our credulity to accept the remark that Europe, it is observable that just as the influence of the
    in western Europe during the seventh century Greek %as Church was waxing in the State, so the influence of the monks
    studied more in the remote island of Ireland than else- Tvas waxing in the Church. The monks painted pictures and
    w11ere.l At Trim, indeed, there was a church called " the maintained art, but they also maintained bigotry and super-
    church of the Greeks," b ~ i twe can only smile when we are &tion, and were the archenemies of spiritual reform. Along
    told by a recent writer that "the Celtic monastery of Bangor with intellectual weakness, dissolute manners also prevailed,
    became a potent focus of Hellenism." I n other countries and the misdemeanour of ecclesiastics as well as of laymen had
    certainly we meet Greek scholars, such as they were, of more become such a public scandal that the express object of the
    distinction than any Irish monk. Into England a knowledge Quinisext Council was to regenerate morality and restore the
    of Greek was introduced by the great Theodorus of Tarsus: strictness of the old regulations, which had fallen into abey-
    archbishop of Canterbury, and Hadrian, an African abbot. ance. The acts of this council possess considerable interest,
    They landed on Saxon shores in the year 669, four years as almost the only extant document bearing on the manners
    before the birth of Bede. Theodore had studied at Athens ; and customs of the age.
    he mas profoundly learned in Greek and Latin literature, I t was generally agreed that the church discipline at Con-
    secular as well as sacred, and with his companion he formed a stantinople was far milder than the discipline enforced in the
    school in which the chief subjects were mathematics, astronomy, Churches which looked up to the bishop of Rome, especially
    metrical laws, and church doctrines. Writing sixty years later, in regard to the restrictions imposed on marriage. The aim
    Bede, himself a Greek scholar, says, "There live even to-day of the Quinisext Council was to blend the strictness of Old
    pupils of these men who know Latin and Greek as their own Rome with the mildness of New Rome. I t was enacted that
    native tongue. Never were times more happy since the arrival no man could be admitted to an ordination who, after his
    of the Angles in Britain." Letters flourished under the pros- baptism, had committed the enormity of marrying twice, or of
    perous reign of Ina, king of Wessex, who invited two learned keeping a concubine, or of marrying a woman who suffered
    men to come from Athens in order to instruct St. Aldhelin in from the disadvantage of being a widow, a divorced wife, an
    the Greek tongue. I n Spain, Isidorus of Seville is the only adulteress, a slave, or an actress. Of clerical persons, only
    I have consulted on this subject a owes [sic] to the work of Theodore.
    readers and cantors (members of the choir) are by the new
    valuable and convenient little book of He mas the real organiser of the ad- rules allowed to marry; no clergyman is allowed to harbour
    seventy pages, in which & I.
    l'abb6 ministrative system of the English
    Tougard, of Rouen, has collected from Church, and i n that work laid the
    a woman in his house, and clergymen as well as laymen are
    the Pntrologia L a t i n a of Migne the foundation of English national unity. forbidden, on pain of deposition from office and excommunica-
    evidences as to the lmowledge of Greek He brought the learning and culture
    in western Europe in the Middle Ages. of the eastern Empire into the West, tion, to have intercourse with consecrated women. The special
    Born 602, arrived a t Rome 667. and, with the aid of Hadrian and Bene- enactments in regard to all these matters naturally lead us to
    The best account of Theodore (for dict Biscop, established schools from
    whose activity the Hist. Ecc. of Bede which the scholars and missionaries of conclude that the forbidden acts were frequent occurrences in
    is our chief authority) has been written the following century went out to re- the see of C ~ n s t a n t i n o ~ l e . ~
    by the (present) bishop of Oxford in kindle the light of christian culture i n
    the Dict. of Christ. Biography. He France and the recently converted parts ' Also Pythagoras, Aristotle, Lysias, Alexandria, and Constantinople ; he
    writes : " I t is difficnlt if not impos- of Ger~nany,and thus, as has been said Demosti~enes,Democritus. At the end had a knowledge of Hebrew as well as
    sible to overstate the debt which Eng- already, proved a most important link of the seventh century St. Arculphus, of Greek.
    land, Europe, and christian civilisation between ancient and modern life." a French bishop, visited Damascus, I t is worth noticing that there are
    394 H/STOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK v
    CHAP. X I V SOC(AL AND RELIGIOUS UECA Y 395

    On the same principle we might suppose that the Byzantine lingered on and offended the stricter members of the Church.
    Church often blushed for such scandals as clergymen bathing Some old feasts were not yet extinct, such as the feast of the
    along with women, or even keeping brothels ; and doubtless kalends, the feasts of Bota in honour of Pan, and Brumalia
    the smuggling of females into male monasteries was no in honour of Bacchus. Women danced in public ; and when
    uncommon event. A married man who became a clergyman Inen arrayed themselves as women, and women appeared in
    was not compelled to put away his wife unless he became a ll~asculineapparel, it might be thought that sex was indecently
    bishop; but it appears that at this time bishops were suspected confused. The old comic, satyric, and tragic masks were still
    of maintaining conjugal relations with their former wives, for worn at dramatic representations ; mimic performances, accom-
    it is ordained that the wife of a newly consecrated bishop panied by ballet-dances, were enacted in the old style. At
    must be removed to a tole~ablydistant cloister. Many impro- the gathering in of the vintage the god Dionysius was still
    prieties of other kinds had also crept in. Some clergymen invoked. Another heathen custom, which had withstood the
    seem to have been small capitalists and to have lent out assaults of time and religion, was that of illuminating fires in
    money on usury. It was a common event for clerks to front of houses and shops at the time of the new moon and
    sanctify by their presence theatrical spectacles and horse-races ; leaping over the flames; the more pious Christians compared
    nor did they disdain to witness the licentious anlusenients and such acts to that of the godless Manasses. All these sur-
    coarse festivities-survivals of paganism-with which mar- vivals of pagan times were strictly prohibited by the council
    riages were still celebrated, for a significant clause directs of 692 ; in fact, one of the express objects of that assembly
    clergymen and monks to leave a wedding party when the was to wipe away any vestiges of paganism that still
    games begin. Some were indecent enough to lay aside their remained. The use of a pagan oath was forbidden on pain of
    clerical garb in the privacy of their houses or on a journey. excommunication. Some superficial forms of superstition are
    Anchorets or hermits, whom it became to wear their hair also branded as worthy of punishment. Soothsayers, men
    short, used with long hair and unsuitable dress to seek the who lead round bears and other beasts for show, "to the hurt
    distractions of cities and converse with the "people of the of simpletons," and sell tufts of their hair as amulets, men
    world." I t is found necessary by the Trullan Council to lay who profess to set nativities or work enchantments, are
    down strict injnnctions that nuns shall not leave their cloisters threatened with penalties of considerable severity. Yet not-
    save with the special permission and benediction of the abbess, withstanding this authoritative disapprobation of such occult
    and in the company of old sisters ; moreover, that they shall arts, Emperors and probably Patriarchs believed in the prog-
    in no case spend a night beyond the walls ; a similar rule is nostics of soothsayers and astrologers. Another ordinance of
    to apply to monks. I t was usual for ladies who were taking the council was that false tales of martyrs should be burned.
    the veil to appear at the altar decked out in gold and jewels, From general prohibitions, which do not especially concern
    and in the presence of a congregation which might divide the clergy, we cannot draw many conclusions in regard to the
    its admiration between their splendour and their piety, ex- morality of the age. I n all ages wen gamble with dice ; in
    change the glittering apparel for a black garment. The all ages women use medicaments to procure abortion; in all
    prudence of the council directed that this practice, as sug- ages women plait and adorn their hair to seduce ; in all ages
    gesting that the novices had left the world unwillingly, should obscene pictures delight the vulgar or the prurient. I t is
    be discontinued. noteworthy that the Quinisext Synod found it necessary to
    Many ancient customs, relics from the pagan world? still enjoin that copies of the Old or the New Testament, or of the
    writings of the Fathers, should not be destroyed or cut up, or
    no, clauses against so-called '(unnatural days of Justiniau. A contemporary
    crime" in the acts of the Quiuisext, council at Toledo in Spain found it of the Peloponnesus were still pa- verted till the end of the ninth
    whence we might conclude i t had be- necessary to legislate against such vices. gans (Hellenes), and were not con-
    come less comnlon than i t was in the 1 The people of Maina in the south
    century.
    396 HISTORY OF T H E L A T E R X O I Z ~ A N E ~ ~ I P I R E
    BoOKv CHAP. SIV PA ULICIANISnl 397

    sold to others-for example, to perfumers-for such purposes, trine of the Paulicians was a dualism like the doctrine of
    except the book were so eateii by -.laths as to be utterly use- ~ l ~ l l ethere
    s , were many differences between the two systems.
    less. Other clauses ordained that no tavern, confectioner's For exan~ple, the creation of the world was attributed by
    shop, or booth should be erected in the immediate vicinity of n Manes to God, whereas the Taulicians ascribed it to the evil
    place of worship; and that the prrulity of wolnen should principle, or Demiurge, and drew the corollary that. the body
    cease during the celebration of divine service. Law students was the work of the devil. Their doctrines were expressed
    were expressly forbidden to adopt any pagan custom, to appear in mystical language which would have been appreciated by
    at the theatre, or to wear foreign clothes ; it would seem that William B1ake.l
    they affected some outlandish garb-oriental or Slavonic ?- Like the monophysites, the Paulicians were strongly op-
    just as turbulent youths in the fifth and sixth centuries used posed to the worship of the Mother of Christ, and entertained
    to dress themselves like Goths or Huns. I have already men- but small veneration for the cross. For them Mary was
    tionecl the hostile attitude of the Quinisext Council to Jews. merely a human agent and the wood merely a material instru-
    Whatever niay have been the prevailing morality, it must ment, and their wisdom or audacity refused to see in either
    be acknowledged that the Emperors themselves set a good the one or the other any religious value or import. I n this
    example. The sovereigns of the Heraclian dynasty seein to q i r i t they approach the Hussites of Bohemia, the Vandois of
    to have led exceptionally irreproachable, almost severe lives, the Alps, and other free religious sects who in later days
    for even against the unpopular and heterodox Constans and rebelled against the yoke of the Church. And in fact it may
    the tyrannical Justinian no cliarges of sensual extravagance. be considered almost certain that the Paulicians of Asia Minor
    have ever been brought. A heterodox Christian in exalted were the forefathers of these heretics who prepared the way
    position, like Constans, must be indeed of stainless character if for the Reformation. For colonies of Paulicians mere settled
    liis orthodov countrymen cast no stones of calumny. in Thrace in the eighth century by Constantine V, and in the
    tenth century by John Tzimiskes. The heresy penetrated into
    The rise of the Paulician sect in the seventh century is worthy Bulgaria and thence into central Europe. Of the Paulician sects
    of observation. Its founder was a certain constantine of Mana- nlay be mentioned the Bogoiniles, the Sclavoni, the Athingani2
    nalis in Comnlagene (near Sarnosata), and his doctrine may be The derivation of the doctrines of the Albigenses and the
    described as a ehristinn dualism. Trained up in a dualistic Vaudois from the tenets of the Paulicians is a subject on
    faith, which was probably Manichaean, he became acquainted which much has been written, and the reader will find some
    with the New Testament, ancl conceived the idea of blending interesting pages on the subject in Hallam's Middle Ages as
    the theory of two independent principles with the doctrines of well as in Gibbon. But what interests us here is not the later
    Christianity. His admiration for the apostle Paul led him to propagation of the doctrines, but the circumstance that the
    adopt the spiritual name of Silvanus, aacl in 6 6 0 A.D. he new faith made its appearance not long before the birth of the
    founded his new community at Cibossa in Armenia. His great iconoclast Leo the Isaurian, whose religious movement
    tenets were not distinguished by the public or the government was animated in some respects by the same spirit. Notably
    from those of the Manichaeans, and the laws against Manichae- the opposition to Mariolatry and to undue respect for relics
    ism were put in force against Paulicianism. Silvanus was On the Paulicians I have consulted Grov &pa cipaprdvec. The own body
    executed in 687 by imperial order, but Sin~eon,who had been Schmidt's article i n Herzog and Pflitt. seems to refer to the Paulician sect.
    As an example of their mystical style, For literature on the Paulicians, see the
    sent to carry out the execution, was converted himself, and the following sentence (from a letter of excellent article in the Dict. of Christ.
    succeeded Silvanus as the leader of the sect under the name Sergius) may be quoted : 4 ?rprjr.rl xop- Biography by Rev. & B.I.
    Cowell.
    v ~ i a$v ZK 700 'A6bp ? r ~ p ~ ~ e l ELEP-
    p~@a The connection of Athingani
    of Titus. The doctrine spread in Asia Minor, and its chief yeuia iuriv' -$ 86 6cur6pa peltwv xopvsia (a-O~yydvcrv)with Tsiganes, Zigeuner
    centre mas Phanaroea in Helenopontus. Although the doc- iurl ?repi 3s Atytr. 6 xopvcbwv cis rb ("gypsies ") seems improbable.
    398 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIICE BOOK v

    and synlbols was common to the Paulicians and the iconoclasts.


    The significance of this resemblance appears when we re-
    member that the founder of the Paulician sect was born
    in Commagene, and that the inaugurator of iconoclasm was,
    if not born at Germanicia, closely connected with it. Aversioil
    to symbolism and concoinitant superstitions seems to have
    been in the spirit of the sturdy highlanders of the Taurus
    mountains.

    BOOK VI

    THE HOUSE O F LEO THE ISAURIAN


    CHAPTER I

    THE REPULSE OF THE SARACENS1

    OX the 25th of March '71'7 Leo the Isaurian entered Constan-


    tinople by the Golden Gate, and rode along the great street
    which led thence to the acropolis in triumphal procession.
    Five months were granted to Leo for organising the Empire
    and preparing Byzantium to undergo a siege before the arrival
    of the Saracens on the shores of the Propontis. How far the
    arrangements which the prudence of Anastasius I1 had made
    for meeting an apprehended attack of the unbelievers were still
    available we are not informed.
    With an army of 80,000 men, Moslemah marched across
    Asia Minor and took the city of Pergamus on his way; he
    crossed the Hellespont at Abydos, reduced some Thracian forts
    on the Propontis, and on the 15th of August encamped before
    the city, which he surrounded with a ditch and a breastwork
    of huge uncernented stones. Sixteen days later, on the 1st of
    September: Suleiinan arrived with a fleet, consisting of eighteen
    hundred great warships and fast sailers.
    The first object of the admiral was to cut off the city from
    Communication either with the Euxine or with the Propontis
    Our Greek authorities for the siege still worth consulting. Maimbourg's
    are Theophanes, 6209, 6210 A.M., and L'histoire des ieonoclastes has a psy-
    Nicephorus (ed. de Boor), pp. 52-55. chological interest as an essay in
    For the Saracen account I have, as bigotry.
    usual, depcnded on Weil (Ceschichte "he Arabic writers place the siege
    der Cfalifen, i. 565 sg.9.) For the a year earlier, 716-717. Theophanes
    ~ e l i o dcomprised in this Book, Finlay describes the siege under 6209 A.M. =
    (History of Greece, vol. ii.) is extremely 716-717 ; because the siege began in
    valuable ; he sympathises throughout August, he is led to anticipate the
    with the Isaurian Emperors. Schlos- events of the following (first) indiction.
    Serbswork, Geschichte der bilderstiirmen- Theoph. calls Suleiman the ~ p w ~ o u l i l * .
    den Kaiser des ostr2;mischen fiichs, is povXop.
    VOL. I1 2 D
    402 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I
    CHAP. I THE REPULSE OF THE SARACENS 403
    and Aegean. Accordingly, having remained quiet for a space of food and arms, was sent from Egypt ; and his arrival
    of two days between Magnaura and ~ ~ k l o b i o she
    , ' took advan- was soon followed by that of Yezid with a large number of trans-
    tage of an opportune south wind, and while one division of ports from Africa. These transports, afraid to approach the
    his squadron sailed to places on the Asiatic shore, named after Bosphorus on account of the deadly " Roman fire," moored at
    Eutropius and Anthemius, which commanded the southern entry Satyrus, Bryas, and Kartalimen, harbours on the Bithynian
    to the Bosphorus, other ships steered northward to occupy coast.
    the entrance to the Euxine from the castle of Galata to the Both the fleet of Sophiam, which drew up at Kalos Agros,
    extremity of the straits. The weighty ships of burden, de- Fair Farm," in the Bosphorus, and the fleet of Yezid contained
    fended each by 1 0 0 soldiers, sailed in the rear of the line; many Egyptian Christians. By a previously concertedaagree-
    unwieldy by the freight which they carried, and obliged to steer ment these men, who liked not their Mohammedan lords,
    against the current, they progressed slowly. The watchful detached on a certain night little boats1 from the ships and
    eyes of Leo, who perhaps stood on the Pharos in the palace rowed to the city, shouting " Long live the Emperor I " The
    observing the operations of the enemy, perceived the situation. information which these deserters supplied to Leo was doubt-
    H e caused ships which were in readiness to be launched, and, less useful. He straightway sent vessels, fitted with the
    going on board himself, burned twenty of the transport vessels various appliances 2 for hurling Roman fire, to consume the
    with the redoubtable marine or " Roman " fire. This success transport ships, and the fire-vessels triumphantly returned
    encouraged the citizens, and filled the enemy with terror of laden with booty. I t must be assumed that they only burned
    "the very drastic operation of the moist fire."' On that same a few ships, and that the crews of the rest fled or surrendered.
    night the Emperor caused the chain which closed the Golden This important success, so discouraging to the Saracens, could
    Horn to be removed with pretended secrecy, and the Saracens, not have been obtained so easily and so soon but for the
    supposing that some cunning snare was being prepared, avoided desertion of the Egyptian Greeks, whose natural instinct led
    the place and moored in the haven of Sosthenion, or at the them to take the right side on one of the most critical occa-
    islands called " Sharp " and " Flat." sions for the decision of the greatest question of history.
    A long and unusually severe winter was passed by the The besiegers were not only assisted by the reinforcements
    army and navy of the Arabs in a dreary blockade. The fall of of men and provisions sent over seas ; they were also supported
    snow was so great and the frost lasted so long that the solid by an army under Merdasan, who, entering Asia Minor by the
    earth was not seen for a hundred days, and many men and Cilician gates, traversed Cappadocia and Phrygia by the well-
    other animals perished. It was the besiegers and not the known routes and arrived in the neighbourhood of Nicomedia
    besieged who suffered from these inclemencies ; the Byzantines and Nicaea. Hovering on the coast of the Bosphorus and the
    were more accustomed than natives of Syria, Egypt, or Arabia Propontis,-the peratic coast, as it was called by the Byzantines,
    to cold and frost, and were better provided with means to defy -he was able to prevent Roman boats, sent across the straits,
    them. The death of the admiral Suleiman was another mis- from obtaining supplies. But the, army of Merdasan was as
    fortune for the Saracens. But with spring new hope and new luckless as the armament of Sophiam. I t was surprised
    reinforcements came. Sophiam, with a great armament and by foot-soldiers under the command of some Roman officers,
    According to Theophanes, Mag- phorus (not Theophanes) mentions the who concealed themselves " like Mardaites " in an ambush,
    naura v7as west of the city, on the number of ships burnt (p. 53).
    Pro ontis (353, 27, ed. de Boor), 3 idpar 6&$xpr 7 1 j s 'OE~iar~ a n
    i ha- and, falling suddenly upon the Saracens, cut many to pieces
    whife Kyklobios was a promontory 7rlas u?juou Xaupi{ouua~ dlrvvix@yuav
    (ib.) close to the Golden Gate, with a (Th,eopli.) 7 4 XL$UL T $ ~ahoup~uy ZWU-
    and utterly routed the rest. Thus the peratic coast was made
    round castle, Strongylon Iiastellion BEVLY (Nic.) haup1JFW doubtless means t o free for the Byzantine boats (chelandia) ; and the fishes which
    (448, 18). rushviolently, as though i t were happl(w
    7i)v 70ii hp0; H U ~ ~. ! S~ Y W K ~ ~6pau-
    E S from hdppos. ~ 0 3 s70v Ka+1]uGu uauB~Xous(Theo- ce horus'levv colloquial hh~pous(p. 54).
    T L K W T ~ ~ ~ Utudpyerau (Theoph.) Nice- On 8th October (Theoph.) phanes). ~auMhousis explained by Ni- ul+wvas avpuo@6pou~ (Theoph.)
    401 HISTORY O F THE .LA TER XOIWAN EMPIRE BOOK V1 CHAP. I THE REPULSE OF THE SARACENS 405

    they caught, along with those taken by nets or rods suspended christendom, and essentially, if not superficially, of civilisa-
    from the walls or on the adjacent islets, kept the city adequately tion, we cannot doubt that Theophanes the chronicler, in his
    provisioned. I n the meantime famine prevailed among the pious reflections on the supernatural protection of the christian
    Arab hosts, and became so terrible that, according to the prob- Empire, merely repeated the feelings, not only of Roman, but
    ably exaggerated account of a Greek historian, they were obliged of European Christians. At this time New Rome, not Old
    to feed on a pulp, which they cooked in ovens, consisting of Borne, was the great bulwark of christian Europe, and if New
    the flesh of dead men mingled with their own excrement. nome had fallen i t might have gone hard with the civilised
    This deadly substitute for nutrition produced a plague, which world. The year 718 A.D. is really an ecunlenical date, of far
    increased the misery and the death rate. greater importance than such a date as 338 B.C. when Greece
    The final blow to this unfortunate expedition was struck succumbed to Macedon on the field of Chaeronea, and of equal
    by the Bulgarians: who came from the north and slew, it is importance with such clates as 332 B.C. when an oriental em-
    said, twenty-two thousand Saracens. I t is interesting to see pire fell, or 45 1 A.D. which marked the repulse of the Huns.
    the not yet slavised and not yet christianised Bulgarians, who The expedition which Muaviah had sent against Constantinople
    led however many Slaves to war, fighting for Christendom at nearly fifty years before was not so tremendous or so formid-
    this great crisis against the Mohammedan Arabs. They knew able, for neither was it conceived on such a great scale, nor was
    not then that the nation which they were organising would in the Saracen empire in the clays of the fourth Constantine so
    future days have to struggle long for freedom against the yet extensive and powerful as in the days of the third Leo. The
    more barbarous Mohammedan Turks. expedition led by Moslemah was, we may say, the great culmin-
    On the 15th of August 718 A.D., after a siege of just twelve ation of Omeyyad ambition; from this time forward the Omeyyad
    months,Qhe remnant of the Saracen expedition, despairing of dynasty declined in the East, and the caliphs little thought
    a cause which the skill and fortune of their enemies had baffled, that a recent conquest in the extreme West was destined to be
    and which nature herself seemed to have condemned, departed on the sole possession of their posterity at a period not far distant.
    their homeward journey. But even then they had not been suffi-
    Asia Minor, however, during the eighth century was
    ciently discomfited. The land forces reached Syria in safety,
    as much exposed as ever to the inroads of the Modem,
    but the fleet met with calaniities similar to those which befell
    who entered by the Cilician gates and plundered in one year
    the squadron that had besieged New Rome in the reign of
    Cappadocia, in another year "Asia" or Opsikion. For six or
    Constantine IT. Before the ships had passed through the
    seven years indeed after the calamity of the great expedition
    Dardanelles a tempest scattered them; but this was little
    of 718, Ronlania had rest. The Caliph Hischam, who
    compared with the storm of thunder and lightning (" burning
    succeeded to the throne in 724, devoted his attention to
    hail") which caught then1 in the Aegean and destroyed all
    erecting palaces, constructing roads, aqueducts, and gardens,
    save ten vessels. Of these ten, five were captured by the
    and improving the internal condition of his empire. But in
    Romans and five returned to tell the story in S ~ r i a . ~
    726 the invasions began again, and were repeated almost every
    Regarding this terrible discomfiture of the archenemies of
    year during Leo's reign under the generals Suleiman and
    This is mentioned by the Moham- fixes 15th August as the end of the Muaviah.' Caesarea in Cappadocia was taken, Nicaea was
    medan historians, who call the Bulgari- siege, he must have thought i t began
    ans Burdyan. They called the Slavouic on 15th July. hard pressed. A general decline in agriculture was the
    lands north-west andwest of Byzantium 3 Of an army of 180,000, only 30,000 inevitable result of such conditions.
    Sakalibe. See Weil, i. 569. (land army) returned, according to Arab
    The exact date, 15th August 717 to sources. Paul the Deacon, the Lom- I n 726 and 730 Cappadocia was "Asia" was invaded ; i n 736 and 738
    15th August 718, looks suspicious, and bard historian, makes the number of invaded, and in 732 the enemy "Romania" was attacked, without
    the statement of Nicephorus that the those who died 300,000 ! By the time advanced as far as Paphlagonia ; in 727 specification of parts.
    siege lasted thirteen months increases numbers reached Italy, they were Nicaea was besieged ; i n 734 and 737
    our doubts (p. 53). As Nicephorus beyond recognition.
    406 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I CHAP. I THE REPULSE OF THE SARACENS 407

    I n the last year of Leo ('739) the Saracens undertook an attacking Romania with serious effect, but Germanicia and
    expedition on a larger scale than usual. An army was collected Melitene were recovered some years afterwards, and on two
    numbering 9 0,000 men, and placed under the command of occasions defeats were inflicted on Byzantine armies.l I t may
    four generals. One of these proceeded with 10,000 to the be noticed that the practice of interchanging captives began
    western part of the Taurus peninsula and plundered in "Asia" ; to become usual at this time, and thus, as Finlay remarks, the
    Suleiman, with 6 0,O 0 0, confined himself to the districts of conlmercial view of prisoners as saleable articles introduced
    Cappadocia; while the other two generals, Malik and Sid humanity into the usages of war.
    Albattal, at the head of 20,000 cavalry, advanced in a north- I n the year 750 Damascus was taken by the Abbasids2;
    westerly direction through the Anatolic theme. At Acroinon, the last Omeyyad caliph, Mervan 11, fled to Egypt and was
    a place south of Dorylaeum and near the frontiers of the there slain in a church ; and Abd Allah, caIled A1 Saffah ("the
    Opsikian and Anatolic districts, the Emperor Leo and his son Bloodshedder "), became the Comnlander of the Faithful. This
    Constantine joined battle and completely defeated the Saracens. change of dynasty led to the formation of two rival Saracen
    The battle of Acroinon is especially famous, because Abd Allah powers; for after a struggle in Spain the power there remained
    Albattal, said to be the prototype of the hero of the Spanish with the Omeyyad faction, and the Omeyyad ernirs of
    legends of the Cid, perished on the field, and his grave is still Cordova, though they did not at first assume the title of
    shown. The other division of the Mohammedan army, which caliph, asserted and maintained complete independence of the
    plundered the Aegean coast and Cappadocia, returned to Syria caliphs of the
    in safety with numerous captives. 1 I n 759 Paul, the general of the Ar- defeated by the &fopsuestiaus, whc
    We need not pursue all the details of the hostilities betweell meniakoi, mas defeated near the Melas. surprised them as they were returning.
    I n 771 the cavalry themes were routed "bbas was the uncle of Alohammed.
    ihe Einpire and the caliphate in the reign of Constantine V, at Isaurian Syke, which was besieged A t the beginning of the eighth
    Leo's son and successor. On the whole, the Empire was by a Saracen army and by a fleet. century some expeditions were under-
    The Anatolic, Arrneniac, Bncellarian, taken by the Saracens against Sicily,
    successful. The Cibyraiot fleet baffled an attempt of the and Cibylaiot forces had been united but they mere of no importance ; see
    Saracens in '746 to take possession of the island of Cyprus, against the foe. I n 772 the Saracens Amari, Storia dei Mzcsulmani di Sicilia,
    carried of£ 5000 captives, but mere i. cap. vii.
    which had been reconquered, we know not at what time, by
    the Romans since the days of Justinian 11. The Saracen fleet
    was utterly destroyed. Constantine had invaded Commagene
    and northern Syria in the preceding year, taking advantage
    of the civil wars which convulsed the caliphate, and had
    captured the reputed birthplace of his father, Gerinanicia,
    whose inhabitants; chiefly Syrian monophysites, he transferred
    to Byzantium and other places in Thrace, where they could be
    recognised sixty years later by their heretical religious opinions.
    I n '75 1 he took Melitene and Theodosiopolis, and carried away
    prisoners from Armenia. The domestic struggles of the
    Saracens and their wars with the Turks prevented them from

    l The Mohammedan authorities fonnd kinsfolk of his mother i n Ger-


    place the expedition i n 739, thus sup- manicia and settled them i n Byzantium
    porting the revision of the chronology (6237 A.M.) If Leo's wife was a native
    of the eriod which I have adopted. of Germanicia, the statement that Leo
    Cf. weif i. 638. "the Isaurian" was born there may be
    Theophanes states that Constantine explained.
    CHAP. I I T H E AUMINISTRA TZON OF LEO IlZ 409

    bishop and Sisinnius with a Bulgarian army, was advancing to


    Heraclea, while rough Slavonic sea crafts coasted along beside
    them. But the inhabitants of Byzantium had not forgotten
    who had saved them from the jaws of the infidel, and when
    the Bulgarians discovered that the popular feeling for Leo
    was and unmistakable, they hearkened to that
    nlonar~h'~ proposals and surrendered the pretender whom they
    had come to support. Leo executed Artemius and the arch-
    bishop of Thessalonica in the Kynegion ; as for Sisinnius, the
    C H A P T E R I1 Bulgarians had sent his head to the Emperor, presumably
    because he was too brave to allow himself to be taken alive.
    THE ADMINISTRATION OF LEO 111' Horse-races were celebrated in the hippodrome in honour of
    the suppression of the conspiracy, and the heads of the rebels
    THE mere elevation of Leo did not immediately quench the were exposed on poles.
    embers of anarchy, although it allayed the flames, and, as soon While Leo punished his adversaries he rewarded his
    as the danger from the Mohammedans had passed by, uneasy snpporters. To Artavasdos,l the general of the Armeniac
    spirits formed a conspiracy against the man who had delivered district, who had supported hiin against Theodosius, he gave
    them from jeopardy. Anastasius, or, to give him once his daughter Anna in marriage and made him general of the
    nzore his private name, Artemius, who was living at Thessa- Opsikian theme. The fruit of this marriage was two sons, who
    lonica, still nourished hopes of regaining, as Justinian had also obtained distinguished posts while they were still young.
    regained, the throne from which he had fallen, and for this Nicephorus, the elder, received a high command on the Thracian
    purpose he entered into communications with several important frontier, and Nicetas was made general of the Armeniacs.
    ministers who were not loyally disposed to the new aristocratic The joy of Leo at the discomfiture of the Saracens was
    government. Sisinnius Rendaces, a patrician who had been increased by the birth of a son. The boy was baptized by the
    sent to Bulgaria by Leo to negotiate an alliance against the Patriarch Germanus under the name of Constantine; his
    Saracens, promised the ex-Emperor to induce the Bulgarian mother Maria was crowned Augusta at the same time in the
    monarch Terbel to undertake his cause. Isoes the count of chamber of Augusteus, and the new Empress did not forget to
    Opsiliion, Theoctistus the chief secretary of state, Nicetas distribute the " consular donation " (2 5th December 7 18).2
    Xylinites the mccgiste~ oficiorunz, and Nicetas Anthrax, the Almost a year and a half later (25th March 7'20), just after
    con~missionerof the fortifications, secretly favoured the pre- the suppression of Artemius' conspiracy, the young Constantine
    tensions of Artemius, who had also the support of the arch- was crowned Emperor by the Patriarch Germanus in the
    bishop of Thessalonica. The treason was disclosed to Leo in tribunal of the Nineteen Accubiti3 At the age of fourteen or
    good time, and he promptly seized those conspirators who were fifteen ("i2) Constantine was betrothed to Irene, the daughter
    at Byzantium. Theoctistus and Xylinites were decapitated ; of the khan of the Khazars, who were generally on friendly
    others were mntilated and banished. ..Ap~dPa{os
    . 'Ap.radarGos (Theoph. ed. de Boor),
    (Niceph. )
    monies from the months of old men.
    Theoph. 6212 A.M. (=719-720),
    Meanwhile the persuasions of Sisinnius had been effective The MSS. of Theoph. have 'OKTW- Niceph. p. 57. M. Paspatis (op. eit. p.
    with the Bulgarians, and Artemius, accompanied by the arch- pplou, but hI. de Boor is doubtless right 227 sqq.) has essayed to determine the
    I? emending AEKE~PPLOU, after ~ n a a a - in the palace of the chaniber
    SluS. Maria scattered the donation, known as 7 b ~ ~ r ~ o u v d TGV
    X ~ ~o O
    v 'ci~ou~l~wv
    1 Our main authorities are still Nice- Ecloga, Zacharia's Gesehichte des griech-
    isch-romischen Rechts (ed. 2, 1877) IS hnareia, from the church to the gate (said by Codinus to have been built by
    phorus and Theophanes, except for the Chalke. Theophanes, perhaps in his Constantine I.) He places i t in the
    legal reforms, which have come down invaluable.
    to us in the original Zcloga. For the youth, heard a description of the cere- palace of Daphne, north of the Octagon.
    410 HISTOX Y OF THE LATEX ROrkfAN EMPIRE BOOK VI CHAP. 11 THE dDMIN(STR.4 TION OF LEO IlI 411

    terms with the Roman Empire and on hostile terms with the affected with the deadly disease of superstition, must have
    Saracen caliphate.' This was the second time that a Khazar been in a sorry condition. The law schools had degenerated,
    princess became a Roman Empress. and with them the knowledge of jurisprudence. This circum-
    Besides the conspiracy of Artemius, a revolt in Sicily stance directly affected the administration of justice and
    troubled the peace of Leo. Sergius, the general of that undermined the very foundations of society.
    province, threw off his allegiance and caused one of his staff, What gave the reforming spirit of Leo its peculiar com-
    Basil, son of Gregory Onomagulus, to be saluted Emperor under plexion was the fact that he did not content himself with
    the title of Tiberius. This happened while the Saracens were renovating each branch of the administration separately, but
    besieging Constantinople; the western provinces deemed it a attempted to cut away the root of the evil. H e improved the
    good opportunity to rebel against the government. Leo discipline and efficiency of the army, he restored the majesty
    appointed Paul the Patrician, on whose loyalty and military of law and justice, he reformed the police control, and he
    skill he could rely, strat6gos of Sicily, and sent him to quell attended assiduously to the financial and comn~ercialinterests
    the revolt, supplying him with letters to the governors of the of the Empire ; but he did much more than this. He essayed
    western parts and a sacya or imperial manifesto to the army. to eradicate the prevailing superstition by the iconoclastic
    The soldiers returned to their allegiance 'immediately, Sergius policy, which has made him so famous or notorious ; and, even
    fled to the duchy of Beneventum? and the heads of Basil and if he failed and the Empire could not endure to have such a
    the other chief conspirators were sent, swathed in cloth or vital sore removed, the results show that a new spirit of order
    linen? to Leo. and improvement was breathed into Roman society. An
    account of his iconoclastic measures will be given in another
    Thus, about four years after his accession, having won chapter, and we shall now proceed to consider his secular
    immortal fame by repelling the great expedition of the enemies reforms, of which we have but scanty records. Such depart-
    of Europe, having quelled conspiracies in the East and in the ments of history as this are neglected by monastic chroniclers ;
    West, having begotten a son to succeed him, Leo might feel and unfortunately the Isaurian Emperors were regarded with
    himself secure on his throne, and begin to address himself to such hatred by their successors on account of their religious
    the great work of his life. policy that none of their laws were incorporated in the great
    This work was no less than the regeneration of the Roman ninth-century Code of Basil I. and Leo VI.
    Empire. While the twenty years of anarchy, from a political Roman law, like the Latin language, $was no longer under-
    point of view, represent the culmination of the struggle between stood in the Empire, which was tending more and more to
    the autocratic and aristocratic elements in the State; from become entirely Greek, now Zhat it had lost Syria in the
    spiritual, social, and moral points of view they represent a low south, Africa in the west, and the northern provinces
    stage in a long decline. These years were the darkest point of the Haemus peninsula. Thus the nominal law of the
    of the dark ages in southern Europe. As we already observed, Empire was practically in abeyance in the provinces, and while
    society was sunk in ignorance, and the surest sign of this
    ignorance was the gross superstition that prevailed. There composed about this time. It is a i t \\-as composed after 680, the date of
    work, however, that will not redeem the foundation of the Bulgarian king-
    was a dearth of writers; no books were written, except per- the age from the charge of ignorance dom (ed. Bonn, p. 97) ; see Sotiriadis,
    haps tracts on the monotheletic controversy.* Education, and superstition. The date of John Johal~nesvon Antiochia, p. 105. Mal-
    Malalas is a well-known crzcx historica. alas (like George Hamartolus) had the
    For example, in 728 the Khazars that his life should be spared. The circumstance that Malalas is re- honour of being translated &to Old
    invadea Media and Armenia, annihi- ~ o v u ~ i b u (Theoph.)
    as ferred to in the third oration against Bulgarian, probably by the Yresbyter
    lated a Saracen army, and thoroughly I must, however, limit this state- Iconoclasm of John of Damascus fixes Gregory in the reign of the great Tsar
    frightened Islam. ment by mentioning that the Chronicle a posterior limit ; while a passage in Simeon. For this translation, see
    3ftermards. despairing of his safety, of John Malalas of Antioch, preserved the Chronicle about the Bulgarians has Haupt, Ueber die altslavisehe Ueber-
    he gave himself up to Paul, on condition in an imperfect state, mas perhaps been adduced as internal evidence that setzung des Joh. Nal. Hermes xv.
    412 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EikfPIRE BOOK VI CHAP. II THE A D M M T X A T/ON O F LEO II( 413
    on the one hand old local customs superseded the forgotten cause pnishment. And not one of those who keep His com-
    law, on the other hand a wide room was left for the good rnandments or who-save the mark !-disregard His statutes,
    pleasure or arbitrary opinion of judges, uncontrolled by a shall fail to receive the appropriate recompense for his deeds.
    written, accessible, and intelligible code. If the judges had For it was God who declared both these things aforetime; and
    been a class of lawyers independent of the civil administration, tile power of His words, charged with immutabilil;~and meting
    their ignorance might not have been so fatal to justice and to the work of each man its deserts, shall not (in the words of
    equity, although there was still the certain danger that fear or the Gospel) pass away. . . .
    bribery would often corrupt them. But, as the provincial Whence, busied with such cares, and watching with sleep-
    governors were often the judges, and cases were constantly less mind the discovery of those things which please God and
    occurring in which the interests of the governor or his friends are conducive to the public interests, preferring Justice to all
    were at stake, there was no guarantee for the distribution of things terrestrial, as the provider of things celestial and as
    justice when the written laws were inaccessible and therefore being, by the power of Him who is worshipped in her, sharper
    practically obsolete. than any sword against foes ; knowing, moreover, that the
    Leo met the imperative need of his subjects by preparing laws enacted by previous Emperors have been written in many
    a handbook in Greek for popular use, containing a short com- books, and being aware that the sense thereof is to some
    pendium of the most important laws on the chief relations of digcnlt to understand, to others absolutely unintelligible, and
    life. I t was entitled an Eclo,qn: and was not published until the especially to those who do not reside in this our imperial city,
    last year of Leo's reign (740), but doubtless several years were protected of God ; we have called Nicetas, the most illustrious
    spent on its preparation, which involved long preliminary studies. Patrician, our quaestor, and the most illustrious Patricians
    The preface shows the spirit in ~vhichit was undertaken ; and Nicetas and Marinus, and our most illustrious consulars and
    I may quote parts of this proem as an original document illus- comptrollers ( H v . r ~ ~ ~ a + eand
    Z ~ ) ,others who have the fear of
    trating the intellectual atmosphere of the eighth century. God, and we have ordered that all their books should be
    "The Lord and Maker of the universe, our God, who collected in our palace.' And having examined all with care-
    created man and granted him the privilege of free will ful attention, going through both the contents of those books
    ( ~ ~ T ~ ~ o L andI ~ Lgave
    ~ T unto
    ~ F )him
    , a law (in the words of and our own new enactments, we considered it right that the
    prophecy) to help him, nlacle known thereby all things which decisions in many cases and the laws of contract and the
    ought to be done by him and all things which ought not to be respective penalties of crimes should be repeated more lucidly
    done: to the intent that he should aim at the former as things and minutely, in order to a eusynoptic knowledge of the force
    that provide salvation; and avoid the latter as things that of such pious laws and to facility in deciding matters clearly,
    The full title is-" A compendious the 2d vol. of his Jwis G~aeco- and to a just prosecution of the guilty, and to the restraint
    selection (eelogn) of the laws, niade by Romnni, etc., but has been more and correction of those who have a natural propensity to evil-
    the wise Emperors Leo and Constan- recently published arid tlloroughly
    tine, from the Institutes and tlic commented on by Zacharia. Bishop doing.
    Digesta and the Codex and the Novels Stubbs remarks (Co?~stitutio?wl History " But those who have been appointed to administer the law,
    of the great Jnstiniau; and an im- of England, i. p. 214), "The very fact
    provement thereof in the direction of of the issue of a code illustrates the we do exhort and command to abstain from all human pas-
    hcmanity (CIS 7 b $ I X ~ V B P W T ~ T E ~ ;O V )progress of legislative power in assinli- sions; and from a sound understanding to bring forth the
    edited in the month of March, ninth lating old customs or enacting pro-
    indiction, year of the world 6248." I t visions of general authority." The sentences of true justice, and neither to despise the poor nor
    is fortunate that this encheiridion, as Ecloga is not a code so much as a
    i t is sometimes called, has survived in handbook ; but i t marks a crisis in the
    to permit a powerful transgressor to go unconvicted. . . .
    spite of the bigoted endeavours of later Empire, as a legislator's recognition of Many of these books were doubt- (military, agricultural, and maritime),
    Emperors to destroy every monument altered conditions. less records of precedents and customs, to be spoken of hereafter, are merely
    of the activity of the great iconoclasts. ?rpbfava a w ~ ~ p l a-
    s as it were, The Ecloga probably contains little new registers of customs.
    It was published by Leunclavius in official entertainers of salvation. legislati01 , and the appendices to i t
    414 HISTORY OF THE LATER R O M A N EMPIRE BOOK VI
    ; while in the proceedings of law courts the venerable
    "Let those, and those only,who participate in sense and reason
    and mystic Romans, Titus and Seius, were deposed in favour of
    and know clearly what true justice is, exercise straight vision
    the scriptural worthies Peter and l'aul. As a further illustra-
    in their judgments and without passion assign to each his deserts.
    tion of this change we may note that, in the first title of the
    For so also our Lord Jesus Christ, the power and wisdom of
    treatise which is before US,law is defined to be " the discovery
    God, giveth unto them far more abundantly the knowledge of
    of GO^ " as well as a political or social compact. I n the second
    justice and revealeth those things that are hard to discover, who
    title, where the duties and functions of the Emperor are set
    also made Solomon truly wise, when he sought out justice, and
    forth, it is explained that it devolves upon him to maintain (1)
    granted him the privilege of successfully hitting the mark in
    all things laid down in scripture, (2) all the enactments of the
    the sentence pronounced to the two women in the matter of the
    seven holy synods, (3) the Roman laws. I t is stated moreover
    child. . . .
    to be highly important that he should hold correct theological
    " I t is just to abstain from all taking of presents. For i t
    and the orthodox doctrine is defined.
    has been written, 'Woe unto them who justify the unrighteous
    All this harmonises with the general theory of the constitu-
    for the sake of gifts and declining the paths of the humble take
    tion of the Empire, which is enunciated in terms that expressly
    away from him the right of the just man. Their root will be
    affirm the preponderance of the ecclesiastical element. The
    as ash and their flower will come up as dust, because they did
    constitution of the State is compared to the organism of a man
    not wish to fulfil the law of the Lord.' Presents and gifts
    (in the third title), and the Emperor and the Patriarch are
    blind the eyes of the wise. Therefore, being solicitous to put
    declared to be the two chief parts. Consequently, as the well-
    an end to such wicked gain, we have determined to provide
    being of a body depends on the unison of the chief organs, the
    from our Patrimony (aachXXsov) salaries for the most illustrious
    peace and happiness, both bodily and ghostly, of the subjects
    quaestor, for the comptrollers, and for all the officials employed
    depend on the union and harmony of the Patrixrch and the
    in administering justice, to the intent that they may receive
    Emperor.' I n point of fact, though not in name, the Ronian
    nothing whatever from any person whatever who is tried before
    Empire of Leo 111, or the Eastern Roman Empire of Basil I.,
    them ; in order that what is said by the prophet may not be
    was as much a Holy Roman Empire as the Western Empire
    fulfilled in us, ' he sold justice for money,' and that we may
    of the Othos.
    not incur the indignation of God, as transgressors of his com-
    The Ecloga gives a short account of the duties of the
    mandments."
    Emperor himself, of the Patriarch, of the prefect of the city,
    This preface shows clearly the decline that had taken place
    of the quaestor, and of the provincial governors, and supplies us
    both in legal knowledge and in the administration of jus-
    here with some interesting inforrnati~n.~The true aim of the
    tice, and also the earnest purpose of reforni that animated
    Emperor is stated to be the conferring of benefits, while his
    Leo. But what especially strikes one who is accustomed to
    special objects are (1) to preserve the strength which his Empire
    the language of Gaius or Tribonian is the ecclesiastical note
    has, (2) to recover lost dominions by sleepless care, (3) to make
    which characterises both the preface and other parts of the
    Ecloga. The point of view of the old Roman jurists had fresh acquisitions by wisdom and just triumphs. I n interpret-
    ing the laws he must regard the custom of the State as a clue,
    been almost completely lost, and the spirit of Roman law had and if he errs, should err on the side of clemency.
    been transformed in the religious atmosphere of Christendom?
    Men tried now to base jurisprudence on revelation, and to Nevertheless the Emperor, not the flock, like Peter thechief of theapostles."
    justify laws by verses of scripture. The judgment of Solomon Patriarch, is the representative of St. I t will he seen below, cap. iv., that Pope
    Peter in the East, as the Pope is in the Gregory I1 recognised this position of
    became a sort of commonplace which pious lawyers quoted for West ; and this apostolic mission is the Emperor.
    alluded to in the Preface to the Eclova 2 In cap. xiii. below, this informa-
    . The christian point of view is of tutions of Justinian, but not as affecting thus : God " has ordered us to feed $s tion will be utilised.
    course often manifested in the consti- legal principles.
    CHAP. II THE ADMINISTRATION O F LEO I . 417
    416 HISTORY OF THE LATEX ROMAN EMPIRE ROOK VI
    relation, which had been condemned by the Quinisext Council,
    Froni the functions of the various members of the imperial
    to be illegal. (5) The Ecloga forbade the marriage of cousins
    government the treatise passes first to personal bw, then to
    to the sixth or even seventh degree.' I n regard to divorce, the
    obligations and actions, and finally to public law (criminal and
    contra,st of the earlier and the later legislation is striking."
    military). Thus real law is almost entirely omitted, and even
    The general principle of Justinian and his lawyers was that all
    the important subject of s e ~ v i t l ~isd not
    ~ mentioned; whence
    contracts and agreements made by men are dissoluble by the
    it is evident that in this department it was considered expedient
    consent of both parties ; and an arrangement ne liceat divertere
    to allow local customs to continue.
    The great interest of the E c l o p is the clear view which it was invalid. Hence divorces could take place by private
    gives us of the tendencies of Ronlan law as they developed agreement without the intervention of a court. But instead of
    the secular and rational principle underlying the legislation of
    under the christian influences of the Middle Ages without
    reference to past legislation. This medieval development was Justinian, the Ecloga adopts the religious principle that man
    and wife are one flesh, and refuses to permit divorce except in
    cut short in the ninth century by the return to Justinianean
    four cases, namely: (1) if the wife commit adultery, (2) if the
    law, which was inaugurated by the first Basil and carried out
    by the sixth Leo? It is especially instructive to compare the husband be proved to be impotent, (3) if either spouse circulate
    calumnies which endanger the life of the other, (4) if either
    Eclog with the Code of Justinian on the subject of marriage
    and divorce. The influence of Ghristiaaity on the legal con- spouse be afflicted with leprosy. I t appears that adultery on
    the part of tlie husband was not a valid cause for divorce.
    ception of the conjugal relation was, as Zacharia remarks, small
    Many avoided this stringent law by acting as sponsors to their
    up to the time of Justinian ; and it was the Isaurian Emperors
    own children and thus incapacitating themselves from further
    who really introduced a christian legislation on the subject.? The
    intercourse with their spouses, but in the year '780 Leo I V
    following points are worthy of note : (1) Justinian permitted
    strictly forbade this artifice for annulling the marriage bond.
    concubinage, while Leo and Constantine ordained that every
    concubine was to be considered a wife. (2) The Ecloga sternly I n the Basilica, however, the older and laxer law is restored.
    I n regard to a third marriage, the Ecloga affects to regard such
    institutes punishments for fornication, which the laxer law of
    an act as inconceivable, and it was definitely forbidden by Irene
    earlier days had regarded as a venial immorality, to be dealt
    in
    with by the Church. (3) The Ecloga required the consent of
    The patria potestm is another matter in which the Jus-
    both parents to the marriage of their child, while the older law
    tinianean and Isaurian attitudes notably differ. Long before
    recognised only the father. I n this point Basil returned to the
    Justinian, the power of the father over the person and property
    rule of Justinian. (4) The marriage of Christians with Jews
    of his children had been growing weaker ; i t had become easy to
    had been forbidden by Justinian, but not the marriage of
    Christians with heretics. The Ecloga assumes the latter obtain emancipation ; and practically, though not theoretically,
    the maternal had become equal to the paternal influence in
    1 Zacharia von Lingenthal (Gesch. des western kings and princes have very guiding the life of the son. But here Justinian preserved the
    gr.-r6m Rechts, Preface, p. v.) observes limited sovereign rights a t first, but
    gradually win full rights, whereas the letter of the old law and did not bring the theory into accord
    the analogy in the development of
    private law between the East and the eastern Emperor starts with frill power, with practice ; the father still retains his old rights over his
    West. ' LAuch bei den Byzantinern which becomes gradually reduced.
    lasst sich eine mittelalterliche Rechts- There is also an obvious difference in
    the relations of State and Church The I t may be noted that the Eclogn eu- Zacharii, ib. p. 55 sqq.
    bildung (im vii. bis ix. Jahrhundert) acted that the marriage contract should
    contrast between the ~racticallegisla- In regard
    unterscheiden, welche durch die
    tion of tlie iconoclasts and the ana- be regularly written 6i i y l p b + o u npm- married peopleto(the
    the comulon property
    dos and the of
    propte~
    Restauration des Justinianeischen ~ * b uru,@oAdou; only in case of poverty n u p t i u daotio), the Ecloga gives more
    Rechts wie spater im Abeudlande durch chronistic resuscitatiox~of traditions by
    the Macedonian Emperors is neatly put it~ightbemade6r'eth0"/la~(benediction) rights in case of one survivor than the
    die Reception desselben unterbrochen Or +Mwv (Zacharia, Cesch. des qr.-rinn. Codex. Here again we see the prin-
    nnd durchkreuzt wird." On the other by Skabalonovitch, Vizantyskoe Gosud-
    arstvo, p. 241. h h t ~p, 51). The word c L 8 o y 1 came ciple of the unity of the spouses (ib.
    hand, in regard to constitutional law
    there is not an analogy but a contrast ; Zacharia, ib. p. 37 to mean the marriage ceremony. p. 67).
    VOA. 11 2E
    418 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMYIKE BOOK V I CHAP. 11 THE ADMINISTRA TION O F LEO ((I 419

    son's person and property; and the son is only permitted to colonate has been slowly undermined, and by the age of the
    have the independent disposal of his castrense peculizcn~. The iconocla~t~ has completely disappeared ; in the Agricultural
    Ecloga here adapts the law to the fact and sets aside the old Code there is no mention of the adscripticiil ; and we find no
    Roman conception of the patria potcstas. Equal duties or cultivators fastened to the soil by the chains of lam. Peasants
    rights are assigned to both the mother and the father, and thus of two kinds are mentioned, and both classes are in every
    as long as either parent is alive no guardian1 is requisite. The sense free. There are (1) peasants who are allowed by a
    personal consequences of the patrinpotcstas disappear, and though proprietor to settle on his land and cultivate it, but they can
    the management of the son's property is still in the hands of leave it when they like, though they are obliged to com-
    the parents, this is considered not so much a legal right as a pellsate the proprietor for any loss accruing to him from their
    parental care for the interests of the children. untimely departure. As rent for the land these tenants paid
    The publication of the Ecloga was accompanied by three the landlord a tithe of the produce (p~p~7j),3 and hence they
    special codes embodying and sanctioning the customs which were called p o p ~ h a ~ There
    . are (2) free conlmunes of peasonts,
    regulated military, agricultural, and maritime affairs. The who possess land in common, which they divide among the
    Maritime Code (N6pq N ~ I J T L IknownC ~ ~ ) ,as the Rhodian laws, members. Each member ( I C O L V W farms
    V ~ ~the
    ) land either him-
    lthodes having been in old days a centre of ocean traffic, shows self or with the help of slaves ; or even rents it or part of it to
    us that in the eighth century mercantile trade by sea was some other person on condition of receiving a percentage of the
    carried on by companies.' The Mediterranean was infested profits.
    by Slavonic and Saracen pirates, and sea comnlerce was SO When we proceed to inquire how this change in the
    dangerous that merchants and skippers could not undertake it economical condition of the provinces came about, and how serf-
    except on condition that the risk should be common. Thus dom disappeared, we are reduced to speculation. I t is clear
    the lsaurian Emperors lay down the law that in case of ship that the explanation of these facts must lie partly in changes
    or cargo being injured by an accident for which no one can be in the national character and partly in the external history of
    blamed, the loss is to be borne jointly by the skipper, the owner the Empire. Now a great change had taken place in the
    of the freight, and the traveller^.^ population, both in the European and in the Asiatic provinces,
    The Agricultural Code (NhCLoqI ' G W ~ ~ L Ileads C ~ ~ )us to since the middle of the sixth century. The north-western
    consider the important question as to the changes which had regions of Asia Minor as well as the Balkan peninsula had been
    taken place in the agricultural population and in the institution filled with Slavonic settlers ; while the other provinces of Asia-
    of serfdom since the fifth century. A great but silent revolu- Syria had been lost-were eolonised by the free Mardaites and
    tion had been accomplished in the intervening ages, so gradual in the east by Armenians. The new settlers were not accustomed
    that it has been left unnoticed by the writers whose works have the colonate and the system which enchained the son t~ the
    come down to us, but deducible with absolute certainty from Zacharii, Gesch. des gr.-rbm. Bechts, Skabalonovitch (already referred to),
    a comparison of the legislation of the eighth with the legislation P. 241. Cf. above, vol. i. p. 29, where Visa.~~tyskoe Goswlarstvo i Tserkov v
    I pointed out that M. Fustel de Cou- xi: V i k i In the fifth chapter the
    of the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries. The institution of the ianges is mistaken on this point. author sets forth most lucidly the
    "ailed xwpo86rqs (Leunclavius, nature of the change and its canses ; and
    The Isaurian Emperors adapted the Ecloga the old distinction of hereditas JUT. Gr.-Rom. ii. 1,. 258). the importance of the Slavonic eleluent
    principle of guardianship to ecclesiasti-
    cal institutions, for in case the parents
    and b o n o r m possessio disappears (ib.
    p. 165).
    * tithe was the usual, but not
    invariable rent. Sometimes no less
    in bringing about the change is natur-
    ally not neglected by a Russian scholar.
    made no arrangement before death the Ib. p. 294. than half the produce went to theland- I t is strang4 that Finlay did not grasp
    care of the children was to be entrusted Ib. p. 295. These subsidiary codes, lord ( i $ ? l ~ ~ o s i aLeunclavius,
    ), ib. The the fact of this change or the importance
    to some religious house such as an if they were not issued contempor- tithe system is thus recogllised, poprirou of the Nbpos T e w p y r ~ h s . The decline of
    dp$avo.rpo$~iov. Here the Basilica re- aneously with the Ecloga, certainly G ~ ~ d .(fusciczcli)
    r~a i v r l a ~ w p 0 B 6 r o u " predial slavery" did not escape him,
    turned to the law of Justinian (Zacharii, appeared soon after it. 66 C L ~ P O S8 ~ f i d r i o vZY. but he did not see that the colonate
    Gesch. des gr. -riim. Reehts, p. 100). 4 It was a system of police replations
    for the country (ib. p. 234 spq.)
    ' For this discussion I must acknon- was a thing of the past. (Cf. Finlay,
    It may be further noted that in the ledge my debt to the work of N. ii. p. 220.)
    420 NISTOR Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK VI

    to it. A direct result of the intrusion and settlement of the


    profession of the father; and the Roman Emperors, who were
    Slaves was the abolition of this institution ; the tie connecting
    straining every nerve to beat back Persians or Avars or Saracens,
    the peasants and the soil was broken, the peasants ceased to be
    \$-ere not injudicious enough to force the colonate upon them.
    serfs and received the right of free movement from place to
    Jloreover, during the Persian and Saracen invasions the colons
    place." l The new Slavonic settlements rehcted on the condition
    were doubtless called upon, if not -for offensive, at least for
    of the colons and adsscripticii.
    defensive military service, and the continuance of this abnormal
    The hypothesis that the Slaves were mainly influential in
    state of things must have led to practical changes in their
    briuging about this change is confirmed by the existence of
    position. When new cultivators were settled in a district, the
    peasant communities, attested by the Agricultural Code of the
    condition of the old cultivators who had lived under the
    Isaurian sovereigns. Besides the new class of free tenants
    colon system must have been gradually assimilated to that of
    I' there appeared peasant communities which were organised by
    the new settlers. But, in addition to this, the invasions of the
    Slaves in thr provinces occupied by them, according to Slavonic
    Avars, Slaves, and Bulgarians in Europe, and of the Persians and
    custom, and which, it may be, were borrowed from the Slaves
    Saracens in Asia, had depopulated wholly or partially many
    by peasants of other nationalities subject to the Byzantine
    districts. The peasants were either slain, or led captive, or
    Empire." "
    compelled to flee to other provinces. I n the last case, the
    I t thus &[)pears that while the Roman institution of the
    general confusion occasioned by constant invasions secured the
    colonate worlred out a natural development among the Teutonic
    fugitives from being recalled to their old state of serfdom ; and
    nations of the West, it ceased to exist in the Roman Enlpire
    we may conjecture that when captives were redeemed from an
    itself, where new conditions were to lead to a great struggle,
    enemy those who had been serfs were allowed to settle, on new
    in the ninth and following centuries, between the rich and the
    conditions, in the provinces.
    poor proprietors. The colonate did not arise again in the East,
    Thus the continuous invasions from the middle of the sixth
    and references to this system in the Basilica are anachronisins,
    century to the end of the seventh operated both directly and
    having no application to contemporary society, but merely
    inclirectly in the abolition of the colonate-directly by removing
    repeated from the Code of Justinian.
    the serfs, indirectly bp changing the character of the population.
    Now the latter change has a peculiarity which throws further
    S s the iconodulic chroniclers did not know, or did not
    light on the problem before us. care to tell of Leo's beneficial reforms, we are left in the dark
    The most important new element in the population was the as to the details. The successes gained during his own reign
    Slavo~iic. One point of difference between the Slaves and against the Saracens, the successes gained by his son Constan-
    the Germans was that the Slaves had no institution correspond- tine against the Bulgarians, indicate that he restored the relaxed
    ing to the German laeti. The Slaves had slaves, but they had discipline anrl improved the efficiency of the military force^.^
    no free cultivators attached to the soil. Now the development
    If he did not extend the frolltiers of the diminished Empire,
    of the Roman colonate in its later stages was closely connected
    he made it firm and compact from Haemus to Taurus. He
    with the settlement of Germans in the Empire ; and the success also improved the police control both in the city and m the
    of the system was certainly due partly to the fact that the
    Germans, familiar with the notion of laeti, readily adapted -1'. 'Z4U.
    I tianslate
    0,-
    from Skabalonovitch, and also the law that a soldier connivine
    themselves to the institution of the coloni.' " But the institu- Ib. a t the adultery of his wife should b:
    The strictness of military discip- cashiered. Soldiers were not allowecl
    tion which was signified'in the Byzantine Emnpire by the word line
    1.-
    eqforced by the Isaulial~smay he to bnsy themselves with atrriculture or
    ;=men from the v6pos T ~ ~ ~ T L W T L K ~ merchandise,
    S. nor to be a g n t s or sure-
    f ' v a ~ 6 ~ ~ was
    a + ostrange
    ~ to the spirit of the Slavonic race; the rhe law (Leunclavins, p. 249) that ties fcr others. Traitorous desertion
    Slaves did not understand it and could not reconcile themselves Inen condelnned for adultery were not was p~ulishedwith horrible deaths by
    allorved to snrve is worthy of notice ; burning or crucifixion (zb. p. 255).
    This is justly insisted on by Skabalonovitch, q.cit. pp. 239, 240.
    422 HISTOR Y O F THE LA TER R O M AN EikfPIRE Booe VI C H A P . 11 THE ADMINISTRA TION OF LEO III 423

    provinces ; but on this subject we may speak more conveniently one indiction, either the eleventh or the twelfth (prob-
    in another place. During the years of anarchy brigandage ably the eleventh), and then exacted the double tribute. Thus
    had flourished in the highlands of Thrace and doubtless also in the year current from the end of '728 to the end of '729 was
    the highlands of Asia Minor. To Constantine V is due the credit called in the official records the thirteenth indiction, whereas ac-
    of suppressing the bands of scamars which infested Thrace and cording to the natural reckoning it should have been the twelfth.
    mere recruited by peasants whose lands had been wasted by The consequence of this has been that the chroniclers, who
    Bulgarians or drained by heavy taxation.' A notorious chief took their dates from the public records and were not aware
    of one of these robber bands was made an exanlyle by an tllat an indiction had been suppressed, have n~isled modern
    inhuman punishment ; his extremities were anlp~itateil;tnd he l1istorians, who, when they perceived that the indictions and
    was dissected alive by surgeons. the years of the world did not correspond, assumed that the
    I t is certain that the financial condition of the Enlpire mas indictions were right and the years of the world wrong. Nearly
    not satisfactory when Leo ascended the throne. At the time fifty years later, shortly before the death of Constantine V,
    of Pllilippicus' succes~ion,~ after the death of Justinian Rhinot- the alteration was cancelled and the right reckoning restored
    nretos, the treasury was full, but the voluptnons upstart spent by counting two years as one indiction. But for fifty years of
    in a short season the greater part of the treasures, The the eight11 century all the received dates are wrong by a year.
    expenses incurred by Anastasius in preparing for, and by Leo Leo 111, for example, reigned a year less than is generally
    in undergoing, a long siege were probably considerabie, and the supposed, and his son Constantine V a year longer.
    revenue proceeding from direct taxation must have bee11 I n 7 3 2 Leo ordained that a register should be kept of the
    appreciably affected by the circumstance that Asia Minor had male children born in the Empire, a measure which his religious
    been so long exposed to annual invasions, which injured the enemies held up to 0dium.l I n the same year he increased
    agricultural prosperity of the country. I t may be concluded the capitation tax in Sicily and Calabria, and ordained that a
    that Leo was anxious to improve the revenues, ancl that his sum of three and a half talents of gold, which was annually
    fiscal measures were not likely to be lenient. For six or seven paid to the patrimony of the Apostles at Old Rome, should be
    years Asia Minor snffered little from the Saracens and had paid to the treasury.
    time to recover its productiveness ('7 1 9 - 7 2 6) ; then the A great earthquake which occurred in October 739 nlay
    Einperor saw good to increase the burden suddenly. be recorded here, because it gave rise to a new tax. Some of
    The manner i11 which he carried out this measure was the oldest monuments in the city were thrown down by the
    peculiar, if I an1 right in interpreting a curious aberration in shock, the statue of Constantine the Great, at the gate of Attalus ;
    the chronology of the time. I believe that Leo caused the the statue and sculptured column of Arcadius; the statue of
    taxes which would regularly have been paid in two years to be Theodosius I., over the Golden Gate, and the church of Irene,
    paid in one year, and that for this purpose he adopted the close to St. Sophia. The land walls of the city were also sub-
    original idea of altering the calei~dar.~The official mode of verted ; and in order to repair thq fortifications Leo increased
    reckoning was by indictions; thus the year current from the taxes by one-twelfth, or a nziliarision in a non~is?nn.~
    1st September $26 to 1st September 7 2 7 was the tenth in- From Leo's time forward it was the habit of the Emperor
    diction. Leo threw two indictions into one, or, in other words, to pay more direct personal attention to the finances than
    Cf. Finlay, ii. p. 64. in the Notc a t tlie end of this chapter.
    before? so that the officer called 10,qothetes was rather the
    See Zonaras, Bk. xiv. cap. 26:
    udpovs ~ p ' ~ p b r w v
    $K TGY ?~aXa~o~hpwv
    I would observe that my rectification
    of the chronology and my conjecture
    -Leo Tll?ph. 6224
    to l'haraoh.
    A.M., who compares
    sure, hnt i t is difficult to judge
    circumstances of the case.
    . - of the

    @~uauptuB&ras ari~o~pa~6pwviv 70;s pan'- as to the cause of the error are quite Miliarision (Is. gd.) = one-twelftl~ 3 Finlay notices this, and attributes
    X~iors~bphv,K.T.X. independent of each other. The con- pf a llomisma (12s. 6d.) = two keratia ; the innovation to Leo-wrongly, as I
    My reasons for departing from jecture may be wrong, but that will not hence the tax was called dikeraton. t r y to show.
    thc received chronology will be found afect the question of the actual dates. Finlay is severe upon Leo for this mea-
    424 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOKVI

    imperial secretary in fiscal matters than a responsible minister,


    while the Emperor was himself chancellor of the exchequer.
    This, however, was a matter of practice and not of statute, and
    the relation between the logothete and the sovereign varied
    according to the judgment or character of the latter. Active
    princes like Leo and his son might take the direction of the
    fisc altogether into their own hands, and leave to their logothetes
    little more than routine work ; while indolent monarchs like
    NOTE ON CHRONOLOGY OF THE
    THE
    Michael 111, or delicate monarchs like Leo IV, might surrender
    a large proportion of the financial administration into the grand EIGHTH CENTURY
    accountant's hand. I am not confident, however, that this
    change was first introduced by Leo ; I am rather inclined to F ~ o n fthe year 727 A.D. to 774 A.D. the indictions and the anni
    in the Chronicle of Theophanes do not correspond. The
    believe that it dated from the reign of Constans, one of whose question is, are his indictions or his anni mu~adiright ? Chrono-
    characteristics was the habit of doing things himself. His logists and historians (Baronius, Pagi, Muralt, Finlay, Schlosser,
    grandfather Heraclius was called upon to solve serious financial Hopf, Hefele, etc.) have invariably accepted his indictions and
    difficulties a t the beginning of his reign, and must have exer- rejected his nnni nzzndi. For example, the death of Leo 111 took
    cised a careful personal supervision over the fisc and the " count place in the ninth indiction: which should have been current from
    of sacred largesses." Now before the end of the seventh 1st September 740 to 1st September 741; and thus historians place
    it in June 741. On the other hand, the same authority states that
    century we find that this name has become obsolete, and that
    the same event happened in 6232 A.M., current 1st September 730
    our historians, whose language generally echoes that of their to 1st September 740 ; and this date, in opposition to the received
    sources, use the term logothete (TO; yevs~oG).l It seems not doctrine, 1 hold to be correct.
    improbable that the change of name was concurreilt with the (1) The first question to be determined is, whether the discrep-
    change in the functions of the office, and that the autocratic ancy is merely due to an oversight on the part of Theophanes
    and independent Constans managed the affairs of the exchequer himself. Now on this point we fortunately possess a piece of in-
    himself, and transformed the count of sacred largesses into a contestable documentary evidence in the title of the Ecloga (quoted
    above, p. 412), where that handbook is stated to have been issued
    secretary, who received the name X O ~ O B ~ TOG ~ T ~~ F~ V L K O G .AS iv prlvl papi-ly 1 ~ 6 .0' ZTCL a ' d K T ~ ~ ~~ Od Sr p oST^^',
    ~ "in the month
    the new office was almost equivalent to a private secretariate, of March, ninth indiction, 6248 A.M.,' In the date of the month
    it becomes intelligible that Theodotus, a monk, held it under and indiction all the MSS. are at one ; in the year of the world the
    Justinian 11, just as freedmen held such posts in the early later MSS. have several variants, but the three oldest MSS. agree
    Empire. in the date which I have printed. Now 6248 of the era of Con-
    stantinople corresponds to 6232 of the era of Antioch (or rather of
    On the financial officers, see above, p. 324 note 2. Pallodorus the Egyptian), which was used by Theophanes,that is 739-
    740 A.D.; whereas the ninth indiction, as we have seen, corresponds
    to the year 740-741. Thus it appears that in the official date of a
    contemporary record we find the same discrepancy that we find in
    Theophanes. The conclusion is that the discrepancy has some
    deeper cause than the error of an individual chro11ographer.l

    ' On this discrepancy in the date changed the anni wzu7adi : " Inan darf
    of the Ecloga, see Heimbach, "Griech-
    isch-romisches Recht," in E w h tsnd
    . . . behaupten dass diese Abweich-
    ung von der gewohnlichen Weltara auf
    Grtbber, p. 215. He assumes that Leo oficiellem JVege veraii1asst~~-ordensei."
    426 HZSTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE ROOK VI NOTE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EIGHTH CENTURY 427

    (2) The next problem is, was i t the inclictions or the nlzni mz~lldi 729, my date, nor 730, the received date. I n 729 (concur. 5
    that were tampered with in the eighth century? was an indiction + rkg. 2 = 7; hence 1st January = Saturday) 7th January = Friday,
    left out, or was a year of the world countecl twice over ? Now one in 730 7th January = Saturday (Hefele proposes to read LC' = 17,
    of the most valuable tests of chronological data are the certain which would suit 730). I n this case, on either theory Theophanes
    calculations of astronomy, and in this case we can fortunately is wrong, and I think we may infer that the mistake is due to his
    appeal to this impartial arbitrator, as a solar eclipse which took own calculation. I suspect that in many instances his authorities
    place in a year of the period with which we are concerned is re- supplied only the day of the month, and that he reckoned the day
    corded by Theophanes. Under 6252 A.M., corresponding to the of the week himself. This a t least seems a case of mis-reckoning.
    fourteenth indiction, he states that an eclipse took place on Friclay, If this be so, we can explain a, Ir, c, rl. Suppose that Theophanes
    15th August, a t four o'clock in the afternoon. According to the was writing his Chronicle in the year 800 (=eighth indiction), and
    received chronology, which accepts the inclictions and rejects tlie wished to find out on what day of the week the 1st of April fell in
    rcnizi n ~ z ~ ~ zthe d i , eclipse took place in 761. Now in 761 a total 766 = 6260 A.M. = seventh indiction. Knowing that in the present
    eclipse of the sun did take place, but i t was only visible in Asia, year, 600, 1st April was Thursday, he might reckon back to the
    and the date was Vednesday, 5th August (L'art cle vdrijiel, les dates, year 766, taking leap years into account; and in doing this i t
    clepzcis la ~zniss.clc N. 5'. vol. i. ed. 1783, p. 66). Theophanes would be very natural for him to count by indictions. He might
    cannot have referred to this. On the other hand, there was an thus conclude that from April 768 to April 600 there were thirty-
    annular eclipse on 15th August 760 ( = 6252 A.M.),visible a t three in one years (6 + 1 5 + 6 = 31), whereas there were really thirty-two
    the afternoon in Europe and Africa, (ib.); and the 15th August in (800 - 768 = 32). This rnistake would be due to not understanding
    760 fell on Friday. Thus astronomy proves that the nlznzis nnclldi that the twelfth indiction was spread out over two years, 6265 and
    is right and the indiction wrong. And this is what we might 6266 (September 778 to September 774); and it is clear from his
    have expected priori. I t is more likely that the official system Chronicle that he had not grasped this curious fact. Hence
    of reckoning was modified than that a temporary practice pre- Theophanes, wishing to calculate for 768, would have really calcu-
    vailed of placing the creation of the world 5510 instead of 5509 lated for 769.
    years B.C. I n any case, I submit that ,the little phalanx a, b, c, d is not strong
    Another point connected with the same year 760 confirms this euongh to contend against the solar eclipse, combined with the date
    conclilsion. Theophanes notices that Easter 6252 fell on 6th April, of Easter 760, and supported by the antecedent probability that
    but that some celebrated it on 13th April. Now, Easter actl~ally tlie indictions were more likely to be modified than the years of the
    fell on 6th April in 760, and not in 761. world, which had no reference to practical questions. If any
    (3) I must now notice some points that apparently make against ecclesiastical theorist had induced the Roman world for half the
    this conclusion. I n five cases besides those mentioned, Theophanes, eighth century to adopt a new era, me should certainly have heard
    in stating the day of the month, adds the day of the week. ( ( 5 ) of i t ; whereas a change in the indictions made for fiscal purposes
    6232 =ninth indiction, he makes 26th October fall on Wednesday. (if the conjecture I put forward in the foregoing chapter be well
    According to the received date this year was 740, according to my founded) belongs to that class of things which chroniclers either do
    theory 739. Adding together 3, the conczlrrent of 739, and 2, the not know or do not deign to tell.
    .i.f!gulier solaire of October, we find that in that year 1st October fell I n investigating this question I naturally turned to Muralt, but
    on (2 + 3 = 5) Thursday, and therefore 26th October on Monday; derived little assistance. His book makes us regret that Clinton
    whereas in 740 (a leap year) 1st October was Saturday and 26th did not go further than 641. It i+ on the edit. of George Hamar-
    October Wednesday. (b) 6235 A.m., twelfth indiction. Valid was talus rather than on the Essni de Cl~ronogrnphie byxnntifle that
    slain on the fifth day of the week, 16th April. This suits 744, the Muralt's fame will rest.
    received date (concu~= 3, rdy. = 1 :. 1st April = Wednesday, 16th
    April = Thursday). (c) 6254 A.M. = first indiction, 30th June =
    Thursday, which suits 763, not 762. (cl) 6460 A.M. = seventh in-
    diction, 1st April = Saturday, which suits 769, not 766.
    These four cases seem inconsistent with my theory and favourable
    to the received doctrine. Another case still remains. (e) 6231
    A.M. = thirteenth indiction, 7th January = Tuesday. This suits
    C H A P . 111 THE ICONOCLASTIC MO VEMENT 429

    potency. They were, moreover, especially Constantine


    V, the sworn foes of monks, whom they justly regarded as
    tile mainstays of superstition and mental degradation; for
    the monks of south-eastern Europe were on the whole
    more pious and chaste than their brethren in the West, and
    some of them were learned men, the large majority
    were ignorant, narrow-minded, ancl obstinate.
    At first sight it might be thought that these purists, who
    preferred that the walls of their churches should be unadorned
    C H A P T E R 111
    by rich pictures and mosaics, and who, in their zeal, destroyed
    valuable works of art and persecuted their opponents, were
    THE ICONOCLASTIC IIIOVEMENT
    fanatical zealots and somewhat rude pietists, like the Puritans
    of the seventeenth century in Eng1and.l This comparison,
    THE historical import of the iconoclastic controversy, as I however, would be a wholly misleading one. The Isaurian
    conceive it, did not consist in t,lle mere definite point at issue
    Emperors and their Ainorian successors were not opposed by
    concerning the worship or reverence paid to sacred pictures, any means to the pomps and vanities of the world. On the
    but rather in the fact that the movement represented a great contrary, one of their rational principles was that many things
    reaction against the gross superstition which hung as a cloud
    which the monks called pomps and vanities were really only
    over Christendom. The adoration of pictures tends to become
    innocent and not unbecoming amusements. The Emperor
    a illost degraded form of superstition, as uneducated minds
    Theophilus, who persecuted image-worship in the ninth cen-
    fail to distinguish between the sign and the thing signified ;
    tury, was one of the gayest and most brilliant monarchs that
    and it naturally leads to other forlils of credulity. There were
    ever reigned at Byzantium; in fact, we may say that he in-
    inany pictures which, in the belief of men, had descended from
    troduced a new period of oriental splendour. I n the reign of
    heaven, aud were not made with hands; and not only the
    Constantine V the palace was constantly a scene of fri~?olity
    populace but even a Pope believed in the power of icons to and festivity. The iconoclasts were not the apostles of
    work miracles. Thus picture-worship was selected by Leo the
    puritanism; they were the apostles of rationalism, and the
    Isaurian as the main point, of attack. But what especially opponents of extreme austerity.
    inte~ests17.s and concerns history is, not the details of the While, from a historical point of view, iconoclasm was a
    controversy itself, but the fact that Leo 111, Constantine V, great reaction, from a dogmatic point of view it was not new ;
    and their party were animated by a spirit of rationalisni, in
    it was connected with old controversies. The objection of the
    the sanie sense that Luther was animated by a spirit of iconoclasts to represent Christ in art was simply a corollary to
    rationalism. They were opponents, not only of iconolatry, but the doctrine of the monophysites ; and the opposition of the
    also of Alariolatryl ; they did not believe in the intercession of Isaurians to Mariolatry was a thbroughly monophysitic feature.
    saints, they abhorred reliques tvhich were supposed to possess The monotheletism of the seventh century was a connecting
    Cf., for instance, Theoph. 1). 406 source is the Libsr Potttijcalis. 011
    (ed. de Boor). For this and the follow- the iconoclastic cvntroversy ecclesiasti- ' M. Lenormant (La Gra?z,de-Grkce, ridicules " a scholar known by his
    ing chapter, bcsitle Theophanes, we have cal students nlay be interested to read t. ii. 1). 386) speaks of the movement ardent radicalism" for upholding the
    " la tentative d'une sorte dc calvin- thesis that the work of Leo and Con-
    the acts of the seventh Ecnlxenical the Antirrlletien of the Patriarch Nice-
    Collncil in Greek (Mansi, xii. 951 sqq. pllorus, l~nblishe~lby Cardinal Pitra in m
    :e antici*. It would have been stantine was an anticipation of the
    and siii. 1-821), and also the essays the 1st vol. of his S~~icilegitc.?nSoles- more just to say Lutheranism. M. French Revolution. Yet the thesis has
    against iconoclasm by John of Damas- ?izc.nsc. Nicephorus was perhaps the Lenormant is not fair to the iconoclasts this much truth, that Leo and Constan-
    cus; in Latin the most i~nportant ablest supporter of image-worship. -we rnight say that he regards them tine waged war against superstition and
    from a South-Italian bias. He justly in the interests of reason and education.
    CHAP. III THE ICONOCLASTIC MOVEMENT 431
    430 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROARAN EMPIRE BOOKVI

    link between monophysitism and iconoclasm ; but there were is no doubt that the Mohammedan religion, which was freer
    two nbw influences which affected the eighth-century move- from and materialism than a degraded Christianity,
    ment and gave it a peculiar character, namely the Paulician exercised considerable influence on the religious doctrine of the
    doctrines and the Mohammedan religion. iconoclasts ; and that it could do this all the more readily on
    I t is a great misfortune that no historical or other worlrs account of the kinship of the worship of Allah to the worship
    composed by iconoclasts (with the exception of the Ecloga, of Jehovah, and the connection of Judaism with Christianity.
    which does not deal with iconoclasm) are extant, and that we Neither of the great Semitic religions permitted the use of
    derive all our knowledge of the movement from tile accounts images and pictures in its service, and this austerity main-
    of their antagonists, the iconodules, who, with inalevolent tained a less sensual conception of God. Hence it was a
    bigotry, misrepresented their motives, exaggerated their faults, common reproach, levelled against Leo and Constantine, that
    and caluinniated their moral character. The hatred against they were imbued with Brabic ideas.I Here too lies the
    the iconoclasts was so great in subsequent ages that all their meaning of the nickname Kopronymos, which was fastened to
    works have perished except the Ecloga, which was preserved Constantine. We ueed not necessarily reject the tale, which
    by accident, probably because it was wrongly attributed to Leo our historian professes to have had on unimpeachable testi-
    V I and Constantine VII. mony, that perfidious nature played the child an indecent trick
    at the moment of his immersion in the font; but the point of
    I t was in the year '725 that Leo first began to put forward the name is illustrated by the word " magarise," which soon
    his objections to the worship of images? Several stories were acquired an unsavoury sense. And it was not only in the
    current as to the influences which caused Leo to assume this condemnation of picture-worship that the religion of these
    Emperors had a flavour of Islamism and Judaism ; they were
    position. At the seventh general Council, which condemned
    iconoclasm in '78'7, a monk named Johannes stated that Leo fain to degrade the Virgin and the saints from an almost
    had communicat~edwith bhe Saracen caliph Yezid, through the divine eminence, and their doctrine tended towards an Arianism
    mediation of Constantine, bishop of Nacolia, and had at his which verged on monotheism. Yet they were by no means
    suggestion waged war against pictures. Yezid had in his favourers of the Jews. Four years after his accession, Leo
    dominions issued a decree against pictures some years before, attempted to compel all the Jews in the Empire to be bap-
    by the persuasions of a Jew of Laodiceae2 tized ; possibly he thought that they might leaven the Church
    Whatever truth or falsehood may lie in these stories, there with a new spirit. At the same' time he tried to force the
    Montanists to embrace the orthodox creed ; but they were so
    In 306 A.D. the coonci: of Elvira adviser; he was one of his chief sup- devoted to their faith that, sooner than yield, they assembled in
    (canon 36) expressed itself unfavourable porters. A certain Beser, a christian
    to images, but that was before the use captive in Syria, infected with the a building, and, having set it on fire, perished in the fian~es.~
    of art in christim buildings had begun doctrines of the Arabs (norweelv~a~ o i s But the resemblances of iconoclasm to Paulicianism appear
    to prevail. The early history of the Apdpwv 66ypaurv), is mentioned by
    attitude of the Church to images be- Theophanes as a friend of Leo. The to me more important than its, points of contact with Moham-
    longs to the department of ecclesiastical later legend is that two Jews had n ~ e t medanism. When we remember that the home of the Pauli-
    history ; a good account of i t will be Leo or Conon, while young and ob-
    found in Prof. Stokes' article on "Icono- scure, travelling to seek his fortune. cian doct,riile was in Commagene, and that Leo 111, if not born
    clastae " in Diet. Ckrist. Biogr., which They predicted that he would become For example, Leo is called by Theophanes.
    is especially valuable as pointing out Empcror, and begged him to banish Theopharles u a p a ~ q v b + ~ w and
    v , said to "Iontanism has been described as
    the connection between iconoclasm and idolatry. There is another legend that be ' * P ~ @ [ K +pov.i)pa~c
    G ~paruv6pevos. I t " Irvingism and the Salvation Army
    the earlier heresies of monotheletism Yezid was influenced by two Jews, who should not be forgotten that Oniar is combined,! confusing mere carnal and
    and monophysitism (after Combefis' held out to him false promises of said to have written a dogmatic epistle physical excitement with the pure
    Hist. Monothel.), but he does not give worldly prosperity (cf. Theoph. 6215 to Leo to convert him to Islam. On n~otionsof divine charity," by Prof. G .
    sufficient weight to the infloence of A.M.) These legends illustrate well the other hand, i t has been said that T. Stokes in a paper 011 the "Ancient
    Islamism and Paulicianism. the detestation and horror in which Leo's policy was designed to convert Churches of Africa," l88i.
    Pope Gregory I1 said that Theo- Jews were held by Roman Christians. the Saracen to Christianity. 4 Theoph. 6214 A. ~ i .
    dosius of Ephesus was Leo's secret See Nansi, xiii. 197.
    CHAP. 111 THE ICONOCLASTK MOYEMEIITT
    433
    432 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOKVI
    by their birth and education. When those whom he expected,
    at Germanicia, was closely connected with those regions, it on acconnt of their position, to join him in his enlightelled
    seems natural to suppose that he or his parents inhaled among campaign against superstition, refused to do so, he attempted
    the Paulicians a spirit of antagonism to Mariolatry and super- to coerce them. But Leo, although he was determined to
    stition. Moreover, Leo afterwards stamped with his approval carry through his reforms, was not as intolerant or violent as
    the heresy which his predecessors had persecuted. H e sum- his son Constantine, and did not go beyond petty persecutions.
    moned a certain Paulician named Gegnaesius to New Rome: ~t that age of the world it was impossible for any religious
    and caused him to be tried before the Patriarch Germanus. movement, rationalistic or other, to avoid the tendenc,lr to in-
    Gegnaesius was honourably acquitted of the charges which tolerance; and no one seemed to imagine that intolerance was
    '' slanderers " had brought against him, and Leo sent him back illconsistent with enlightenment.
    to his home with a written safe-conduct to p r ~ t e c thim against We must touch here on the subject of education, for the
    future persec~tion.~ policy of Leo in this respect has been made a ground of serious
    Leo issued his first decree against the worship of images in accusations against him. Theophanes, the monk, states that
    726.3 The purport of this decree was not, as is often stated, he exterminated the educational establishments and put an
    that pictures should be hung higher in the churcl~es,in order end to the pious system of instruction which had prevailed
    that people should not adore them and kiss them; it com- since the time of Constantine the Great.' I n other later
    manded that they should be totally ab~lished.~One of the sources, George the Sinner and Zonarq2 we find a curious
    first acts in the execution of this edict, the destruction of a statement. There was an imperial institution between St.
    specially revered image of the Saviour above the palace gate Sophia and the palace walls, near the place called the Bronze
    of Chalke, caused a riot. An old legend was connected with Bazaar (Chalkopnteia). This academy contained a large
    this image, and it was called Antiphonetes? The officers who library of both sacred and profane rolls, and was the resi-
    were breaking or taking down the image were attacked and dence of a personage entitled the Ecumenical Doctor (Bidns-
    killed by enraged women; and Leo was obliged to proceed kalos), who was assisted by twelve learned men. I t was, in
    to strong measures in order to enforce his decree. It must fact, a college with a provost or master and twelve fellows.
    not be supposed, however, that he had recourse to harsh ex- They were fed at the public expense, and gave instruction in
    tremes with the lower classes of the people ; his enemies tell arts and theology. The Emperor used to consult them on
    us expressly that his anger fell on those who were conspicuous political matters, and they enjoyed a high reputation at Con-
    stantinople. Leo thought that if he could gain over to his
    Gegnaesius was the son of Paul, an were exhaled from the waters, became
    Armenian, and bore the spiritual name dense by degrees, and, finally petrified side the representatives of learning and education, the victory
    of Timothy. He lived at Episparis, by ignition, formed an addition to the
    island of Hiera, which had itself been would be easily won; but he failed. The conservative spirit
    but spent the last years of his life that generally exists in universities and bodies of learned men
    (after his acquittal) a t Mananalis In thrown up in 196 B.C. Pumice-stones
    Commagene, the cradle of the doctrine. were showered as far as Asia Minor, is sufficient to explain their opposition to the Emperor's radical
    See Photius, contra Manichaeos, Bk. i. Lesbos, Abydos. (On small islands
    (ed. Migne), vol. ii. pp. 54, 56 ; and which have been since formed by similar
    reforms; but the dark atmosphere of superstition that had
    Petrus Siculus, Historia Maniehaeom~m. eruptions, see Mr. Tozer's note, Fiulay, prevailed so long and the mists of theological prejudice had
    It is strange that Pinlay does not men- ii. p. 43.) Leo was said to have attri-
    tion the affair of Gegnaesius. buted this phenomenon to the ~ r e v a l - probably obscured their reason. I do not suggest this because
    2 Photius, ib. p. 56 : rlirov #yypa+ov ence of idolatry.
    Hefele has made this clear. The upheld the cause of pictures ; really learned and relatively
    rBuav aGrq 6i66vra 7ilv LL8Ecav obor T E
    Giarpi/3~~v~ a 76l ah00 dvcrr~(wau~&r mistake was due to misdating the first rh rar&vrSpra ap~uO+jvar, K.T.A. ople, but this is doubtful ; and i t has
    TD~TTELV ~ a 1p70189v 871 7Gv au~oq5av~GjV letter of Pope Gregory (Mansi, XU. 6218 A.M.
    6;6rkvar 7hs yX6auas. YDY J.
    That is, surety (cf. the expression
    ' Zona"~, ~ 0 1 iii.
    . p. 340 ; Georgios
    Hamartolus (ed. Muralt), p. 634. M.
    been supposed thst the "Ecumenical
    Doctor '' was a foundation of Maurice,
    a Historians attribute a superstitious who patronised learning and was fond
    motive to Leo. I n the summer of 726 h v ~ ~ + 6 u ~ a+@as prayers). A pane-
    o v in sathas identifies this imperial institu-
    gyric on the i m q e has been pblished tion with the university of Constantin- of things ecumenical.
    the sea between the islands of Thera
    and Therasia was agitated, vapours by Combefis in his Historia Mmothez. VOL. I1
    2F
    BOOK v1
    434 HZSTOR Y OF THE L A TER ROMAN EMPIRE CHAP. 111 THE ICONOCLAST(C MO YEMENT 435

    enlightened men, like John of Damascus, were earnest antago- and corruption as western Europe during the succeeding cen-
    nists of iconoclasm. But if it be true (and there seems - no
    - turies. That Leo, the knight - errant against superstition,
    reason
    -. to doubt) that Leo disendowed the college, ejected the should have taken measures to exterminate liberal edncation,
    Ecumenical Doctor and the twelve fellows, and perhaps re- is a charge too ludicrous to entertain. But it is sufficiently
    moved the library to the precincts of the palace, it is clear refuted by facts recorded in Ignatius' LVe of Nicephorus,
    that he considered the institution a nursery of superstition. or in the Life of Theodore of Studion,' where we are told
    So much truth, I believe, underlies the outrageous and absurd that these learned divines received an excellent secular educa-
    slander which was circulated in later times to shed obloquy on tion in grammar, language, science, and philosophy. There
    the reformer's name. I t is narrated by Zonaras and George was, in fact, a large number of educated and learned men at
    Hainartolus that, having failed in many discussions to win over the end of the eighth century, and there was not a single
    the learned men, he surrounded the imperial house, as their educated man of eminence at the beginning of the eighth cen-
    college was called, at night with heaps of inflammable wood, tury.2 The iconoclast movement intervened, and by the induc-
    and burned the building down with professors, library, and all. tive method of difference we are justified in attributing the
    If there were no direct evidence against this story, it would be improvement to its salutary influence. And yet we are told
    incredible in Leo, who never proceeded to extreme persecution that iconoclastic bigotry quenched liberal education.
    with any individual ; it would be incredible even in Constantine, What Leo really did in the matter of education is indicated
    though he did not hesitate at executions. But the silence of by the words of Theophanes. H e suppressed the schools of
    the orthoclox historians Theophanes and Nicephorus, who bitterly theology, which were doubtless hotbeds of superstition and
    hated the memory of the iconoclast, is absolutely conclusive. bigotry, and that is what Theophanes means by the extinction
    Yet the existence of such a gross calumny is instructive, and of "pious education." The imperial house, from being origi-
    shows us with what circumspection and distrust we must accept nally an institution for the maintenance of both secular and
    all statements of the friends of pictures regarding their opponents. sacred knowledge, had probably degenerated into a theological
    When we combine the brief statement of Theophanes, seminary, where all subjects were touched with the deadly
    quoted above, that Leo put an end to "pious education" and breath of superstition and every branch of learning was obscured
    shut up educational institutions, with this later notice touch- by religious irrelevancies. By disestablishing such an institution
    ing the Ecumenical Doctor and the imperial house, it is plain Leo was cutting at the very root of the evils against which he
    that the Enlperor's reforms extended to education. But no- was contesting; and we may feel sure that the abolition of the
    thing could be less critical and less equitable than to repeat, Ecumenical Doctor and his twelve coadjutors was no loss to
    as some modern historians have done,' the adverse statements the cause of education, but rather a gain.
    of his enemies, that in a spirit of bigotry he quenched educa- I t was easy to deal with the Ecumenical Doctor, but it
    tion and threw the Greek world into a slough of ignorance and was not quite so easy to deal with the Ecumenical Patriarch.
    darkness, from which it did not begin to rise until the reign of Germanus refused to support Leo's policy, and Leo determined
    Constantine Porphyrogennetos, and did not finally recover until to depose him, as the importance 'of the Patriarch in the Em-
    the days of Michael Psellus in the eleventh century. Such an pire made his co-operation highly desirable and his opposition
    assertion is absurd. The fact is that education in the Roman extremely formidable. A suspicious story is told: that one
    Empire had been enveloped in darkness since the middle of
    On the course of education as illus- 3 Theophanes, 6221 A.M. Gernlanus
    the seventh century, and that, but for the new spirit which trated by these sources, see p. 519. was a very old man (about ninety)
    the iconoclastic reaction introduced, south-eastern Europe and I do not count Johannes Chrysor- a t this time. His contributions to the
    of Damascus, the opponent of icono- controversy are two letters, one to John
    Asia Minor would have walked in the same path of ignorance "lam, because he was not an imperial of Synnada and one to Thomas of
    subject. Claudiopolis.
    See bf. Sathas, Bib. Gr. Med. Aev. vol. iv. Pref. p. xliii.
    436 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK vi CHAP. 111 THE ICONOCLASTIC MO VEMENT 437

    day, as the Emperor and Germanus were discussing the contro- chapter an account of the important results which the icono-
    verted snbject, the latter remarked that pictures would be clastic edict produced in Italy.
    destroyed, but not in Leo's reign. " I n whose reign, then?" I may mention in this place the revolt that broke out in
    demanded Leo. " I n the reign of Conon," was the reply. Greece in the year 72'7, although we cannot believe that it was
    ((My name is really Conon," said the Emperor. " God forbid," entirely caused by the religious policy of Leo. We may rather
    ejaculated Germanus, "that the evil should be accomplished suppose that oppressive taxation was the deepest cause: and
    now in your reign! For he who fulfils it is the precursor of that orthodox ardour against the iconoclast only hurried the
    Antichrist and the subverter of the mystery of the incarnation." catastrophe. At the same time it must be admitted that we
    At this Leo was angry, and Germanus reminded him of the can assign rough geographical limits to the distribution of
    covenant which he had made before his coronation, not to iconolatry and iconoclasm, and that Greece was devotedly
    shake or change the apostolic and divinely transmitted canons attached to pictures, central and southern Asia Minor being
    of the Church. the home of the heretics.
    On the '7th of January "i9 Leo summoned a conclave or Theophanes says that the Helladikoi and the inhabitants
    silentium in the tribunal of the Nineteen Accubiti for the of the Cyclades rebelled against Leo and proclaimed one Cosmas
    purpose of condemning iconolatry, and invited Germanus to Emperor. This passage is the locus classicus for the word
    attend it. Germanus replied by resigning his office, and as he Helladikoi, which is usually explained as a conteinptuous
    laid down his episcopal surplice or dmophorion, he said, " If I expression for the inhabitants of Greece proper-that is, for
    am Jonah, cast me into the sea." The principle on which he the Greeks who dwelled between Mount Olympus and Cape
    based his opposition to Leo was that he could not introduce Taenarum. There is, however, not the least ground for the
    innovations without the authority of an Ecumenical Council. supposition that the word is charged with a contemptnous or
    Germanus was deposed, and Anastasius, the Patriarch's syncel- scornful implication2; nor, on the other hand, is it probable that
    lzcs, who had taken Leo's side in the controversy, was elected it includes the Peloponnesus ; perhaps it does not even include
    in his stead (22d January), and immediately issued a manifesto, the inhabitants of north-western Greece. When Leontius was
    which was important in that it gave ecclesiastical authority to appointed strategos of Hellas by Justinian, Hellas was a definite
    Leo's policy. Pope Gregory I1 refused to recognise the eleva- geographical district not coincident m~ithHellas in the modern
    tion of the new Patriarch ; but we must postpone to another sense any more than it was coincident with Hellas in the
    ancient sense. The medieval district or theme of Hellas did
    1 Theoph. 6221 a.ar. I n the Life of interpretation of the edict of 726, but
    Nicetas Hegumenos (Acla Sanctorum, of course on the assumption of the
    llot include the Peloponnesus; it included Attica, Eoeotia,
    April iii.), the deposition of Germanus received chronology. My correction of Phocis, and Thessaly ; it may possibly at first have also in-
    and elevation of Anastasius are thus the chronology strengthens his argu- cluded the western regions of Epirus, Acarnania, and Aetolia,
    mentioned (p. 260) :fugitquc nido vcner- ment, which is this : " The second
    anda hirundo quae ver?ur,?iz ecclesiac [oration of John] was published be- which in the tenth century formed the theme of Nicopolis, but
    trunquillitatsm dulcisono sonnbat garritu cause of the difficulty experienced by
    Dominica festa condeeorams; et in locu7n the faithful in getting copies of the it is just as likely that the theme of Nicopolis was independent
    e&s indzcetus cst deformis c o r w hians .
    first. That first Apology . . must from the beginning. The word Helladikoi was the natural
    ct absm~umcrocitans, ete. The deposi- have taken a considerable time to get
    tion of Germanus is mentioned in the .
    into circcllation. . . This will throw name to use, primarily of the soldiers, and then generally
    second oration of John of Damascus in its composition back a t least t o the If the severe taxation which I de- At this time (eighth century) Hellas
    behalf of image-worship, but the acces- year 728." But the first oration presup- from the change in the numbering and the Peloponnesus seem to have been
    sion of Anastasius is not mentioned. poses an edict ordaining the d e s t ~ c - the indictions was imposed 1st Sep- turms, governed by turmarehs, who
    This seems t o fix the date of that tion of images, and therefore Hefele's tember 726, i t will help to explain the were subordinate to a strategos gener-
    work to the first (or second, as news view is necessary. According to my of spring 727. The revolt is ally known as the strat6go.. of Hellas.
    travelled slowly) month of 729. Prof. chronology, the first oration will be "mated by both Nicephorus and I t is impossible to decide whether the
    Stokes (article on "Leo I11 " in Diet. thrown back into the year 727 on the Theophanes (6218 A.M.) strategos of Hellas was simply the old
    Christ. Biogr.) bases an argument on same grounds. "inlay, ii. 37, "the scornful ex- proconsul of Achaia with a new title,
    this circumstance in support of Hefele's Pression." or an entirely new institution.
    438 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I

    of the inhabitants of the military district of Hellas, on the


    analogy of the names Armeniakoi and Anatolikoi.'
    Thus the district of Hellas combined with the Cyclades,
    which belonged to a separate jurisdiction, and the armanlent of
    the rebels arrived at Constantinople under the comnland of
    Agallianus, the turnlarch of Hellas, on the 18th of April '72'7.
    With the help of marine fire, the imperial fleet found no diffi-
    culty in routing the insurgents ; Agallianus leaped into the sea
    in full armour when he saw that the cause was desperate;
    Cosmas and one other leader were beheaded. I t is probable C H A P T E R IV
    that Leo did cot push his iconoclastic policy to extremes in
    Greece, especially after this rebellion; in the same way we IMPERIAL ITALY I N THE EIGHTH CEXTURY '
    shall see that he did not press matters too far in southern
    Italy. Nevertheless, it is not improbable that many of the THE iconoclastic movement was destined to lead to important
    monks who sought refuge in Italy in consequence of t,he political results in Italy. I t was destined to assist in the
    iconoclastic movement were natives of Bellas and the Pelopon- accomplishment of two tendencies that had been always
    nesus. operative, the tendency of the Roman possessions of
    See above, pp. 348 and 351. central and northern Italy, in which there was a strong
    Latin element, to separate themselves from the Empire, which
    was becoming gradually Greek, and the tendency of southern
    Italy, which still retained some traces and memories of the
    days when it was Magna Graecia, to go a different way from
    the rest of the peninlsula and throw in its lot with Sicily
    and the eastern Mediterranean. During the ninth, tenth, and
    eleventh centuries, while the main bulk of Italy was Latin,
    southern Italy was Greek. Apulia and the land of Hydrus or
    Otranto, which owing to a temporary Lombard occupation had
    lost its old appellation Calabria, a,nd the false Calabria, which
    once was called Bruttii and by an accident of Roman adminis-
    tration obtained a fairer name,-all these were part of the
    Greek or " Roman " world under the name of Longobardia2 ;
    just as before the Roman conquesti Apulia and the true Calabria
    and Bruttii were nationally grouped with the peoples of the
    For this chapter our authorities are "Leo 111" in the Dict. of Christ. Biog.
    the same as for the preceding, the Latin by Prof. G. T. Stokes.
    being now more important. Besides The theme of Longobardia was in-
    Hefele, I have consulted J. Langen's stituted in the reign of Basil I. after the
    Geschiehte der rdmischen Kirche vvn Leo conquests of Nicephorus Phocas. It
    r. bBis NikolnzcsL (1885) ; and Dr. Dijl- included Gaeta, Naples, Amalfi, and
    linger's essay on " Gregory I1 " in his Sorrento. It consisted of two divisions,
    Pupstfabeln dcs Mittelalters. Thyye are Longobardia and Calabria.
    good articles on " Iconoclastae and
    440 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK VI CHAP. IV IMPERIAL ITA L Y IN EIGHTH C E N T U .Y 441

    Aegean and not with those of the Tyrrhenian Sea. The repetition opposition of the imperial Italian subjects to an extraordinary
    of history becomes still more striking when we observe that taxation.l He supported the inhabitants of Rome in their
    the inhabitants of Rhegium, Croton, and Taras in the days of refusal to obey. the imperial governor; and duke Basil was
    Hiero and Gelou, or in the days of Agathocles, saw a struggle driven from the city and compelled to become a monk. About
    of the same import in Sicily as took place in the days the same time Liutprand, king of the Lombards, invaded the
    of Basil the Great or in the days of George Maniakes. I n exarchate and took Classe, but failed to take Ravenna? while
    ancient times it was the struggle between the Aryan Greek Narnia was lost to the Lombards of Spoleto.
    and the Semitic Phoenician, in which the Romans finally inter- Then the news of the destruction of the mystic image of
    vened; in medieval times it was the struggle between the Christ, called the Antiphonetes, horrified the pious or super-
    Aryan Greek or Byzantine and the Semitic Arab, in which the stitious souls of the Latins. The rumour was a vaunt-courier
    Normans finally intervened; but in both cases a people who of the edict itself: which soon arrived, along with instructions
    spoke Greek and a people who spoke a Semitic tongue mere to the civil officers and a letter to the Pope (72'7). The feel-
    contesting the lordship of Sicily, and in both cases "Great ing of dissatisfaction with the government which had before
    Greece " was vitally interested. prevailed became now undisguised animosity, and all the cities
    Bnt of the history of medieval Magna Graecia, as we might of the exarchate rebelled. The imperial officials were killed
    call it, or Longobardia, as it was actually called from the end or expelled, and each district elected a duke for itself. The
    of the ninth century, only the first act falls within the limits idea was even conceived of electing an Emperor in Italy and
    of this work. The present chapter will narrate how the icono- escorting him in triumph to New Rome. Exhilaratus, duke
    clastic movement contributed in two ways to a new departure of Naples, who tried to enforce obedience to the edict, was
    in Italy, consciously in one way, unconsciously in another; lynched, and in Rome the feeling was so high, owing perhaps
    and how this prepared for that series of events-the fall of the to the idea that the Pope's life was in danger, that an army
    exarchate, the appeal to Pipin, the overthrow of the Lombard was despatched from Ravenna to quell the recalcitrant spirit
    kingdom, the new policy of the Popes-which led up to the in its central seat. But King Liutprand, who fro111 his palace
    constitution of the Western Roman Empire. The intentional in Pavia was watching for an opportunity to extend his
    innovation was the transference of the Churches of Calabria and dominion, which he perhaps hoped to make conterminous with
    Sicily along with that of Illyric~tmfrom the see of Old Rome Italy, assumed the position of a supporter of the Pope and
    to the see of New Rome ; the unintentional innovation was the Latin orthodoxy against the imperial heretic, and entered into
    colonisation of southern Italy by Greek refugees from the con~municationwith the rebels. At his instance the Lombards
    iconoclastic persecution. These two events had a common
    cause, and were followed by a common effect, but they may be Cf. Theoph. 6217 A.M. Lib. Pont., here, as elsewhere, Hefele's Concilien-
    censum i n provincia ponere prmpediebat. geschichte a valuable guide, and I may
    treated separately ; and we naturally begin by collsidering the I t must have been extraordinary, as notice that J. Langen of Bonn, in
    somewhat entangled history of the affairs that took place in Italy Dollinger (op. cit. 152 sqq.) and Hefele his work mentioned above, follows
    point out (cf. Langen, op. cit. p. 613). Befele in the main as to the order of
    between the year '726, when the edict against images was issued, Pope Gregory I1 would not have en- events.
    couraged resistance to the regular dues. I t is sometimes stated that he
    and the year 732 (according to received chronology '733), when He always showed himself anxious to actually took Ravenna, but F. Hirsch
    the ecclesiastical innovation mentioned above was carried out. pacify a downright rebellion ; but for has shown that he only took Classe
    him, says Paulus Diaconus, a rival Em- (Dm Herzogthum ene event, p. 34). Cf.
    peror would have been proclaimed. The Paul. Diac. vi. 49.
    I t must not be supposed that the revolt of the exarchate question is between the credibility of 3 The early arrival of this news is
    Theophanes on the one hand and the proved by a passage in the first letter
    was first or solely caused by the iconoclastic edict of Leo. " Papstbuch " and Paul the Deacon on of Gregory to Leo. Foreigners (Franks,
    Before the news of that measure had reached Ravenna or the other ; and I think we must follow Vandals, Goths, Moors, also Romans)
    Dollinger in preferring Italian witnesses had seen the act of desecration and
    Rome, Pope Gregory I1 had lent his countenance to a general on an Italian matter. I have found noised i t abroad in the West.
    442 HlSTOh'Y O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK vl CHAP. I V IMPERIAL ITA L Y IN EZG'h'l%i C'E'NY'UR Y 443

    of Spoleto and Tuscany surprised the army which was march- disapproved of the idea of creating a rival Emperor in Italy.'
    ing from Ravenna to Rome at Ponte Salario-the bridge I say a rival Emperor in Italy; but I must explain cleady
    which Totila destroyed and Narses restored-and prevented that there was no idea afloat of disconnecting Italy Iron,
    its further progress. the government of New Rome or creating a second Ro q n n
    Ravenna meanwhile was rent with discord, some supyort- Empire; the contemporary biographer of Gregory I1 states
    ing Ihe Emperor and others declaring for the cause of rebellion, expressly that Italy thought of electing an Enq~erorand leading
    or, as they loved to say,'for the Pope. The latter faction, him to Constantinople. The idea of the Romm Irnperator and
    whose zeal was doubtless stimulated by private agents of Liut- New Rome were still indissolubly connected in men's minds.
    prand, prevailed, killed Paul the exarch, expelled his successor Three extant letters of Gregory, one to the Patriarch Germanus
    Eutychius,l and enabled the Lombard king to gain possession of and two to the Emperor Leo: are important documents for the
    the strong city of the marshes, which Lombard kings had so iconoclastic controversy, and show us the position of Gregory.
    long coveted in vain, and he himself had failed to take a year Like John of Damascus, who wrote in Syria against the
    before. The cities of the Pentapolis, Rimini, Fano, Pesaro, An- enemies of image-worship, Gregory asserted that the Emperor
    cona, arid Umana, the Roman cities of Aemilia, and the city of had no right to interfere in the question of ecclesiastical doc-
    Auximum invited Liutprand to occupy them with garrisons, and trines. Leo had laid claim to priestly functions in virtue of
    some time later Sutri was taken by the Lombards of Tuscany. his iniperial station, and had written " I am an Emperor and a
    Eufpchius, the successor of Paul, had fled to Venice when priest." I n answer to this, Gregory admitted that Constantine
    he found the insurgent faction too strong for him. The duchy the Great, Valentiniau I., Theodosius the Great, and Constan-
    of Vtnice was theoretically, like Rome and Naples, under the tine I V were really both priests and Emperors,-because they
    government of the exarch, but practically independent, since were orthodox; but he denied i t in the case of Leo, and
    the citizens had begun to elect their own dukes in the year insisted on the essential difference between ecclesiastical and
    697. I t was, however, still attached to the Empire, and a temporal jurisdiction. I n defending picture-worship he chiefly
    letter of Pope Gregory to his friend duke Ursus brought to appealed to the authority of the Fathers, but also pointed out
    Ravenna a Venetian army, with whose help Eutychius ex- that it had a certain educational use for the masses ; and he
    pelled the Lombards from the city of the exarchs. This accused Leo of having diverted the people from a wholesome
    assistance rendered by Venice to Ravenna was an anticipation interest in pictures and "occupied them with idle talk, harp-
    of the succour that she was to lend her against the Spaniards playing, cymbals, flutes, and such trivialities."
    in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. " Cognita vero imporatoiis nequi- receipt of Leo's, which was written in
    As to the dates of these events we are left by our authori- tia omnis Italia consilium iniit ut sibi 726 (ninth indiction). See Hefele, iii. p.
    eligerent imperatorem et Consta~~tino- 373, who has clearly demonstra.ted the
    ties in uncertainty ; the very order of their occurrence is con- polim ducercnt. Sed compescuit tale true date, as I have observed above.
    fused. But they clearly occupied a considerable time, and consilium pontifex, sperans conver- The letter to Germanus will be found
    sionem principis " (Anastas. Yit. Greg. in Mansi, xiii. 91.
    meanwhile Pope Gregory had &ken up a decided position and p. 979). Gregory did not despair of 3 j3au~Xe3s ~ a iepeh~
    l EIPL(quoted in
    exerted himself actively against icon~clasm,~ while he took the conversion of the Emperor. In the second letter of Gregory, Mansi, xii.
    Tuscauy a t the C'astrttm Manturianense 976). Gregory admits in ~rinciplethe
    care not to encourage the rejection of Leo's civil authority and a tyrant or "seducer" (guidanz claim of the Emperors to be considered
    seductor) named Tiberius Petasius ob- pontiffs-successors of St. Peter ; but
    1 The disturbed state of Ravenna
    tained a following and was called em- by heterodoxy of course an Emperor
    127, p. 981). peror, but the movement was only local forfeits his claim. The difference, I
    must have lasted for a considerable Hirsch, ib. First letter of Gregory and was promptly suppressed (ib. 983). suppose, between an Emperor and a
    time before the Lombard occupntion, to Leo (Mansi, xii. 969) ; Paul. Diac. The two letters to Leo were found Pope is that an Emperor can be heter-
    as the news of Paul's death had time vi. 54. (in the sixteenth century) by Frontou odox, while a Pope is incapable of
    to reach Constantinople, and Euty- The Pope condemns absolute wor- Le Duc in the librav of the cardinal of heresy.
    chius had time to come to Ravenna. ship of images (Xa~peu~r~Gr) while he Lorraine. The first was evidently 4 fio;yb?,r)uas aho6s (703s raservo6s
    For these events, see Anastasius, Vita approves of their relative adoration written ;n 727 immediately after the Aaobs) els kpyoAoyLas ~ a dOAovs l ~ a l
    Gregor. II (Migne, Patr. Lat. vol. (UX~TLKGS ~poa~vvciv).
    444 HISTORY O F THE LATER XOMA N EMPIRE BOOK VI C H A P . IV IMPERIAL ITAL Y IN EIGHTH CENTURY 445

    Having held a council in Rome ('72'1), which condemned who dwelled far away in the north at Pavia, and were separated
    iconoclasm, Gregory anathematised the enemies of pictures- from them by the hostile territory of the exarchate. These
    expressly mentioning Paul the exarch of Eavenna, but not duchies were in fact, throughout the seventh century and until
    extending the ban to the Emperor. Leo threatened to treat the reign of Liutprand, independent principalities. The dukes
    him as Constans had treated Martin; but the Pope felt secure, appointed their own civil officers, and there was no royal
    with the Lombards and western Christendom to support him, domain, at least in Beneventum, to give the king a pretext to
    and plainly told the Emperor of New Rome that tl:e Church interfere. Thus it was to their interest that the exarchate
    of Old Rome was the great bulwark of the Empire in Italy should continue to exist, and that a strip of Roman territory
    against the Lombards. At the same time, it was not the should separate their dominions from the dominion of the king.
    policy of the Popes to favour the extension of Lombard domin- This was especially desirable when the throne was filled by a
    ation in Italy; although the presence of such domination to a vigorous ruler like Liutprand, who aimed at reducing all
    certain degree was useful to them as a check on the imperial Italy under his sway, and first of all at bringing into a state
    power. The history of Italy has shown that a double, treble, or of dependence the duchies of his own nationality.
    multiple political rule has tended to exalt the papal power, and The action of the dukes, Transmnnd of Spoletium and
    a single rule has tended to depress i t ; effects which might Romuald I1 of Beneventum, in allying themselves with the
    have been predicted. Accordingly, whether the Popes of the Pope against himself, decided Liutprand to exact their homage
    period were on friendly or hostile terms with the Emperors, and allegiance. At the same time he felt a grudge against the
    they regarded with disfsvour Lombard aggressions on imperial Pope for his share in compassing the recovery of Ravenna,
    territory. Yet Lombard aggressions at this time began to notwithstanding the donation of Sutrium. The exarch, in
    turn out to the advantage of the Roman see; for the moral spite of the Pope's recent assistance, was bound to assert
    influence of the Popes induced the Lombard kings to present the imperial authority which the Pope had allowed to be
    as a donation to the successors of St. Peter what they had defied in Rome. And thus this remarkable league came into
    taken away from the successors of Constantine. Thus the existence.
    letters of Gregory I1 persuaded Liutprand to hand over to him Liutprand did not find it necessary to advance farther than
    the strong town of Sutrium (south of Viterbo), shortly after Spoletium, nor was he obliged to make use of force to constrain
    it had been captured by the Tuscan Lombards. the dukes to his allegiance. They both met him at Spoletium
    Eutychius had not been long restored to his residence at and acknowledged his suzerainty. H e then proceeded to
    Ravenna when a new and curious political com$ination, re- Rome and joined the exarch, who was besieging the city ; but
    versing the usual relations of Italian politics, surk~isedthe his arrival was the means of deliverance for the Pope.
    peninsula for a moment. The exarch Eutychius and King Furnished with the pomp and solemnities of his office, Gregory
    Liutprand formed a league against the Pope and the dukes of went forth into the camp of the Lombards, and by the
    Eeneventum and Spoletium,' who had allied themselves to win influence of his personality moulded the will of the susceptible
    back from Liutprand the cities of the exarchate. king, who, laying his arms at the feet of the pontiff, yielded to
    I must remind the reader of the position of the dukes of his wishes and induced the exarch to acquiesce in a peace
    Beneventum and Spoletium. They enjoyed an almost com- favourable to Rome.
    plete immunity from the interference of the Lombard kings, Soon after this Gregory I1 died1 and was succeeded by
    Gregory 111, whose election is remarkable for the circumstance
    ~ ~ O d p a~s a ~pordXtd
    l T E ~ a afiXoGs
    l ~ a l silium nefarit~m,ctc. For this affair,
    X?jpous ~ a civrl
    i ed~aprarlas~ a Go[ohoyias
    i see Hirsch, op. czt. p. 35. Langen re- According to my chronology, Greg- 731. 111 Idus Feb. of the fourteenth
    els pljOous ad~oljs.?u&IaX~s. marks (op. czt. p. 61 O), " Charactere nie ory 11 died in 730 and the council was indiction is the date in Anastasius for
    ' Anastas. 7. Greg. Eutychius pat- Liutprand, Gregor, Leo konnteu un- held 1st November 730 ; received date Gregory's death.
    ricius et Liutprandus rez ilaierunt con- moglich mit einander in Frieden leben."
    CHAP. IV IIVPERIAL I T d L Y IN EIGHTH CENTUR I.' 447
    446 HISTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I

    that he was the last bishop of Old Rome for whose consecra- nlatters it inclined towards Old Rome, in political matters it
    tion the consent of the 2mperor who resided at New Rome was tenacious of its loyalty to New Rome.
    was asked. The third Gregory opposed iconoclasm, like his The fact that the execution of such a thorough innovation
    predecessor: and in his pontificate the struggle came to an as the detachment of south Italy from Rome was attended
    end as far as Italy was concerned. A council of ninety-three with no difficulty or opposition, may at first seem surprising.
    bishops assembled at Rome and excominunicated the iconoclasts; To explain it we are led to consider the other important,
    and in reply Leo sent a naval armanlent of Cibyraiot seamen though indirect, result of iconoclasm, which was mentioned
    under the command of Manes to arrest the Pope on the charge at the beginning of this chapter, namely the second Greek
    of treason and bring him to Constantinople, as Martin had colonisation of southern Italy in the eighth century A.D.,
    been treated eighty years before by Constans. The expedition whereby it became a Greek land for four centuries, just as it
    never reached Rome, but the details of its failure are not clear. had been a Greek land before the Roman conquest.
    I t appears that the armament was scattered by a storm in the I n the crypt of the cathedral of San Sabino at Bari an old
    Adriatic, and that the Greek troops were not over eager to discoloured Greek madonna is shown to vieitors, which the
    carry out the Emperor's wishes. inhabitants of Bari believe to be the celebrated HodBgetria, a
    At this juncture Leo came to the important conclusion picture supposed to have been executed by the hands of St.
    that he would no longer oppose the Pope's ecclesiastical power Luke himself. I t was said to have come from Constantinople
    in the dominions of the exarchate, but would translate the in one of the ships of the fleet of Manes (autumn '731), a
    ecclesiastical jnrisdiction of Sicily and Calabria, as well as fugitive from the sacrilegious hands of Leo. I t had been
    of the dioceses of Illyricum, from the bishop of Rome to the originally presented to the princess Pulcheria and had been
    Patriarch of Constantinople. The jurisdiction of Calabria kept in the church of HodBgos at Constantinople as a posses-
    meant the jurisdiction of the metropolitan Churches of Rhe,'mum sion of priceless and talismanic value, and had sometimes been
    and Severiana and Hydrus (Otranto). All the bishoprics of carried into battle to ensure victory. Regarded with a super-
    the Bruttian peninsula were included in the two metropolitan stitious reverence above other pictures, it was a special
    provinces of Rhegiunl and Severiana, a town probably as old stumbling-block to reason in the eyes of Leo the Isaurian, who
    as tue age of Pliny, now called by a name which it obtained decided that it should be burnt, in spite of its antiquity and
    in the tenth century, Santa Sbverina, and famous as the natal historical associations ; but two monks were sufficiently bold
    place of Pope Zacharias. and cunning to convey it to one of the ships about to set sail
    The effect of this act of Leo, which went far to decide the for Italy, and store it away secretly and safely. When the
    medieval history of southern Italy, was to bring the boundary tempest arose in the Adriatic " above the vessel in which this
    between the ecclesiastical dominions of New Rome and Old miraculous image was hidden, an angel descended from heaven
    Rome into coincidence with the boundary between the Greek under the form of a young man of the greatest beauty, who
    and the Latin nationalities. I n other words, it laid the basis restored confidence to the terror-stricken crew, and seizing the
    of the distinction between the Greek and the Latin Churches. helm guided the vessel safe and 'sound into the port of Bari,
    The only part of the Empire in which the Pope now possessed on the first Tuesday in March."' The inhabitants of Bari
    authority was the exarchate, including Rome, Ravenna, and claim that they still possess this holy picture, now neayly two
    Venice. The geographical position of Naples, intermediate thousand years old. But the Greek inhabitants of Constantin-
    between Rome and the extremities of Italy, determined that l From the Synaxarion of the Greek Greek recolonisation of southern Italy
    its sympathies should be drawn in two directions ; in religious church of Bari, translated by Lenor- (as first demonstrated by M. Zambellis),
    mant, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 388. I am for many hints on the history of the
    indebted to this valuable book, which Calabiian and Bruttian towns.
    Gregory I11 sent three messengers to Leo, but they were all imprisoned. sets forth clearly the truth about the
    Theoph. 6225 A.M.
    CHAP. IV IMPERIAL ITAL Y IN EIGHTH CENTURY 449
    448 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE EOOK TI

    one with the Empire caused the other to drift more and more
    ople contend that they have the work of St. Luke, also
    away. The special mode, I conceive, in which this tendency
    miraculously preserved from the wrath of the iconoclasts, in a
    operated, was the exclusion of the Pope from all jurisdiction
    church of Blachernae.
    in the eastern part of the Empire ; his authority was confined
    This legend, as M. Lenormant elegantly remarks, may be
    to Latin-speaking districts. He was thus driven as it were
    taken " as a poetical symbol of the transplanting of Hellenism
    into the arms of the German powers, in whose dominions his
    to Italy by orthodox refugees." I n the eighth century it was
    authority was still accepted as supreme; whereas in the
    decided that central and northern Italy were to be Latinised
    Empire, with whose traditions his office was so closely asso-
    and pass out of the sphere of direct Greek influences, while
    ciated, his influence was practically inoperative, except in a
    southern Italy was to be Hellenised and detach itself in
    few provinces held by a precarious tenure, and the domains of
    religion, nationality, and language from the Latin and German
    the see of St. Peter had been confiscated by the temporal
    world. This change, which knitted the south portion of the
    power.
    peninsula more closely to the eastern Mediterranean, was
    Thus the great influx of Greeks, especially monks and
    rendered possible by the indirect and unintentional consequence
    priests, who were firmly attached to the Greek liturgy and
    of iconoclasm, the emigration of an immense number of monks
    forms of worship, explains the ease with which southern Italy
    and laymen, who hoped in the recesses of Calabria and Bruttii,
    was alienated from Old Rome. Leo, as I said, was judicious
    beyond the reach of Leo's arm, to be able to adore pictures
    enough not to attempt to enforce his iconoclastic edicts in
    and relics without fear. The number of orthodox Greeks-
    these regions, which seem to have enjoyed in the eighth cen-
    priests, monks, and laymen-who escaped from the East to
    tury an almost unique period of material prosperity combined
    southern Italy in the reigns of Leo and Constantine has been
    with spiritual peace, for which, however, a severe Nemesis in
    set at 50,000. I t was really, as has been pointed out, a new
    the shape of the " unnameable" Saracens was destined to
    Greek colonisation, which may be compared to the old Greek
    overtake them in the ninth.
    colonisation fourteen or fifteen hundred years before, and
    which explains such facts as that Squillace was a purely Latin
    town in the sixth century in the days of Cassiodorus, and a
    purely Greek town in the tenth century. Besides Bari, maay
    other towns, such as Barletta in Apulia, Otranto, Amalfi, and
    Salerno, pretend to possess old Greek pictures brought from
    the East by iconodulic refugees.
    The firm opposition which his religious reforms excited in
    the West prevented Leo, who was politically far-sighted, from
    pressing matters to extremes. He saw the danger of alienating
    the inhabitants in provinces, which without their co-operation
    niight at any moment become the prey of the king of the
    Lombards or of the duke of Beneventum. He also apprehended
    clearly that northern Italy and Rome were more alien to the
    rest of the Empire than were southern Italy and Sicily. Under
    these circumstances, his policy was to draw in the less alien
    districts still closer, and allow the rest to remain as they were.
    But it necessarily resulted that the closer connection of the
    Teutonic elements were, however, to be introduced by the Normans. VOL. 11
    CHAP. v CONSTANTINE V 451

    Minor in order to conduct a campaign against the Saracens,


    and pitched his camp at a place called Krasos in Phrygia. H e
    sent an order to Artavasdos, who with the Opsikian troops
    occupied the plain of Dorylaeum (near the borders of the Ana-
    bolic theme), to join him. Artavasdos, however, was already
    coming ; he had assumed imperial rank, and he put to death
    the Emperor's messenger BisQr, a patrician. Constantine had
    barely time to escape to Amorium in the Anatolic thenie,
    CHAPTEE V where he was sure of personal safety and a loyal reception.
    The Anatolic troops swore to fight to the death for him, and
    CONSTANTINE V ' were joined by the Thracesians nnder the command of
    Sisinnius.
    SOOSafter the death of Leo, which occurred on the 18th June Meanwhile Theophanesl Monatios (" One Ear"), who had
    '740; the elements of opposition to his government, which had been left by Constantine as a sort of viceroy at Eyzantium,
    smouldered during his lifetime, began to flame forth against his declared for Artavasdos, and a t his suggestion prozlaimed pub-
    son Constantine, who was imbued with his father's ideas and licly that Constantine was dead. Artavasdos mas accepted as
    inclined to carry them to further extremes. There were two the new Emperor, his son Nicephorus with the Thracian
    distinct interests involved, which became blended in a common army occupied the city, and the officials who remained loyal to
    feeling of hostility to the Isaurian dynasty, the interest of the the Isaurian family were displaced. The basis on which the
    aristocratic class who maintained the old quarrel with imperial usurper proposed to establish his power and secure popularity
    autocracy, and the interest of the orthodox friends of images. was the revival of picture-worship, and no time was lost in
    It was a favourable opportunity for an ambitious man to utilise restoring pictures in the chnrches. The Patriarch Anastasius
    the general discontent of large and iilfluential circles hefore is said to have deserted his iconoclastic colours and to
    the new sovereign had securely established himself on the have publicly asserted that Constantine did not believe in the
    throne. Nor was the opport~ulitylost. Artavasdos, who had divinity of Christ. Anastasius probably found it necessary to
    supported Leo at the time of his accession and married his temporise, but we must remember that his conduct is reported
    daughter Anna, was not deterred by the ties of relationship by writers who sympathised with his ecclesiastical opponents.
    from determining to oust his brother-in-law. He was count Constantiile advanced with his army to Chrysopolis (Scutari),
    of Opsikion, and had two sons to support him, Nicephorus and but no action took place, and he returned to Amorium, where
    Nicetas, of whom one held a command in Thrace, while the he wintered. I n the spring of 742 two battles were fought, in
    other was general of the Arlneniac theme. The Arlneniac both of which Constantine was victorious and displayed his
    troops were devoted to him ; but the Anatolic and Thracesian military sBill. He first defeated Artavasdos, who was devas-
    themes were faithful in their allegiance to the son of Leo. tating the Thracesian provinces, at Sardis ; and then marching
    It was in June '741 that Constantine crossed over to Asia in a north-easterly direction, met Nicetas, who was advancing
    with the Armeniac troops and Armenian auxiliarie~,~ and
    Our sources for this chapter are 2 Theoph. 6232 A.M. (T&~'Y?KE A&WY
    still Nicephorus and Theophanes. Ni- abv T@ + U ~ L K~( ?a rbv
    l U W ~ I ~ T L Ktkba-
    ~ Y routed him utterly at Modrine in the Bucellarian theme. H e
    cephorus' history deserts us at the year a r o v ) . The received dateis 741, which, next proceeded, supported by the Cibyraiot fleet, to besiege
    766. It seems to have been written if the indictions had not been tam-
    before the conquest of the Avars by pered with, would correspond to the ' This Theophanes is called by in praesenti still existed.
    Charles the Great in 796, cf. p. 34, uintll indiction ( r e s 0' ivc%xrrGvor). See the histolian Tl~eophanas,6233 A x . , They were commanded by Tiri-
    IIavvwviq TV v C v irrb 'Apdpors K E L ~ ~ V ~above,
    . p. 425. d y ~ a r p o v i~ rpoa&?rou, which shows dates, a cousin of Artavasdos.
    that the office of nzagister militurn
    454 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I CHAP. V CONSTANTINE V 455

    and the adjacent islands, spread throughout the whole of the four- Towards the end of '74'7 the violence of the disease abated.
    teenth indiction ('744-'74$), chastising the impious Constantine Constantinople mas depopulated after the black year, and while
    and restraining the mad violence against holy churches and orthodox enemies were making the most of the misfortune
    sacred pictures; yet he remained incorrigible, like Pharaoh of as a direct visitation on the iconoclasts, whom they regarded
    old. And this plague of bubo (swelling in the groin) reached as no better than Jews, Constantine began to take measures
    the imperial city in the fifteenth indiction ('745-746); and for repopulating the capital. For this purpose he transplanted
    then, suddenly and without visible cause, many crosses of olive fanlilies on a large scale from Greece and the islands to Con-
    oil began to appear on the garments of men and on the sacred stantinople. The effect of this act was to leave room in the
    cloths of the church (St. Sophia). Hence nlen were seized Greelc peninsula, already depopulated by the plague, for the
    with sorrow and great despondency, in perplexity at such a Slaves, who began to press southward in greater numbers than
    sign ; and the divine wrath, destroying and not sparing, over- ever, and complete the process of Slavising large districts of
    took not only the inhabitants of the city but those who dwelled Hellas and the Peloponnesus,l in which there was a consider-
    round about it. Moreover, many saw apparitions, and, having able Slavonic element already. Two tribes, called Ezerites
    fallen into ecstasy, they fancied that they were communing with and Melings, established themselves on Mount Taygetus, and
    certain strange, as it seemed, and hideous faces, and that they long remained independent.
    addressed them as friends and discoursed with the~n,and noting The question suggests itself, how far the Slaves who had
    what they said, declared it unto others. And they saw the samE been settling in Greece as early as the second half of the sixth
    forms entering their houses and slaying some of the household, century were interfused with the native Greek population. On
    and wounding others with swords. Rut most of the things which this subject we have little or no evidence, but we may be
    the forms told them fell out, as they afterwards beheld. 1 Our authority is t h e celebrated yapaobo- is not Greek, and from the cou-
    notice of Colistantine Porphyrogennetos text we might be inclined to conclude
    " And in the spring of the first indiction (7'47') the pesti- (de Them. ii. 61, PuBha/3dBq 66 7riua that it contains some special Slavonic
    lence spread to a greater extent, and in summer its flame + ~ d p a~ a y6yove
    i /3dppapos, of which allusion. I conjecture that tlie
    Fallrnernyer made so much for his Slav- Greeks applied the term rapaabor or
    culminated to such a height that whole houses were entirely onic theory. Wt. know not what basis Papa<or to tlie inhabitants of Slavonic
    shut up, and those on whom the office devolved could not bury Constantine had for his statement, but town-settlements-"men of a g i m d "
    there is no reason t o doubt i t ; and it (or town). This Slavonic word (Church.
    their dead. I11 the embarrassillent of the circumstances, the is quite impossible to explain away (as Slav. grad, Russ. gdrod) is familiar from
    plan was conceived of carrying out the dead on saddled animals, BI. Sathas and others have attempted such names as Novgorod, Bclgrad. The
    to do) the word iu@ha/336'q. The pro- use of the 13-ord by the Slaves who
    on whose backs were placed frameworks of planks. I n the nunciation Sthlaves was a Greek soften- settled in Greece is proved by three
    same way they placed the corpses above one another in waggons. ing of Sclaves. Bnt a t the same time towns called Gardiki in Greece, one in
    -- ~ i u amust not be pressed, i t is evi- hlessenia and two in Thessaly. Gal-
    And when all the burying-grounds in the city and suburbs had dently an exaqgeration ; and we must diki is a diminutive form, cf. Itnss.
    been filled, and also the dry cisterns and tanks, and very many not, with Fallmerayer, draw any con- gororldk. rapaubor was probably applied
    C ~ U S ~ J ~as
    I S to the large towns, which to the Slaves of some special gHrad (or
    vineyards had been dug up, the gardens too within the old walls continued to be Hellenic. Constantine gardiki), well known to the contempor-
    illustrates his assertioil by a witticism kries of Constantine VII. According
    were used for the purpose of burying human bodies, and even of the grammarian Euphemius (in the t o ' t h i s conjecture we might translate
    thus the need was hardly met." tenth centnry), who described the face the verse,
    of Nicetas, a conceited Peloponnesian,
    " A Slavonised and Garaditish face."
    inde n~~rr~gantes venerunt ultra mare ever, discredits the statemrnt, and em- as yapau8oer8-rjsB+rs 6uBAapwpBvq. Hopf
    Adriaticum ad urbem Blonafasiam in phasises the geographical ignorance of explains yapau80~~67)s as " cunning" The numerous Slavonic names of places
    Slavinica terra, et inde wavigantes i n the antlioress. But we have seen t h a t (versehmitstes, Gr. Cesch. p. 96) ; Ban- in ~iiodernGreece are an important con-
    inst~lamnomine Choo dimittebaat Corin- there is no reason to assume t h a t there duri rendered i t by yspovrocr67)s ; while firmation of Constantine's assertion ;
    thios insinistra parte. The journey of were not considerable Slavonic settle- Finlay emencted it to ya6apoer6-rjs, "ass- they have been treated of in the essay
    St. Wilibald to the East took place be- ments in the Peloponnesus as early as like " (ii. 11. 305). But tlie emendation, of Milrlosich, Die slnvischen Elemenle
    tween 723 and 728, so i t would appear the seventh century (see the statement though ingenious, carries no conviction ; int Neugriechisehcn. I may add t h a t onr
    that a t that time the Slaves dwelled in of Isidore, above, p. 280). Hopf in t h e why shonld the intelligible ya6apo- English Slavonic scholar Mr. hlorfill
    the Peloponnesns, though of course they Graeco-Slavonic controversy is almost (mod. Gk. yai6apos=ass) have become holds the view t h a t Greece was Slavised,
    did not hold Monemhasia. Hopf, how- as much an advocate as Fallmerayer. the difEcn!t yapau6o- ? It is clear t h a t see Early Slavonic Literature.
    456 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAfV EMPIRE BOOK VI CHAP. V CONS TAAG"YA?E I' 45'4

    justified in speculating that the infusion took place rapidly, character. The removal of the Greeks from Greece cut off the
    and that the Slaves who settled in Greece between the dates dim survivals of the ancient Hellenic spirit; the depopulation
    570 and 640 were gradually and easily converted to Chris- of partly-Roman New Rome cut off the dim scrvivals of the
    tianity. It is at least remarkable that we hear of no intestine ancient Roman spirit. All the elements that define the Middle
    conflicts in Greece, nor yet of a mission for the conversion of Ages operated henceforward unstifled and unmodified. I n the
    the Slavonic settlers there. It is inviting to compare the middle of the sixth century, the time of the plague in Justinian's
    infusion of the Slaves with the Greeks to the speedy amalga- reign, we left the ancient world and entered the outer gate of the
    mation of the Danes, who invaded England in the ninth cen- medieval city1; in the reign of Heraclius, after the conquest of
    tury, with the Angles. " The Danish Odo, Oskytel, and Oswald Persia, we passed an inner gate2; but the innermost gate is
    were archbishops in less than a century after Halfdane had not reached till the eighth century; and the plapue in the
    divided Northumbria "l; and just in the same way the Slav- reign of Constantine marks the new departure. The ninth
    onian Nicetas became Patriarch of New Rome in the reign of century and the twelfth are far more homogeneous than the
    Constantine V. We may pursue the parallel further, and com- sixth and the eighth.
    pare the later Danish migrations of the eleventh century to the
    later Slavonic migration of the eighth century, of which we Neither Constantine nor his father Leo took pains to com-
    have just spoken. I t was against these new immigrants, not memorate their reigns by costly buildings, as did other less
    yet amalgamated with the inhabitants, that the expedition of patriotic Emperors when the public purse could hut ill afford the
    Stauracius was directed in 783. expense. Constantine, however, executed one solid and useful
    Thus the plague was fruitful in far-reaching changes. On public work. The aqueduct of Valens had been destroyed by
    the one hand, an immense number of the inhabitants of Greece, the Avars when they besieged Constantinople in the reign
    who kept up many old Hellenic traditions, were either exter- of Heraclius, and had never been restored since. The conse-
    minated or transferred to a new place, where they came under quence was that the city was not well supplied with water,
    new influences. On the other hand, a vast portion of the and when there was a drought in 5'66, the want of a duct
    inhabitants of Byzantium, who maintained a certain Roman to bring water from the hills was painfully felt. The Em-
    character and many Roman traditions amid all their half- peror immediately set about the restoration of the old aqueduct,
    Hellenic half-oriental ways, had been carried off by the plague, which involved a large outlay. H e collected skilled workmen
    and were replaced by pure Greeks who had not inherited the from various parts of the Empire : a thousand masons and two
    effects of Itoman influence, but, on the other hand, had been thousand plasterers or cement-workers from Pontus and from
    affected by intercourse with the Slaves. A double process Asia (that is, the western coast lands of Asia Minor) ; five
    went on in Byzantium ; the new Greek settlers were Byzan- thousand labourers and two hundred potters from Thrace ; five
    tinised, and at the same time Byzantium was Hellenised more hundred ostralcarioi or pottery-workers from Greece and the
    completely than before. This was an important step in the Aegean island^.^
    direction of becoming a Greek nationality, to which goal the Constantine was said to be avaricious, and one writer calls
    Roman Empire was steadily tending. him a " Christ-hating new Midas." This accusation seems
    But we must especially emphasise the fact that these
    See vol. i. p. 399. Both ~epaporroroi and durpa~&pror
    changes mark the final separation of the Empire from the See above, p. 246. I t map be mean potters. The latter, I suppose,
    ancient world and its assumption of a completely medieval well to state that I use the conven- made the earthenware pipes (which
    tional terms ancient, medieval, and Vitruvius considered better than leaden,
    Stubbs, Constitutional History, i. p. the position of Belisarius, if I am right mocZernas a convenientway of marking as the water that passed was purer),
    219. The rapid amalgamation of Slav- in interpreting his name as Slavonic certain broad distinctions, but without and the former were the brickmakers.
    onic settlers in more northern regions (White Dawn). attaching any intrinsic value to arbi- See Theophanes, 6258 A.M. = 765-
    of the Illyric peninsula is indicated by trary lines of division. 766.
    458 HISTOR Y OF THE LA T ' RROMAN EMPIRE BOOK VI CHAP. V CONSTANTINE V

    to be chiefly founded on a curious and uujlistifiable economic


    measure, which, whether designedly or not, had the effect of
    benefiting the non-productive portion of the comnlunity at the
    expense of the productive. He withheld the imperial revenue
    from circulation, and this at once cheapened all articles of
    -
    food. The farmers and corn-growers were forced to sell their
    products at absurdly sm:.21 prices ; so that the money received
    was hardly suflicient to -pay- the taxes, which were llot dimin-
    ished and were exacted in coin. Meanwhile the non-agricul-
    tural classes, the buyers, were jubilant, attributing the !ow
    prices to plenteous crops, instead of to the true cause, scarcity
    of the medium of exchange. This affair is an interesting para-
    graph in the history of political eco11omy.l
    Coilstantine married-three times. By his first wife, Irene,
    the daughter of the khan of the Ichazars, he had one son Leo
    (nicknamed " the Khazar "), who succeecied him. His second
    wife, Maria, died childless iu 75 1. He then married Eudocia,
    who bore him five sons, Christophorns, Nicephorus, Nicetas,
    Anthimus, and Eudocimus. The eldest son, Leo, married an
    accoinplished and ambitious Athenian lady named Irene in
    768. The second and third sons were raised to the rank of
    Caesar and the fourth and fifth to the rank of nobilissiinus in
    7 6 8 ; the youngest, Eudocimus, was not made a nohilissimns
    until the reign of his half-brother Leo.2
    On the great wealth of society a t was distinguished for her benevolence
    this period,see Finlay, ii. 213. Onr direct and piety ; she is said to have founded
    evidence for the amount of specie in cir- one of the first orphan asylnn~sestab-
    ci~lationin the Roman Empire concerns lislled in the christian world ; and her
    the reign of Theophilns rather than the orthodox devotion to pictures obtained
    eighth century; but it is certain t h a t for her a place among the saints of the
    the Empire kept the west of Europe Greek Church, a n honour granted also
    supplied with gold coins. to her godmother and teacher " (Finlay,
    Coilstantine had a daughter named ii. p. 68). The intimate relations of
    Anthusa by his third wife. She was the nun Anthusa to the imperial family
    called after a nun, a friend and prot6g6e shows Constantine's domestic rnild-
    of her mother. '' The princess Anthusa ness.
    which find a fitter place in works on ecclesiastical history ; our
    attention is directed rather to the general spirit of the rational-
    istic movement.
    Constantine not only condemned picture-worship and hated
    rnonachism, but his orthodoxy in theological doctrine was
    extremely doubtful, and in some respects his moral principles
    were decidedly far from austere. Thereby he laid 1;imself open
    to the attacks of his opponents, who made him out to be
    almost a pagrtn in creed and a Minotaur or a Cyclops in
    CHAPTER VI mauners.
    The stories that are told to illustrate his tendency to Nes-
    ICONOCLASTIC POLICY OF CONSTANTINE ' torianism, or even to Arianism, have probably a basis of fact,
    and both Leo and Constantine may have been secretly inclined
    CONSTANTINE was an apt pupil of his father Leo in the lessons to a unitarian system as a purer form of religion. I n any
    of autocratic government and the assertion of imperial supre- case, Constantine won the reputation of being addicted to free
    macy in ecclesiastical affairs. But in the matter of iconoclasm theological speculation. H e forbade the prefixion of the epithet
    his little finger was thicker than his father's loins, and he saint to the names of men ; he would not permit any one to
    detested so intensely the superstition and stupidity which speak of St. Peter, but only of the apostle Peter. He ban-
    were fostered by the monks that he ended by persecuting tered his courtiers unsparingly when they displayed traits of
    them with a sort of passionate bitterness. As monasticism superstition or an inclination to practise austerities, which he
    was one of the most radical elements of medieval Christendom, deemed unjustified by reason. If one of his nobles slipped
    Constantine's opposition may appear vain and untimely2; and fell in his presence and happened to employ such an
    nevertheless, he was not altogether beating the air. For, expression as "Virgin, help me," he was exposed to the
    although persecution is always impolitic, the attitude of the Emperor's smiles or sneers. If a minister was in the habit
    iconoclasts was the expression of a new and healthy spirit, and of attending church services with a pious and punctilious
    we should not blame them much if they fell into the error of regularity, or complied with such a custom as the keeping
    intolerance, whose entire eradication can be looked for only of a sacred vigil, the Emperor laughed him to scorn. Even
    after a long education of the human race. And when we read an over-scrupulous care in avoiding profane language was
    the accounts of the persecutions we must remember that they held up to ridicule by this enemy of all that savoured of
    emanate from Constantine's opponents, and that no sources superstition.
    written in the iconoclastic interest are extant. I t will not be Constantine recoiled in horror from the austerity as well as
    necessary to enter here into the details of the "martyrdoms," from the superstition of monasticism, and he held a merry,
    perhaps ribald court, which gave his enemies welcome mate-
    For this chapter my chief Greek in the Cod. Reg. 2428-a codex
    authorities are the Chronography of written by Leo Cinnamus i n the rial for charges against him. His palace was the scene of
    Theophanes ; the Acts of the seventh year sqn8'=6784, who transcribed it banqueting, music, and dancing; he was not prudish in con-
    Ecumenical (second Nicene) Council, from a codex written in softf= 6267
    Mansi, vols. xii. and xiii. ; the Life of (517 years before)=758 A.D. Mignr versation; he was fond of the companionship of handsome
    St. Andreas of Crete (Acta Sanctonrm, has included this in his edition of John young men. His ecc!esiastical opponents circulated mysterious
    Oct. viii.); Vita Stephani Junioris (pub- Damascenus.
    lished 1688 A.D. in the Analecta Graeca I shall point out further on that stories of secret orgies; and a tale was told, which may be
    of the Benedictines). A pamphlet Constantine's policy was actuated by true or false, that a youth named Strategius, whose intinlacy
    against Constantine Y, falsely ascribed economic motives as well as by hatred
    to John of Damascus, is contained of superstition. Constantine courted with peculiar ardour, communicated the
    caAP.vl ICONOCLASTZCPOLZCYOF CONSTANTINE 463
    462 HZSTOX Y OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIh'E BOOK VI

    but was not attended by representatives from Rome,


    dangerous secret to a third person, and was on that account
    Alexandria, Antioch, or Jerusalem, so that it had no just claim
    put to death by the Emper0r.l
    to be styled ecumenica1.l The Patriarch Anastasius had died
    Both Leo and Constantine, while they deprived the people
    of a foul disease in the preceding year, and as no one had been
    of sacred pictures, desired to substitute other things, not for
    elected in his place, Theodosius, bishop of Ephesus and son of
    their edification, but rather for their amusement. Pope
    Emperor Apsimar, presided at the council. Soon after-
    Gregory accused Leo of endeavouring to replace images2 by
    w a r d ~the patriarchal chair v a s filled by Constantinos, bishop
    harps, cymbals, and flutes, as means of popular enjoyment;
    perhaps Leo organised public concerts. Constantine was fond of Sylaeum, who was presented to the people in the church at
    Blachernae by the Emperor himself, with the words, "Long
    of music ; the attention which he paid to harp-playing is one
    of the charges brought against him; and it was he who sent live the ecumenical Patriarch." A few days afterwards, ac-
    companied by the new Patriarch and the bishop of Ephesus,
    to Pipin the first " organ " that ever reached western Europe.
    Constantine declared aloud his heretical doctrine in the Augus-
    Theatrical entertainments, to which the Quinisext Synod had
    teum (Forum of Constantine).
    assumed an uncompromisingly hostile attitude, were in favour
    After the synod, coercive measures were taken to carry out
    with the iconoclasts ; nor did their reprobation of sacred and
    its resolutions. I t mould seem that for almost ten years after
    seductive pictures by any means imply hostility to the art of
    Constantine's victory over Artavasdos he had abstained from
    painting as an art. For example, when the walls of St. Maria
    active proceedings against the adoration of pictures, waiting
    in Blachernae were strippad (after the synod of '753 A.D.) of
    until he should feel himself securely established on the throne,
    pictures which illustrated the history of Christ, they were
    and that consequently the churches which Leo had purified
    covered instead with paintings of landscapes,-trees and birds
    were once more adorned with sacred paintings and images.
    and fruits. How beautiful such ornanlentation may have been
    The monks, moreover, had taken advantage of the lull to pro-
    we can fancy from the exquisite mosaics preserved in the
    pagate the orthodox doctrine and encourage the forbidden
    church of St. George at Salonica; but the author of the X v e
    practices ; nor did they cease after the synod to agitate against
    of Stephanus describes St. Maria as transformed into an aviary
    and a fruit market. The Patriarch's palace was adorned with the Emperor and the Patriarch. But for several years wars
    and other affairs prevented Constantine from pushing coercion
    " Satanic " representations of hunting scenes, horse-races, and
    to extremes and suppressing by violent measures the refractory
    similar subjects. Hence we cannot take literally the con-
    monlts who, from the aspect of Caesaropapism, were no better
    demnations of painting in itself which are recorded to have
    than rebels.
    been uttered by the synod of '753.
    But in '761 the persecution began, and among the many
    This synod, which condemned image-worship as contrary to
    morlks who were put to death or maltreated six stand out
    Christianity, was held at Constantinople, and consisted of 338
    conspicuously, as the Greek Church commemorates the anni-
    Constantine has been accused, breathed upon by the most virulent of
    anlong other things, of intercourse
    with demons, of delighting in effemi-
    his foes.
    2 See above, p. 443.
    ' I n the preceding year preparatory divine, is ( i ~ a ~ d h v ~ r oincomprehen-
    s,
    Synods were held in the provinces. The sible, and d~eplypa@os, not circurnscrib-
    nate l>ractices (palarial), and of a 3 For example, John of Damascus, in
    Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and able, and therefore must not be repre-
    strange hankering after the excrement a letter to Constantine V, mentioned Jerusalem declared themselves i n sented circumscribed by the limits of a
    of horses (whence, i t is said, he was several of that Emperor's followers as favour of image-worship. Notwith- figure in space; the latter (to which
    called "Kaballinos"). I n regard to Con- fond of theatrical shows, as we are standing the fact that the see of Con. this reasoning would not apply), be-
    stantine's character, i t is as stupid of told in the Vita Stephani Junioris. stantinople stood alone, the council of cause all images and idols in religious
    Walch, his admirer, to make hazardous He called the iconoclastic bisho s 753 styled itself the seventh Ecumeni- worship savoured of heathen usage. It
    assertions about his chastity as i t is s p a ~ p b @ ~ o v;a r%e
    ~ o ~ h ~ o ~ o u hreo urai cal Council. I t condemned images of must be specially noted that the synod
    irrelevant of his detractors to dwell on called Constantine himself aipeuX~X? (1) Christ and images of the saints on enjoined that rich churches were not to
    the statements that impugn his moral- Kal MdpoO E ~ K O V O K ~ ~ ; UT TE ~KY( L ~P L U ~ Y L O V . differentgrounds ; the former (and here be plundered or injured on the pretence
    ity in sexual relations. I t is well The reading alpeuxeh? is uncertain ; i t is we see the approximation to monophysi- of iconoclasm.
    worthy of note that in this respect the rendered in thc Latin translation hnere- tism), because Christ's nature being
    fame of Leo 111 has not been even ticum blateronem, as if a i p ~ u ~ p ~ u ~ E h +
    464 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAAr EMPIRE BOOK V I CHAP. VI I C O N O C L A S T I C P O L I C Y OF C O N S T A N T I N E 465

    versaries of their martyrdoms. Peter Kalybites; who had At all events, the Emperor's representations of the matter in
    called Constantine a new Valens and a new Julian,-he prob- Constantinople created a current of popular excitement against
    ably detested an Arian even more than a pagan,-was flogged the nionks, and Constantine no longer hesitated to send
    to death in the circus of St. Mamas in Blachernae on the 16th soldiers to Mount Auxentius with orders to pull down the
    of May. John of hfonapia suffered two months later. The lllonastery and the chu~ch,xvhich were built at a lower point
    year '766 mas signalised by the executions of Paul of Crete on the rnountain than the cell of the abbot: to disperse all the
    and Andreas of Crete. Another Paul underwent martyrdom monks, and to conduct Stephanus to the island of Proconnesus.
    in 7 7 1 (8th July). But of all the victims the most celebrated He mas allowed to remain there in exile for a space of two
    bnd influential was the abbot Stephanus, whose death is com- years, but as crowds of inonks congregated to him and he con-
    memorated on the 2 8th day of November ; the year in which tinued to preach the doctrine of image-worship with unflagging
    he suffered cannot be fixed with positive certainty, as the energy, he was at length removed in fetters to Constantinople
    statements of our authorities are contradictory. Stephanus (764) and flung into the praetorian prison ( p m e t o ~ i u n with
    ~)
    lived the austere life of an anchoret in a cell on Mount 342 monks, who were condeilined to suffer various penalties
    ,4uxentius in Bithynia, and when Constantine began (about ancl indignities-some losing their eyes, some having their
    the year 76 0 or 76 1) to suppress monks and monasteries, not ears or noses slit, while the beards of others mere tarred and
    only the monks of Bithynia, but those of Constantinople and burnt. Stephanus was condemned to death, and stoned or
    the country ronnd about, betook themselves to the secluded hewed to pieces in the street."
    mountain and lived under the guidance of the abbot. I t was Soon after he had removed from his way the zealous anrl
    said that false witnesses were suborned by the Emperor to noxious Stephanus, the Emperor adopted the measure of exact-
    bring charges against this powerful opponent, and that a noble ing an oath from all his subjects that they would not worship
    widow, Anna, the spiritual daughter of Stephanus, was accused pictures. About the same time he induced the Patriarch
    by her slave of having indulged in carnal conversation with Constantinos to reiax the severity of manners affected by
    the abbot, and was whipped in the vain hope of extorting a ecclesiastics, to abandon the habit of eschewing meat, to join
    confession (about September 762). When this charge failed, in good fellowship at the imperial table, and to assist at
    Stephanus was accused of having transgressed the Emperor's musical entertainments. The Patriarch thus became, in the
    edict that no monk should take in a novice, and of having tried to eyes of the monks, no better than a worldly reveller.
    seduce a young court page into embracing monastic life under his When he had returned from his unfortunate expedition
    guidance. Of course the biographer of the martyr represents against Bulgaria (7 6 5), Constantine entertained the populace
    this charge as false, but we cannot accept his colouring of the and held the inonks up to ridicule by a curious exhibition.
    story without reservation, and must regard it as at least quite He caused a large number of nionks to walk up and down the
    possible that the complaints of the page had some foundation2 hippodrome, each holding a harlot, or, according to some
    1 Theophanes erroneously calls him to 6258 A.M. and partly to 6259 A.M. accounts, a nun, by the hand, spat upon and jeered by all the
    Andreas Kalybites, while conversely he The charges against Stephanus people. As for the monasteries, which were numerous, he
    calls Andreas of Crete Peter Stylites. (according to the Patriarch Nice-
    See the article of the Bollandists, " de phorus) were that " he deceives many, had either caused them to be pulled down, as those of Calli-
    Andrea Cretensi dicto in crisi," Acta teaching them to despise present glory
    Sanctorum, Oct. vol. viii. (1853). and houses and kindred, and to leave
    the imperial court and adopt the
    ' The cell uas situated under the ~aXou~dvors~ci+ois7 0 v II~Xaylow(p. 72,
    John, the abbot of Monagria, is com- highest peak of the mountain. ed. de Boor) and in another place
    memorated on 4th June ; Paul of Crete monastic life" ; and Nicephoms, so The body of Stephanus was thrown (y 75) TOGS TGV 1 I ~ X a y i w~~a ~ o w p b v o u s
    on 17th March; Andreas of Crete on far from hinting that the charges are into a place called "the tombs of ra@ows (so Theoph. p. 674). I arn
    20thOctober. HefeleandtheBollandists false, considers the alleged conduct part Pelagius " (or Pelagioi), where pagans inclined to think that the original
    place the martyrdom of the two last in of the monk's piety. Stephanus' pro- and suicides were buried. The exact name was r i II~Xaylou, and that i t
    767. According to my chronology the selytising habits were just what made name i5 not clear, for the MSS. of afterwards became corrupted to the
    date is 760, which corresponds partly him so obnoxious to the Emperor. Nicephorus in one place read i v 70% piural.
    VOL I1 2H
    466 HISTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAAT EMPIRE BOOK VI
    CHAP. V I ICONOCLASTIC POLICY OF CONSTANTINE 467
    stratus and Dion, or converted them into barracks for soldiers sterility and inactivity, saving as they thought their own
    like that of Dalmatus. souls, utterly regardless of the State. The progress of this
    Hitherto the campaign against monachism had been chiefly individualism was fraught with peril for the Empire, which
    confined to Byzantium and regions in the vicinity on either was always surrounded by enemies and needed the active
    side of the Propontis ; but in '766 Constantine appointed co-operation of every subject for its preservation ; and I believe
    staunch and unflinching iconoclasts, men after his own heart, to that this was one of the deepest causes which led to the
    governorships in the Asiatic provinces, and commanded them decline of the Eastern Empire. For after the iconoclastic
    to abolish pictures and coerce monks. Michael Lachano- movement had died out, the monastic spirit increased more
    drakon was made governor of the Thracesian, Michael of and more, and almost every man who was in receipt of a
    Melissene of the Anatolic, and Manes of the Eucellarian respectable income saved money in order to endow a monastery
    theme. Who can describe, cries the chronicler, the evils before he died; while i t was a common occurrence that
    which these men did in the provinces? But we hear no ministers or governors embraced the spiritual life ere they
    details until the end of the year '169 or the beginning of '7'70,
    had passed their prime.
    when Lachanodrakon assembled all the monks and nuns of Constantine V could not be blind to this aspect of the
    the Thracesian theme in a plain called Tzukanisterion ("Polo- monastic system, nor could he fail to see that it siood in direct
    ground "), and bade them immediately marry under pain of antagonism to the interests of the State. It IS recorded that
    being transported to Cyprus. Many, most probably, yielded, he always became angry if he heard that any of his courtiers
    but some chose the penalty. Subsequently the same governor or officers entertained the intention of retiring to a cloister ;
    attacked the monasteries, committed all the patristic books, and the statement not only indicates the Emperor's attitude
    monastic manuals, and sacred relics to the flames, and sent to but also illustrates the fact that persons of rank frequently
    the Emperor a welcome sum of money obtained by selling sought the seclusion of cells. The measure of compelling
    the costly consecrated vessels. The Emperor wrote him a monks to marry proves, I think, that a desire to redress the
    letter of warm thanks, and said, " I have found a man after evil of depopulation, as well as the motive of eradicating
    my own heart." Not a monk was left in the Thracesian theme, superstition, determined Constantine's policy. I t may be
    and it is said that Lachanodrakon anointed the beards of some added that the enormous ravages which the great pestilence
    with a mixture of oil and wax and set fire to them ; but these made among the inhabitants of the Empire rendered the
    are the stories of opponents. population question more important and pressing than ever.
    I may here draw attention to another aspect of Constan- If we once realise that not merely ecclesiastical differences of
    tine's war against the monks, and point out that economical opinion, but social and political problems of the greatest
    considerations as well as the desire of uprooting superstition magnitude, were involved in Constantine's conflict with
    evidently influenced his policy. I n a society where the monasticism, we shall be more able to comprehend and ready
    danger was depopulation, not over-population, the monastic to make allowances for the unrelenting severity with which he
    system was distinctly an evil. A few monasteries scattered suppressed men like Stephanus, who, though personally amiable
    here and there might have been not only innocuous but highly and well-meaning, exerted all their power and influence to
    beneficial; but in the Roman Empire cloisters multiplied maintain a system which, as he plainly saw, was undermining
    every year, and a sort of mania seems to have seized the and ruining thet%mpire? One might almost say that the
    wealthier classes in the eighth century to found monasteries
    and retire to their seclusion. The consequence was that an ' In regard to the method adopted able that he put into practice the
    by Constantine in secularising the charistic system, which was so notable
    unduly large proportion of the population, men who should lands of monasteries and religious afeature in the eleventh century. At all
    have been productive and reproductive citizens, led a life of houses, we have no certain historical events, i t is well worthy of notice that
    evidence; but it seems at least prob- John, a Patriarch of Antioch, in his
    4G8 HISTORY OF THE LA TER RO111A~'v'EMPIRE HOOK VI CHAP. V I ICONOCLASTIC POLICY O F COA7STANT(nrE 469

    spirit of Constantiae's policy anticipated the famous paradox tillosl was suspected of being an accomplice; or else the
    of Gibbon that the virtues of the clergy are more dangerous Elllperor was angry with him for some other reason, ancl
    to society than their vices. frnlned ag,zinst him a false charge of participation in tlie con-
    spiracy. The historians say that some of his own servants
    mere sl~borlled to declare that their mastcr had coiiferred
    Eefore coilcluding this chapter I must mention the fate of treasonably with Podopagurns. Accordingly Coiistantinos \+-as
    the Patriarch Constantinos, of which the causes are somewhat banished to Hieria, and Nicetas, a Slavoniaii and of course an
    obscure. A conspiracy was formed against Constantine in ico1ioclast, was elected in his stead. A year later (Gth October
    August '7 6 5, shortly after his disastrous expedition to Bulgaria, 7 6 6 ) Coilstantinos, who hacl in the meantime been transferred
    by a number of men of high rank, including Antiochus, who from Hieria to Prince's island, mas brought to Constantinople.
    llad filled the posts of governor of Sicily and logothete of the He was first beaten so severely that he coulci not walk, ancl
    course l ; Constantine Podopagurus, who was in office as logo-
    then carried in a litter to St. Sophia, where an imperial secre-
    tliete of t.he course, and his brother Strategius, the domesticus tary read out a list of the accGsations which had been pre-
    of the imperial guards; David, count of Opsilcion ; Theo- ferred against him, accompanying the recitation of each iten1
    phylactus, governor of Thrace. Constantine and Stmtegius
    with a blow in the face, to the delectation of the new Patriarch
    mere beheaded, others were blinded. But the most remarl<- Nicetas, who looked on. H e was then beaten backwards out
    able circmastance was that the iconoclastic I'atriarch Constan-
    of the church ; and on the following day, sitting on an ass,
    Orntio i?z do?irctio?zes ?itonnsterion~?~t(imperial gifts, resumable a t pleasure) with his face turned to its tail, was exposed in the hippodrome
    Lnicis fr~ctos,trace3 this system to the of the eleventhcentury are the analognes to the spits aud nioclis of the people. H e was beheaded in
    iconoclastic Emperors, especially Con- of one form of the wester11 bencgficia;
    stantine V. (Set Cotelerius, Ecc1esicr.e and we have proofs that the other form the IZynegion, his head was exposecl in the Milion, and his
    Grrccccie ili'olzzone?ltn, i. 168, 169). The of benefice also existed at the beginning body was dragged by ropes along the streets to "the place of
    charisfie system, as i t may be callecl, of the tenth century. Poor landowners
    corresponded to the benefice system of g?ve ( r p 6 ~ q6wpeBs) ~ their property to Pelagius," the barathruill of Byzantinni.
    the \Test, and consisted in making over rlcher lords for the sake of the protection Unfortunately me Bnow nothing of the crimes or niisde-
    K G E , and patronage of the latter, as we learn
    lands as a present, 61A X ~ ~ L U T Lwith-
    out any coutract or written conditions. from constitutions of Romanns. I n meanours which tlie imperial secretary read in the solea of St.
    The lands were consecluently not alien- this practice tliere were the germs of a
    ated, and if the charistikiar (as tlie 111ild feudalism, and i t is interesting to Sophia, and i t is not a little surprising to find the Emperor
    receiver of the benefice was called) did observe that the Emperors endeavoured treating thus an iconoclastic Patriarch, whom he had at first
    not satisfy tlie possessor or fulfil his to counteract the tendency. The es-
    verbal conditions, the possessor might pression Gwped, which is also applied. to regarded with marked favour. If I may hazard a conjectnre,
    resume possession when he liked. This the charistic custom, leads Skabalono- perhaps Constantinos, while he agreed with the Emperor in his
    practice~~as very common in theeleventh vitch (p. 262) to bring the two customs
    centnry in the case of nlonasteries, but into close connection. The second form hatred of image-worship, did not agree with him in his hatred
    tliere is no evidence that i t was em- of benefices in the West may be traced of monks, and did not approve of his thoroughgoing policy,
    ployed in the case of secular landed back to the patrocinin iiznjorz~?izof
    property. 31. Skabalonovitch gives a Salvian, but i t xvould be hazardous to which aimed at the extirpation of the monastic system. I am
    long and interesting acconnt of the argue that the custom was prevalent in inclined to think that in this respect the iconoclastic clergy
    system in his Yisantyskoe Gosz~darst2;o the East before the ninth century. The
    i Tserkov v xi. Eke', p. 253 sqq. two forms are explained by Stubbs, were not at one with the supporters of Constailtine's policy
    He identifies this system with the Constitutio7w1 History, i. 275. The against monachism, and that this diKerence may have occasioned
    system of bcneficia or precaria Owe- other element of feudalism, comme?zda-
    kanto-beneJitsial?zayasistemn), of whose tion, "may have had a Gallic or Celtic a breach between the Patriarch and the Emperor.
    existence in the fifth century we have origin " (ib. 2-76) ; i t never appeared
    evidence in Salvian and the Code of in the East. I t need hardly be said Likc Finlay, I call this Constantine Constrcntin,os to distinguish him from
    Jnstinian, and which was in full force that Byzantine centralisation never the Enll~eror.
    in Gaul under the hlerovingians. permitted anythiug like " grants of
    Among the Franks the two chief immunity."
    sources of feudalism were ( 1 ) benefices 1 XOYOB.!T~E 700 Bpbpou, who superin-
    of two kinds, and (2) commendations. tended the cursus publicus. See post,
    The charistic system and the ~pbvotar p. 471.
    CHAP. 1'11 fiULGd RIA 47 1

    historian, the Bulgarians devastated Tlirace up to the Long


    Wall, but were the11 attacked and routed by the Emperor l ;
    according to another, they returned to their country ui~harmed.~
    I n '758 Constantine proceeded to Macedonia to reduce the
    Slaves, whose numbers in those regions had considerably in-
    creased of late. I n consequence of the ravages of the plague,
    there had been a very large migration of families from northern
    Greece and the Peloponnesus to Constantinople ; and this
    evacuation had left room for the Slaves to press southwards,
    C H A P T E R VII ~vllere they were fast gaining ground. The Sclavinias, as the
    settlements in Macedonia and Thessaly were called, were
    BULGARIA nominally tributary to the Emperor, but they were ever
    ready to throw off the yoke, and it was not always easy for
    THE Bulgarian monarch Terbel, who had restored Justinian I1 the Emperors, occupied by Saracen or Bulgarian wars, to
    to the throne, and in return for that service obtained the rank reduce them to subn~ission. Constantine subjugated "the
    of a Roman Caesar, who had afterwards attacked the Saracens Sclavinias," and made prisoners of the refractory.
    as they besieged Constantinople, and in the followiiig year In the following year he headed an expedition against
    espoused for a moment the cause of the ex-Emperor Anastasius, Bulgaria; but when he arrived at the pass of Bedgaba, some-
    died in 720, after a reign of twenty years, clnring which the where between Anchialus and Varna, he was met by the
    Bulgarian kingdom had been on ternls of almost unbrolien enemy, and experienced a defeat, which was fatal to two im-
    peace with the Roman Empire.l Forty-three years passed, portant ministers, the general of the Thracesian theme and the
    (luring which two princes, both fameless and one nameless, master-general of the post (logothete of the c ~ u r s e ) . ~Three
    ruled the Bulgarians ; then in 753 Kormisos" usurped the years later we find that Kormisos is no longer king, that the
    royal power, and a period of disturbances set in. Bulgarians have revolted and set up Teletz (Teletzes), a man
    As the Bulgarians were in the habit of making inroads on of a bold, and some said bad, disposition. The domestic dis-
    Thrace, Constantine took measures to secure the frontier by cord that prevailed at this time induced an immense number
    establishing strong fortresses, and planting, as settlers in the of Slaves, two hundred and eight thousand, to leave Bulgaria.
    northern parts of Thrace, the Syrian and Armenian inhabitants They fled in their boats on the Euxine to the shelter of the
    of towns in Asia, which he conquered from the Saracens. At Iioman Empire, and Constantine settled them near the river
    this juncture (755) Kormisos" sent a message to Constantine Artana in Bithynia.
    denlandiilg the payment of tribute, that the Emperor's refusal
    Nicepllorus, p. 66. He defeated the Bulgarians in a battle
    might be an excuse for invading the Empire. According to one ? Theophanes, 6247 a.nr. Nice- a t Xlarcellae (Marcellon p), and ravaged
    phorus and Theophanes are our only their country. This is not mentioned
    A treaty, fixing the houndaries and MvAewvGv rijs Bp(i~vs,iueijrcis re ~ a l original authorities for this chapter. by Theophanes (or JiriEek), but from
    determining commercial relations, was K ~ K K L V bkppa~a
    ~ ~ W ST L ~ $ S
    A' ALTPWV An old half - Slavonic half - Bulgarian the order of the narration in Nice-
    concluded in the brief reign of Theo- xpuulov ... rods 6t 2p?ropcuofi~vous cis list of Bulgarian monarchs (JiriEek,
    p. 139) gives us n few names.
    phorus must have taken place about
    dosius 111. We learn this fact inci- &~arkpas ~ 6 p a s6rd uryrhAlwv ~ a u+pa-
    i 756 or 757.
    dentally from a notice of Theophanes ylbwv ouvlurauOac, TOTS Fk u+payi6as p+ 6251 A.M., 759 A.D. JiriEek (p. AoyoOCrvr roD Bp6pou. This is the
    when he is dealing with Crumn and Pxouurv &+arpeiuBar rd ~pou6vraad7ois 141) would identify Reregaba with earliest mention of this office, which in
    Nicephorus I., 6305 A.M. rhs 8r1 ~ E O -~ a ~ l i u ~ o p i ~ e u e70;s
    a r 8~pouiors A&YOLS. either: "Nadir Derbend oder der the sixth century belonged to the praet.
    6oulou roc 'AbpapwllvoO uror~~Oeluas ~ a l Theophanes errs in the name of the Saumpfad von Mesembria uber Emin6 prefects. I t is to he presumed that the
    reppavoii TOG rarprdpxou urov6hs rpbs king of Bulgaria, who vias Terbel in nach Varna." Nicephorus mentions, logothete of the course was created in
    Kopp.4urov rbv ~ a r 'B~eivo~arpou^~dplov 716, not Kormesios. JiriEek (p. 140) ~ ~ ~ i t h date,
    o u t a very successful expedi- the seventh century, when the praet.
    BouXyapias' at 703s Spous T E P L E ~ X O V drb wrongly places this treaty in 714. tion of Constantine by land and sea. pref. of the East ceased to exist.
    472 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN E f W I R E BOOK TI C H A P . VII BULGARIA 473

    Teletz soon attacked Ronlan tomlis and plundered Rolilall tion against Sabin. The possession of these hostages rendered
    territory in tlie neigl~bourhoorl of Mount Haemus, and Con- the Eulgrarians clesirous of peace: but Constantine apparently
    stalltine prepared an expedition to chastise his insolence. cleclined at first, and made an ineffectual expedition against their
    On the 17th of June 762 he left tlie city, having previously country, which they were able to protect by occupying in good
    sent by the Ensine a fleet of eight h~ulclredtransport vessels,' time the passes of Mount Haemus. After this (7 6 2) the Emperor
    carrying twelve horses each, to meet hi111 at Anchialus. When consenteel to grant an audience to Baian and his bolyars, ~vhom
    Teletz heard of these preparations, he collected about t11~0 he received in the presence of Sabin, and, having reproached
    thonsancl auxiliary troops from tlie neighbouring Slavoilic then1 for their rebellious behaviour, made a treaty with them.
    tribes of Illyricum,2 and secured his fortresses. The Enlperor Thrace suffered not ollly from the inroads of the northern
    encaniped in the plain of Anchialus, and on the 30th of June, kingdom, but also from the pillaging expeditions of independent
    when Teletz arrived wit11 a large arniy, a battle was fought, Slaves ancl the brigandage of mountain outlaws. About this
    lasting from eleven o'clock in the forenoon until late in the time Constantine captured a chief of the Slovene tribe of
    evening. The Bnlgariaas and Slaves vere beaten back and routed the Severs, rlominally dependent on Bulgaria, who had inflicted
    by the Roman cavalry. Many were killed and rilany capturecl; many evils on Tl~race.~ He also captured Christianus, an
    the latter were carried through the streets of C'onstantinople apostate Christian, who had " magarised " or turned Mohani-
    on wooden planks,3 adorning the triumph of the Emperor, 117110 medan ancl commanded a band of seamars. I have already
    then delivered them to tlie populace to deal with as it ~villecl. nlentioilecl tlle horrible punishment which this man s~ffered.~
    Tlle defeat of Teletz mas fatal to his supremacy. The We hear not what became of Eaian, but he was succeeded
    people rebelled, slew liiln and his nlinisters, and set up Sabin, by Omar, who represented the interests of Sabin, and was
    the son-in-law of Kormisos", in his stead. The new king sent opposed by Toktu, Baian's b r ~ t h e r . ~ Constantine invaded
    to the Emperor a proposal of peace, but this policy displeased Bulgaria to suppress Toktu, who, supported by the majority of
    his disorderly subjects, ~vlio delighted in war. They met
    , tlie Bulgarians, had driven Omar from the land ; and, finding
    together in a sort of cliet, called by the Greek historian kom- tlie passes undefended, he advarlced as far as the river Tundz"a:
    renton (conve?ztz~s),and having cleposecl Sabin, asking him, " Is plundering the villages. I n the woods on the banks of tlie
    Bulgaria to be enslaved to the Ronlalls by thee ? " they elected Danube, Toktu mas captured and slain. The Roman invasion
    Eaian (Paganos).* Sabin fled to Coastantiae, who espoused his wrought terrible mischief to Bulgaria, which, as is specially
    cause ; and the Emperor found some nieans to seize tlie wives stated, offered a spectacle of devastated fields and burnt hamlets.
    and relations of the Bulgarian nobles who had led the opposi- Coilstantine followed up tliis success by organising another
    Theol~lianessays 2000. Vlaclis ?) gave this king the name of expedition on a larger scale in the following year. Two thou-
    #XWYcis uuI*paxiav ~ a I;~Xa/3qvGv
    i Pagan, "heathen," as a sort of play on sand six hundred transport ships were prepared; troops were
    O ~ ) K 6hiya rrh?jOq (Nic.) These cannot Calan. The Latin word pngnntis had
    have heen his snl?jects, and mere pre- passed into the Slavonic tongues, ap- assembled from their various stations for a simultaneous attack
    sumably l ~ i swcsten~or south-rvcstern parently in Pannonia, ant1 Co~lstantilie
    neighbours. Theol~h.say he obtained Porphyrogennetos actually regarded i t . These details are narrated bv Nice- Ib. S'ee ahove. n. 422.
    L. ---
    two thousand troops from neighbollring as a Slavonic word. The Byzantines, phorus, who places these eventsUinthe J

    nations. liearing the king called I'agan by the first indiction, that is, according to the ~ i c e p l i o r n s calls Toktos Baian's
    3 1 v8odpois (Theoph.) Slaves, adopted the name. I t has, officialreckoning of the time, 6254 A.M. brother, and immediately afterwards
    1 1a11escalls him Paginos, but however, been suggested tliat Pagan (=761-762). Tl~eophancs,on the other speaks of Toktos and Baian's brother
    his true name, Baian, is known from an11 Sabinns were sprang from the hand, places them in 6256 (=764). I as two distinct persons. The position
    the old Bulgarian catalogue, already Ronian population of the Balkan lands prefer to follow Nicephorus ; and place of Omar, as Sabin's representative, is
    referred to. The name Baian was -in fact, that they were Roumans or the expedition of Constantine in the not clear. He is mentione: as reigning
    third indiction, as noted by Nicephorus, forty days in the Slavonic list of
    familiar to the Greek historian ; it Vlachians. If so, their reigns lvere an Bulgarian monarchs.
    was a common name of Hunnic sove- anticipation of the Vlacho - Bulgarian identifying it with the exnedition-.notrd
    -- - .......
    reigns. We cannot, therefore, suppose empire of later days. I t is noteworthy by T1leophanes under 6 i 5 6 . 5 De Boor, however (with Anastasius),
    that the corruption was due to Theo- tliat Nicepl~orus distinguishes Brr,in?a Theoph. 6256 A.nf. ~ b vZepkpwv reads Cwr 70; T [ i ~ a sinstead of 8os
    pllanes. I suspect that the Slaves (or and Xanzpagu?~os. Bpxov~aZhhapofivov (so de Boor). Tol;v@s.
    474 HISTORY OF THE LATER XOlllAN EMPrRE BOOK VI
    CHAP. VII h' ULG A1'Ud 475

    on Bulgaria by land and by sea. But a north wind biew hard Bulgarian campaigns was greatly promoted by the presence of
    and wrecked the ships as they were sailing to Anchialns. The his agents in Bulgaria, who, keeping him well informed concern-
    crews were drowned, and by the Emperor's orders the bodies ing the state of the country and the intentions of the monarch,
    n7ere fished up with hooks and received christian burial (765). enabled him to seize favourable opportunities. Telerig knew
    Before Constantine's next Bulgarian expedition Icing Telerig this, and, in order to identify the traitors, had recourse to a
    had ascended the throne, and his measures for the defence of stratagem. He wrote to Constantine announcing his intention
    his kingdom were so efficient that in the year 773 Constantine, of fleeing from his realm and taking refuge in the Roman
    ~vhohad arrived with a land army and a naval arman~ent,~ Empire, and asked him to advise him touching persons to
    abandoned the idea of hostilities and concluded a written treaty, whom he might most wisely confide his scheme. Constantine
    each party undertaking not to attack the other.3 This mas in was taken in by the guile and sent to Telerig the ilalnes of his
    May or June. I n October of the same year Constantine, who friends, whom Telerig immediately put to death.
    had friends and emissaries in Telerig's dominions, was informed I n August 7 7 5 the Emperor, indefatigable in his hostilities
    by them that the king was sending an army of twelve thousand against Bulgaria, headed an army and niarched northward once
    men to enslave the Slavonic land of Berzetia and reiliove the more, but, seized with an inflammation in his legs, he was obliged
    inhabitants to Bulgaria. Promptness and secrecy were necessary to return to Arcadiopolis, whence he was brought to Selymbria;
    to anticipate this invasion ; and, as Bulgarian ambassadors were and a few days later died in the vessel that was conveying him
    then present at Constantinople, the Emperor pretended that the to Constantinople.
    preparations which he set on foot were for war against the I n the reign of his successor Leo IV, Telerig carried out
    Saracens. To keep up this pretence he caused sonle troops to in earnest the intention which he had falsely professed to
    cross over to Asia ; but as soon as the ambassadors had departed Constantine and fled from his kingdom to the Roman Emperor,
    he assembled in Tllrace an army of eighty thousand, consisting at whose court he was baptized, created a Patrician, and married
    of garrison soldiers collected from all the themes, of the Thracesian to a Roman princess. Cardam succeeded Telerig, and in his
    regiments, and of the Optimati who were settled in Pontus. At reign the Romans were on the whole unsuccessful. The general of
    Lithosoria he completely surprised the unsuspecting army of the Thrace was surprised and his army routed in the neighbourhoocl
    enemy, gained a great victory, and returned with abundant booty.6 of the Stryrnon (7 8 8).2 Two or three years later Constantine V I
    I n 774 he again embarked a large squadron of cavalry, but led a fruitless expedition against Bulgaria ; the Romans and the
    at Mesembria the ships were wellnigh wrecked by a storm Bulgarians fled from each other in mutual terror (April 79 1).
    ancl the expedition returned without having effected its object. The second expedition of Constantine VI, in July 792, was
    The success that generally attended Constantine in his attended with a calanlitous defeat. Cardam with all his forces
    advanced to meet him, and the fair presages of false prophets
    Theophanes (6266 A.M.), TcXCpcyos ; Tartar cljiguit, used by Circassians and
    also callecl Tzerig. Cossacks. induced the Emperor to give battle at a disadvantage. The
    Theophanes mentions 'Podura xch- 4 76, K~VTTGV q5ihwv aiiioj (Theoljh.) Romans were utterly routed and, left some of their nlost able
    dvfira, and Finlay notes the passage as B~p{cria, in Macedonia. The officers on the field: among whom was the veteran Michael
    containinw the first mention of the Berzhtai took part in the siege of
    Russians :n Byzantine history (ii. 87). Salonica in 676. At the present time Lachanodrakon, the beloved of Constantine V. The Emperor
    But de Boor, though he prints'Potura cic, Brzaci or Brsjaci live in Macedonia
    takes bodura y. in his index as red boats. about Prildn. Veles. Bitol, and in the made good his escape, but the disaster almost cost him his
    ~ i ~ ~u i iea r i a n sent
    s to Constantine district of T'ikvei ( ~ i r i ~ e'p.
    k , 119). throne, as it led to a revolt in the army.
    a bolyar (porhiiv) ~ a Tfiydrov l (so de Wctober, twelfth indiction, but the
    Boor). It seems to me probable that preceding May was also in twelfth indic-
    this word should be written with a tion, as one indiction was spread over 'He sailed from Selymhria 13th 788 and 1st September 789.
    small initial, as its collocation with two years (see p. 423). Thus the date ---
    of September, fourteenth indiction
    =//a.
    8 Bardas, a patrician ; Nicetas and
    Theognostos, strategoi ; Stephanus, a
    PorXiiv demands and as one MS. confirms.
    I take it for a Bulgarian word meaning
    of the campaign is end of 773, or be-
    ginning of 6266 A.M. The dates in 'The general's name was Philetos. protospathar, and others are named as
    '' warrior," and identical with the Finlay and JiriEek require correction. The date falls between 1st September having fallen.
    476 EIISTOX Y OF THE' L A T E R ROitfAA' EATPIRE BOOK rl

    The next campaign took place in 796. Cardanl sent a


    message to the Emperor demanding a donation of money, and
    threatening, in case the demand were refused, to lay waste
    Thrace up to the Golden Gate. The Emperor sent him back
    horse-dung rolled up in a napkin, with this messaze : " I send
    you the tribute that is meet for you. Yon are an old man, and
    as I don't wish you to tire yourself by coming so far, I shall go
    to the fort of Marcellon. God will decide the result." The
    peratic themes were collected for this expedition, but Cardam
    fled without hazarding an engagement. Here we take leave CHAPTER VIII
    of the Bulgarian kingdom, on the eve of the accession of one
    of its most warlike and savage monarchs, the famous Crumn, LEO IV
    and of the catastrophe of the Roman Emperor Nicephorns I.,
    who was slain in battle and whose skull was used as a goblet THE sllort reign of Leo I V is by no means remarkable. I-Ie
    in the palace of Peristhlaba or of Paraa. was an iconoclast at heart like his father; but just as his
    By the end of the eighth century, as we have seen, the father had refrained from giving full effect to his theories for
    Bulgarian kingdom llacl not advanced beyond its original some years after his accession, so Leo at first veiled his real
    frontiers ; but, on the other hand, the Slovenes had pressed opinions and not only favoured the monastic order, electing
    southwarcls in great numbers, had Slavised the country districts monks to metropolitan sees-a practice which seems to have
    in northern Greece and the Peloponnesus, and had probably become prevalent by the end of the seventh century-but even
    increased in strength in the regions of Illyricum ancl Macedonia, pretended to be " a friend of the Mother of God," whom
    which they had occupied before. This Slavonic movement really iconoclasts generally treated with scant respect. His generosity
    prepared the way for the extension of the Bulgarian power in with the stores of money which his father had laid up gained
    a south-western direction, ancl before the end of the ninth him popularity. But before he died he laid aside the veil and
    century the southern boundary of the kingdom was the saine imitated his father's policy against image-worship, not, how-
    as the northern boundary of modern Greece. The first step in ever, proe3eding to such violent extremes. I n 7 8 0 a number of
    this direction was the capture of Sofia, ~vhichtook place in distinguished men, among them Theophanes the chamberlain,
    80 9 ; but this lies beyond the limits of the present work. were arrested for iconodulic practices ; they were flogged, ton-
    I should not omit to mention that in the eighth century surecl: led in procession through the streets, and shut up in the
    the northern parts of the Aegean Sea were rendered unsafe by praetorian prison, where Theophanes died. I t is note~orthy
    the bands of Slavonian pirates who infesteel it. These pirates that the Slavonic Patriarch Nicetas died (6th February 780)
    belonged to "the Sclavinias," that is, Macedonia and Thessaly. and was succeeded by the Cyprian Paul just before thepersecu-
    I n the year 768 they carried off into bondage no less than two tion began ; and it might be conjectured that the influence of
    thousand five hundred inhabitants of Tenedos, Inlbros, ancl Nicetas was exerted in the direction of tolerance, and that the
    Samothraee, and Constantine ransomed the captives by silken newly elected Paul instigated the Emperor to renew the
    robes.' " No act of his reign," says Finlay, " shows SO much persecutions.
    real greatness of mind as this," because to make terms with Soon after Leo's accession measures were taken, at the
    pirates was for an Emperor to lower his dignity. express desire of the imperial governors and the people, to
    Nic. p. 76 ; in the seventh indiction, i.e. 767-768. This punishment (never, of course, did not sympathise with his father in
    used by Cowtantine V) shows that Leo anti-monachism.
    CHAP. VIII LEO lv 47 9
    478 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAiV EMPIRE BOOK V I
    A considerable success was gained over the Saracens in
    secure the succession to his son Constantine. Leo was probably
    778. Leo organised a large expedition, 100,000 strong, for
    consumptive and felt that he could not expect to live very long. the invasion of Syria. All the Asiatic themes except the
    On Good Friday (77G A.D.) all the governors of the themes, Cibyraiots took part in it ; the iconoclast Lachanodrakon
    ministers, and persons of senatorial rank, all the soldiers present comillanded the Thracesians, Artavasdos (an Armenian) the
    in Eyzantium, the representatives of all classes of citizens, and Anatolics, Gregory the Opsikians, Raristerotzes the Armeniacs,
    especially of the guilds of artisans: took an oath of allegiance and Tatzates the Bucellarians. Germanicia was blockaded, but
    to the child Constantine. As Finlay observes, a more than Lachanodrakon was bribed to raise the siege, and the army
    usually popular character was given to the ceremony. On the turned to plunder the country. The Saracen forces then
    following day the Emperor created his brother Eudocimus arrived ancl experienced a severe defeat; in honour of which
    (a boy who can have been little older than his own son) a the generals were received on their return to Constantinople
    nobilissimus in the chamber of the Nineteen Accnbiti. Thence with a triumphal welcome. A number of Syrian Jacobites
    he proceeded, accompanied by his son ancl the two Caesars and were led captive and settled in Thrace. I11 the following year
    the three nobilissin~i,to the church of St. Sophia, probably by a Mohamnledan army invaded Asia Minor and ineffectually
    may of the covered passage which connected the church with the besieged Dorylaeum. Harassed by the Roman troops, who did
    palace. Having changed his dress in a side room, he entered not risk a general engagement, but cut off the provisions and
    the ambo with his son and the Patriarch Nicetas ; and the obstructed foraging parties, they were compelled to return
    people who had assembled in the church came forward in order home. I n '780 the successful siege of S6malfios rewarded
    and deposited their written oaths on the altar. "Behold, Harun's invasion of the Armeniac theme, but another army
    brethren," said Leo, "I fulfil your request and give you my son for under 0t.hman was defeated by the general of the Thracesians.
    Emperor. Behold, receive him from the Church and the hand Leo I V died on the 8th of September 780, and was suc-
    of Christ." The people cried in reply, " 0 Son of God, be our ceeded by his wife Irene and his son Constantine, then ten
    surety, that we receive from thy hand the lord Constantine as years old.
    Emperor, even to protect him and die for him." The next
    7b PqpahoOos ~ d u r p o v: Weil calls Boils broke out on his head, and he
    day was Easter Day, and at dawn the Emperor proceeded it Semabrum. succumbed to a violent fever.
    with the Patriarch to the hippodrome. There the antin~ission,2
    a carpet which was used on ceremonial occasions, was spread
    out beside the Emperor's throne ; the Patriarch stood upon it
    and prayed ; then Leo crowned his son ; and the two Augusti
    proceeded to St. Sophia accompanied by the Caesars and
    nolsilissimi.
    Shortly after this ceremony a conspiracy was discovered, in
    which the Caesars Nicephorus and Christophorus were involved.
    Though the popular feeling was strongly in favour of punishing
    the princes, they were pardoned, but their confederates were
    banished to Cherson, and on them doubtless the real blame
    rested, as all Leo's half-brothers were weak men.
    ' oi r j v Fuw r a y p d ~ w ~ i TOXLTGV Khazar " because his mother was a
    v a 7;v
    advrwv ~ a oii 7;v e!pyau7r)praKGv, Theo- Iihazar princess.
    phanes-who for this and the follo~ring Also called antiminsion; derived from
    reign is i n every sense a contemgo- mensa. Interchange was common be-
    rary source. Leo IV was called " the tmeenvuanduu,cf.?rpo~~vuovforpoces~.
    CHAP. I X C O L V S T ~ ~ ~ Z ' IVI
    N EdAVI IRENE 48 1

    whose object was to place one of theniselves on the throne;


    but none of them had the energy to organise a plot himself or
    the capacity to carry i t out with a fair prospect of success.
    The way in which the three Caesars, Nicephorus, Christophorus,
    and Nicetas, and the two nobilissinii, Anthirnus and Xudo-
    cimus, are always grouped together, like a company of puppets
    ever ready to be employed by any designing conspirator,
    without any initiation on their own part, is really amusing.
    We have already seen, in the reign of Leo, a conspiracy to
    CHAPTER IX elevate Nicephorus, which resulted in the exile of all the
    guilty persons except the Caesar himself. About six weeks
    COSSTANTINE V I AND IRENE after the accession of Constantine V I and Irene n similar plot
    was formed, of which the prime movers were probably nobles
    THE record of the twenty-two years which elapsed from the and courtiers who had supported the iconoclastic policy of Leo
    death of Leo I V to the deposition of Irene (in 802) is chiefly and his father and disliked the iconodulic proclivities of the
    occupied, apart from military and ecclesiastical events, wit11 Greek Empress-mother. Bardas an ex-governor of the
    conspiracies and intrigues, the unnatural struggle of Irene1 with Armeriiac theme, Gregory the logothete of the course, Con-
    her son, and the scllenles of rival eunuchs. We will first note stantine the commander (domesticus) of the imperial guards,
    the conspiracies in which the brothers-in-law of the Empress Theophylact Rangab6 the admiral (drungarius) of the Dode-
    mere involved ; me will pass on to the details of the tragedy canese,' and other distinguished men were flogged, tonsured,
    which was determined by the unscrupulous anibition of Irene, and banished. The three Caesars and the two nobilissirni were
    and then to the intrigues which troubled the five years of her ordained and caused to administer the sacrament on Christmas
    sole power after the fall of Constantine. The chapter nlay be Day,' in order to impress on the people the fact that they had
    concluded with a short notice of the monotonons wars with the become ministers of the Church. As there was no such insti-
    Saracens. tution as an official gazette, these measures of informing the
    All the sons of Constalltine V, six in number, were nieii of public were adopted.
    inferior ability; Leo, who actually reigned, was probably the Irene appointed Elpidius governor of Sicily in February
    best of them all, notwithstanding his physical weakness. The 781. Whether he had been secretly connected with the recent
    other five mere always glad to share in a treasonable conspiracy conspiracy we are not told ; Irene plainly had no suspicion of
    female imperialism ; of the rives of his disloyalty. I n . April news reached Constantinople that he
    1 Irene \Tas the second Athenian lady
    who married a Roman Emperor and Tiberius, Manrice, Phocas we only had revolted and professed to support the claims of the late
    became an Augusta ; the first was the know the names, and the first consort
    famous Athenais (Eudocia). It is inter- of Heraclius did nothing to win pub- Emperor's brothers. Theophilus, a , spathar or aide-de-camp,
    esting to ohserve that periods in which licity. Then me have hIartina, whose was sent to bring him back; but the Sicilians would not
    women are prominent figures in Byzan- career recalls the glories of Verina and
    Sophia ; but her example is not follo~ved allow him to be arrested; so that Irene was obliged to con-
    tine history alternate with periods in
    which the Empresses are ciphers. From by the spouses of Heraclius' successors. tent herself for the time with flogging and imprisoning his
    the beginning of the fifth century to We know not even the name of the
    the reign of Justin 11'ive have a series wife of Constans I1 ; and Anastasia, wife and children. The support which Elpidius found in
    of self-asserting Augustae in Eudoxia, Theodora, Maria, Irene, Maria, and
    Pnlcheria, Eudocia, Verina, Ariadne Eudocia played as little part in political This is the first occasion on which technicaI word for procession) placed
    (even Lupicina-Euphemia seems to have affairs as the nameless wives of the we hear of the "Twelve Islands " as a in the church the crown, set with pearls,
    had a mill of her oxvn), Thecdora, Emperors between 695 and 716. Irene separate province. which her husband Leo had appropri-
    Sophia. Then for nearly forty yeals made up for the deficiencies of her pre- W n this occasion there mas a State ated (Theoph. 6.273 A.M.)
    there is a break in the traditions of decessors. Procession, and Irene (?rpocXBoOua. the
    482 HISTORY OF THE LATER XOAlAN EMPIRE ROOKVI
    CHAP. IX COflSTANT/NE vz AND IREiVE 483

    Sicily seems to show tlrat he was not an iconoclast, or tlrat, if theme, and an appeal was made to Akamer, the lord of the
    he was, he carefully disguised the fact. We may in any case Slovenes of Belzetia; to make one of the unfortunate brothers
    be sure that he used the nanles of the Caesars merely as a cloak. Emperor. Irene promptly suppressed the revolt, and the eyes
    I n the following year an arnranrent was sent against Sicily of the conspirators were put out. I t might have been expected
    under the conlinand of the patrician and eunuch Theodore, an that the Greeks, among whom the iconoclastic movement was
    energetic officer. Accompanied by the duke Nicepl~orus-the unpopular, would have been loyal to the restorer of image-
    duke, one may conjecture, of Calabria-Elpidius immediately worship, all the more as she was Greek herself. We can hardly
    fled to Africa, where he was well received by the Saracens. avoid suspecting that many, perhaps most, of the Helladikoi
    This revolt reminds us of the Sicilian revolt at the beginni~lg were Slaves. I n Greece there were multitudes of Slaves who
    of the reign of Leo 111, when Sergius fled to the Lonrbards, were theoretically Eonians and possessed lands entailing the
    just as Elpidius fled to Africa. duty of military service, as well as of Slaves who were only
    For the next ten years the three Caesars and the tu-o tributary and constantly hostile.
    nobilissimi were permitted to live in an obscurity from which
    they were not worthy to emerge. Eat at length, in the year The struggle for sovereignty between Irene and her son
    792, when general dissatisfactioll was felt with Constantine in broke out in the year 790, when the latter was twenty years
    military circles after the grievous defeat which he had suffered old. As long as he was a boy and submitted implicitly to her
    at the hands of the Bulgarians, through his own credulity authority, Irene was content that her own name should come
    and ineptitude, the soldiers formed the design of deposing him second in official documents; but when he began to show
    and elevating his uncle Nicephorus, notwithstanding the clerical signs of impatience at his own nonentity, his rnother deter-
    status of that Caesar.l Constantine, seeing that the priestly mined to affirm her authority by reversing the order of the
    garb was not a sufficient disqualification for elevation to the imperial names, and afterwards even to depose her son alto-
    throne, blinded the eyes of Nicephorus and slit the tongues of gether. When he was about twelve years old (782) a marriage
    the other two Caesars and of the two nobilissimi (15th August). had been arranged between him and Rotrud? whom the Greeks
    He probably considered himself, and was generally considered, callecl ErythrB, the daughter of Charles the Great, and a
    clement in not putting them to death. certain Elissaeus had gone to the court of Aachen to teach the
    For five years after this the five puppets of fortune were future Empress Greek. The imagination of the boy seems to
    left in peace and confinement; but in 'November 797, after have been attracted by the idea of marrying the Frank
    Constantine V I had been blinded-a retribution, his uncles princess, whom he never saw, and he was inconsolable when
    probably thought, for his cruelty to themselves-and Irene had his mother broke off the match and compelled him to marry,
    become sole sovereign, some restless persons organised a plot at the age of eighteen, a lady of Paphlagonia, named Maria, for
    to set one of her brothers-in-law on the throne, and they were whom he never cared.
    enabled to escape from their prison and seek refuge in St. Soon after his marriage Constantine became bitterly aware
    Sophia. Aetius, the eunuch and chief favourite of the Empress, of the fact that the favourites of his mother, especially the
    immediately repaired to the church, and the five princes, logothete Stauracius, conducted all the affairs of government
    assured that no harm would befall them, followed him as readily quite independently of him, and that she was resolved to ex-
    and meekly as they had concurred in the schemes of the con- clude him from all share in sovereignty as long as she lived. The
    spirators, and were banished to Athens. L4s Athens was the Theoph. 6291 A.M. 6 Z ~ X a u r - (Rhuotrodis)-
    ~ r j u

    native city of Irene, she thought that she could rely on its loyalty. ,YG" 7 % B~XJiIriasLfpxwv YUX~E~S i d TGY
    E ~ ~ Is~ Belzetia
    ~ ~ ~ same
    G as~ . hanc e t no11
    quod Graecorum
    hac taliluxerunt
    dlgna forent
    ditiado~llina
    regna
    In March 799, however, a plot was formed in the Helladic Berzetia
    The Poeta Saxo writes of Rotrud See Theophaues, 6274 A.M.
    Ex-Caesar, rbv dlrb Karahpwv (Theoph. 6284 A.M.)
    484 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EAIPIRE ROOKVI
    CHAP. IX CONSTAATTTNE VI AND IXEIL-E 485

    circumstance that no one ever thought of presenting a petition Emperor. Then the other themes, in spite of their recent
    to him, all repairing with their grievances or requests to oath: followed the example of the Armeniacs, and elected
    Stauracius, was humiliating. It was the interest of the new generals. These events took place in September, and
    courtiers to foster the jealousy and widen the breach between the in October all the themes, except the prime movers, the
    lnother and son. The elunnchs and creatures of Irene, knowing Arleniacs, who were too far away, assembled at AtrBa and
    how to play on her unscrupulous ambition, flattered her into demanded the presence of the Emperor. Irene, unable to
    the hope of being sole sovereign. Stauracius, a patrician and resist this pressure, allowed her son to go, and the soldiers
    a eumxch, was at this time the most powerful minister. He straightway proclaimed their allegiance to him and deposed
    held the office of logothete of the course, or post, and had her. Then Constantine sent two officers to the Arnleniacs to
    won laurels by reducing the rebellious Slaves of Macedonia, receive a formal oath of loyalty from them. I n December he
    northern Greece, and the Pelop mnesus, and compelling them returned to Constantinople and removed Irene's favourites.
    to pay tribute (783 A.D.) '
    At another time he had been Stauracius was whipped, tonsured, and banished to the Ar-
    eniployed in negotiating with the Saracen caliph, and it was menia~theme; Aetius, also a eunuch, and many other of her
    he who superintended the disbanding of the refractory guards, confidants were likewise exiled. She was herself confined in
    who had rioted in the cause of iconoclasm and prevented the the palace of Eleutherius, which she had built, and in which
    meeting of a synod (786). she was supposed to have concealed niuch money-a part of
    The intimate friends of the Eniperor were few. Three are those stores of treasure which had been laid up by Constantine,
    especially mentioned-Theodore Camulianus, Peter the ntagister her father-in-law.
    oficio~zcm,and Damanus. Wishing to assert himself, Constan- A circumstance may be noticed here which seems to
    tine took counsel with these and others, and a plan was formed indicate that soon after her husband's death Irene deposed the
    (Jailnary or February '7 9 0) to overthrow Stauracius and banish governors of themes who had been appointed by Constantine
    Irene to Sicily. But the watchful Stauracius discovered the or Leo. For we ob'serve that the iconoclast Michael Lachano-
    plot in time and revealed it to his mistress, who banished some drakon, who before the accession of Irene had been governor
    of Constantine's party to the Peloponnesus and Sicily, and of the Thracesian theme, was an adherent of Constantiile VI,
    punished others by confining them to their houses,2 a mode of and was one of the two officers who were sent by him to
    punishment which became frequent at Byzantium. Her son secure the allegiance of the Arnleniacs. Now we are told that
    she actnally struck, and prevented him from leaving his apart- all the themes deposed their generals, who were evidently
    ments for several days. An oath was then formulated, which supporters of Irene; hence Michael Lachanodrakon can no
    all the soldiers in the Empire were required to take, to this longer have been general of the Thracesians, for, as he was a
    effect : " As long as yon live, we will not receive your son to staunch supporter of Constantine, there would have been no
    reign over us." All the troops in the city tool: the oath, and reason for deposing him. Nor can this conclueion be escaped
    the regiments of Asia also acquiesced, except the Armenincs, by saying that, while in most cases, the generals were displaced
    who refused to place the name of Irene before that of Con- by the soldiers, the Thracesian theme may have been an
    stantine. Then the Empress sent to them Alexius MouselB, the exception; for, had Lachanodrakon been governor of the
    drungarius of the watch, but he did not much avail her cause, Thracesians, he would hardly have been sent to the Armeniac
    as the soldiers placed their stratkgos Nicephorus in custody theme on a mission which was suitable for a spathar, or for
    and replaced him by Alexius, proclaiming Constantine sole an officer whose functions were unconfined to a district, but

    He brought back many spoils and joyed a public triumph in January 784. ' This is a source of much shaking of 2 Along with Lachanodrakon was
    captives ; thus the Slavonic territory ~KCLBLCEY8v 75 O ~ K ~ J . The more the head to the pious historian Theo- sent the Emperor's protospathar and
    lihanes. bajulus ( p d y u k o s ) John.
    was treated as a foreign country. He en- usual phrase is d?rpSirov ~ o r a i v .
    CHAP. IX CONSTANTINE V I AND ZREXE 487
    486 HISTORY OF TNE' LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I

    not for the governor of a province. Moreover, in '7 9 S Lachano- The ensuing year was uneventful, but on the 3d of Janu-
    drakon is spoken of as the ntggiste~(o$cio~z~m).' ary 7 9 5 a new act of the imperial drama was opened by the
    During tlie following year ('791) Constantine, who had divorce of Maria, Constantine's unwished-for consort, who then
    inherited his grandfather's love of war, was occupied with retired to a nunnery. The Emperor's affections had been for
    expeditions against the Bulgarians and Arabs, but in January some time bestowed on Theodote, a maid of honour, and he
    '792 he was weak enough to consent to allow his mother to crowned her Augusta and married her before the end of the
    be proclaimed Empress again. Nor did he confine himself to year. This marriage, as his first wife was still alive, created a
    a mere passive consent, but when the Armeninc theme resisted great scandal among strict orthodox Christians, and some said
    the measure he determined to enforce actively their recognition that his mother Irene had instigated him to divorce Maria and
    of his mother's title. He had summoned to Constantinople, a rliarry Theodote in order that he might incur public odium
    short time before, Alexius, the governor of that theme, who and that she might win a chance of resuming the reins of
    was suspected of aiming at usurpation; and as soon as the government. The Patriarch Tarasius refused to perform the
    Armeniacs declared their refractory spirit and demanded that ceremony, but he countenanced the imperial sin, inasmuch as
    their governor should be restored to them, the Emperor im- he did not excommunicate either the Emperor or the abbot
    prisoned Alexius in the praetorium, having first flogged and Joseph, who officiated at the nuptials. Chief among those who
    tonsured him, according to the custom of the time. After the openly expressed their indignation at what seemed to them an
    Bulgarian expedition, which ended disastrously and led to a unblushing act of adultery, were the abbot Plato and his
    plot which was wellnigh fatal to Constantine, Alexius was sub- monks. H e had founded a monastic retreat in his estate at
    jected to the severe penalty of losing his eyesight. When the Saccudion in Bithynia, and lived there a quiet but influential
    Armeniacs heard of this, they were greatly enraged, and retaliated life. He repudiated the conduct of Tarasius and refused
    by blinding Theodore Camulianus, who had succeeded Alexius conimunion with him. Bardanes, the commander (domesticus)
    as their general. Then Constantine sent against them an of the scholarii, and Johannes, count of Opsikion, were imme-
    army commanded by Constantine Artaseras and Chrysocheres, diately despatched to Saccudion ; Plato was taken to Constan-
    the general of the Bucellarian theme ; but the Armeniacs were tinople and imprisoned in a room in the palace (adjoining the
    victorious in a battle, and blinded the two generak2 Nothing chapel of St. Michael), and his flock of monks, conspicuous among
    was left for Constantine bat to go forth and punish those wicked whom was his nephew Theodore, were banished to Thessa1onica.l
    servants himself. The treachery of the Armenian auxiliaries I t was a welcome opportunity for Irene to embrace the cause of
    secured him an easy ~ i c t o r y . ~Three of the instigators of the the monks, and place Constantine's conduct in the worst light.
    rebellion were put to death, one of whom was tlie hishop of Constantine and his mother visited Prusa in autumn '796
    Sinope 4 ; the rest were mulcted by fines or total confiscation. for the sake of the hot baths, which made it a place of resort.
    One thousand were led in chains to Constantinople and con- While they were there, the welcome news arrived that a son2
    ducted through the Blachern gate, as an example to men, was born to Constantine, who immediately galloped off to the
    each of them bearing on his face an inscription tattooed in city with his staff and attendants. Irene took advantage of
    black ink, " Armeniac conspirator." They were then banished his absence to beguile the military officers with gifts and pro-
    to Sicily and other islands. ' Theoph. 6288 A.M. Theodore, in praetorian prefect of Illyricum ( h a p -
    " letter to his uncle Plato, describes XOS), whose former wide sphere
    Theoph. 6284 A.M. Or does pdycu- loyalty) bnt received none, and con- the journey to Thessalonica (Migne, has dwindled down to the local mayor-
    sequently gave up the fort of Kamachon patr. Gr. vol. 99). His account will alty of Salonica. An account of Plato
    spos here mean mugister ia praesenti
    ( ? K rrpou6nou) ? to the Arabs. be found ill brief in Finlay, who took and his life at Saccudion will be
    4 The other two were Andronicus
    l t a t second hand from Schlosser. But found in Theodore's panegyric on
    November 792. and Theophilus, both turmarchs, Finlay does not note the interesting him.
    27th May 793. The Armenians doubtless friends of Alexius, who had point that the person whom he calls H e was named Leo ; born 7th Oct.
    the goverTor of Thessalonica is the 796, died 1st May 797.
    expected rewards for their treachery (or perhaps appointed them.
    488 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK rl CHAP. I S CONS T ANTI'VE VI AND IRENE 489

    mises, and persuade the111 to undertake to place the imperial 792, when Irene resumed her position as Augusta. Their
    power in her sole hands. She was almost as successful as she quarrels must have made her life uneasy, but Stauracius seems
    could have wished ; she drew all meli unto her by flatteries. to have been the prime favourite until May 799,' when she
    The intrigues of Irene's supporters rendered ineffectual an fell sick, and the eunuchs, seeing an immediate prospect of her
    expedition against the Saracens which the Eniperor headed decease, schemed and strove more than ever. Aetius obtained
    himself in the following spring ; it was important to prevent for a while the ear of the Empress, accused his rival of aiming
    him from acquiring popularity by winning military glory. At at power, and made her believe that he was the cause of all
    length in June (797) it was decided to strike the final blow. the factions and discords that prevailed. Irene scolded and
    As Constantine was proceeding from a spectacle in the hippo- threatened Stauracius, but lie was able to win her confidence
    drome to the church of St. Mamas in Blachernae, he was again and turn her against Aetius. She was the plaything of
    attacked by troops bribed to kill him, but he escaped to the her favourites.
    imperial boat (chelandion), which conveyed him to the Asiatic I11 the following February Stauracius organised a definite
    coast. He intended to flee to the Anatolic theme, where the conspiracy against the throne, enlisting the guards (scholarii and
    Isaurian Enlperors were always befriended, but unfortunately excubitores) in his interest by bribes. His conduct was so
    he was acconipallied by false friends who were really attached suspicious that Irene held a silention in the " room of Justin-
    to his mother. A letter from Irene, who threatened to disclose ian" to examine the matter, and the curious order was issued
    their treason to her son unless they acted promptly, decided tliat no military persons should hold converse with Stauraciu~.~
    their wavering resolution ; they seized Constantine and hurried He did not live long after this. He was afflicted with a spit-
    hiill back to Constantinople. Arriving early in the morning, ting of blood, which the doctors knew must soon prove fatal;
    they shut him up in the palace in the Purple Chamber, in nevertheless, until the day of his death (in June 800) the
    which he had been born, and at the ninth hour (15th August) flatterers and clients who frequented his house, like those of
    put out his eyes in a brutal manner, intentionally calculated to other great men, including the doctors themselves, wizards arid
    cause his death.' The superstitious observed the coincidence monks (" unmonkish" or spurious monks they are called by
    that on the same clay five years before Constantine's uncles the historian), continued to assure him that he suffered only
    had been blinded by his orders, and saw therein a supernstural from a slight indisposition, and that he was destined to live
    retribution, I t was also said that a miraculous darkness pre- and reign. It would appear from this that Stauracius
    vailed for more than two weeks. actually dreamed of ascending the throne himself, and exhibit-
    Irene had now attained her wish and was sole sovereign of ing to a horrified world the unheard-of monstrosity of a
    the Empire. Her court became the scene of quarrels between eunuch wielding the sceptre of Augustus and Constantine.
    her eunuchs Stauracius and Aetius, each of whom desired, not While he was suffering from the fatal disease, he was occupied
    to be an Emperor-for a eunuch on the throne would not with planting and fostering a conspiracy in Cappadocia, which
    have been tolerated-but to be an emperor-maker and to secure was intended to bring about the violent overthrow of Aetius,
    the succession for a friend of his own. These favourites had who now occupied his own place in the confidence of Irene.
    probably been allowed to r e t u r n v r o m their banishment in Two days after his death the explosion for which he had -aid
    Constantine, however, as i t ap- ad700 ~ a 7l d v uup/3ofihwv a h f s , which the train broke out, but it was promptly extinguished an ' the
    pears, did not die ; he lived till the imply tliat he died. See Schlosser,
    reign of Alicliael the Stammerer, as is Gesehichte der bzldersturmenden Kaiser ' On Monday of Paschal week 799 it Constantine Boilas ; and Si. rxius,
    expressly affirmed by the (tenth-cent- des ostron~ischcnReichs, p. 327 spp. is noticed that Irene went forth from general of Thrace). The hypateia
    ury) author of the Chronicle from Leo V 2 Thus we find Stauracius actively the palace in a golden car drawn by (consular donative) was generously
    to Michael I11 in Contin. Theoph. The engaged in bringing about the fall of four white horses and driven by four doled.
    words of Theophanes are (6289 A.M.) Constantine. I t was he who contrived patricians (Bardanes, governor of the He was, if I nlay be permitted to
    ~~ruq5Xofiuiv a h b v ~ E L V~G aSCiv~arG~
    l the scheme which rendered Constan- Thracesians ; Nicctas, the domesticus use a phrase of modern slang, to be
    7 b d r 0 0 a v c i v a h b v , y v d p g ~ $ p5q ~ p b s tine's campaign in 796 futile.
    of the scholarii, a friend of Aetius ; " sent to Coventry" by the army.
    490 HlSTOIIY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I CHAP. IX CONSTANTINE VI AND IRENE 49 1

    conspirators were ~unished. Henceforward, until her fall two taken the precaution of surroundirig the house of Irene with
    years later, Aetius was the prime minister of the Empress, a soldiers. Then they transferred her to the great palace, and
    position which in later times became a recognised office, its Nicephorus was crowned in St. Sophia-the first Augustus
    holder being called d. ~ a ~ a 6 u v a u ~ ~The
    ~ oextent
    v . ~ of Aetius' crowned there who cannot be called " the Roman Emperor"
    power may be estimated by the fact that the Opsikian and unreservedly, but must be called "the eastern Roman Em-
    Anatolic themes were placed together under his sole command. peror." '
    At this time Charles the Great, shortly after his coronation On the following day the new monarch paid a visit to
    (2 5th December 800 A.D.), conceived the idea of uniting to- Irene, who had accepted her fall with a quiet dignity, and
    gether the Teutonic Roman Empire and the Greek Roman only asked to be allowed to continue to live in her private
    Empire by a marriage with Irene. If this had taken place it house. Nicephorus promised to grant her request if she dis-
    would have brought about for a moment one European Roman closed to him the secret stores of treasure which she was
    Empire, somewhat resembling in geographical extent the old generally known to have concealed. She agreed, but when
    Roman Empire of Constantine the Great, and it would have the Emperor had obtained the desired information he failed
    added a new map to our historical atlases. But it could not to fulfil his prqmise, and banished her first to "Prince's
    have had any permanent duration ; the marriage of countries island," where she had built a monastery, and afterwards to
    and peoples so ill assorted must have been followed by a speedy Lesbos, where she died.
    divorce. As it was, this second design of an alliance of the
    Isaurian with the Karlingian house was thwarted by the influ- We must now notice briefly the wearisome wars with the
    ence of Aetius, who was bent on securing the throne for his Saracens, which possess little interest, as our sources give us
    relation Nicetas, the captain of the guards. no details. I n 781 Mahdi's general, Abd Elkebir, led an army
    But the patricians and lords could not long be patient against Asia Minor, but, by Irene's orders, the strength of all
    of the powerful eunuch's insolence, and they determined to the themes was concentrated at the frontier, consisting of from
    anticipate his designs by dethroning Irene and electing an eighty to a hundred thousand men; under the command of
    Empe~orfrom among theinsclves. Nicephorus, the chancellor Johannes, the sacellarius, and the Arabs were utterly defeated
    of the exchequer or "general logothete," was chosen, and on at MQlon.
    the last day of October 802, as Irene was suffering from I n the following year, '782, the Romans were not so suc-
    indisposition and residing in her mansion of Eleutherius, cessful. Harun, the son of the caliph, and Rabia Ibn Junus
    the conspirators proceeded to the palace gate of Chalke and invaded Asia Minor with an army of a hundred thousand,
    knocked for admission. They informed the porter (papas) that which they divided into three parts. Harun marched to
    they were sent by the Empress to make arrangements for the Chrysopolis ; Ibn Junus, whom Theophanes calls Bunusus
    proclamation and coronation of Nicephorus, as she wished to (Bonosus), laid siege to Nacolia; and Jahja the Barmecide
    forestall and thwart the ambitious plans of Aetius. The (in Theophanes, Burnichd) entered the Thracesian theme,
    palace officials did not hesitate to believe their statements where he fought a battle with the able general Michael
    and admit them, as they were all well-known men of the Lachanodrakon at DarBnon and lost fifteen thousand men.
    highest position. Having obtained possession of the palace, The treachery of ~ i t z a t e s , the general of the Eucellarian
    they collected a crowd of people in the Augusteum and pro- theme, brought about a peace disadvantageous to the Roman
    claimed Nicephorus Emperor before the break of day, having Empire. Tatzates was jealous of the influence of Stauracius,
    See below, cap. xi. and an Armenian named Taridon com-
    Zonaras actually uses this word of ters may be compared to the justiciars Arabic sources give 80,000, Byzan- manded the Romans. The troops were
    Aetius-'< the man who has power at of English history. tine 200,000 as thenumber. According sent to the frontier in June (Theoph.
    court." I n many respects these mims- to the former, Michael Lachanodrakon 6273 A . M . ) Cf. Weil, ii. 98.
    492 HISTORY OF TEE LATER ROrMANEMPIRE BOOKVI CHAP. I X CONSTdiVT(NE VI AND I m E 493

    the confidential minister of the Empress ; and he received rich A peace was concluded at the end of the year '798, by the
    rewards for going over to the Saracens with his troops. Irene terms of which the Romans were to pay a tribute, as in the
    was forced to treat for peace-Theodore's expedition against peace with Mahdi ; but the cessation of hostilities was welcome
    the rebel Elpidius in Sicily had reduced the number of avail- to Harun himself, for he was troubled by the invasion of the
    able fighting men-and the Roman delegates foolishly entered Khazars, who harassed Armenia and relieved the Ronlan
    the Saracen camp without the precaution of an interchange Empire by diverting and dividing the Saracen forces, just as
    of hostages. The Saracens perfidiously seized them, and Irene in old days the White Huns and Turks used to divert the
    was obliged to pay '70,000 dinars yearly for a peace which Sassanid monarchs from their wars on the Euphrates.
    was to last for a term of three years.
    Mahdi died in '78 5. His son Hadi enjoyed the sovereign
    power for a year; and was succeeded in September '786 by
    his brother, the famous Harun, "undeservedly called Arraschid,
    the Just." Soon after his accession, Harun took measures
    for strengthening his north-western frontier. The fortresses
    which defended it had hitherto been part of the large pro-
    vince of Mesopotamia; Harun formed them into a separate
    government. He also strengthened the fortifications of Tarsus,
    and sent thither a large colony of Mohammedans. His
    armies invaded Romania almost every year: and in '790 his
    fleet endangered a Roman island, either Cyprus or Crete.
    On this occasion the armament of the Cibyraiots and the
    armament of the Aegean islands co-operated against him, and
    in a naval battle the general of the Cibyraiots, Theophilus, was
    taken prisoner. Harun would have not only granted him
    his life but raised him to high honours if he had consented to
    embrace Islam, but he refused on any terms and was executed.
    This incident shows that their religion really meant much to
    the Byzantine nobles. We are not told whether Elpidius,
    the recreant ex-governor of Sicily, became a Mohammedan ; he
    is said to have taken part in an invasion of Asia Minor,
    1 Stauracius himself was one of 791. Campaign led by Constantine V I ; he
    them. advances to Tarsus, but does nothing
    nnt.lhla
    >A""."u.".

    Arab authors relate that in Hadi's 795. Second campaign led by Constantine
    reign the Greeks destroyed the fortress VI. He galns a victory a t Anusan.
    of Hadath, but were repelled by Mayuf,
    who then made depredations in
    Romania (Weil, ii. 123).
    -
    796. The Arabs penetrate t o Amoriunl, but
    gain no success.
    ,.191. Third campaign of Constantine ; ren-
    dered inetfectual by treachery of his
    mother's friends. A frontier fortress
    Weil, ii. 127. (named Safssaf) taken by Arabs led
    The following is a list of these by the caliph himself.
    tedious campaigns and expeditions :-. 798. Romania invaded ; Arabs penetrate t o
    Ephesus. Cappadocia and Galatla rle-
    789. Romania invaded ; Romans severely vastated. The Opsikiaus experienced
    defeated and their captains slain. a severe defeat. Peace for four years,
    790. Naval expedition of Arabs against for which Romans pay a tribute.
    Cyprus (Theoph.) or Crete (Arab 801. The third son of Harun (Kasim)
    sources). threatened Asla Minor.
    CHAP. x T H E REA CTYON AGAINST ICOATOCLASL+f 495

    resigned his office and exchanged the palace of the Patriarch


    for a cell in the monastery of Florus. When Irene, who had
    not anticipated such an event, learned the tidings, she visited
    the new monk, and heard with pleasure his acknowledgment of
    error. "Would," he said, "that I had not sat on the sacerdotal
    chair of the Church of God, for this Church is in rebellion:
    and severed from the other Catholic chairs (of Christendom),
    and subject to a ban "! Then Irene sent to Paul's bedside a
    number of senators and nobles who were inclined to iconoclasm,
    CHAPTER X in order that the influence of his repentance might induce
    them to nlelld their ways and support the official restitution
    THE REACTION AGAINST ICONOCLASM
    of image-worship.
    An assembly was convoked in the palace of Magnaura for
    THE Empress Irene, as might be expected from her Greek the election of a new Patriarch, and the secretary Tarasius, a
    origin, was devotedly'attached to the worship of images, and layman, was elected by a large majority. Irene, remarking
    earnestly desired its restoration. But although the supreme that the imperial choice had already fallen on him, but that
    power centred in her on her husband's death, as her son he had declined the honour, asked him to speak for himself.
    Constantine was too young yet to be more than a nonlinal Tarasius, having dwelt on his own unworthiaess, stated that
    Emperor, she was for several years unable to accomplish her the chief reason which caused him to hesitate was the great
    design of reversing the acts of the three latest Emperors. This schism which separated the Church of Constantinople from the
    delay was caused by the strong iconoclastic spirit that pre- other Churches of Christendom, and urged the re-establishment
    vailed among the soldiers as well as the officers in the army ; of ecclesiastical unity.2 Although dissentient voices were
    as the Empire was at war with the Saracens, and the tribu- heard, the speech of Tarasius was received with general ac-
    tary Slaves of Macedonia were refractory, it would have been clamation ; and on Christmas Day 784 he was consecrated
    dangerous to run the risk of exciting an intestine conflict by Patriarch. I t is evident that the proceedings in the Magnaura
    agitating prematurely the burning question. At the same were due to a prearranged plan between Tarasius and Irene.
    time, there is no doubt that complete tolerance was secured to I t was almost a year later that Pope Hadrian received
    two communications from Constantinople, brought to him
    the adorers of images from the beginning of the reign of Con-
    stantine and Irene, and pictures were restored to churches by by a Byzantine priest, who was escorted by a Sicilian
    b i s h o p . V n e of these was the enthronistic or inaugural
    a consent that was generally understood if it was not expressly
    declared. When peace had been made with the Abbasids, manifesto of Tarasius 4 ; the other was a divalis sacra or im-
    perial letter from Constantine and Irene, wherein the Pope was
    and the Slaves had been brought back to their allegiance, the
    asked to fix a time for the convocation of an Ecumellical
    field was free for settling the ecclesiastical question ; and just
    then a new feature was given to the situation by the resigna- r u p a v v o u d v ~ s; the word implies first intended that the bishop of Leon-
    that the schismatic Patriarchs are tini sliould be the bearer.
    tion of the Patriarch Paul and the succession of Tarasius. really usurpers or "tyrants." Tarasius sent conies of this to the
    The resignation of Paul l was attended by circumstances Tarasius' speech is given at length sees of Alexandria, kntioch, and J ~ K
    by ~ h As it comes
    ~ within~ salem, but
    ~ owing to~the jealousy ~ of the ~ ~ ~
    advantageous to the reactionary policy. I n August 784 he Arabs they never reachedthe Patriarchs.
    the plovince of ecclesiastical rather
    fell sick, and, conscience-smitten for his iconoclastic views, than of political history, I have not eastern nlOnks, took
    reproduced it. upon themselves to write answers to
    which he suddenly discovered to be false and impious, he the manifesto. The divalis sacra is
    The bishop of Catana. I t was at printed in Mansi, xii. 984.
    Theoph. 6276 A.M.
    496 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN Er1ZPIRE BOOK V I
    selected as the place of assembly. On the 16th the imperial
    Council at Constantinople to decide on tlie question of image- guards and other soldiers' collected in the precincts of the
    worship. This let<terwas dated 29th August '7S5,l aiid Had- church and made a hostile demonstration ; and on the follow-
    rian replied to it on 27th October, so that the transmission was ing day, although the session was allowed to begin, the soldiers
    effected in a relatively short time. I n his reply Hadrian re-
    rushed into the church in the middle of the proceedings, to
    joices over the ilnperial orthodoxy, and expresses his expectation the delight of the iconoclastic bishops, and threatened to slay
    that Constantine will be a second Constantine the Great and all present. The remonstrances of the ministers whom the
    that Irene will prove a new Helena, while lie insists that one Empress sent to pacify them did not avail, and no course was
    essential condition of the realisation of such hopes is the
    open but the dissolution of the assembly.
    recognitioii of the spiritnal sovereignty of the chair of St. The triumph of the iconoclastic party, who cried " W e have
    Peter. Having defended picture-worship at some length, he conquered," was not of long duration. By a dexterous
    promises to send legates to an Ecumenical Council, and de-
    stratagem Irene paralysed the military opposition. She pre-
    niands a pia sacra (in accordance with ancient custom) signed tended to make preparations for a calnpaign against the
    by the Emperor and Empress, the Senate and the Patriarch, ~aracens,and with her whole court proceeded to nialngina in
    to the effect that no pressure or constraint will be brought to Thrace (September '7 86). I n the meantime Asiatic (peratic)
    bear on the representatives of Rome. Returning again to the
    troops occupied Constantinople; a new corps of guards was
    interests of the Roman see, he demands the restoratioil of the formed, and the iconoclastic regiments were obliged to give
    pcttrinzonia Petri, which the iconoclastic Emperors had con-
    up their arms, and disbanded. I n the following May a new
    fiscated ; he revives the old complaint that the epithet " ecu- synocl was convoked, and the papal legates, who had reached
    menical " was appended to the name of the Byzantine Patriarch ;
    Sicily, returned to New Rome. On the 24th of September the
    and he censures tlie election of a layman and ex-soldier to first session was held, not, however, at Constantinople, but at
    the patriarchal chair. H e concludes by promising that if the
    Nicaea, memorable as the scene of the first great council of the
    Emperor of Constantinople follow the guidance of the head of
    Church. The Emperor and Empress were not present, but were
    the christian Church he will be victorious over his barbarian represented by Petronas, a patrician, and Johannes, imperial
    foes, just as Charles, Iring of the Franlis aiid Lonibards and
    ostiarius and logothete.' At the first sessions several icono-
    Patrician of Rome, his son ancl spiritual fellow-father, spiritualis clastic bishops, who had repented like Paul, stood forward and
    compnter,2 had conquered the barbarians of the West, because
    owlied their errors. At the seventh sitting (5th or 6th October)
    he treated the Pope with veneration. Hadrian also wrote a
    the definition of doctrine was drawn u p ; after a sum-
    letter to Tarasius in which complaints about his election were mary repetition of the chief points of theology established by
    jnclicjously balanced with expressions of joy at his orthodox previous Universal Councils, it is laid down that the figure of
    opinion^.^ the holy cross and holy images, whether coloured or plain,
    When the delegates arrived at Constantinople for the whether consisting of stone or of any other material, may be
    council, in August 786, the imperial court was absent at some represented on vessels, garments, walls, or tables, in houses or
    town in Thrace, and the interval of delay was spent by the on public roads ; especially figures of Christ, the Virgin, angels,
    iconoclastic bishops and their supporters in organising plots or holy men : such representations, it is observed, stimulate
    for the prevention of the intended synod. When the Emperor
    spectators to think of the originals, and, while they must not
    and Empress returned, the 17th day of August was arranged
    for the first session, and the church of the Apostles was Sclwla?ii, exczrbitores, ctc. (Theoph. but i t was clearly recognised that they
    S2i8 A.M.) were not officially empowered by the
    The best authorities agree thzt ind. baptized a son of Charles 781 A.D. "he number of those present mas Patriarchs, who appear to have been
    3 The letters of Hadrian to the Em- !30 to 367. The eastern patri- inaccessible at this time.
    viii. should be read for ind. vii. in the
    passage of Anastasius (see Hefele). peror and the Patriarch will be found ircnates were represented by nionks,
    ? A rcference to the fact that he had in llanbi, xii. 1056, 1057.
    498 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN B M P l l < h soo~vl

    be adored with that worship which is only for God (harpela),


    deserve adoration ( T ~ O Q K ~ V ~ Q L ~ )The
    . council called down
    anathemas upon Theodosius the bishop of Ephesus, Sisinnius
    Pastillas, and Basilius Trikalrkabos ; upon the three Byzantine
    Patriarchs, Anastasius, Constantine, and Nicetas ; moreover,'
    upon John of Niconledia and Constantine of Nacolia ; while
    the names of Germanus, John of Damascus, and George of
    Cyprus were greeted with acclamatiolls as the "heralds of
    truth."
    CHAPTER XI
    The eighth session was held, not at Nicaea, but in the
    imperial palace at Constantinople, where the acts of the council
    THE POPES, THE LOMBARDS, AND THE FRANKS
    vere confirmed and signed by Constantine and Irene. Thus
    the Churches of Old Home and New Rome were again united,
    THE dissolution of the connection subsisting between the Popes
    and the cause of iconoclasm was defeated.2 I t was not dead,
    and New Rome, which went hand in hand with the formation
    however; ib revived and was powerful again, twenty-five years of a close connection between Old Rome and tlie Frank king-
    later, in the reign of Leo the Armenian. The image-worship-
    dom, mas a slow process, and it is hard to define at what
    pers were destined to prevail in the end, but at the same time
    period the Roman see ceased to be part of the Roman Empire.
    they did not undo the work which their enemies hacl accom-
    I must give a brief account of the Italian complications in
    plisl~ecl,the regeneration of the Empire. The suppressiol~of
    which this tendency revealed itself and note the steps by
    pictures was only the superficial side of the great battle which
    which it gradually led up to that great event, the coronation
    Leo 111 and Constantine V had waged unf'lincllingly and
    of a Teutonic king as Roman Emperor at Old Rome.
    ruthlessly against superstition; and it cannot be ignored that,
    The chief cause which induced the Popes to look to the
    though pictures were not destined to be suppressed, the general
    Franks for snccour against the Lombards was the simple fact
    tone of education and morality in the Ernpire was better at
    that the wars with the Saracens in the East rendered the
    the end of the eighth century than it had been at the begin-
    Emperors unable to protect their outlying possessions in Italy
    ning, and the vitality of the State was higher, just as its
    with an adequate force. The iconoclastic heresy, which had
    position among nations was Inore assured.
    severed the sympathy between the Roman see and the Empire,
    With p~irple ink. There was a abont very gradually, so much so that made the Popes still more ready to apply to a foreign power.
    special officer called kanikleios, who no trace remains to us of the steps by
    was custrrdiau of the impe~ialink. which i t came to pass." I n his Hig1~- at first these applications mere without effect. Gregory I1
    A t the present day the Greek Znnrls of Turkey, i. 1). 187, the same could not move Charles Martel, the mayor of the palace, to
    Church permits the worship or vener- scholar notices the only statue existent
    ation of pictures, but excludes statues, in the Greek Church, namely a wooden intervene. I n '73'7 or 7'38 (seventh indiction) another and
    d y d k p a ~ a ,from chnrches. Mr. Tozer figure of St. Clement of ltorne atochrida.
    (in his ed. of Pinlay, ii. p, 165) has a He suggests: an ingenious and probable more urgent petition for help was made by Gregory 111. The
    note on this snljject, and remarks that theory as t c the history of this statue, Pope and the duke of Rome had harboured Transmund, the
    the change i n the attitude of the Church which he ascribes to the age of the
    to statues " seerns to have been brought Slavonic apostles Cyril and Methodius. duke of Spoleto who had rebelled against King Liutprand,
    and they refused to surrender him. Accordingly Liutprand
    seized four important towns1 and threatened Rome. But
    ' Orte, Amelia, Bieda, and Bomarzo tionc=737-738 (vulg. 738-739). Besides
    (Polimartium). See Paul, Hist. Lang. Anastasius and Paul, the Continuatio
    Vl. 56 ; Anastasius, Vita Zuchariae. of Fredegarius, apud Bouquet, &r@t.
    Anastasius gives the date seventh iwdie- rer. Gall. et Franc. vol. v., is important
    500 H1STC)XY OF THE LATER ROMAN ELWPIRE BOOK V I

    altliough the Pope in his straits sent to Charles Martel rich created hinl a Roman Patrician.' This was the first step
    presents and the keys of the sepulchre of St. Peter: thereby towards a goal not yet visible, the foundation of a Western
    making him protector of the Church, the appeal mas not Roman Empire. If it is asked by what right Pope Stephen
    successful. When in the following year new hostilities were bestowed the title of Patricius IComa.nort~nz on Pipin, tlie
    undertaken by the Lombards against the exarchate and the answer is that he had no constitutional right. " Patrician "
    territory of Rome, yet another message was sent to Charles, was a title of dignity, not of oflice, but legally the Emperor
    but proved equally resultless. alone had the right to bestow it. The title had been given in
    These wars with Liutprand were chiefly due to the policy fornler days to Odovacar, to Theodoric, to Chlodmig, and in
    of the Yopes in espousing the cause of the dulies of Spoletiunl the same way it might be given to Pipin; but it had no
    and Beneventum, who were struggling for their independence validity except as granted by the Emperor. Neither Pipin
    against the king. The situation was changed by the election nor the Pope could reasonably expect that the Empire would
    of the Greek Zacharias (December 740) to the papal chair. recognise the Teutonic king as a Patrician. Nor is it likely
    He abandoned the Lombard dukes and allied himself with the that they thought of the title in very strict connection with
    Lonkmrd king, who restored not only the four cities which the E m p i r e . V V h a t the Pope did was rather this: he took
    he had seized, but also confiscated domains belonging to the an old fan~iliarname-a title which had always belonged
    - to
    Roman patrimony, and made a peace for twenty years with the exarch-placed it in a new combination, and gave it
    the duke of Rome. By the intervention of the Pope, he also almost a new sense. While i t still conveyed the notion of a
    made peace with the exarcl~ate.~ high dignity, it came, by its union with the genitive Ronzan-
    Liutprancl died in 743, and his nephew Hildebrand's reign O ~ C ~ I to
    L , suggest the word pnt~onusor p a t e ~ and
    , indicate a
    of a few months was followed by the reign of Rachis, who was relation of protection. And Romarwrum itself is to he taken
    a friend of tlie Roman see. Among the Lombards there in a limited sense. The Ronznni are primarily the people of
    prevailed a strong spirit of hostility against the Greeks, and Rome and its neighbourhood ; they are not the Ronzaioi.
    they were impztient of a king who, yielding to papal influence, Pipin oil his part undertook to march against tlie Lombards,
    was disinclined to prosecute the war. They unanimously to restore to the Pope those parts of the Roman patrimony
    deposed him (748) and elected his brother Aistulf, who acted which the Lombards had seized, and place in his power the
    with such rigour that two years after his election he had taken territories of the exarchate. Aistulf was soon compelled (7 5 3)
    Ravenna and overthrown the exarchate (750). H e then to sue for peace, and he engaged to surrender to tlie Pope the
    turned his arms against the duchy of Rome. Zacharias had promised lands and never aggress again. But when the
    died, and Stephen, who succeeded him in 75 1, applied in '&in Franks had returned he declined to Beep his promise, and the
    for help to the Emperor Constantine V. He then turned to conlbined forces of the northern and the Eeneventan Lonibards
    Pipin, who had succeeded Charles Martel as mayor of the laid siege to Rome. Pipin descended a second time into Italy,
    palace in 740, and this time the appeal was successful. The and Ajstulf was bound to harder conditions and constrained to
    Pope went in person to Gaul and met Pipin at Ponthion ; he Pay tribute to the king of the Franlis (7 55).
    deposed Childeric, the last of the Merovingians ; he anointed
    Pipin of Landen king of the Franks, in order that he who ' As a concurrent cause in the Church under tlie direct inspiration of
    cstablishinent of an intimate connection the papacy brought him into closer
    possessed the royal power might also have the royal name, and het~veeiithe papacy and the Frankish contact with it, the enterprise deniand-
    klllgclom, we must not overlook the ing a certain amount of co-operation.
    for Italian history of the eighth cent- on the Popes of the eighth century. mission of Boniface (Winifred of Eng- * The only Roman duke w l ~ obore
    ury. L. Amlbrust's tract, Die 1 Chro?~.jfoissiacense, Pertz, i. 291. lalid) as an apostle among the the title of pnkriciz~swas Stephen (780-
    territoriale Politik der Papste a m 500 Anastasius, Tit. Greg. III. ' Germans. The king of the Franks was 750), who was lnobably appointed by
    bis 800, has been useful to me, and Hirsch, Das Herzogthuqn &??&~vellt deeply interested in the lands east of the the Pope ancl not by tlic Eiriperor
    also the articles in Herzog and Pflitt p. 40. Rhine, and the foundation of a German (Arinbrust, op. cit. p. 93).
    CHAP. X I THE POPES, LOMBARDS, AA7D FRANKS 503
    50'2 HISTORY O F THE LATER ROMANEMPIRE BOOKVI

    unduly severe interpretation on this command, put the man to


    Thus Ravenna and (partially) the territory of the exarchate:
    having remained four years in the possession of the Lombards, death. I n consequence of these causes of discord, Desiderius
    plundered the territory of Rome, and Hadrian' wrote to his
    passed to the papal see by what was called the donation of
    friend King Charles for help. Charles set out in September '7'73
    Pipin. As Rome was still nominally, if not more than
    nominally, a city of the Empire, and the Pope still a subject and forced Desiderius to retreat to Pavia, where he seized him,
    of the Emperor, the act of '75 5 might be considered theoreti- and then assumed himself the crown and title of the king of
    cally the recovery of the exarchate for New Rome; but the the Lombards. Thence, in the guise of a deliverer, and recog-
    mode of its recovery and its new position, as well as the nised as such, he proceeded to Rome, where he celebrated Easter
    indifference of New Rome, rendered it in point of fact an ('7'74) and renewed to Pope Hadrian the grants which his
    independent papal state. father had made to Stephen.
    In the same year Aistulf died and was succeeded by As to this donation of Charles the Great, diverse opinions
    Desiderius, the duke of Tuscany, who was at first friendly2 prevail. The document itself, if such a document existed, is
    and afterwards hostile to Pope Stephen. In '75'7 he repeated lost, and our only authority is Anastasius' Life of Hc~rlrinn,
    the .experiment which Liutprand had tried thirty years before, wherein it is stated that Charles made over to the chair of St.
    an alliance with the Greeks against Pope Paul and the Peter, not only the exarchate, but Venice, Istria, Corsica,
    Lombard dukes of southern Italy. Constantine V was asked Beneventum, and Spoleto. Such a statement sounds incredible
    for aid-a request which shows how utterly Old Rome and and alniost unmeaning. Some regard it as a mere falsification,"
    New Rome were estranged; and though he could not send it, others defend it and lay emphasis on the form of the ex-
    the fleet of Sicily combined with Desiderius and took Hydrus pression p~omissio donationis. Another disputed question in
    (Otranto), which henceforward remained in the hands of the regard to this donation is whether Charles reserved to himself
    Greeks. The duchy of Beneventum was reduced to dependence the overlordship of the territoly which he conceded to the
    on the Lombard kingdom. Desiderius maintained friendly Pope or not ; here also various opinions p r e ~ a i l . ~
    relations both with his suzerain King Pipin and with Pipin's On the whole,we may perhaps conclude that Charles confirmed
    son and successor King Charles, who married the daughter of the Pope in his rule over the Pentapolis and the exarchate;
    the Lombard monarch; and the Popes did not assume an and that the question of overlordship did not arise at the
    tttitnde unfavourable to the Lombards until the accession of time. I t is not likely that contemporaries asked themselves
    dadrian in '7 '7 1. distinctly the question, in what precise relation the Pope stood
    Pope Hadrian I. was a Roman of noble family and a strong on the one hand to the Emperor and on the other hand to tile
    antagonist of the Lombard party at Rome, which was led by Patrician of the Romans, or what precisely was the legal nature
    Paul Afiarta. H e entered into close relations with King of the papal tenure of the lands which had been once governed
    Charles; he refused to crown the sons of Karlmann (Charles' by the exarchs. But in '781 (1st December) Hadrian took a
    brother), who had fled to Pavia ; and he ordered the archbishop step which was equivalent to a formal and final rupture of the
    of Ravenna to imprison Afiarta. The archbishop, placing an thin bonds that bound East Rome to West Rome. He ceased
    to use the years of the Emperors as dates, and adopted - the
    ' Besides Ravenna, Cesena, Forum for the Lombard crown, and he promised
    to restore some of the cities (including
    ' Hadriau ~nenrlwnlle collected all tens, Armbrust, etc.
    Livii, Forum Pompilii, Bobium, and the forces he could muster from Cam-
    Comiaclum (Commachio) were handed Ancona and Osimo), which Aistulf had Dollinger, Waitz, Sickel, etc.
    pania, Tuscany, the duchy of Perusia, Papencordt and Niehues believe
    over to the Pope. Aistulf retained kept back (Cod. Carolinus, ed. Jaffe, and the Pentapolis. " Campania " of
    Imola, Faventia, Bononia, Ferraria, E$. xi. ) that Charles gave the Pope full
    course includes Latium, and with Tus- sovereignty ; while Gregorovius, Dol-
    Adria, Gabellum ; he also obtained all An embassy from Pipin induced cany formed the duchy of Rome. The
    Desiderius to come to a peaceable linger, and others hold that Charles
    the cities of the Pentapolis except duchy of Perusia went with the Penta- retained the suzerainty. See Zoepffel's
    Ancona, and six of the Decapolis understanding with the Pope about polis.
    (Anastasius, Vit. Stcph.) territorial boundaries (Cod. Carol. Ep. article on " Hadrian I." in Herzog and
    hlurato. i,.Gregorovius, Sybel, Mar- Pflitt's E?~cyclopadie.
    The Pope supported his candidature xix. )
    504 UISTOf?Y OF T H E L A T E R RO,lfA N EAIPIRE noox vl C H A P . XI POPES, LO~$f6'AlcDx,d b T D FRANKS' 505

    formula " Uilder the reign of the Lord Jesus Christ, our God nlarlced a distinct stage in the development of the new relations
    and Redeemer." From this time until 2 5th December 800 into -which Italy Lad entered. I n 756 Charles appeared again
    we may say that tlre Church of Rome held the anomalous i11 Italy to reduce to subjection Arichis, the Prince of Eene-
    position of not being connected with a Ronlan Empire. vent~m,-in 7 74 the dnclly had become a principality,--and
    At this period, for ten years or more (7 6 6-7 7 'i),the Fopes thus lie became overlord of all Italy down to the borders of
    had spiritual rivals in Italy, who like themselves affected t e n - Calabria. But Beneventuill was always practically independent
    p o d dominion. These were the archbishops of Ravelma, who of the Franli- empire, and even the theoretical relation of
    had always endeavoured to maintain as far as possible an vassaldorn does not seeill to have been more than transitory.
    independent attitnde towards the Popes. Archbishop Sergius On both these occasions, in '780 and in '786, new agreements
    succeeded in obtaining the larger part of the exarchate, which advantageous to the Pope seem to have been made between
    had been nominally transferred to the Pope, and " he adrninis- Haclrian and Charles in regard to the extent of the Patrinzonium
    tered all tliings like an exarch," in which lie was secretly Petri. I11 the last years of Hadriari's pontificate the discord
    encouraged by King Charles.' After the fall of Desiderius, which llnd been often manifested between him and Charles was
    Leo, the successor of Sergius, seized many new towns with increased, and there was a report that the latter had discussed
    impunity and attempted to extend his jurisdictioll over the wit11 Offa, king of Mercia, the advisability of deposing the Pope.
    Peiitapolis ; but after his death in '777 the exarchate passed The ill feeling was augmented by a difference of opinion on
    actually into papal l ~ a n d s . ~ the subject of image-worship. Pope Hadrian had thought to
    patronise the Emperor and Empress of New Rome; he had
    Charles and Haclrian, thus brought into more intimate written them a letter in which flattery, rebuke, and concern
    relations, did not remain long on friendly terms. Charles for the patrimony of Peter were seasonably blended ; and he
    could see under the pontifical robe that greed for territorial approved of the seventh Ecumenical Council, at which his
    aggrandisement3 which animated so many of St. Peter's later delegates were present. That council had quietly ignored the
    successors, and helped to bring about both the power and the Pope's cominunications except so far as they bore on the matter
    corruption of the Church. For this worldly greed in a spiritual in hand; but the Pope was not in a position to resent the
    potentate the Teutonic king must have felt a contempt. rebuff. H e scnt a copy of its acts to the Teutonic king, who
    Haclrian on his part found out that, if Desiderius was over- agreed with the learned men at his court in disapproving of the
    thrown, he had to do with a new and far more powerful " Icing doctrines there set forth. The famous libri Carolini were
    of the Lombards." con~posed,in which the seventh Council was spoken of with
    I n 780 the general of Sicily united with the dukes of scant respect and a theory was expounded which represented
    Eelleventurn and Spoletium against the Pope, who was com- a compromise between iconoclasnz and image-worship. On
    pelled to send across the Alps and sulumon the "Patrician of receiving this publication the Pope threatened Charles with the
    the Ron~ani"to lend aid against the Patrician of the Romaioi. ban of the Church, and the monarch replied by holding the
    He came and set things in order, and in the following year (78 1) syllod of Frankfurt (7 9 4) which condemned the recent council
    he crowned his son Pipin king of Italy and his son Ludwig of Nicaea. I n the following year Hadrian died on Christmas
    Iring of Aquitania. The new title, "King ef Italy," did not Day, and was mourned by Charles, notwithstanding all their
    mean any fresh arrangement of practical signification, but it dissensions.
    1 Agnellus, Lib.Pollt. (Rlur. S. 22. I.) had giwn i t to him, quza ct ipsz~m Irnniediatel~after his election the next Pope, Leo 111, sent
    zeluti exarchus omma diqonebat. Spolettnz~mdq~catumvos praeseqztaliter the keys of the sepulchre and the flag of Rome to Charles, and
    "rmbrnst, op. cit. p. 77. qferuist~sproteetori vestro, etc. (Cod.
    3 Thus Hadrlan wished to assume Carol. Ep. lvii. ) Charles, however, soon asked him to send some of his nobles to receive allegiance at
    the overlordship of the duchy of showed him that his pretension \$as Rome. Tn reply to this Charles wrote a letter full of whole-
    Spoletium, and pretended that Charles unfounded.
    506 H I S T O R Y O F THE L A T E R R O l % f A NE M P I R E BOOK vr CHAP. X I THE P O P E S , L O M & l R U S , A N D b K A N K S 507

    some admonition-strange language coming from a king to a practised at New Rome; it was borrowed from the custom of
    Pope-in which the followillg words occur : " I t is ours to the Visigoths of Spain. The Pope then adored the new Em-
    defend the Church of Christ everywhere on earth, outwardly peror and cried aloud : " To Charles the most pious Augustus,
    against the heathen and unbelievers, inwardly by the recogni- crowned of God, the great Emperor, who giveth peace, be life
    tion of the trne faith. I t is yours, most holy father, with and victory."'
    hands raised like Moses, to support our strife, that at your The various theories which have been held as to the legal
    iiltercession by God's gracious help the christiin people may basis and import of this coronation have been discussed by Mr.
    triumph over the enemies of his name, and that the name of Bryce, and I suppose that all unprejudiced readers will concur
    our Lord Jesus Christ may be glorified." These words breathe in the justness of his conclusion. "As the act was un-
    the spirit of a holy Roman Emperor, and are a clear recognition precedented, so was it illegal; it was a revolt of the ancient
    of the position which Pope Paul wished to assign to Pipin, Western capital against a daughter who had become a mistress ;
    a king divinely inspired to liberate the holy catholic and an exercise of the sacred right of insurrection, . . . hallowed
    apostolic Church. to the eyes of the world by the sanction of Christ's representa-
    The friends of the deceased Hadrian agitated against the tive, but founded upon no law, nor competent to create any for
    new Pope, and their attempts at violence obliged Leo to flee to the future." At the same time, I am inclined to think that
    France. As they preferred various charges against Leo, it was if a contemporary had been asked .for a theory of the coronation
    decided that he should be tried by a court. The trial was held he would have interpreted it as an election of Charles by the
    at the end of the year 8 0 0, and Charles came to Rome fof the Romans and their Republic, the Pope as the most exalted
    purpose of presiding. The Pope mas triumphantly acquitted. personage at Rome being their representative. No one would
    This was the moment at which the decisive act, which had have looked on it as a direct consequence of Charles' con-
    such a vast effect on European history, the coronation of Charles quests or as resting on the Pope's authority alone.
    the Great as Inzpernto~Az~yustz~s, took place. The celebrated The most important, and also most easily misconceived,
    passage in the Annals of Lauresheim, describing the event, runs circumstance in regard to this event is that Charles was con-
    thus I:- sidered the successor of Constantine This is distinctly
    " A n d because the name of Emperor hacl now ceased among the implied in the cause assigned by contemporary writers for
    Greeks, and their Empire was possessecl by a woman, it then seemed both Charles' coronation-" the name of Emperor had now ceased
    to Leo the Pope himself, and to all the holy fathers who were present i n among the Greeks, and their Empire was possessed by a woman."
    the selfsame council, as well as to the rest of the christian people, t h a t
    There was an idea prevalent, which Mr. Bryce's book, it is to
    they ought to take to be Emperor Charles king of the Franks, u-ho held
    Rome herself, where the Caesars had always been wont to sit, and all the be hoped, has finally dispelled, that Charles posed as the
    other regions which h e ruled tllrongh Italy and Gaul and Germany ; and successor of Romulus Augustulus, who abdicated in 476. This
    inasmuch as God hacl given all these lands into his hand, i t seemed right error was due to the false use of words. I t was the habit and
    that with the help of God a n d a t the prayer of t h e whole Christian is still the habit to speak of the dominions ruled by Honorius
    people h e shoulcl have the name of Emperor also. Whose petition King
    Charles willed not to refuse, but submitting himself wlth all humility to and his successors as the Western Empire. This false " Western
    God, and at the prayer of the priests and of the whole christian people, on See Anastasins, Vita Leonis. The discussion of the question whether the
    t h e day of the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ h e took on himself the adorationof Charles by Leo is mentioned coronation was a surprise to Charles
    name of Emperor, being consecrated by the lord Pope Leo." in the Chronicle of Moissac, published or was prearranged will be found p.
    in Pertz, Mom. Hist. Germ. vol. i. 58 sg.
    The consecration consisted of coronation with a golden Holy Roman Empire, p. 57. Mr. " In all the annals of the time and
    Bryce speaks of the "weakness and of many succeeding centuries, the name
    crown and unction with holy oil. The latter ceremony was not ~vickednessof the Byzantine princes " of Constantine VI, the sixty-seventh in
    --an expression which is unjustifi- order from Augustus, is followed mith-
    I have borrowed the translatioll of tLis passage from Bryce's Holy Roman able. Thev were weak in so far as out a break by that of Charles, the
    Empire, p. 53. they could no longer hold ItaIy. A sixty-eighth " (Bryce, p. 63).
    CHAP. X I THE POPES, LOdfBAXDS, AND FXANA7.S 509
    508 HlSTOX Y OF THE LATER ROAWANEAIPIRE sooa V I
    centuries as it has been justified by the history of ten succeed-
    Empire " was then connected in thought with the true Western ing centuries. For the Popes had practically assumed in
    Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, which was founded in 8 0 0,
    the West the functions and the position of the Emperor. It
    and whose coexistence as a rival made the name Eastern was around them and their bishops that the municipalities
    Ernpire for the first time applicable to the realm of the rallied in a series of continual struggles with the Lombards ;
    sovereigns of New Rome. Romulus Augustulus was succeeded
    the presence of the Emperor's delegates in Italy was becoming
    by Zeno; and if Pope Leo had regarded Charles as the every year less and less effectual. I t was the Popes who
    successor of Romulus he would have been obliged to regard organised missionary enterprises to convert the heathen in the
    the sovereigns whom the Popes acknowledged for three hundred
    West, just as it was the Emperors who furthered similar
    years as usurpers. The fact is, that Romulus Augustulns was
    enterprises in the East. Gregory I., in spite of the respectful
    as much forgotten in the eighth century as any obscure name tone in his letters to Maurice and Phocas, was the civil
    in history, and no one would have thought of making the year
    potentate in Italy. The mere fact that the Pope was the
    4'16 A.D. a historical landmark. largest landed proprietor in Roman Italy concurred to give him
    When I call the Holy Roman Empire the true Western
    an almost monarchical position. As the virtual sovereign then
    Empire, and the Empire of Nicephorus I. and his successors the of Italy as far as it was Roman,-for even in the days of exarchs
    true Eastern Empire, I use the word "true" in a sense that he had often been its sovereign far more truly than the exarch
    requires a line of explanation. The Empire whose centre
    or the Emperor,--and as the bearer of the idea of the Roman
    was Old Rome and the Empire whose centre was Mew Rome Empire with all its traditions of civilisation, the Pope had
    claimed each to be the Roman Enipire. Nicephorus and a right, by the standard of justice, to transfer the representa-
    his successors logically ought not to have admitted that Charles tion of the ideas whereof he was the keeper to one who was
    was a Eoman Emperor; and Charles and his successors ought able to realise them.
    not to have conceded the title to their rivals. Froni a mere
    legal point of view the claim of the sovereigns of New Rome
    mas good ; while that of Charles rested on a basis completely
    infirm. But actually the two Roman Empires coexisted,
    conlpelled to recognise each other, but quite distinct, one in the
    East and one in the West; so that the terms Eastern Empire
    and Western Empire are really applicable. I t was quite other-
    wise, as has been already so often observed, with the Empire in
    the fifth century. Then there was one Roman Empire, ruled
    by two Emperors, who for convenience divided the territory
    which they governed, but at any moment this arrangement
    might cease and one Emperor might rule the whole. If
    any one speaks of a Western and an Eastern empire in the
    fifth century, he should write "empire" with a sniall initial
    SO as to show distinctly that he uses the word in a different
    sense from that which it bears in the expression " Roman
    Empire," of which unity was an inseparable attribute.
    I t is hardly necessary to observe that the election of the
    new Roman Emperor, if it was not legally defensible, was yet as
    thorouglily justifiable l,y the actual history of the two preceding
    CHAP. X I I GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE 800 A.D. 511
    At the end of the eighth century then the political aspect
    of civilised Europe consisted in the existence of two christian
    and two mohammedan powers ; a Rornan Empire in the East
    a Roman Empire in the West, a caliphate in the East
    and an independent emirate in the West. The mutual rela-
    tions of these four powers were such as might be predicted,
    as Mr. Freeman has so often pointed out. On the one hand,
    rivalry existed between the two Empires, and rivalry existed
    between the two caliphates, if we nlay call the emirate a
    C H A P T E R XI1 caliphate by anticipation; on the other hand, there were
    constant hostilities between the two eastern powers, whose
    THE GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT OF EUROPE AT THE END OF frontiers coincided, and between the two western powers,
    THE EIGHTH CENTURY whose frontiers likewise coincided. The consequence was that
    the Emperor of Constantinople was generally on friendly terms
    SINCEthe beginning of the fifth century, when the Roman with the emir or caliph of Cordova, and the Emperor of
    Empire was still conterminous with European civilisation, the Aachen was on friendly terms with the caliph of Bagdad.
    political map of Europe was never so simple as in the last few Two smaller and outlying states, the christian Anglo-Saxons
    days of the eighth and during the following centuries ; and it of Britain and the heathen Bnlgarians of Moesia, were in-
    has never been so simple since. The smaller independent dependent ; the former by their geographical position being
    kingdoms of the West had disappeared, partly conquered by more closely connected with the Western and the latter with
    the Saracen, partly gathered up into the dominion of the new the Eastern Empire.'
    Emperor of the West, and thus civilised Europe was divided Such being the general aspect, we may now turn to the
    among three chief powers-the Empire of the East, the Empire details, and examine the historical changes which took place
    of the West, and the emirate, which afterwards became the during the eighth century, more especially as they affected the
    caliphate, of Cordova. But there was another power which, political geography of Europe.
    though not at this period European, formed an important The first feature that strikes us is that the two greatest
    element in the political situation; this was the caliphate, powers in Europe, the Ronlan Empire and the Franks, were
    afterwards the eastern caliphate, which included the north of then recovering froin a period of decline. The Roman Em-
    Africa. Though the Omeyyad lords of Spain at first contented pire was renovated under the Isaurian Emperors, as the Frank
    themselves with the title of emir, their dominion was not even kingdom was renovated under the Karlings. I n both cases
    there had been a struggle between the monarchy and the
    theoretically part of the caliphate, from which they had re-
    volted; not only had the court of Bagdad as little authority at aristocracy. I n the Teutonic kingdom things went so far that
    the Merovingian dynasty was reduced to a simulacrum of
    Cordova as the court of Constantinople possessed at Aachen,
    royalty and the nobles wielded the power ; while in the Roman
    but the Omeyyad emirs and the Abbasid caliphs were irre-
    Empire the strong but unpopular Heraclian dynasty was
    concilable foes. When the emirs at length assume the
    finally overthrown by an unmanageable aristocracy, and for a
    superior title, the old caliphate becomes for historians' con-
    moment things went almost as far as in Gaul, when the
    venience the eastern caliphate, just as the Roman Empire
    becomes the Roman Empire of the East. I t may be added
    Terbel was made a Caesar by Jus- within the imperial system, somewhat
    that in the ninth century the eastern caliph became a tinian 11, and this act may be regarded as the Franks of the sixth century were
    as bringing the Bulganan kiugdom connected x+ith the Roman Empire.
    European potentate by the conquest of Sicily.
    5 HISTORY OF THE LATER ROJIANE,MPIRE BOOKVI
    CHAP. XII G E O G R A P H Y O F EUROPE 800 A.D. 513
    was sometimes called. The kingdom of the Lombards, which
    throne was occupied by the insignificant Emperor Theodosius
    under Liutprand had seemed likely to rise to greatness, was
    111, whose power mas little inore substantial than that of a
    overthrown by the Franks and became a group of Frank
    Merovingian king.
    I t frequently happens that a period of internal reform provinces, destined afterwards to become a separate kingdom
    under the suzerainty of the Teutonic Roman Emperor.
    or dolnestic prosperity for a state is ushered in by a successf~~l
    defence against some dangerous invader.' We may regard the The frontiers of the Frank power advanced in four different
    victories of Charles Martel over the Saracens in the south of directions. (1) To the south they were extended by the acqui-
    Ganl as the signs or heralds of Karlingian greatness, while sition of the Lombard territories, Austria, Neustria, Tuscia, and
    the far greater achievement of Leo I11 in repulsing the enor- the duchies of Friuli and Spoleto, and by the subjection of the
    mous forces of Muavialr from the walls of Constantinople exarchate. (2) To the south-west the Visigotl~icprovince of
    inaugurated the epoch of Isaurian reformation. We speak Septimania was added to Frank Gaul; but it was not won
    intelligibly, though perhaps not quite philosophically, if we directly from the Visigoths, just as the exarchate was not won
    say that, but for the Karlings in the eighth century, there directly from the Greelis. Septimania became first a Saracen
    and then a Frank province, just as the exarchate passed into
    would never have been Emperors crowned at Old Rome to
    rival the Emperors crowned at New Rome; or that, but for the hands of the Lombards before i t passed to the Franks.
    the Isaurian sovereigns, the old Ronlan Empire would not The Lombards weakened the Greeks in northern Italy as the
    have continued to exist in the south-east beside the new Saracens weakensd the Goths in southern Gaul, and in both
    Roman Empire of the West. I t is hard for us to imagine that cases the Franks profited. (3) To the north-east lands were
    conquered from the heathen waste of central Europe by the
    the Saracens might ever have settled permanently in Gaul ancl
    spread northwards, perhaps even to the English Channel, and victories of Charles over the Saxons in 772 and the following
    years ; while (4) to the south-east the kingdom of the Avars
    that Paris, lilie Arles, might have been once a Saracen city ; we
    in Pannonia was conquered by the same monarch (79 6 A.D.),
    cannot but suppose that, even had they extended their power
    whose power also extended into the Slavonic lands of Carin-
    farther than Septimania and maintained it for a longer period
    thia and Istria.'
    than forty years, they would have been driven back from Gaul
    When we speak, however, of a Cisalpine dominion of the
    nlany centuries sooner than they were actually driven back from
    Franks, we are not speaking quite strictly, and must make
    Spain. But it is easy to imagine, on the other hand, that tlie
    Mohammedan Arabs might have occupied permanently tlie two modifications. Although the power of Charles in Italy
    practically amounted to a Cisalpine dominion of the Franks,
    south-eastern corner of Europe seven centuries sooner than
    Charles did not hold either his Lombard conquests or the
    it was blighted by the presence of the Mohammedan Turks.
    While the greater powers increased, the smaller powers exarchate in the capacity of king of the Franks. He assumed
    diminished. The kingdom of the Visigoths was conquered by the title of king of the Lombards, and thus, from a theoretical
    aspect, the kingdom of the Lombards did not disappear in the
    Tarik and Musa (7 11-71 3 A.D.), including Septimania,2 or
    eighth century, but continued to exist under sovereigns who
    Gothia, as the portion that remained to the Visigoths of
    their Gallic possessions, which had once extended to the Loire," were also kings beyond the Alps. As for the exarchate, it mias
    Conlpare the well-known instances
    1 Raoterrae of the Septimani. The name under the direct control of the Popes, by virtue of the donation
    of the Danish invasion of England, Septimania survived. For these colo-
    Punic invasion of Italy, Yersian in- nies, see Mommsen, History of Rome traveller, Busbek, met a t Constantin-
    (Eng. Trans.), vol. iv. p. 542. ople two Gothic ambassadors from the As a result of this Frank domin-
    vasion of Greece. At this point the Goths disappear ation Sirmium received the name
    2 TIle i n southern Gaul in Cfimea, and m o t e down words of their Frankochorion, and the name of the
    the time of Julius Caesar were named from history, but the Gothic name and language which are genuine Gothic mountain, FruXka Gora= Frankenberg,
    after le,aions ; Narbo was the colony of tongue were peserved by the Tetraxite words. (See Mr. Bradley, T h e Goths, still preserves the memory of the epi-
    the Decimalli, Arausio (Orange) of the Goths of the Crimea, who survived till p. 363.)
    Secundalli, Arelate of the Sextani, the tenth century. I n 1562 a Belgan sode. See JiriEek. oa. cit. o. 144.
    514 HZSTOR I' OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK vr CHAP. X I I GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE 800 A.D. 515

    of Pipin, which Charles the Great confirmed ; and thus it was One state in northern Italy, which was theoretically part
    as Roman Emperor and not as king of the Franks, it was by of the exarchate though before the end of the seventh century
    right of his coronation and not by right of his conquest, that it was practically independent, never passed under Frankish
    Charles could claim dominion over the patrimony of St. Peter. rule, the duchy of Venice. Venice continued to be nominally
    The memory of the Lombard power, ~vhich endured in subject to the Emperor of Constantinople, and, for some cen-
    Italy as an independent kingdom for t ~ v ohundred years, is turies to come, must be considered as an outlying post of the
    perpetuated by the name Lombardy: which is still used to Eastern Empire in northern Italy. The policy of the city of
    designate the land which was called Nenstria, and part of what St. Mark was to maintain her independence by playing off the
    was called Austria. I n the same way the name Romagna still Emperor of the East against the Emperor of the West, and
    survives, a memorial of the exarchate and the rule of the thus she carved out a peculiar history of her own. The
    Greek Romans in Italy. Perhaps no geographical appellation republic of the lagoons was quite distinct in character from all
    is more suggestive of the fortunes of the Roman name than other Italian cities; there was not much occidental flavour
    Italian Romania-not even that of Asiatic Romania, the Seljuk about it, and yet it cannot be quite called a Byzantine city.
    kingdom of Roum. A tract of country, within a few days' Its spirit, well symbolised in the church of St. Mark, was so
    march from Rome herself by the Flaminian road, receives the unique that it can only be designated by the word '. Venetian ";
    name of Rome, but not until that name has first travelled to nevertheless, of the elements which composed the Venetian
    Constantinople and thence returned, after two and a half cen- type the Byzantine element preponderated. We may say that
    turies, to Ravenna and the adjacent districts. Thus the only the Venetians formed an intermediate stage between the western
    part of Italy that is called by a name derived from Rome, European nations and the Byzantines, just as the Byzantine
    received that name, not from Old Rome on the Tiber, but from world itself formed an intermediate stage between the Orient
    New Rome on the Bosphorus. and the Occident. I t was the Byzantine character of Venice
    The overthrow of the Lombard liingdom' did not carry with that determined the peculiar part she played at the time of the
    it the extinction of all independent Lombard power in the Fourth Crusade and under the dynasty of the Palaeologi.
    peninsula. The duchy of Beneventum, which since its While in the West it was the tendency of smaller kingdoms
    foundation had been practically independent of the royal to disappear, because the power of Francia increased, in the
    government at Pavia, until the energetic action of Liutprand south-east a new kingdom had been established before the
    in the eighth century brought for a moment the dukes of Isaurian sovereigns regenerated the Empire. There would be
    Beneventum and Spoletium into nominal subjection, was never little use in considering whether, supposing the Bulgarians had
    incorporated in the dominions of the Karlings, although at first not crossed the Danube in the reign of Constantine IV, but
    its lords were compelled to recognise the conqueror of Lom- had waited until the eighth century to press southwards, Leo
    bardy as tLeir suzerain (786 A.D.) But the immediate con- I11 or Constantine V would have been strong enough to pre-
    sequences of the Frank conquests were agreeable to the duke. vent them. I t is certain that these Emperors did not consider
    H e at once assumed the title of prince, and henceforward we it feasible to drive the intruders out; they contented them-
    must speak of the principality, instead of the duchy, of Bene- selves with hindering further aggression and preserving the
    ventum. H e might reasonably anticipate that there would be frontier of Mount Haemus. The expeditions of Constantine V
    less danger of interference with his independence from the aimed at weakening the power rather than at effecting the
    new Transalpine than from the old Cisalpine lords of northern conquest of the Bulgarian kingdom.'
    Italy. I t was mentioned before that the population are descended thevlachians
    l~opulation of the Thraco - Illyrian in their various homes both north
    The name Garda for Lake Benacus is perhaps another reminiscence of tlle peninsula was Latin-speaklng in the and south of the Danube. North of
    Lombard donlmion. fifth and tixth centuries. From this the Danube indeed there probablv
    516 HISTORY OF THE LATER R O M N EMPIRE BOOK V I CHAP. XII GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE 800 A.D. 517

    ?iVe have already considered at length the import of the developed what it learned in new directions. I n Russia indeed
    foundation of the Holy IZoman Empire and the new attitude New Rome played a more positive part than elsewhere, but its
    assumed by the papacy in the eighth century, and it has been influence there was spiritual rather than political. Thus the
    observed that without a comprehension of these events modern Holy Roman Empire has in some respects more resemblance
    history is unintelligible. I t is interesting to compare the than the Eastern Empire to the old pagan Roman Empire. 1
    offices which the new Empire in the north-west and the old do not mean the more superficial circumstances that the centre
    Empire in the south-east respectively performed. I n many of both was Italian Rome, and that in both Latin was the official
    respects their functions were similar. They were both forced language; I mean the essential circumstance that they per-
    to play a part in the decision of the " eternal question" ; while formed similar offices for Europe ; for just as the pagan Roman
    the eastern Emperor defended Mount Tanrus against the Enlpire civilised Gaul, the Holy Roman Empire civilised cen-
    eastern caliphate, the western Emperor held the Pyrenees tral Europe. The Eastern Empire, on the other hand, had the
    against the western caliphate; and it devolved upon both function of the ancient Greeks rather than that of the ancient
    Emperors to keep the heathen of central Europe at bay, the Ittomaas-spiritual rather than temporal dominion ; it was the
    Magyars (before they became Christians) and the Patzinaks. great permanent fixture which remained until western Europe
    Both Emperors ruled over Slaves ; the western Emperor over was prepared to take the torch for ever and march with certain
    the Slaves in Pannonia, the eastern Emperor over the Slaves footsteps in new paths of development.
    in Macedonia and Greece ; and in both cases the Slaves proved
    an alien and troublesome e1ement.l
    Both Empires were the champions of order in Europe;
    both Old and New Rome were ranged for civilisation against
    barbarism. But there is a broad contrast between them. The
    part played by the Eastern Empire mzy be described as nega-
    tive, while the part played by the Western Empire was
    positive. The Eastern Empire protected Europe against the
    inroads of Asiatic barbarism, while the Western Empire ex-
    tended Christianity and order in central Europe. The Eastern
    Empire conserved and in many respects refined ancient civil-
    isation; the Western Empire learned of the Eastern, and

    survived in MTalachia and Moldavia a tion in Bulgaria itself.


    layer of Roman population, though The absence of royalty is a feature
    Roesler would have it that when Aure- of primitive Slavonic societies, and it
    iian abandoned Trajan's Dacia, i t was is interesting to observe that the Slavea
    entirely evacuated by the Romans ; but derived their names for emperor and
    this layer cannot have been large, and king from the Eastern and Western
    PiE has not disproved that it was a Roman Empires respectively. Kaiuap,
    medieval immigration of cis-Danubian Caesar, became (perhaps through a
    Vlachs that rendered a " Roumania " Frank medium) Tsesar, and then, by
    possible. " Great Walachia " in Thes- the omission of one of two similar syl-
    saly was formed by a southward lables, Tsar ; while korol, kral, "king,"
    movement of these Illyrian Romans, perpetuates the christian name of the
    who were probably pressed into the founder of the Western Empire, Karl
    highlands of Pindus and the promon- the Great. Doubts have been thrown
    tories of Acarnania by the Slaves. on this derivation of Tsar (Czar), but
    But there remained for many cent- tsesarstvo, " kingdom," in Matthew xiii.
    uries a considerable Vlachian popula- 24 establishes it.
    CHAP. XIII SOCIETY IN T E E EIGHTH CENTURY 519

    a secular education and was suddenly promoted to the highest


    ecclesiastical dignity; and there was the abbot Plato, who,
    tllough he did not write himself, perhaps exercised to some
    extent a literary as well as a monastic influence. Besides
    these, John Lelianomantis, a learned man of science, who
    had an evil repute for occult lore in the days of Leo the
    Armenian, must at this time have been receiving his edu-
    cation.
    . A few glimpses of the usual course of education are afforded
    to us in the lives of certain of the famous ecclesiastics just
    C H A P T E R XI11
    mentioned, which were in some cases written by eminent con-
    temporaries.' Children were sent at an early age to an
    SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY
    elenlentary teacher or g~amnzatistes,who gave them what was
    called an " eisagogic " or " propaedentic " training. Theodore
    THE endeavours of the Isaurian monarchs to renovate the of Studion was taught by a grammatistes for no less than seven
    Empire bore such fruits as were possible at a period when years. It probably often happened that parents who had the
    the horizon of the human spirit was determined by a series
    requisite leisure and knowledge taught their children at home ;
    of ecclesiastical formulae. Whereas at the beginning of the and from the fact that Theoctiste, Theodore's mother, was
    century there was no distinguished writer, no man of pre- uneducated becazcse sl~ewas aqr o ~ p l ~ aand
    n , was obliged to teach
    eminent learning within the limits of the Empire, there was at
    herself after her marriage, it might be inferred tha.t women
    the close of the century quite a large group of literary men, who
    received only home instruction. The elementary training was
    had studied a great many subjects and could write very good
    followed by a higher or university course2 in philology
    Greek. There was George the Syncellus, who wrote a history (" grammar "), dialectic, and rhetoric ; some also studied mathe-
    or chronicle of the world and carried it down as far as Diocle-
    mahics and music.3 The stlidy of philology doubtless consisted
    tian; there was his friend Theophanes the monk, who con-
    in a careful reading of literary works and perhaps the practice
    tinued the chronicle where George ended and carried it clown
    of composition in Hellenistic style: which was so different
    to his own tinles ; there was Theodore the abbot of Studion,
    from the spoken language that for writing in it-as well (for
    who has left works which form a good-sized volunie '; there
    example) as Theodore of Studion could write-a diligent course
    was the learned Nicephorus, who, at first a secretary, after-
    of study was necessary. We are told that Theodore objected
    wards became Patriarch and wrote a short history of the
    to the elegance and eillptincss of the rhetors,-but it is not
    Empire from the accession of Heraclius to the middle of the
    etc. When Mr. Freeman marked a Nicephorus by Ignatins the Patriarch.
    reign of Constantine V3 ; there was Tarasius, who enjoyed also period of writers, like Theophanes and These lives have been recently published
    Constantine VII, intervening between by & deI.
    Boor in his editions of Theo-
    The reader may have formed some of Theophanes by C. de Boor is ad- the earlier peliod of stylists, llke Pro- phanes and Nicephorus.
    notion of the language of Theophanes, mirable. copius and Agathias, and the later This course was generally called
    who wrote in the vulgar tongue, from Edited by Bligne in the Patrol. period of stylists, like (Psellus and) 5 06pa0ev rrar8eia, "secular education" ;
    the short quotations from him inter- Grace. vol. 99. Anna Comnena, he should have added esoteric studies were no longer philo-
    spersed in the notes of this volume. Also a short X p o v o y p a @ r ~ 6 v (lists that throughout the middle period there sophical, but theological.
    His chronicle, however, is written in of emperors, empresses, patriarchs, were some writers who were careful to "or example, Nicephorus. An in-
    better Greek than that of John Malalas ; popes, etc.) His anti - iconoclastic avoid colloquialisms ; see his most in- teresting account of studies in logic and
    Theophanes would not have used such works have been mentioned. His teresting article, " Some Points in the philosophy as prosecuted at the period
    a form as #paAa from PdAAw, although style, like that of Theodore Studita, History of later Greek," ITeZlenic Jour- will be fonnd in the Vita Il'icephori, ed.
    he has the isolated aorist dvs.rrd7 ("he forms a contrast to that of Theophanes ; nal, vol. iii. de Boor, p. 150.
    died"), formed from dvarradw, just as
    classical i ~ d ~isv formed from Kau-
    he avoids all colloquial expressions,
    introduces such words as ~ U ~ K P ~ with
    ' The Life of Theophanes was written 4 hfshhqvirerv yAGugav ~ a yi p a p p a -
    T L P by Theod~reof Studion ; the Life of T L K ~ ~ .
    ( ~ a d a w pres.
    , ~ a l w ) . The recent edition an explanation (p. 49, ed. de B ~ o r ) ~
    520 HISTORY OF T f f E LA TER ROAfAN Er1TPIRE ROOK VI CHAP. X I I I SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY 52 1

    quite clear whether the rhetors of the past or rhetors of his movement, which, however, are a very small portion of his
    own day are referred to. works.
    Theodore had studied poetry, and composed sacred poems With the exception of the iconoclastic movement itself,
    ~vhichwere popular and widely circulated. A curious story which, although suggested by the Mohammedan doctrine, had
    is told which indicates their wide diffusion. There was a many points of originality, there were no new ideas in the
    certain man in Sardinia who was very fond of these verses: eighth century. The only eccentricity that I can find is
    especially of the Triodia composed for the season of Lent. One the theory of Virgilins (condemned by Pope Zacharias), who
    day he entertained in his house some monks who were pupils not only believed in the existence of the Antipodes, but held
    of Gregory of Syracuse, and when he began to descant on his that a race of men dwelled there who were not descended
    favourite literature they turned the poems into ridicule as from Adam and for whom no Redeemer had died.
    provincial and bad. The easily impressed host veered round All that Leo and Constantine had done against superstition
    to the opinion of his guests ; but that night Theodore himself ancl nlonasticism did not touch the foundations of religious
    appeared, to take vengeance on his admirer for his faithlessness, belief; their policy affected only the accidents of Christianity.
    and caused him to be whipped. This is only one of many They could not rouse up thought from the dead level and
    miracles which were connected with St. The0dore.l monotony to which it is condemned when its envelope is a
    We rnust notice here a celebrated Greek writer of the stereotyped creed, anything different therefrorn being incredible,
    eighth century, who was not, however, a subject of the Empire, allnost unimaginable. They could not even remove the blight
    tlle Syrian John of 1)amas~us.~His father held an adminis- of superstition from the more educated classes, though their
    trative post under the Onleyyad caliphs, and possessed con- efforts were attended with some success. I t was seriously
    siderable landed property in Palestine and Judaea. H e spent ltelieved that Leo I V died from boils on his head, a direct
    a large amount of his money in redeeming christian captives, visitation from heaven because he had worn a crown which
    and if any of them wished to remain in the country he bestowed had been dedicated in St. Sophia. I t was gravely asserted
    on them small farms on his own estates. On one occasion he that the eyes of Constantine V I were put out on the 15th
    had the good fortune to purchase a monk of Italy, probably of August because five years before he had put out the eyes of
    Calabria, named Cosmas, whom the Arab pirates had brought his uncles on that day, the coincidence of date indicating the
    from over seas to the slave market of Damascus, and he installed retributive justice. It might be conjectured that the enemies
    him as teacher of his son Johannes. Cosn~aswas learned in who blinded him chose that very day on purpose, in order that
    philosophy as well as in theology, and intimately acquainted the general pi1 .lie might look upon the crime as a punish-
    with the writings of both Aristotle and Plato. The pupil ment ordered by heaven, but in any case it is an example of
    profited by this instruction, and was considered in his day such superstition.'
    a master of style that he was called Chrysorroas. H e is chiefly The discord in Church and State created by the marriage
    known to the historians by his essays against the iconoclastic of Constantine V I with Theodote, the maid of honour, is
    instructive. It disclosed the difference between monks like
    1 The author of the first Vita Theo- first vol. of W. Gass's Geschichte der
    dori says that the tales of the miracles christlichen Ethik, p. 218 sgq., and there Plat0 and Theodore, and men of the world like Tarasius and
    vvere told (1) by Theodore's friend Leo, is an important work by J. Langen en- Nicephorus, who had led a secular life at first and entered the
    (2) by Sophronins. titled Jol~annesvon Damashs (1879).
    The Life of John Damascenus was One of John's most important works is The mention of superstition re- even shut doors. Here we have the
    written by Johannes, bishop of Jerusa- the ? r ~ y +YY&UEWE (Tons S'eientiae), in minds me of the story told in the <'Vita survival of the very ancient belief in
    lem, probably him who lived in the which he professes to cull and present to Tarasii" (Acta Sanct. Feb. xxiii.) of a the hobgoblin Gello, who is men-
    reign of Nicephoms Phocas, and was the reader thebest things in Greek philo- case which came before George, Tarasius' tioned in a fragment of Sappho. George
    burned by the Saracens. For the view sophy, and, moreover, discusses heresies father, who was a judge. Poor women acquitted the accused, and the Emperor
    on ethics held by the scholar of Da- and gives an exposition of the orthodox were accused of killing sucking infants Constantine V, the enemy of all super-
    mascus I may refer the curious to the faith (ed. Migne, vol. i. pp. 5, 21 sgg.) by penetrat~ng through windows or stition, approved.
    522 HISTORY O F THh- LATER ROMANEMPIRE HOOKVI CHAP. XI11 SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CEAJTURY 523

    Church almost by accident. The austerity of the former The great attraction which monastic life possessed for men
    was thoroughly honest, and justified by the letter and spirit of the highest rank in the eighth century-the tendency,
    of the religious canons; and Theodore alleges, in proof of which Constantine V so vigorously combated, to found monas-
    the gravity of the Emperor's transgression, that the imperial teries and retire from a public career-has been already
    example was infectious, and that governors of provinces-the noticed. Women as well as men were sometinles carried away
    Gothic governor of Bosporus is especially mentioned-began by this desire ; for example, Theoctiste, the mother of Theo-
    to imitate it securely. On the other hand, the tolerance of dore Studita, became a nun in middle life, to the surprise and
    Tarasius, who, though he did not venture to perform the consternation of her friends and of the Empress herself, who
    matrimonial ceremony, gave a tacit consent, is characteristic ; wondered that a lady in such a good social position' should
    and, I venture to say, it was an unconscious result of the abandon the world. She was, however, an impulsive woman,
    rationalistic and anti-monastic spirit diffused by the two great and I think we may conclude that it was not fashionable
    Isaurian Emperors. I n fact, I believe that the very election among ladies of rank to get them to a nunnery.
    of Tarasius, a layman and at one time a military officer, to the The parents of Theoctiste and Plato were victims of the
    patriarchal chair would never have been possible but for the great plague, and the children were left orphans at an early
    views disseminated by those two Emperors, who deprecated age. Plato was trained to be a notary and was employed as a
    over-strictness and condemned the superlative pnnctiliousness secretary by a relation who held the important office of general
    of monks. I n the eyes of the Pope the election of such a logothete. But he soon embraced monastic life, and became
    Patriarch was doubtless a clear indication of the general the abbot or hegumenos of the monastery of Saccudion, situ-
    denloralisation of the Empire. ated beside Mount Olympus on the coast of R i t h ~ n i a . ~At
    Tlie lenient manner in which the orthodox treat the Em- the time of the general synod of Nicaea he visited Constantin-
    press Irene is also worthy of note. They never forget that ople and stayed with his sister Theoctiste, who had married
    she led the reaction against iconoclasm and brought about the Photinus, a minister of rank. The spiritual personality of
    seventh Ecumenical Synod ; and if her son after his question- Plato influenced so profoundly not only his nephews but his
    able marriage is no longer a new Constantine the Great, Irene, brother-in-law and sister, that they all determined to enter im-
    in spite of all her questionable conduct towards her son, is mediately upon the more excellent way of life. So Photinus
    always a new Helena.' The ethical judgment of the contem- and Theoctiste (to the surprise of her fashionable friends),
    porary historians is perverted by a prejudice ; the virtue of along with their family, including a girl and three boys, of
    orthodoxy covers a multitude of vices ; and the fact that Irene whom one was the famous Theodore, left Constantinople
    took the part of the monks against her son, although her together and settled in a country retreat which belonged to
    motive was clearly to serve her own worldly ends, is imputed them, named Boskytion. This domain, not far from the mon-
    to her credit. She was a beautiful and accon~plishedwoman astery of Saccudion, was enclosed at one end by a crescent of
    who could beguile hearts, and we certainly do not expect writers trees, and overlooked a pleasant breezy plain which stretched
    to enlarge on the thesis that she was an unnatural mother; below ; an expanse of transparent water enhanced its delights.
    but it is amusing that the struggle between her and her son But, best of all in the eyes of its inhabitants, it afforded "quiet
    should be set down altogether to the account of the devil. to those who dwelled in it, to be alone with God and at rest
    I select a t hazard Ignatirrs' words certain Letter to Theophilus (falsely
    from the senses." Here Theodore became a monk and engaged
    of laudation (V. Niceph. p. 146), r b ascribed to John), probably written by in hard agricultural work, like a common farm labourer, not,
    ~parar6q5pov h ~ e i v o~ a O~o@i)Pqrov
    l ytv- the bishops of the East, and giving a
    arov : where ytvarov has somenhat the short sketch of the history of icono-
    same nuance as our "creature." In clasm. In it Irene is spoken of as a Her niece Theodote was the maid only excluded women from his mon-
    the second vol. of Migne's ed. of the new Helena ; she and her son are called of honour whom Constantine married. astery, but banished even female
    works of John of Damascus there is a a rose and lily among thorns. I t is related that Plato not animals.
    524 HISTORY OF THE: LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK rl

    however, neglecting his studies.l We are told that he was of his eyes if he persisted in his irrational unworldliness, and
    very zealous to reform monastic corruption, and this desire was sent him on business to Cyzicus, in order to entangle him if
    doubtless felt by many men of his rank,2 who became raonks possible in the things of this life. But the deaths of both
    from purely disinterested motives, and led blan~eless lives. the Emperor and the dissatisfied relation soon relieved Theo-
    Snch men, of high breeding and good education, must have phanes from such vexatious constraint, and he retired with his
    produced incalculable effects by their example and influence wife to the island Kalonnesos, where he built a monastery.
    in keeping personal morality at a relatively high point; and it The wife of this saint was wife only in name, and the descrip-
    cannot be denied that in this way the political decay involved tion of the wedding night is curious and edifying. He treated
    in the monastic system was to some extent neutralised. his bride to a discourse on the spiritual necessity of unsullied
    When Theodore in later years was appointed abbot of the purity; they agreed that they would never contaminate them-
    monastery of Studion (whence he derived his distinctive selves by physical union ; and the lady remained for ever
    name Studites), he introduced the practice of n~echanicalwork a maiden, vLP+v T' d v v p + o ~ ~ a p 0 f l v or'~ &.lrdP0evoe At
    among the brethren; every one learned a trade; some were the moment when they ~u~dertook the chaste engagement
    builders, some weavers, some bronzesmiths, some ropemakers, they were aware of a savour of sweet spices which filled
    others shoemakers. Many new houses, organised on n similar the whole house, a miraculous token vouchsafed of celestial
    system, were founded throughout the Empire by Studite approval; this touch reminds us of the mystic odours in the
    monks. legend of the Holy Grail.
    Perhaps no one was more austere, no one more uncom-
    promisingly militant against the instincts of the senses, than I t has been already remarked that Constantinople was
    the inonk and historian The~phanes,~ who, while the other becoming ever more and more a Greek city, and that its Greek
    ecclesiastics proceeded to the council of Nicaea on splendid character was greatly increased by the consequences of the
    horses and in fine array, rode thither on an ass, clothed in a plague. At the same time, its streets swarmed with num-
    hair garment. He was one of those divine men, says his friend bers of wholly Graecised, half Graecised, or utterly barbarous
    and biographer Theodore, the example of whose lives, like stars foreigners, especially Armenians and Slavonians.' The import-
    appearing after a storm to sea-tossed merchants, bring men ance of the Armenian element is indicated by the number of
    safe to port. He had a considerable fortune, which he spent Armenians who held governorships in the Empire ; for example,
    on charitable works, and a kinsman who did not wish that the Artavasdos, the son-in-law of Leo 111, was an Armenian."
    property should leave the family complained of the matter to A Slavonic clergyman, Nioetas, was made Patriarch, and in
    Leo IV. The Emperor threatened Theophanes with the loss the early part of the ninth century Thomas the Slavonian was
    one of the most powerful men of the time and wellnigh
    His favourite author was St. Basil, exercised by i t in the eighth century. ascended the throne. A story is told, by a late writer, of the
    and he especially delighted in Basil's M. LBcrivain writes (Le SZnnt Zomain
    book on monasticism. h p u i s Diocldtien, 1888, p. 224), " Ici, Patriarch Nicetas, that when reading a chapter of the New
    "he senate in the eighth century comme & Rome on devine plut6t qu'on Testament he pronounced the name Mar0aiov as if it were a
    had much the same functions as in ne saisit sur le fait l'action du senat ;
    the fifth. Its activities, like those of les textes ne la montrent gubre quadrisyllable, Mar8di;ov. When some one present corrected
    the Anglo-Saxon witenagemot, de- pour les Qlections impkriales et
    pended much on the character of the affaires r6ligieuses." To what extent There were also doubtless a good There seem to have been many Armen-
    Emperor. They were generally limited the Emperors, e.g. Leo I11 and his many Jews, but by the law (cf. Ecloga, ian colonies in Thrace, as is proved by
    to formalities, attending ceremonies, son, were wont to consult the senate title 9) Hellenes, Jews, and heretics numerous Armenian inscriptions dis-
    etc. ; but in crises the senate had a we cannot even guess. were disqualified from civil and mili- covered there by M. A. Domont, cf.
    constitutional right to act, as in the 3 Son of Isaac and Theodote. When tarv service. Rambaud, L'empire grcc a z ~ dixidme
    case of the deposition of Heraclonas he was three years old his father died. "he Emperor Philippicns was an sidcle, p. 147 (also MI.. Tozer's note on
    and Martina. It is uncertain whether He was a member of the corps of stra- Armenian, and a t the beginning of the Finlay, ii. 228). Armenian origin has
    the judicial fnnctions assigned to tores in the reign of Leo IV, and after- ninth century an Armenian, Leo V, been claimed for Basil I., but it seems
    the senate by Justinian were still wards received the dignity of spathar. ascended the th~one. See above, p. 452. more likely that he was a Slave.
    crrap. xlrr SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY 527
    526 HlSTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I

    I t was considered a crime to hire out a slave for prostitution,


    him he indignantly cried, "Don't be silly; my soul utterly
    abhors diphthongs and triphthongs."' on the principle apparently of preventing, not cruelty to
    If newspapers had been published at Constantinople in animals, but the corruption of human souls ; and the prefect
    the eighth century, columns of court news and columns of was supposed to interfere. I t devolved upon the prefect to
    provide for fair dealings in the exchange and for fair prices
    church news would have occupied most space. Alinost every
    week, and often more than once a week, there would have in the meat market ; and it was his duty also to preserve dis-
    been a description of some elaborate ceremonial procession. It cipline in the streets and at the public games, for which pur-
    would be tedious to go into the details of these ceremonies; pose he had soldiers under him. H e possessed the power of
    which come within the scope of archaeology rather than of excluding any individual from the city or from any part of it,
    history, and we may go on to glance at the functions of the from trading in it or from attending a show, from practising a
    prefect of the city and the q ~ a e s t o r the
    , ~ two officials who had profession in it, and he could impose all these disabilities either
    most to do with the police control and maintenance of order temporarily or permanently. Thus the office of prefect still
    -
    in Constantinople, and whose names remind us of the con- combined judicial with executive functions.
    tinuity of Roman history. Some, however, of the duties which in a modern state,
    ~ e x tot the Emperor himself, the prefect of the city was th where there is a strict police control, would be discharged by
    greatest man in Byzantium. H e was the supreme j u d w ot ," that department, devolved, not upon the prefect, but upon the
    quaestor. For the quaestor had power over all strangers so-
    only inside the walls, but for one hundred miles beyond them.
    ~ e ust enter his court and see what sort of cases used to come journing in the city, whencesoever they came and of whatso-
    before him. At one time it was a slave-it must not be ever sex or profession they were,-even over clerks, monks, and
    thought that Christianity had entirely blotted out slavery *- nuns. I t was his business to inquire who each was, whence
    who h a d taken refuge in a church and pleaded that he had he came, and what he wanted, and to take care that if he
    paid the money for his freedoin and had not been emancipated; sought redress he should obtain it, in order that he might
    at another time it was a poor patron who claimed to receive return as soon as possible to his home. For provincials
    support from his former slaves, who had been manumitted. were not allowed to stay in the capital or visit it whenever
    The prefect was often obliged to " teach" (aw+poul&~u) by they liked ; they were only tolerated there when they sought
    threats or flogging freedmen who ventured to treat with con- redress for injury or had a petition to present to the Emper0r.l
    -- -

    tumely or scant courtesy their patrons, or patrons' wives or The general law laid down by Justinian2 was that if the
    children; if a freedman went to the length of informing or quaestor found any one within the walls of Byzantium who
    conspiring against his old master, he was beaten with clubs and was neither gaining his livelihood by a trade or profession nor
    tonsured,-his freedom was cancelled, and he was handed over concerned in a lawsuit, he was to be sent out of the city, if he
    to his patron. Probably one of the commonest misdemeanours were not a native; if he were a native and an able-bodied
    was the malversation by guardians of their wards' property. Farmers were especially discouraged following law from the N 6 p s r e w p y r ~ b s
    from leaving their farms and coming to (Leunclavius, ii. p. 257) will shorn
    the city ; yet they were often obliged how free they were from anything like
    Glycas, p. 284. dita, " as a proof of the improved phil- to come when their lords refused to pay
    anthropy of enlightened men during serfdom ; i t presents an instructive COII-
    Our main sonrce for the court cere- what they owed them for produce. trast to the laws about the Colonatus in
    monies is the treatise of Constantine the iconoclast period" : " A monk Whenever the unjust lords tried to take the codes of Theodosius and Justinian.
    Porphyrogennetos, de Caerimoniis. ought not to possess a slave, neither advantare of the law's delays and there- Phv ci?rop$uas yewpybs ~ p b sr b 8pydf~uOar
    Their duties are described in the for his own service, nor for the service by detayu the plaintiffs i n the capital,
    of his monastery, nor for the culture of rbv ii6rov ciypbv ~ a [EYLTE~;UTJl ~al6ra@ty~,
    Ecloga. the quaestor was entitled to use short oi r h 6 q h u r a dxarrodprvor (the officers
    The Ecloga proves that slaves were its lands ; for a slave is a man made and severe measures, and dispense with
    after the image of God." Theodore of the fisc) rpvyeirwuav rdv d y p b ~ ,p+
    still numerous and slavery a recognised legal formalities. The position of the ~ X O Y T E Si i s ~ i a vI T Q Y E ~ X O ~ ~ 700
    V O UycwpyoD
    institntion, although tending to dis- adds, however, 'l and this, like mar- farmers, yewpyoi, in the eighth century
    riage, is only allowable to those living hp[oV^v3 ~ T E a~h bV v r b oIovoV^v.
    appear, cf. Finlay, ii. 220, 221. Finlay has been described above, p. 419. The Novel xcix. (ed. Zacharia).
    quotes a passage from Theodore Stu- a secular life."
    528 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I

    conjectured with subjective certainty that the monks in their


    man, he was to be enrolled among the public worl-men, or
    resistance to iconoclasm found firm allies in the female sex,
    placed in a bakery, or employed as a garden labourer, or have
    some other occupation assigned to him ; in case he declined to even if we did not possess direct confirmatory evidence. Nor
    work, he was to be expelled from the city. On the other hand, is i t insignificant that a woman headed the reaction. But
    although the women, like the monks, had much to answer for
    such as were maimed or old were to be gently dealt with.
    in fostering and transmitting superstition, there were doubtless
    Besides these functions the quaestor had a judicial office of
    many enlightened mothers who could educate without tainting
    small scope ; a certain kind of cases came before him, namely
    their children's minds.
    those of forgery and false coinage.
    There is evidence that weddings had still a Fescennine
    It is interesting to notice the two reasons assigned, in the
    flavour, rand the customs of licentious antiquity1 had not been
    eighth-century handbook of law, for the strict prevention of
    idleness in Constantinople. The first is that idleness leads to entirely abolished. But it is highly probable that there was
    not at this period more of that which might reasonably offend
    crime, and hence for self-protection the State is justified in
    discountenancillg it. The second is that it is unfair that strong a delicate or seriously religious nature than there was at mar-
    riage festivities in the days of our ancestors not so long ago.
    inen should live by the consumption of the superfluity of the
    A few interesting traits are related about the domestic life
    labour of others, because that superfluity is owed to the weak.
    of Theochiste, whose acquaintance the reader has already made,
    The duty of supporting the weak is one of the christian ideas
    that had long since been recognised by custom, and had already by her son T h e o d ~ r e . ~She was a considerate mistress to her
    penetrated into civil law. servants ; she allowed them not only bread, wine, and lard,
    The employments specially instanced as open to a man who but on feast days treated them to fresh meat, condiments,
    wanted work are worth noting? We are reminded that, besides and fowl3 But nature had given her a quick temper, and
    being an orphan she had not been taught to keep it under
    the inevitable staff of public workmen, who, in a city like
    Byzantium, where fires were frequent ancl earthquakes not control. Consequently she used often to fly into a passion
    uncommon, had much to do beyond the repairs necessitated by and box the ears of her maids; but when she became cool
    the wear and tear of time, the State also supported multitudes again she would retire to her bedroom and strike her own
    of bakers, as the panis et circer~seswere a survival of antiquity cheeks to punish herself for her want of self-restraint. She
    that lasted long into the Middle Ages ; and we are taught that used then to call the injured maid and ask her pardon.
    the gardens, to which we sometimes meet casual references in
    the historians, were not the property of private citizens, but The material splendours and the literary and scientific
    were parks for the people, kept up at the State's expense. culture which had begun to distinguish the court of the Ab-
    Little can be gleaned from our sources as to the details basid caliphs in their nevF city on the Tigris were well known
    of the daily life of the educated lay classes. We get no and reported with exaggerations at Byzantium, but there is no
    glimpses into the drawing-rooms of the countesses, archontesses, evidqnce that they produced any visible influence on Byzantine
    or hypatesses2; all we can say with confidence is that religion life until the reign of Theophilus. Abu Djafar Manssur, the
    filled a relatively large portion of daily life, and, as at all founder of Bagdad, had intended the place rather as a strong
    other periods, this applies especially to women. We might have military fortress-to control Kufa on the one side and Chor-
    asan on the other-than as a rich and luxurious capital.
    1 Novel xcix. (ed. Zaoharia). to the " turmarchess of Hellas," to con- This caliph was miserly, even mean, in his habits, dressed
    2 The wives of the officials received sole her for the death of a son killed in
    their husbands' titles with feminine war. In letter 195 me meet Endocia, a
    terminations (as in Germany-Gener- cauditatess, and in 217 the wife of the Alluded to by Theodore Stud. in afpouua cis ~b BupcXr~Irralysta. .
    alin, Majorin, Professorin, etc.) Lettgr hypatos Demetrins is called hypatess his Funeral Oration on his Mother ; In the Funeral Oration, Migne, 99,
    145 of Theodore of Studion is addressed (6nkr~uua). Migne, vol. 99, p. 885, ~ $ 6~b 6ppa 884 sgq. Ib. p. 888.
    VOL. I1 2M
    530 HISTORY OF THE LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK vl CHAP. X I I I SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CENTUR Y 531
    shabbily, and was disinclined to pageantry and pomp. He did I n dress, for example, the tiara and the skaramangion (state
    not encourage poetry and he abhorred music; a story is told robe), the profuse use of ornaments, were imitated from Persian
    that on one occasion, hearing a slave playing a tambourine, he customs. I11 each succeeding century there was doubtless a
    ordered the instrunlent to be broken on the player's head. marked increase in the distance of Byzantine life from old
    But he encouraged all positive sciences, history, law, grammar, Greek and early christian simplicity, and in approximation to
    and natural science ; under him flourished Chalil the great oriental richness. The rich men of Constantinople wore gold
    student of literature, and Mohammed Ibn Ishak the father of and jewels on their shoes1; the floors of their houses shone
    Arabic history. It is remarkable, however, that most of the with glazed tiles. For the vessels of domestic use a simple
    learned nlen were of Persian nationality, and Chalid, tlie archi- and beautiful form no longer sufficed, they were overlaid with
    tect of Bagdad, was a Persian. The elevation of the Abbasid heavy gold leaf. This delight in rich and showy material
    dynasty and the translation of the centre of the empire to the naturally travelled to western Europe, which in all such
    Tigris were accompanied by the rise of Persian influence, matters revered Constantinople from afar, and relics at Aachen
    which may perhaps be compared to the growth of Armenian show how Byzantine ornamentation influenced art at the court
    influence in the Roman Empire. of Charles. We must not think of comparing the luxury and
    I t was Manssur's son Mahdi, whose character in all respeck opulence that marked daily life at Ryzantium with the magni-
    contrasted with that of his father, that originated the splendour ficence of old Romans, like Lucullus or the rich men described
    and luxury for which Bagdad soon became famous throughout by Horace and Martial. Such colossal splendour is a thing
    the world. The care for luxurions comfort may be illustrated quite distinct from the diffusion of oriental luxury on a small
    by the incident that ice was sent to Mecca in September scale; and the houses of rich men at Constantinople in the
    when the caliph was visiting the holy city. "The capital, eighth century resembled in poir~tof opulence the mansions
    continually increasing in size," writes Weil, "soon became a of wealthy merchants nowadays rather than the palaces of the
    centre for all the rich and noble men of the realm; music and old Roman aristocrats and bankers. I n the first place, people
    song, which in the reign of Manssur were condemned to silence, mere not so enormously rich; and in the second place, the
    resounded in the streets ; scholars and poets were drawn to the spirit of the established religion seems to have had the effect
    court and rev7arded with royal bounty ; everything was done of suppressing tendencies to extravagant display. Men did
    to support commerce and industry; postal arrangements con- not think of lavishing fortunes on banquets of inordinate
    nected the capital with all parts of the empire; and great costliness; voluptuous carouses, celebrated in a showy and
    -
    pilgrimages were organised, with a luxury and lavish munifi- expensive manner, would have been considered a scandal and
    -
    cence of which a11 the poor from Bagdad to Mecca profited; regarded as an insult to s o ~ i e t y . ~Many unkind things were
    a special divan was made for the support of the blind." Thus said of Constantine V because he kept a merry table, and yet
    the reign of Malldi was marked by a great reaction against tlie we never hear it hinted that he waited money on luxury or
    stern parsimony of his father; and the cruel Harun, the display.
    famous hero of flattering romances, followed the example of The East was a country of fables and romances as well as
    Mahdi in beautifying Bagdad and making his court attractive
    We learn from the " Vita Tarasii " the reign of Philippicus the Bulgarians
    by luxury and culture.' (Acta. Sanct. Feb. xxiii., p. 579) that surprised on the shore of the Bosphorus
    The court of New Rome, from its foundation by Constantine, Tarasius was obliged to correct and a wedding party, provided with rich
    confine within decent limits the luxury paraphernalia for feasting, ydpous T E
    was characterised by many oriental features derived from Persia. displayed by the clergy in their dress. hvovo~ovs K ~ L b a ! , h ~ h ~ u ' r d ~ o (~~s~ L U T O U S
    Garments of silk and girdles of gold (wedding breakfast) p e r & ?ror~LXov ~ a l
    1 A picturesque account of Bagdad volume as "La vie byzantine au vie seemed unseemly extravagance to a hor?rqs d?rou~evijs (Theoph. 6204 A.M.)
    has been written by M. A. Marrast. si8cle." He notices that the dancing- Patriarch who used to distribute clothes &pyvpov hs X ~ E ~ U T OK V ~ UL K E O~ ~~ dhLya K
    This study is entitled "Bagdad sons les girls. at Bagdad corresponded to the to the poor in a cold winter (p. 580). (Niceph. p. 48). Here there was nothing
    Khalifes," and is published in the same h e t a ~ r aof~ Byzantium. The r-ader may remember how in extraordinary.
    532 NfiTOR 1' OF TNL .LATER ROMAN ELMPIRE BOOK V1 C H A P . XIII SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTH CENTURY 533
    of material splendour, and here we come to an important field world and the spirit,-the transitory and the abiding. The
    in which it influenced Europe. Novels and stories composed world is as a city where a new king is elected every year, and
    by individuals are in their nature an ephemeral branch at the end of that term, when he is at the height of enjoylllent
    of literature; and of the numbers that were disseminated and expects to reign for ever, the citizens dethrone him and
    in the Middle Ages comparatively few have survived. We banish him naked to a distant island. The wise man will
    have many tales in Italian or French, which came from follow the example of that rare king, who prudently thought
    Byzantine and ultimately from oriental sources, but of which of the future, and during his year's reign caused the treasures
    neither the oriental original nor the Byzantine intermediate of the palace to be conveyed to the island of exile, so that
    form remain. These stories reached the West in various when he was sent thither his wants were well supplied. But
    ways, by southern Italy, by the exarchate while it lasted, nothing in this vein is so striking as the allegory of the man
    and by Venice. The caliphate of Cordova in later times was suspended in the pit -a picture of medieval grotesqueness
    a centre for their diffusion. But in this place we need not that might have been painted by Albrecht Diirer. A man
    pursue a subject on which we have no direct evidence at fleeing from an unicorn which pursues him, stumbles into a pit,
    such an early date, and I shall merely speak of the story but rescues himself from falling into its depths by grasping a
    of Barlaam and Josaphat, which doubtless reached Europe tree, which grew on the margin, and supporting his feet on a
    in the eighth century, even if it was not written in Greek jutting ledge. Rut when he looked do~yriwardhe saw a fiery
    by John of Damascus, as is usually stated. The tale under- terror in the shape of a dragon, eager to devotir him; and at
    went four translations or adaptations. The Indian original the roots of the tree he saw a black and a white mouse gnawing,
    was rendered into Pehlevi, the Pehlevi into Syriac, the Syriac whence he knew that his support must soon give way and
    into Greek, and the Greek into Latin; whence German and precipitate him into the jaws of the monster. And from the
    French versions of the story were composed. ledge on which his feet rested he saw the heads of four asps
    No one can read Bnrlaa~nand Josaphnt without being struck peeping forth. Then turning his face from these horrors and
    by the resenlblance which it bears to the life of Buddha. The looking upwards he saw a drop of sweet honey distilling from
    heathen father of Josaphat in vain takes every precaution to the tree, and a longing for the sweetness so possessed him
    hinder the decree of destiny or providence that his son was to that the things below were soon clean out of mind. The
    become a Christian, and Barlaam converts the young prince, unicorn from which the man runs is death; the pit is the
    whose soul, being " naturally christian," was easily determined world ; and the t ~ e eis the space of man's life. The white and
    to abjure the things of this world and aspire to the ideal of black mouse which nibble at the roots of the tree are day and
    monasticism. The discourses of Barlaam, which convince the night ; while the four asps represent the four unstable elements
    prince of the new doctrine, are rich in oriental similes and of which the human organism is built. The drop of honey is
    metaphors, but the exposition seems to have been worked up the pleasantness of the sweets of this world ; the fiery dragon
    anew and adapted for the Byzantine world by the Greek is the fearful belly of hell.'
    monk John, of the monastery of St. Saba, who brought the An attempt was made, at the suggestion of the idolater
    " edifying story " (Icmopla + v X o + ~ X r j from
    ~ ) India to the Holy Theudas (who afterwards burned his magic books, like Cyprian),
    City.l The note of the whole tale is the contrast between the to turn away Josaphat from his ascetic unworldliness by
    the temptation of beautiful and alluring women. As with
    'The heading is: IK 7 4 s hv8ort'pas y a ~ a p l w v . In an article in the Cm- Buddha, this stratagem was ineffectual ; Josaphat was forearnled
    7Gv AlOr6awv xhpas ~ i j 'Iv8Gv
    s Xcyopt'v~s temporary Review, July 1870, Max
    rpds 7 4 v dylav a 6 X ~ v / . e r ~ v ~ ~ O ~ i u a Muller pointed out the resemblances of by a dream, which transported his imagination to a pleasant
    'Iwdvvou yovaxoD dv8pbs rrpfou ~ a l this story with the life of Buddha, as
    ivapdrou yovijs TOG d-ylou Zdja' Cv 5 6 told in the L a l i t a V i s t a r a . plain and a city, where he saw all the fascinations of beauty
    P[os BapXadp ~ a 'Iwsb#~
    l TGY doiB1pwv John of Damascus, vol. iii. ed. Migne (Patrologia), p. 976.
    534 N/STOR Y OF THL:' LA TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK vr

    and pleasure, and, as his spirit was yielding to the seductions,


    he was removed thence to dark and dolorous places, where the
    young women seemed fouler than corruption.l In contrast with
    the asceticism of Barlaanl and Josaphat is the temperament of
    the king, Josaphat's father, who held tlie bright pagan view of
    life, which accepts cheerfully and securely "this sweet light
    and the pleasant things which the gods gave to delight us."
    1 John of Damascus, rol. iii. ed. Migne (Patrologia), 1). 1149.
    Ib. pp. 1089, 1091. C H A P T E R XIV

    CONCLUSION

    AT the beginning of the period treated in this work the


    miversal dominion of Rome was passing away. We have
    seen the Empire dismembered ; we have seen how it came to
    pass that the West was taken and the East was left; and we
    have traced the history of nearly four centuries in which the
    Roman Empire, no longer a universal mistress, was adminis-
    tered by great legislators, great warriors, and great reformers,
    who ruled in the New Rome on the Bosphorus and were called
    by the same title as Octavian and Trajan.
    If the idea of the Roman Empire before it was dismembered
    was universal dominion, if its function was to rule the peoples,
    yeyere imperio populos, what was its function, it may be asked,
    when it no longer represented that idea of universal dominion ?
    The answer is that the Roman Empire was the material
    and moral support, the political and spiritual bulwark of
    European Christendom ; it represented the principle of cosmos.
    I t was not enough, as some have thought,-as M. Guizot seems
    to have thought,-for the Roman Empire at the height of its
    greatness to give once for all a principle of order to the "wild
    nations." The author and giver of the principle could not
    be discarded ; like tlie God of Descartes, the Roman Empire
    was the preserver as well as the initiator of civilisation. The
    view of the historical Anaxagoras, who attempts to explain
    European development by a prime impulse communicated
    once for all by the Roman Empire ere it retreated from the
    shores of western Europe, and who regards the " Romaic"
    Empire (if he does not call it by some more disparaging name)
    536 NlSTORY O F THE LATER ROMAN EfiIPIRE n o o V~ I CHAP. XIV 'CONCL US(ON 537

    as a superannuated and decrepit survival, is a view which can in southern Gaul over the Saracens ; yet those successes sink
    as little satisfy the true student of history as the view, which into insignificance by the side of the achievement of his con-
    represented Nous as the prime arranger of the elements of the temporary, the third Leo, who held the gate of eastern Europe
    world and then laid it aside as unnecessary, could satisfy the against all the forces which the Saracen power, then at its
    true philosopher. The Roman Empire was not, as many would height, could muster. Every one knows about the exploits of
    have it, discarded as superannuated when its western provinces the Frank; it is alniost incredible how little is known of the
    were lost ; its existence could not have been dispensed with ; Roman Emperor's defence of the greatest city of christian
    its obliteration would have been fatal to the cause of civilisation. Europe, in the quarter where the real danger lay. What
    The "wild nations" had not yet learned more than the should we say of the knowledge of one who was acquainted
    alphabet of their lesson; and if they disdained a mistress in with the victory of the western Greeks over the Punic invaders
    the sense of a queen, domina, they required a mistress in the of Sicily, and had never heard of the battle which was fought
    sense of a teacher, nzugist.i.a, for a long time yet. by the eastern Greeks at Salamis ? The same remarks might
    I11 the first place, the later Roman Empire was the bulwark be made of the earlier siege of New Rome in the days of
    of Europe against the oriental danger; Maurice and Heraclius? Constantine I T , when the armies and the armaments of
    Constantine I V and Leo the Isaurian were the successors of Muaviah were driven back and the nations of the West acknow-
    Themistocles and Africanus. The idea of European Christendom, ledged the greatness of the Roman Emperor.
    at once Teutonic and Roman, making coninlon cause against I n later centuries the chivalry of western Europe went
    the peoples of Asia, who, if their progress had been unresisted, forth against the Moslem; but the crusades whose name is
    would have made the world stand still, first appeared clearly so familiar were of far less rnoment than that crusade against
    when Aetius and Theodoric fought together against the the fire-worshippers which was fought and won long before by
    champion of desolation on the Mauriac Plain. But from that the Emperor Heraclius, when the work was not merely to
    time forward it was destined that the Romans should perform rescue the sanctuary of christian sentiment but to save the
    alone the work of defending Europe; and until the days of centre and bulwark of the christian world. For in the days of
    the crusades, the German nations did not :ombine with the Heraclius Constantinople was in far greater peril than in the
    Empire against the common foe. Nor did the Teutons, by days of the Comneni, and its fall in the seventh century would
    themselves, achieve any success of ecumenical importance have been a far more serious blow to the cause of European
    against non-Aryan races. I may be reminded that Charles civilisation than its fall in the eleventh or the twelfth.
    the Great exterminated the Avars; but that was after they But, in the second place, the Empire was much more than
    had ceased to be really dangerous. When there existed a the military guard of the Asiatic frontier ; it not only defended
    truly formidable Avar monarchy it was the Ronlan Empire but also kept alive the traditions of Greek and Roman culture.
    that bore the brunt; and yet while most people who read We cannot over-estimate the importance of the presence of a
    history know of the Avar war of Charles, how few there are highly civilised state for a system of nations which were as
    who have ever heard of Priscus, the general who so bravely yet only beginning to be civilised. The constant intercourse
    warred against the Avars in the reign of Maurice. I may be of the Empire with Italy, which until the eleventh century was
    reminded that Charles Martel won a great name by victories partly imperial, and with southern Gaul and Spain, had an
    ' We do not associate the name of projects in the West, he successfully incalculable influence on the development of the West. Venice,
    Justinian, like that of Heraclius, with defended, both by arms and by di- which contributed so much to the growth of western culture,'
    the defence of Christendom against the plomacy, the eastern frontier against
    Persians ; for Justinian was not a hero, the greatest monarch who ever sat on
    a warrior, or a deliverrr. But we must the throne of the Sassanids. I think I t may be noticed especially that Labarte, Handbook of the Arts o f the
    not undervalue what Justinian did. this great historical fact is often lost the art of enamelling was carried from ,$fiddle Age and Renaissance (Eng.
    While he was carrying out his great sight of. Eyzantium to Limoqes through Venice ; Trans.), p. 142.
    538 HISTORY O F THE L A TER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK V I
    CHAP. XIV C o i V C ~ u W 539

    mas for a long time actually, and for a much longer time I n the fourth place, the Roman Empire reserved a great
    nominally, a city of the Roman Empire, and learned what it idea which influenced the whole course of western European
    taught from Byzantium. The Byzantine was the mother of history down to the present day-the idea of the Roman Empire
    the Italian school of painting, as Greece in old days had been itself. If we look a t the ecumenical event of 8 0 0 A.D. from a
    the mistress of Rome in the fine arts ; and the Byzantine style of wide point of view, it really resolves itself into this : New
    architecture has had perhaps a wider influence than any other. Rome bestowed upon the western nations a great idea, wl-ich
    I t was to N,>--'[tome that Teutonic kings appliedwhen they needed moulded and ordered their future history; she gave back to
    Inen of lea 1-:111,,and thither students from western countries, who Old Rome the idea which Old Rome had bestowed upon her
    desired a un, . arsity education, repaired. Nor should Englishnlen five centuries before. I n point of actual fact, of course, the
    forget that the man who contributed more than any other in- title of Emperor was usurped ; but the immediate accidents of
    dividual to the making of the English Church, both by ecclesi- the transaction do not alter the general truth, that but for the
    astical organisation and by the training of the clergy, was one preservation of the Roman Empire and the integrity of New
    horn in Cilicia and educated at Athens, one who in his youth had Rome there would have been no Western Roman Empire; if
    rejoiced in the glories of Heraclius and lamented o17er the first Constantinople and the Empire had fallen, the imperial idea
    conquests of the Saracen invaders,-the great Theodore of Tarsus. would have been lost in the whirl of the " wild nations." I t is
    I t was, moreorer, in the lands ruled by New Rome that old to New Rome that Europeans really owe thanks for the establish-
    Hellenic culture and the monuments of Hellenic literature were ment of the principle and the system which brought law and
    preserved, as in a secure storehouse, to be given at length to order into the political relations of the West.
    the "wild nations" when they had been sufficiently tamed. And Of the incalculable services which the Roman Empire
    in their taming New Rome herself played an indispensable part. continued to perform for Europe and Christendom after the
    The Justinianean law, which still interpenetrates European year 8 0 0 A.D. it does not devolve upon me to speak here; the
    civilisation, was a product of New Rome. diffusion of culture and Christianity among the southern and
    I n the third place, the Ronian Empire for many centuries eastern Slaves, the missions of. St. Methodius and St. Cyril, all
    entirely maintained European commerce. This was a circum- that Russia owes to New Rome, belong to the history of the
    stance of the greatest importance ; but unfortunately it is one " Eastern Roman Empire," as it may fairly be called.
    of those facts concerning which contemporary historians did From the fifth century, when Eome on the Tiber ceased
    not think of leaving records to posterity. The fact that the to be an imperial capital, until the fifteenth, when Rome on
    coins of the Roman Emperors were used throughout Europe in the Bosphorus fell, the Empire continued to represent the
    the Middle Ages speaks for itself. To Finlay belongs the credit principle of civilisation ; for a great part of that time it was
    of having pointed out the extent of the commercial activity the bulwark of Europe. Philosophers know that change is
    of Greeks in the Middle Ages ; yet even still the old error is inconceivable without a principle of permanence, and cos~nos
    prevalent which regards the Saracens as commanding the impossible without an idea; and historians must recognise that
    commerce of the MediterraneanU1 The mere circumstance that the development of the German nations in the West, by which
    the law of the Mohammedans forbade the lending of money on from a state of almost primitive barbarity they attained so soon
    interest gave the Greeks a considerable a d ~ a n t a g e . ~ to a highly complex civilisation, was rendered possible by the
    presence of the Roman Empire in their midst. Such was the
    ' For example, in a lecture of Dr. R, the seventh, eighth, and following function of the Roman Empire in Europe ; it represented the
    von Scala, Cber die wichtigsten Bezieh- centuries " Constantinople was as much
    ungen des Orientes zuln Occidente i n superior to every city in the civilised principle of stability, and was a perpetual link between the
    hfittelalter und ATeuzeit (Wien, 1887). world, in wealth an& commerce, as present and the p a s L a permanent background, we might say,
    V i ~ i l a y History
    , of Greece, vol. ii. p. London now is to other European
    212. We may say with Firilay that in capitals " (ib.) in a thestre of changes and commotions. With the name of
    540 JIISTOR Y OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE BOOK VI

    Bome, whether borne by Romani or by Romaioi, were indis-


    solubly joined the ideas of law and culture (civilitas), and in
    the days of the Othos or of the Karlings, as in the days of
    Alaric, the true Roman Empire deserved and conimanded the
    respect of the wild peoples ;
    discite vesanae Romnm non tenanere gentes.

    INDEX
    AACHEN,cathedral of, ii. 45 ; 483, 510, Adiabene, ii. 112
    531 Adjnadein, battle of, ii. 263
    Abactis, i. 46 Adormahun (Adarmanes), ii. 99, 104,
    Abandanes, i. 433 105
    Ahasgi, in reign of Justinian I., i444 Adramyttium, ii. 372
    spq. ; ii. 55, 234, 330, 374 sqq. Aegean, theme of the, ii. 344, 351
    Abbas, ii. 407 Aegidius, defends Arelate, i. 239 ; vic-
    Abbasid dynasty, ii. 409 torious at Orleans, 242 ; death, 242,
    Abd Allah Ibn Kais, ii. 310 243 ; opposes Childeric, 282, 283
    Abd Allah Ibn Zubeir, ii. 314 Aelia Capitolina, i. 132
    Abd Allah A1 Saffah, ii. 407 Aelia Flaccilla, i. 62, 76
    Abd Almalik, caliph, ii. 314, 320-322, Aemilia, the, i. 120 ; ii. 146, 148, 303
    353, 362 Aemilius of Beneventum, i. 105
    Abd Elkebir, ii. 491 Aenus, i. 481 ; i i 23
    Abd Errahman, ii. 306, 310, 311 Aera~ium,i. 44
    Abib, general of Muaviah, ii. 289 AeTikon, i. 336
    Abrasax, ii. 54 Aesis, ii. 146
    Ahsolutirm, i. 351, 352 Aetherius, ii. 71
    Abu Bekr, ii. 262, 263, 267 Aetius, general of Valentinian 111, i. 33 ;
    Abu Djafar Manssur, see Manssur supports John, 159, 160 ; parents,
    Ahu Miisa, ii. 291 160 ; at war with Boniface, 169 ;
    Abu Sarh, ii. 288 wars in Gaul, 171, 172 ; position and
    Abu Ubeida, i ~ 263,
    . 267, 268 character, 172, 173 ; leader against
    Abundantins, i. 70, 73 the Huns, 175 spq. ; alleged inactivity,
    of Palermo, ii. 316 179 ; death, 181 ; 216, 235, 279,329,
    Abydos, i. 89, 478; count of, ii. 205, 330
    345 ; theme, 401 Aetius, ennuch, ii. 4R?, 488, 489, 490
    Abyssinia, ii. 96, 261 Africa, revolt of, under Gildo, i. 76, 77 ;
    Acacius, bishop of Amida, i. 305 Heraclian in, 118, 119, 146 ; Vandals
    of Beroea, i. 96 in, 162, 167 ; conquest of, 169, 170 ;
    general of Justin 11, ii. 100 unique position, 170,171 ; schisms in,
    Patriarch, i. 192, 193, 251 ,193, 194 ; pirates in, 244 ; persecu-
    Acatiri, i. 220 tion, 245 ; reconquered by Romans,
    Acereuza, ii. 146 385 sqq. ; Church of, ii. 5, 31 ; ad-
    Achilles Tatius, i. 322, 324 ministration under Romans, 34, 35 ;
    Acris, i. 299 fortunes of, 36 ; 37, 152, 153, 194,
    Acroinon, ii. 382, 406 212 ; Heraclius designs to migrate to,
    Actressen, ii. 59 218, 219 ; government of, 345, 347 ;
    Ad Decimum, battle of, i. 386 Saracen conquest, 353, 354
    Adad, i. 470 Africa, province, i. 170
    Addaeus, pr. p ~ .i., 346 vicariate of, ii. 34
    senator, 11. 71 Agallianus, ii. 351, 438
    Addua, battle of, i. 281 Agapetus, Pope, ii. 3, 5
    Adeodatus, Pope, ii. 315 Agapius, ii. 183
    INDEX 543
    Anastaslns, grandson of Empress Theo- Antloch (In S ~ r l a ) ,i. 50 ; bes~eged by
    Agatha, ii. 160 Alfred, king, 11 189 Huns, 70 , Eudocia at, 131, descr~p-
    Agath~as,criticises Procopius, i. 305 ; All, callph, 11 291 dora, 1. 407
    bearer of letter to Chosroer, 1. 420, t ~ o nof, 211, 212 , earthquakes, 231;
    on Justinian, 352 ; dates, 454 ; 471, Allgern, I. 414
    422 Cllosroes at, 423 sqq., 473 , 11 98, 99,
    473, 474, 478, 11. 48 , on Chosroes, Allectto, 1. 46 quaestor, 11. 69 168 , revolt of Jelrs in. 200 ; taken
    1 1 3 , style, 169, 177 , notice of, Allobich, corn. domest , 1. 115, 141 by Saracens, 267
    Patliarch of Antloch, 11. 200
    179 181 ; poetry, 185 &hoyov, 11. 366 of Lzb. Pontzf., 11. 207, Antiocb (P~sidian),11 365
    Agatho, Pope, 11 309, 315 sqq., 391 Altinnm, Alanc at, 1. 115 Antiochuq consal, 1. 130
    498, etc.
    Agentes zn rebus, 1. 45, 46 Altruism, 1. 22 ant1 monothelete (two), 11. 298 keeper of State papers, 11. 369
    Apla, 1 415 Alypia, 1. 247, 329 dfiatolzc dzstrzct (theme), 11. 308, 321, proc of Achaia, 1. 67
    Agilulf, 11. 146, 148, 151, 152 Alzeco, 11. 333 342 346 , origln of, 347, 348, 350, log. cursus, 11. 468
    Ag~ntheus,mag. inzl., 1. 213 Amadi (Storza d t Ctpro), 11. 356 Ant~patra,11. 76
    351, 378, 381, 406
    Agnellus, 11. 45, 46, 301, 366 Amalaberga, 1. 382 A?zt~phonetes,11. 432, 441
    Anatohus, CUTU~OT,1. 474
    Aidoing, 1. 267 (=Edwin) Amalafrida, 1. 382 general, I. 163 ; Peace of, 165 Antlbari, 11. 278
    Aietes (persona$cta), 1. 352, 455 Anlalasuntha, murder of, 1. 359 ; 382- nmr/ mzl., 11. 158 Antonma, wife of Belisarms, 1 347, 360,
    Aigan, 1. 375, 376 384, 386, 388, 389, 391 ; 11 186 Patnarch, 1. 228 364, 385, 407, 408, 410, 482;
    Aimom, I. 482 Amalb, 11 148, 439
    Anaxagoras, 1. 5 11. 61
    Aistulf, 11. 500-502 Amar~,11. 297, 310, 353, 406
    Anaxilla, I. 162 Antoninus, b~shopof Ephesus, I. 96
    Akanier, 11. 483 Anlasea, 11. 368
    Anchialus, 11. 120, 124, 125, 127, 361, Antonms, Russlan monk, 1. 55
    d ~ ( i 0 ~ u i~pvos,
    ~ o s 11. 241 Amazaspes, 1. 419
    474 Anusan, 11 492
    d ~ l a r 1, 1. 172 Ainbo, 11. 50 Anconr, 1 394, 412 , 11. 146, 442, 502 Apamea, 1. 425; 11. 99, 306
    Akys, 11 120, 131 Ambrosius, S t , quoted, 1. 61, 185, 187, drreharar and cixeharrxbv, 11. 312, 356
    Ancyra, resort of Arcad~us,1. 82, 91
    A1 Wakidi, 11. 263, 265, 270 hymns, 330 , 11. 136 ; n~usic,156 Andahisla, 11. 35 Apelles, professor, 1. 128
    Alamundar, or Mond~r (529 A.D.), i. Amella, 11. 499 Andreas, a Sara~eninterpreter, 11. 108 Apet~anl,I. 420
    373, 377, 419, 432 Amida, 1. 305, taken by Persians, 307, blshop of Crete, 11. 368 Aphraates, 11. 106, 110
    Alamundar, or Al Mnndar (632 A.D ), 11. 308 , retaken, 309, 373; 11. 104, 106, chanlherla~n,11 305, 307 Aphrodisias, 1. 478
    262 108 , taken by Persians, 200 ; re of Crete, llfe of S t , 11. 460, 464 Aphtllartodocetism, 11. 6, 7
    Alans, 1. 31, 1 1 8 , cross Rhine, 138- covered, 235, 265 slays Constans 11, 11. 302 Aphnnlon, fortress, 11. 108
    140, 142, 149, 151, 160 ; ethn~cal Ammatas, 1. 386 riverrag, 11. 518 dahraeuw, n. 173
    pos~tion,167 ; on Loire, zb.; mercen- Ammianus Marcelhnus, qnoted, 1. 32 ; Angilas, 1 458, 461
    anes, 172 , Caucas~an, 462 , 11. 20 ; Apollinarls of Laod~cea,1. 189
    on Isaunans, 70 , style, 314 Angles, the, 11. 32, 33 Apollodorus, spectabzlzs, 1. 131
    entertain Leo the Isanrian, 375 sqp Ammzsszonunz oficzuin, 1. 45 Anglon, 1. 436, 437 Apollonias, in Thrace, 11 36i)
    Alaric I., in Greece, 1. 64-69 , in Italy, Ammonins, author of a poem on Gainas, Anic~a,daughter of Olybr~us,11. 52 Appian, ii 178
    108 sqp ; death, 121, 140-143, 163 1. 90
    Anlc~anhouse, 1. 118, 242 App~aria,11. 123
    Alar~c11, 1. 284 Amor~nm, u. 306, 307, 378 spp., 451, Anna Comnena, 11. 170 , . 484
    ~ T P ~ L T O S11
    Albania, 11. 110, 232; Herachus in, 232 492 Anna, daughter of Leo 111, 11. 409 Apsarus, I. 455
    sqq ; Leoutius in, 321 Amorkrtos, 1. 231, 232 A~anona,1 49 Aps~ch,11. 142
    Albanians, 11. 15, 331 Ampellas, palace, 11. 91 A n o n y 7 . m ~T'uleszz
    ~ (chion~cleof), quoted, Apslkal, 1. 292, 378
    Alboin, 11. 115, 145-147 Ampelins, son of Attalns, 1. 120 1. 252, etc.; who 2 253, extracts from,
    Aldhelm, St , ii 392 Apsilians, 1. 444, 446, 463, 465, 469 ;
    Amrn, conqneror of Egypt, 11. 263, 269- 280, 281 11. 377
    Alemanni (Alainanni), settled in Italy, i. 272, 288, 291 Apsimar, 11. 351, 352, 354, see Tlber~us
    32, 138 ; 011 the Rhme, 171 ; 240 ; Anargyri, church of the, 11. 41 Ansmon, 11 119 I11
    subdued by Franks, 284, 286, invade dvaurarrrw, 11. 59 Antai (Wends), 11. 21, 22, 115, 116, 142 Apulia, 1 405 ; 11. 439, 440
    Italy, 414 Anastasia (Ino), 11. 79, 165 dvrshivor, 11. 172 Aqua Vlrgo, 1. 393
    Alemannus, 1. 357, 359 aster of Theodora, 1. 363 Antheinmq, Emperor, education, etc , Aqueduct of Valens restored, 11. 457
    Aleppo (Beroea), 11. 266 wife of Constantme IV, 11. 309, 325, 1. 206, 207, 247 ; elevat~on,243 , Aqu~le~a, 1. 51, 115, 159, 179 , 11. 6,
    Alexander the Great, I 30, 36, 322 ; his 365 marnzge, 244; unpopular, 247; 146
    emplre, a warumg, 11. 111, Heraclius Anastasiopclis, 1. 309, 482, 11. 23 hostile to R~cimer,247, fell, 248, Aqultaine, Goths In, 1. 147 sqq., 167;
    compared to, 273 Anastasius I , Emperor, 1. 136, 161, 274, 329 Franks in, 397 ; 11. 159, 504
    Alexander, " Scissors " (Psalzs), I. 405 187 ; relig~ons attitude, 192, 193 p r p r O r , I. 119,123 , adm~nistra- Aquitania Secunda, 1. 152
    Alexander Severus, law of, I. 29, 44,48, 253 ; relat~onsto Theodorlc, 282 tlon, 126, 127 , 135, 165, 244 Arabia, before Mohammed, 11. 258, 259
    eclecticism, 315 to Chlodwig, 284 , relgn, 290 of Tralles. 1 473 , 11. 40, 48, 49, Arabta, duke of, 11. 26 ; moderator of,
    Alexander, officer of Pnscus, 11. 129, spp.; Persian war, 307 s g p , 334
    131, 132 335 ; reserve fund, 360, 3 8 4 , 11. 81
    52. 194 -.
    27
    Arabia, daughter of Justin 11, 1. 54 ;
    Alexander, supporter of Phocas, 11. 91, 1, 2, 3, 22 ; austerity, 56, 57, 324 11. 71
    92, 200 Anastasins 11, Emperor, n 351, 358 ~ a t r i a r c h o fConstantmople, 11. 3, 5 Arabissus, 11. 29, 82 ; buildings at, 84
    Alexandna, corn supplles from, I. 127 ; reign, 370 spp.; length of reign, 383 phys~c~an, 1 264 Arabs, Scen~te,1. 295 , 11. 7 7 , move-
    description of, 207 ; life at, 208 rqq., 401, 408, 409 dv8urraros, 11. 172 ments of, 247
    culture in, 317; 473 ; 11. 6 ; revolt in, Anastasius, chancellor of St. Sophia, U. Anthusa, n 458, 459 Aradus, 11. 289, 290
    201 ; taken by Saracens, 271 ; popula- 216 nun, 11 456 Ararat, Mount, 11. 235
    tion of, 272, 288, 308 Pope, 1. 193 ~vrrxbvowpes,11. 172 Aratius, 1 477
    Alexlus I. (Comnenus), 1. 301 Patriarch of Constantmople, n. 436, Antzmzsaon, 11. 478 Arauno, 11. 512
    Alexius MouselQ,11. 484, 486 451, 463
    544 INDEX INDEX 545
    Aetms and Bomface at, 169, John at, Asc~%ptzczz, 1 28 , 11 419 sqp ; defeated, 177 sqq ; death, 180,
    Araxes, river, 11 110, 232, 233 ; battle
    of, 233 393,394, 11 146, 442 Asdlngi, 1 151, 152 213 sqq , at home, 221 223 , manners,
    Arba, river, 11 242 Arintheus, I 162 Asenms, m Lower Moesia, 1. 164, 11 132, 222, 223
    Arbe, island, 11 277 Aristobulus, officer of Maur~ce,11 109 133 Augofleda, 1 382
    Arbela, 11 242 Aristoplianes, 11 185 A secletzs (au?)~p?jrts), 11 173 Augustcitz~a,11 80
    Arbogast, 1 61, 117 Aristotelian~sm,medieval, 11 190 Asza, 11 382 A u g ~ ~ t e u (Augustalan),
    in 1 54, 342 spq ,
    Arca, 11 29 Anus, 1 198 Aslmn, 1 375, 376 11 328
    Arcadla, princess, 1 123 , death, 135 Arnzatz (a~paroc),11 344 au?rahaOov, 11 277 ~ u g u s i e i s trikllnos
    , of, 11. 409
    uite of Zeno, 1 250, 259 Armatolz, 11 312 Aspalius, 1 236 Augnstiila, 11 286
    Arcadiopohs, 1 164, 263 , 11 475 Armbrust, L , ii 37, 146, 158, 500, 5G1, Aspar, general, 1 135,158,159 , in East, Augustine, S t , i 3 , cle c~zstateDa, 8,
    Arcadius, Empeior, 1 61 sqp , 68,70, 75, 504 163, 165 , in Africa, 168, 169, 176, 312 , att~tudeto art, 10, 1 2 , ,1s\age
    76, 83, 86, 90, 100, 101, 105 , Armenla, monophysitism in, 1 191, cuz~sa as emperor-maker, 228, character, quoted, 1 8 , 121, 168, 192 1 9 5 ,
    death, 106,112,123,200 202 sqp , bell^, 304 cqp , 377 , hlstory after 229, fall, 230, 244, compared to splrlt, 311, 312, 330 , n 150, 156
    3 0 4 , pillar of, 11 52 ; 223, 423 532 A D , 419 sgq , 441, Church of, Rlc~mer,245, 247, 263 Augustine, mlsslonary, 11 153
    bishop of Cyprus, 11 250 11 6 , wars ln, 101 ~ q q, Heraclius in, Aspernch, II 332 Augzcstzrs (Allyovu~os)and Augusta, 11
    pr pr , i 259 232 spq , monophyq~tibm,250 , Sdra Assidonla, 1 415, 416 174
    Archaeopolls, ~n Colchic, I 446 , slege of, cells 111,288, tiibutary to Saracens, 289, Asryria, 1 431 , Heraclius' campalgn in Aurelian, monast~cieformer, 1 398
    460 sqq , 11 376 t r ~ b u t div~ded,
    e 320,322, invaded, 376 11 241 sqp Emperor, 1 29 , 11 51
    Archelaus, pr pr Afrzcae, 11 34 il?nzenza,Fourth, 11 321, 355 Ast~cus,1 301 (2.'~ pr ), 1 i4, 80 83, 86 87
    Arch~tecture,11 41 sqq Armenlac provmces, arranged by Justm Astenus, cm~z Hasp, 1 155, 236 Aureliani (Orleans), 1 177 , battle of,
    Arculphus, s t , 11 393 ian, 11 28, 29 Astica reglon of, 11 119, 120, 122 242, under Flanks, 397
    Ardaburms, father of Aspar, 1 158, 159, Armenaac Theme, 11 340 342 344, A s t u r ~ I, 287 Anrelius, Marcus, re1gu of, 1 4, 6, 25,
    228, 305 orlgin of, 346 347, 350, 351 Athalaiic, illegitimate so11 of Heraclius, 31. 47
    son of Asuai. 1 230, 248 'Apuevra~or,11 306 340, 342, 348, 407, 11 223, 266 Aurzk-~icoronurzuab 1 41
    Ardagast, 11 f19,128, 129, 144
    Ardalio, battle of, 1 77
    Ardarl~,king of Gepids, 1 261
    1 2:~~::: in Cyprus, 11 251 , influeiice
    of, in the Emp~re,452 , IU Tllrace 525
    gr~ndsonof Theodor~c,1 383, 384,
    3x9
    ---
    Athanagild, I 415, 11 165
    oblatzczzcni, I 41
    Auson~ns,poet, 1 147, 154
    Austms~a,1 397 , 11 159, 160, 163
    Ardazanes, 1 305 Armorica, 1 177, 242 Athanasius, blsliop of Alexzndria, 1 185, Austr~a(Lombzrd), 11 513, 514
    Ardzca, 11 46 Army, d e ~ l ~ nine slxth century, 1 471, 187 Anthar~s,11 147, 148, 151 164
    Arelate, 1 1 4 0 , slege of, 411 A n , 142, 479 , 11 73 , refolm b~ Manr~ce,104, Pzlrizlch of Antloch, 11 251 au7ohporwp, 11 173
    144, 148, 153 , fortunate site and decl~ueunder Phocas, 212, 420 \euatoi, sent to Colchis, I 455, 456 Autonornos, inzrty~,church of, 11 89
    opulence, 154 , attacked by Vlsigoths, Ameglscl~s,1 165 Athzulf count ot domestics, I 117,121, Anxentms. &fount. 11 464
    172, 176, Avitus procla~med at, 236, Arsaber, 11 452 king 137 , relgn, 144 149
    237, games at, 240, defended by Arsaces, conspirator 1 476 Atheiiaeuin (at Rome), 1 47
    Aegldms, 239, attacked by Chlod Art Byzantine, 11 40 spq Athen~ls,see Eudocla Awls, 11' 22 23 , embassy to Justin 11,
    vlg, 284, 398 , 11 1 5 3 , a Saracen Aital~anes,1 356, 388, 475, 476 Athene of Lmdos, the, 1 252, temples of, 72, 77, 84 86, 97, 100 105, 1 1 2 ,
    Pers~andeserter, 1 443 11 41 h~storyof, 114, come to Eu~ope,115,
    clty, 512
    Arendt, 1 177 Artana r~ver, Slavic settlement near,
    11 471
    Athellodorus, Isaurian, 1 292, 293
    Btlie~lc,1 3 , schools at, 9 , Alaric ~ t ,
    .
    rel~tions to Lombards, zb relat~onq
    Areobmdu?, general of Theodosius 11, wlth the Einplre, aild'wzrs, etc, 116
    1 162, 163, 165 Artavasdos, ii 378, 409, revolt of, 450 67, 105, 124, 128 , in fifth century, sqp , 146, 149 , Heracllus relatsons
    grezt giandson of Aspar, I 308 316 , schools closed, 352, n 1, 175 , with, 222, 223, 237 , besiege Constan
    Gothlc champion, 1 305 general of Anatollcs, 11 479 walls renewed, 24 , marbles obtalned tinople, 239 sqp , 278 , called Opppor,
    pr Af~zcae,i 388, 11 35 Artaxata, 1 126 froin, 49 , churches at, 42, 185, 186 , 279, 331 , revolt of Bulgarians against,
    111 seventh century, 280 , vis~tedby
    pr pr , 1 346 Artemidorus, delegate of Zeno, 1 267 333, 450 452, 513, 536
    Arethas, 1 430, 431, 432 Artem~smm,near Sdlon~ca,11 23 Constans, 300, 392 Aventia, 11 300
    Argek, 1 437 Artemius, ii 352, 370, see Anastasius I1 Ath~ngani,n 397 Av~enns,1 179
    Argos, taken by Alanc, 1 67 Arverni, 1 275, 3 9 7 , 11 159, 160 Athos book of Mount, on paintmg, 11 53 Avignon,
    Av~tochol, 1111163
    332
    Argosy, derivation of, 11 277 Arzaman (fortress),' rlver of, 11 106, Athyras, fort, 1 164
    Ariadne, uife of Zeno, I 230, 233, 251, 199 river, I 479 Av~tu.;, Emperor, 1 176, elevat~on,
    252, hostile to Illus, 256, 258, 290, Arzamon, rner, n 106 Atmeidzn, I 56 236 : fall, 237 , political posit~on,
    302 Arzanene, 1 304, 308, 309 , 11 98, 100, AtlGa, 11 485 239, 329 , on Suevlan coins, 405
    Ananism, I 1 5 , among the Germans, 104, 107, 235 Atropatene, see Azerb~yan Axum, klngdom of, I 469, 470
    34, 79, in Byzantmm, 87, 229 , laws Asclepigeneia,daughter of the philosopher Attalla, 11 350, 356 Azerbiyan, 1 434 , 11 110 , Heraclius
    Plutarch, 1 12, 1 3 Attalus, created tyrant by Alarlc, 1 in, 231 sqp , Heraclius harries, 238,
    agamst, 117, 185, controversy, 187,
    188, in Africa, 245 , 283, 382, 384, 117, 118 sqq , deposed, 120, 147, 241
    148, elevated by Athaulf, 1 4 8 , fate,
    406, 416, persecuted by Tlberlus 11, .FA
    13U
    n 81, 153, 165 1 TO A P ~ a The
    (Theophanes) (Theoyhylactus)
    p ~ ~defeat of Leontlus (see
    TO ApCavv BAALBEC, see Hellopolls
    Attlcus, Patriarch 1 123, 124 189 Baanes (Vartan) 11 264
    Anarathea, 11 29 vol 11 p 199) took place at ArxamOn accord
    ing to our texts of Theophanes but one M S Attlla, 1 125, 126 , Marclan's att~tude (Seven Devlls), 11 355
    Anchis, ii 147
    prlnce of Beneventum, n. 505 glves Af~api;v and Anastasius ha3 Ardamum to, 136, 1 6 0 , ln Illyncum 162 spp , Babas 1 444, 446, 450
    lhere can be no doubt that the scene of empire of, 166, 1 7 3 , relat~onsw ~ t h Babylou~aInvaded by Romzns, 11 102,
    h m i n u m , Alaric at, 1 115, 116 Leontlus defeat was close to the scene of
    Attalus discrowned at, 120 ; battle of Ph~llpplcusvictory the West, 174 spp , lnvades Ganl, 175 103
    VOL I1 2 \
    Baduarius, 11 71 spy ; in Gothic war, 389 sqp., 407 sgq.;
    Baduila, see l'ot~la 71zag. nzd. per. Or., 423 , ln Persian Boniface, count, defends Massilia, 1. 147 ; 21, 22, 31, 133, 239, 309, 369 ; Jus-
    Baeterrae, 11 512 war, 430 spp ; saves Constantinople corn. Afr , 156 ; apparent revolt, 157, tinian I1 at war with, 321 ; foundation
    Baetlca, 1. 151, 152, 155 from the Huns, 479 spp ; disgrace, 163 ; career of, 168 sqp., 172 of Bulgarian kingdom, 331 spq. , kmgs,
    Bagdad founded, 11 529, 530 482 ; death, zb., legends about, ab , Bononia, in Italy, Alaric at, 1. 115, 120; 332, Slavised, 335 , fight against the
    Bagradas, river, 1 388 11 33, 178, 179 11. 502 Saracens, 404 , commercial treaty
    Bdlan, 1,. 115, 118, 119, 276, 332 Bellini, Gentile, 11. 52 on Danube, 11. 120, 126 with Empire, 470 , history in e~ghth
    (Paganos), 11. 472, 4'73 Belzetla, 11 483 Bonosus, 11. 200, 201, 206 century, 470 spp , 511, 515
    Bajunetes, 11 280 Benedict, St , 1. 397, 398, 407, 11. 150, Bonus, patncian, 11 225, 239 Bulla Regia, 1. 386
    Bakers m Constsntinople, 11. 528 156 protects Danube, 11. 115, 116 Bunuws, see Rabia
    Balas Pers~anking 483 A.D., 1. 306 Benefices, 11 468 Bookolabras, 11. 120 Burckhardt, J., quoted, 1. 41
    Baledric islands, n. 32 Beneventum, 11 1 4 6 , duchy of, 147, Boor, C de, 11 216, 254, 409, 473, 518, Burdigala (Bordeaux), 1. 147, 152, 275 ;
    Balgrtzis, ii 359 149, 153, 300 302, 444 spp., 504 ; 519 11 163
    Ballomer, 11. 161, 1b% principality of, 505, 514 Bop66vvs, 11. 57, 168 Burdyan, 11. 404
    Ballurus, 11. 23 Benilns, 1 444, 446, 450 Boskytion, 11 522, 523 Burgund~a, kingdom of, 11. 159, 160,
    PavSov, 11. 168, 171, I52 Benjamin, 11 247 Bosma, 11 277 161.
    - 163
    - - ,---
    Barasbalrunos, 11 365 Beregaba, 11. 334, 471 Boso (Gunthramn), 11 160 163 Bnrgundians, 1. 144, 146, 153; first
    /3(Lpaapos, name, 11. 174 Bergamo, duchy of, 11 149 Bosos, 11. 126 kingdom, 171 ; second kingdom, zb. ;
    Barca, 11. 288 Benchus, Scj thian, 1 222 Bosphorus (or Bosporos), the, 11. 224 support Avitns, 239, 280 ; subdued
    Barcelona (Barcmo), 1. 149 Beroea (Aleppo), Chosroes at, 1. 423 ; 11. Bosporus, 1 470, 11. 357-359 by Franks, 284 ; kings of, 382 ; m
    Bardanes. 11 351. see Philivaicus 266, 267 Bosra, 11. 42 Italy, 395
    rebeis again& ~icephb;.us, n. 452, (in Macedonia), Goths in, 1 262 ; Rostra, 11 262, 263 Burniche, see Jahja
    487 11. 280 Bouquet, Dom , 11. 164 spq. Busas, sold~erat Appiar~s,11. 123
    Bardas, patncian, 11 475 Berjtus, law school at, 1 47, 369, 473 Bourges, 11. 163 Buabek, 11. 513
    Baresmanas, 1. 375, 376 BerzGtes, 11. 280, 474 Bous, place in Constantinople, u. 206, Bossora, 11. 269
    Bargus, 1. 73 Berzetia, 11 474 330 Busur, ii 306
    Barium (Ban), 11. 447, 448 Beser, 11 430 Bovianum, 11. 333 Buzes, general, 1. 374, 375, 420, 422 spp.,
    Barkame, 11. 288 Bessarabia, 11. 331 Bracara, battle of, 1 155, 237 463
    Barlaun~and Josuphat, 11 532 sqp. Bessas, general, 1. 409, 444, 445 ; a t Bradley, M r . 11. 513 Byrides, 11. 205
    Barletta, 11 273, 448 Petra, 446 spp , 450, 454 Brescia, see Brixia Byzacena (or Byzacium), province, 1.
    Baronius, 1. 357 ; 11 318 Bessi, 11 15 Brevzamz~mof Alaric 11, 1. 381 1 7 0 , n. 34
    Basil I., Emperor, 1. 199 , 11. 31, 525 Bieda, 11. 499 Br~sa,11. 28 Byzantine art, ii 40 sqq
    Basll, bt , ii 524 Bigilas, 1. 213 sqq. Bntain, 1 111 ; lost, 142, 143, 285 ; Byzantinlrnl, 1. 72 ; 11. 40
    duke of Rome, 11 441 Bilbels, 11 270, 272 legends of, 11 32, 33 ; conversion, Byzantium, 1 39 , advantages of situa-
    of Gortyn, 11. 317 Billimer, ally of Riclmer, 1. 248 150, 153, study of Greek in, 392 tion, 51, 52 , description of, 52 spp ;
    Trilrakhabos, 11. 498 Biraparach, castle of, 1 307 Britannia= Br~ttany,in. 32 characteristics of its history, n. 11, 12
    ~aur)\eur,11 173 Blscop, Benedict, 11. 392 Bnttia, 11 32
    Baszlacu (code), 11. 324, 416, 417 Bisgr, 11. 451 Bnxia, 11. 149 CADESIA,battle of, 11. 268
    Basilicas, 11 41, 42, 44, 46 Bithynla, 11. 344, 464 ppov~dha~as, 11 19 Cadisenes, 1. 376
    Basilides, gnostic, 11 54 Blnchernae, church of, denvation, 1. 52, Brsjaci, 11 474 Caesar, title, it. 173
    quaestor, 1. 342 5 3 , 11. 230, 316, 360, 3;3, 464 Brumalia, ii 395 Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza), 1 140
    Bas~liscus,Ernpelor, 1 191 ; commander Bladastes, ii 163 Brunhilda, 11 153-155 160, 161, 163 Caesarea, Cappadocia, 1. 473 ; 11. 289,
    against Vandals, 244 sqp ; usurpation Blasphemy, laws against, 11 61 Bruta, feast of, 1 296 290, 405
    and fall, 251 ; fate, 252, 254, 263, Bleda, Hun king, I. 162, 216 Bmttlr, Alar~cin, 1. 121,405; 11. 147, 148 Thessaly, 11. 23
    265, 11 4 Bleschanes, 1 431 Bryas, 11 403 Palestme, ii 311
    Basillus, count, 1 373 Blues and Greens, 1 338 sqp ; 11. 56 qq., Bryce, Mr , 1. 334 ; 11. 17, 506, 507 Caesaria, sister of Anastaslus I , 1. 293
    Bassra, 11 269 79, 87, 89 91,168, 181 Boa, 11. 276 Caesarius, patnclan, 1. 417
    Bassus, pr.pr , 1 346 Bluhme, Fr , 1 368 Bucelin, 1. 414 monastic reformer, 1. 398
    Bastarnae, 1. 31, 32, 62 , 11. 17 Bodvos, ii 276 Bzccellaraz, 11. 205, 343, 344, 350, 351, harbour of, 11. 205
    Batbaian, 11 332 Bobium, 11 502 407, 451, 479 Caesaropap~sm,1. 105 ; 11. 1, 3, 5, 7, 67
    Bauto, 1. 61, 63 Boccaccio, 1 321 Bncentus, river, 1. 122 Cairo, 11 271
    Bavaria, it. 151 Bocking, n. 324 Bucinator, 11 290 Calabria, I 405 , ii 302, 423 ; change
    Bazan~s,11 28 Boethms, man of letters, notice of, ii. Buddha, 11 532 in meaning of, 439 , churcli of, 446,
    Bede, 11. 392 189 spp B w a , n 275, 276 448, plague in, 453
    Bederiana, ii 7 prefect, slain by Valentinian 111, Bulgaria, Great,' 11. 331, 332, 337, 338 Calapodlns, 1. 340 ; 11. 57
    Bekker, I , on Just~nlan'srelgn, 1. 353 1. 182 Bulgarians, first appearance of, 1 272, Caligula, 1. 338
    Belegez&tes,11 280, 338 Bogomlles, 11 397 285, 294, 297, 299, 342 ; 11. 16. 20, Caliphates of Bagdad and Cordova, 11
    BBlgradZik, 11 14 Bolland~sts,the, 11 464 510, 511
    Belisarius, origin of, 1 341 , denvation Bolsena, lake, 1 389 Called Black Bulgarla by the Bulgarians Calllcratea, n. 89
    of Moesla who called the~rown kingdom Callimachus, 1 322
    of name, zb , 11 17 , at Nika revolt, 1. Bolyurs, 11. 336, 474 Whlh ~nigana Whzte Ilks great was used
    341, 344,345, 360, general in Persian Bomarzo, ii 499 calfinice, gate of, ll. 365
    war, 372 spp ; in Vandalic war, 385 Boniface, apostle of Germans, 11. 501 of the mostonImportant
    settlement the Volgabountry,
    was superseded,
    t2le onglnal
    as ~t Calllnicum, 126, 377 , of, 378,
    were, by the ettlement on the Danube 379, 434 ; n. 105
    548 INDEX INDEX 549

    Callmicus, patrician, 11 69 Catanla, I 385 ; 11. 495 Chiusl, 1. 394 career, 9 1 sqq , 187, 197, 198, 200 sqp ,
    exarch; 11 152 Cicteya7~,11 356 Chlodonier, I. 397 311, 312
    inventor of Greek fire, ii. 311, 319 Cathunia, 1. 56 ; 11. 70 Chlodw~g, conversion to Christianity, I. Chrysotrzclznus, the, 11 73
    Patriarch. 11 326, 329, 361 Cattaro, 11 277, 278 17 ; reign, 283, 284, 382, 397 Church, Greek, heterogeneous wnt~ngs,
    Calliopas, exzrch, 11 294 Caucasus, mountains, 11 376, 377 Chlojo, I. 171, 282, 283 1. 3
    Callic, 11 146 Cauculus, 11. 295 Chlomari, 11 107 Church, the, 111 fourth century, I. 184-
    Calor, ri,ei, 11 301 Cavall(~rzethemes, 11. 355 Chlothachar 1 , I. 397 ; n. 146, 159- 188, in fifth century, 188-196
    Calv~n~sin. I 195 Cebrus, nver, 1. 165 161 Churches-
    Calvomonte, 11. 122 Cedrenus, George, 11 207, 226, 281 Chlotsu~nda,11. 146, 164 St John, 1. 88
    Campama, I. 277 ; change m meaning, Celer, wzag, of., 1 309 Chobus, river, I. 455 SS. Sergius and Bacchus, 11. 42
    11 38, 147, 503 Celestius (the Pelagmn), I. 194 Cho~asan,11. 529 St. Peter ad vlncult, 1. 132
    Canda~m,Mount, I. 271 Centauropohs, 11. 23 Chor~anes,1. 443 St. Sophia, see Soph~a
    Candidian, 1 158 Cephallenia, 11. 351 ; tlie~ne,~ b . 3-57
    , Chonclus, 1 301, 322 ; 11. 1 2 1 St. Irene, see Irene
    Candidus, bishop of Sergiopolis, I. 422, Cerasus, 11. 28 Choi tll (=Har~th),11 77 San Apolll~iareNuovo, 1 282 ; 11. 43,
    432 Cesena. I. 394 : 11. 146. 502 Chorntzon, pass of, I. 467 44
    h~stor~an, 1 278, 325, 328 Cettma, rmer, 11 278 Uhosro Aiit~oche~a, 1. 427 San Apolllnare 111 Claqse, n. 46, 367
    Canonzca?aa,1 302 Cettms, Mount, 1. 287 Chosroes I. (Nnsh~ivan),I 353, 372 , San V~tale,see Vitalis
    Cantacuzenos, John, 11. 238 Chalcedon, 1. 51, 57, 85-87, 136 , acLesslon, 379, 396, 418 ; wars w ~ t h San Mart1110 in Caelo Anreo, 11. 44
    Cali~tohum(Cap~tohneAule), 11 184 11 121, 139 ; Persians at, 199. 203, Jostinian, 418 sqq ; dehcate health, St Mary, 111 Blachernae, n 316
    Cappadocla, overrun by Isaurians, 1 70, 209. 216, 223, 224, 239, 283-285, 440, mars 111 Laz~ca,441 spp ; royal Holy Apostles, at Constantn~ople,11.
    102 ; proconsul of, 11 28, 103, 199 , 308' style, 467, 470 , 11. 68, 77, 89, 92, 95 273, 319
    army in, 210, 212, 216, 228 , theme Chalc~s,S p a , 1. 377, 425 ; 11. 267 97, 99, 100 sgg. , relgn and lnteinal Sta Agatha, at Ravenna, 11 43
    of, 340, 351 ; In Allatol~ctheme 344- island, 11. 120 pollcp, 112, 113 ; death, 105 ; culture, Sta. Croce, at Ravenna, 11 44
    346, 348 , Moslemnh In, 381, 492 Chaldza, theme of, 11 351 175, 176 San G ~ o v a n Evangehsta,
    ~l~ at Ravenna,
    Capua, 1. 414 ; ~ o u n t yof, 11. 301 Cllaleb, Saracen admiral, 11. 311 Cl~osroesI1 (Eberw~z),1. 148 , appeals 11. 44
    Capus, 11. 23 Chzlld, arch~tect,11. 530 to Maurice, n. 111 , accession, 112, E s k ~Djouma, at Salonlca, 11 43
    Caputvada, I 386 Chahl, 11 530 172 , war w ~ t hPhocas, 198 sqg , 214 ; St. Demetllus, at Salon~ca,11. 43, 47
    Carabz, 11 315 Clialhe, 1. 342 , 11 409, 432 cruelty, 217 ; letter to Herschus, 220, San G~ovanniIn Fonte, at Ravenna,
    Ca~acalla,I. 26, 390 , 11. 323 Cbalhoprateia, church of, I. 56 ; Jews 228, 231 , statue of, 232, 23'1, 238, 11 43, 44
    Cul azure, 11 161 ill, 11 55, 433 241 ; flees to Ctesq~hon,242 ; death, SS. Nazar~oe Celso, at Ravanna, 11. 44
    Cardam, 11 475, 476 Cbanaranges, I. 476 243, 244 ; att~tude to Mohammed, St Enphrasius, at Parenzo, 11. 46
    Carla, 11. 28 Chnies of Lindus, 11. 290 261 St George, at Salonica, 11. 47, 48
    Carinthia, 11. 274 Charms, 11. 338 CRrest~anozand Chiestos, m Phryg~a,11. St. Sopl~~a, at Saloil~ca,n. 52
    Carinns, I 297 Chzr~bert,11. 159, 1 6 1 41 St Maria, ~n Blachernae, 11. 462
    Carlyle, Thos , 11. 259 Char~obandes,I. W3, 139 Chnsl~anity, compared to the Renais- Ciberis, 1. 478
    Cariliola, 11. 274 Chanst~csystem, the, 11 467, 468 sauce, I. 1 ; contrasted w ~ t hHellen- C~hossa,11 396
    Carpathus, transport statlon, I. 127 Cha~lesMartel, 11 499, 500, 512, 536 ism, 4 ; attitude to paganism, 9, 10 ; Clbyra, Pamphyl~an,11. 343
    Carp, settlements of, I. 32 , 11. 16 Cltarlts the Great, 11. 114, 450, 483, relations to Stoiclsw, 6, 7 ; to Epi- Canan, ii 343
    Ca~piho,1. 178 490, 496, 502 spp ; crowned Emperor, cureanism, 7, 8 , to Neoplatonism, 15, C~byra~ots, fleet, 11 311 ; theme of, 342,
    Carrhae, 1. 439 506, 513, 516, 536 16 , two sldes of, 12, 22 ; Influence 343, 345, 349-351, 354, 406,407, 446,
    Carthage, I. 146,169 , taken by Vandals, Charszanon, theme, 11. 345, 351 on society, 17 sqp ; ]elation to Teu 452, 492
    170 ; by Behsarms, 386, 387 , 11. 34, Chassang, Mount, I. 320 tonlsnl, 17 ; a cause of d~smteg-rat~on, Cid, legends of, 11. 406
    203, 285, 288 ; recovered from Sara Chatzon, 11. 337 33 sgq Cil~c~a, 11. 227-229, 236, 322, 344, 355
    cells, 302 ; finally captnred, 353 Chancer, 11. 189 Chri>t~anus,scamar chief, 11 473 Clrcesmm, I. 377, 421
    Carthago, Nova (Carthagena), 1. 146, Chelandm, 11 3G3, 403 Chr~stodo~us, poet, I. 55, 320 ; 11. 183 C~rcumcellions,the, I 170, 194
    240, 415 ; 11. 31, 216, 218 ChBng kuan, 11 64 ('hrlstology, 1. 188 spp. C~rcus,fact1on5 of, see Blues and Greens
    Casplan gates, 1. 69, 425 Cherso, ~sland,11. 277 Chnstophorus, 11. 458, 459, 478, 481, C ~ r t ares~stsVandals, 1. 169
    Sea, trade roate. 11. 63, 96 Cherson, 1. 470 : Martln ban~shedto, 482 Clarzsszmz, change In meanmg, 1. 39
    Cassandrea, 11. 21, 23 11. 296, 351, 357 spp , Justln~an'sex- Cl~rastusPatzens, I. 319 Class@ (Classe), I. 118, taken by Lom-
    Cass~an,1 95, 195, 330 p e d ~ t ~ oagamst,
    n 362 spq., 478 Chrobatos, 11. 275, 276 bards, 11 441
    Cassino, Monte, I 397, 398 ; 11. 147 Chersonese, Thracian, Huns m, I. 165 ; Chronzcon Moasszacense, 11. 500 Claud~an,Greek poet, 1. 320
    Cass~odorus,1. 163 ; chronicle of, 281, 11. 23 Paschale, see Paschal Chronzcle Latin poet, Bk 11. cap 1. passanz ;
    368, 381 ; 11. 157 , not~ceof, 186 sgg. Chettu?, I 479 Chronology, errors in, 11. 422, 425 sgq. value of, 1 67, 84, 112, 320, 328
    Castaldz of Lombard?, 11 313 Chilbud~ns,ii 20, 21, 115 Chrysaphius, I. 134, 135, 191, 338 Clnudlopol~s,1 293
    Castinus, general, I. 155, 156, 157, 158, Childehert, son of Chlodwig, 1 397 C'hrysargyron, 1. 29, 301 Claudius Gothicus, 1 31, 325
    159, 168 son of Slgibert, 1. 397 ; 11. 126, 160- Chrysocheres, 11. 486 Claudins I., 11 174
    Castra Martls, I 126 165 Chr~sopolls(Soutan), 1. 48, 11. 201, 308, Clezsurae, 11. 350
    Castrzanz, I. 48 Chlldenc, 1. 282, 283 373, 451 Clement, St , statue of, 11. 498
    Castricia, I. 93 last Merovlngian kmg, 11. 500 Chryso>ton~,Dio, I 81 Cleopatra, daughter of Maurice, 11 202
    Castus, general, n. 121, 122, 124 Ch~lpenc,11. 159 161 Chrysostom, John, on position of women, Clepho, 11. 147
    China, 1 472 ; 11. 64 1 20, 34 , letters, 70 ; protects Eu- Clergy In seventh century, 11. 393
    Cat, word, 11. 254
    Catalaunian Field, battle of the,i. 177,178 Chin~alus,I. 477 tropius, 54, 85 ; opposes Arians, 87 ; Clinton, Fyues, I. 136
    550 INDEX
    Clotilda, 1 283 Constans, prefect, 11 203 Constantmos, Patriarch of Constantlnople, Councils-
    Cochlzns, 1 56 son of tyrant Conrtantine, I 140 11 463, 465, 468, 469 at Hedtfield, 11 315
    Code of Justin~an,1 365 sqq , n 174 143 Consta~~ttola, 11 142 of 753 A D , u 462, 463
    Code of Theodosius, 1 128 sqq , 366, 367, commander in Africa, 1 118, 119 Constantiolus, 1 221 of Frankfurt, ii 505
    ii 174 Constantla, in Cyprus, 11 289 officer of Justintan, 1 379 of Elvira, 11 430
    Codes of Gregorius and Hermogenes, 1 (Margus facing), 1 162, 164 Constantius I (Chlorus), I 32 Cowell, Rev M B , 11 397
    128, 366 Constantianus, Illynan, I 436 Constantios 11, 1 32, 39, 44 ; religious Cremona, Alaric at (?), I 1 3 5, Odovacar
    Codex Rossanenszs, 11 53 Constantinz wife of Maunce, 11 82, 85, attitude, 181, 185, 194, 283 , 11 1 at, 280 , 11 146, 148
    Codinus quoted, 1. 53, 54, 56, etc , n 89, 92, 201, 202 Constant~us 111, 1 115, 147, 1 4 8 , Cietan tragedy, Zvvwv, 1 252
    409 Constantma, In Arzanene (also called marriage, 150 , personal description, Crete, Saracens iu, 11 311, 314, 317,
    Cohortes and eohortalznz, 1 45 Constantla), I 308, 380, battle of, 151 , pollcy towards Germans, 215 354, 492
    Coinage, depreciation of, 1 27, 35 , de 11 105, 109 , taken by Saracens, sqq , elevation and death, 155, 158, Crrspvs, mlstake for Priscns, n 202
    ~liileof workmanship, 11 52, 53 268 164, 172 Croatia, 11 275, 277
    Colch~s,1 427 sqq , 441 srlq Constantine 111, son of Herachuq, 11 211, Constantms, tribune, 11 158 Croatians, origin, 11 275, 276 , iilrade
    Colonntus origln of, I 28, disappearance blrth, 213 , regent, 225, 247 , mSvria, Consular shows, 11 56 Dalmat~a,276, 277
    of, ii 419 sqq , 527 268, 282, death, 283, 284, 287, 293 Conszdarzs, 1 45 Cross, the true (or Holy IVood), 11 214,
    Colonea, ii 28, 306, 3 0 9 , theme of, Constantine IV, ii 278, IU Sicily, Consulate, abolition of, 1 352 217, uplqted, 245, 247
    345, 350, 351 303 , reign, 308 sqq , 333, 334, 342 Copts, ii 269 Crotona, I 412
    Colonz, 1 28, 48 Constantine V (Copronymus), 1 400 , 11. Cordoba, 1 152, 415, 416, 11 31, 407, Crucihxes, manufacture of, 11 62
    Colonla (Koln), 11 161 117 , ope~atious against Saracens, 510, 511 Crumn, 11 470, 476
    Colossz, 11 41 , colossus of Rhodes, 290 406, 407, 429, ielgn, 450 sqq , family, Corduene, 1 304, 11 104 Cruqade like character of Perslan war at
    Comagenae, 1 287 458 , ~conoclastic policy, etc , 460 Cor~nth,taken by Alaric, 1 67 , walls end of sixth and in sex enth century, 11
    Comana. 11 29
    - - -- sqq , wars with Bulgaria 470 sqq , renewed, 11 24 101, 219, 220, 234, 246, 537
    ~ombehs,n 430 death, 475, 500, 502, 531 Corippus, 11 34, 67 , poetry of, 68, 69 , Ctesiphon, 1 427 , 11 242, 268
    Coment,iolus, 11 88, 89, 92, 110, 119- Constant~neVI, 11 344, 349 , war with de laudzbus Just~nz,68 sqq, 71, 72, Cucusus, I 102, 1 0 5 , 11 29
    122, 124,138 sqq , executed, 201 Bulgaria, 475, 476, croaned, 478, 77, 194 Cumae, 1 413, 11 147
    Conaes, vanous meanings of, I. 41 , n reign, 480 sqq , mzrriage, 483, bllnded, Corn d~stnbutions,11 55 Cun~mund,11 115, 147
    ,
    ",.
    IIA --"
    498 Colnicularius, 1 46 , 11 183 Curial syqtein, 1 25, 27, 28, 30 , abol
    Afrzeae, I 168 Con\tantme VII (Poiphyrogennetos), I Coronat~onoath, 11 390 lshed, 302
    domwr7~nz,I 44 57, 338, 11 174, 2 i 8 3 2 3 , on Correctores, I 39, 45 Curopalates, 11 68, 386
    Gzldon p a t r , 1 77 theme?, 339, 340, 344, 351, on Slav- Cors~ca,under Vandals, I 171, 236, 285, Curms p z ~ b l z c ~1~ ,45, 46 , transferred
    Justznzanus of Phrygla Pac , 11 26,
    '-8,
    ising of Greece, 455 471, 11 503 to naag of, 71, 336, 337, 472
    SI Constantme, donsestzcus, 11 481 Cos, islalld of, ii 454 Curzola, 11 278
    of Galatia Prima, 11 26, 27 general at Ravenna, I Cosmas (Indicople~stes),i325,n 176,177 Cust, Mr R 1N452
    Cutat~smm, , I 427
    of Third Arnlenia, ii 29 the Great, I 27, 29, 31, 32, 35, a deserter, 11 236
    Orzentas, 1 46 , power reduced, 11 39, 40, 4 4 , founds New Rome, dema~chof Blues, n 87, 91 Cyclades, 11 28, 49, 437, 438
    27
    -. 50 sqq , rehgiou.; attitude, 184 , of Calabrla, 11 520 Cvclonodes, ii 37 7
    'O$LK~OU, 11 342 eclecticism, 315 , legal policy, tyrant, 11 437, 438 cyulib, 1 8
    retprzvatae, 1 40, 44 , 11 173, 324 368 , statue at Cherson, 11 357 Cosmology, 11 177 Cvprian. leaend of, 1 10, 320
    sacme vestzs, I 44 tyrant of Gaul, I 111, 112, 138, Cotalsis, 1 456, 463 C; prianus, 11 311
    sacrarnna largztzonzcm, 1 40, 44, 46 , 139 144, 146 Cotead~s,pirate 1 163 Cyprus, Eutropl~~s banished to, 1 85 ,
    n 172, 324 Artaseras, 11 486 Cotelerlus, 11 468 adm~nistrationof ii 28 , Christians
    sacrzpatrzmonzz, 11 206, 295, 324 Boilas, 11 489 Cotr~gnrs,I 447 , 11 114, 275 from Arzanene settled ~ n ,104, 250,
    Comiaclum, 11 502 Lardys, ii 89, 92, 201 Cottanas, 11 200, 347 251 , Sarac~ns attack, 289, 320,
    Conaztat6nses, 1 48 of Nacolia, 11 498 Cotyaeum, I 127 ; battle of, 292 tranqplantation of inhabitants, 323 ,
    Commagene, 1 432 ; 11 396, 398, 406 Podopaguriis, 11 468 Coiilznges, M F de, on the colonate, theme of, 351, 466 , repopulation of,
    Commerce, I 295 , ii 62 sqy , 391, 538 true name of Co~istaiisI1 ii 285 I 28, 29 356, 492
    Commodus, Emperor, 1 227 Constantlnople, 1 39 , description of, 52 Councils- Cyrene, I 83
    Conchae, 11 50 sgq ; Huns threaten, 164 , life m, Ad quercuna, I 99, 105 Cynacus, Patriarch, 11 90, 201, 206
    Cotlcord~a,Alarlc at, 1 115 197 sr/q , fires at, 229, 232, 252, Second Ecumen~cal,1 91, 185, 188 Cjril, Patriarch, opposes Nestoriaiiism, 1
    Conon, drchbishop, 1 292, 293 threatened by Theodonc, 273, law T h ~ r dEcumenical (Ephesus), 1 189 189, 190, 191 , t~oubles with
    name of Leo 111, 11 388, 430, 436 school at, 369 , plague IU, 401, 402, Fourth Eculnenlcal (Chalcedon), i 136, Orestes and Jews, 209 211 , 11 4
    S t , monks of, I 341 earthquake, 4 i 4 , population of, 11 190, 191 Rainan general, 1 375
    Consentla, 1 121 , 11 149 55 , urban arrangements, zb , life In, Fifth Ecumenical (Constantmople), ii 5 Slavomc apostle, 11 539
    Consolat~on,Idea of, 1 4 sqq 56 sqq , indostries of, 6 2 , Turks at, Sixth Ecumenical, ii 309, 316 319 Cynllus, mag nszl , I 298, 299
    Constans I , 1 95 63 , demoralisation, 218 , assaulted Seventh Ecumeni~al,11 430, 497 sqq Cyrus of Panopolls, 1 127, 128, 320 ;
    Constans I1 (Heraclius Constantine), 11 by Persians, 224 , function of, in his- Robber Synod, 1 191 c h u r ~ hbuilt by, 11 88
    284 ;crowned, 285, = Constantme, zb , tory, 313, 314, 405, 535 , centre of Synod at Rome (430 A D ), 1 190 Patriarch of Alexandria, 11 251,
    286 , speech, 287, reign of, 287 sqq , educat~on,391 , besieged by Saracens, Lateran (649 A D ), 11 294 252, 269
    dt Phoenix, 290, Type of, 293, pollcy, (717 A D ), 401 , plague in, 454, 455, at Rome (678 A D ), 11 315 Pattiarch of Constantlnople, 11 361,
    297 sqq , death, 302 , character and change In popiilat~on,456, In e~ghth Qumisext, 11 327, 388 , ordinances, 368
    policy, 303 sqq , 325, 339, 424 century, 526 syq 393 Wq, 417 Cyz~cus,I, 347, 473 , u 49, 311, 323
    INDEX
    D ~ B R ~ G E Z 1A. 457,
    S , 458 Demetrlus, St , churches of, 11. 41, 43 , Dorotlleus, father of Gelmanus, 1 480 Elaiiis, 11. 23
    D a c ~ ail/editermnecl, 11 7, 335 at Salonlea, 47, 135. 280, 337, 338 (same as pie( edillg 1 ) Elesbaa, Ethlopian king, 1 19
    7%pensis,1 163 , 11 7 BFjpor, 1 338 ; 11 56 59, 87, 89 91, 93, Dorylaeum, 11 406, 451, 479 Eleusls, Vislgotlls at, 2 . 67
    Dagisthaens, 1 412, 442-444, 446 94, 352 ])osseret, the (or Polster), 11. 43, 47, 5 1 Eleuthenus, palace of, 11. 485
    Daqooert, hing, 11 207, 215 Depopulation, czu5es of, 1 25 spy. Dovrat, 11 118 Elias, S t , churches of, 11. 4 1
    Dahn, F., quoted, 1 151,152, 167, 261, D~rbend,pass of, 1. 307 Dracontms, African poet, 1 329 Elissazus, 11 483
    359 ; 11 179 Gqp~y~uw, 11 172 Drakoi, 11 374 Elnlakm, 11. 310
    Dahsandon, czstle of, 1 256 Desiderius, of Vienna, 11 157 Drapeyion, M , 11 200, 207, 208, 216, Elmmgir, Hun, 1. 458
    Dalmatia, demznded by Alaric, 1. 115, dux, 11 163 224, 225, 227, 261, 265 Elpidia, 1. 156
    157 ; ruled by Marcell~~ins, 242, 244, Lombard hmg, 11 502 504 Drinov, n 12, 16, 17 Elpidius, deacon, 11 369
    274, 276 , undei Odovacar, 2 i 9 , Deutenus, 1 114 Drizlpe~a,11. 125, 127, 128, 139 praetor Ac. (583 A.D ), 11. 119
    under Tlleodorl~, 285 , seized by 1 Dexippns, hlstolian, I 325, 326 Drogubites, 11 280 consp~ratoraqainst Phocas, n. 204
    BI~undus, 339 , conquered for the 1 Dezelidan, n 242 Dromzka, 11 47 praetor Sic. (781 A D ), 11 481, 492
    Romanls, 390 , Slaves mvade, 11. 22, A r a p a ~ r ~ofn Achilles, 1. 55, 342 D~ster,11 335 Emesa (Hlms), 11 266 268
    136, 137, 152, 154, 173, 274 , con I Dildora, 11. 277 11. 342, 343
    D~z~~igcirzzrs, Empedocles, 11 193
    rluered by Slaves, 275 sqp ; strategos Didron, 11 40, 53 Drvngus, 11 343 Enamellmg, a ~ of, t 11 537
    of, 346 Dldymotelchon, 11 127 Dnbls, 1 435 Ennodms, 1. 272, 275
    Dalmatus, monastery of, 11 466 B ~ q e s t(or I'ctndects) of Jnstmlan, 1 366- Dubius sla) s Athaulf, 1 149 Epagathus, son of, 11. 58
    Danianu5, 11 484 369 Ducange, 1. 53 ; 11. 295, etc. krrapxos and enapxia, 11 172
    Damasclus, pli~losopl~er, I 317 , 11 175 Dillm~iites(Dolomites), 1. 451, 452, 458, Duke of Tbebzis, ii 8 Ephesns, Church of, 1 96 ; Theodosius
    Damzxus, tahen by Perslans, 11. 214 , 459, 461 Dukllani, 11 278 I11 at, 11. 383
    tzhen by Sar,t~ens,265, 291 , church Dlllmann, 1 470 Dulcisslmus, father of Justin 11, 11 69 Ephraem, a messenger of Hypatms, 1.
    of, 362 ; taLeu bv Abbasicls, 407, 520 Dioceses, system of, 1. 37, d~ocesan Dolo, n 333 344
    Damasus, bishop of Rome, 1 185 governors, 45 Dumn~ler,11 274, 27 7, 278 Ephthalite Huns, 1. 304 - 306, 309 ; 11.
    Damatrj s, 11. 365 D~oclea,11. 278 Dlipondzz, 1 369 96
    Danilan, k ~ n gof H ~ ~ ~ ~ j a r 1l t 469,
    e s , 470 Dioclet~an, I 27, 2 9 , sjstein of, 35, Durand, M , 11. 53 E~~cureanism, 1. 5, 7 , relation to Christl-
    Danes m England, 11 45b 37, 227 ; 11 25 , court ~ereilloilial 1 Dnrer, Albrecht, 11 533 anlty, 7, 8
    Daniel of Sinone. 11 371
    A , .~ 39, 48, 72, palace of, 11 42 , 277, Durostoium, see Dorostolol~ Epidaur~~s, in Dalmatla, n 277
    Dante, on Just~nizn,I. 354, 367 , 11. 3, 341 Dyarchj, 1 352 ; 11 384 trrrvepqurs, 11 73
    192, 193 Dlocletlanopolis, 11 123 Dyrrhachiun~, 1. 267 , Ostrogoths at, Eplnicus, prefect, 1 255, 256
    Danube, fleet on, 1. 126, 127 , defence Dlogenes, relation of Empress Ar~adile, 268 271 , character of inliabitants, Epiphau~a(Famz, m Sjrla), 11. 267
    of, 11 22, 23 1 292 301, 408 ; Slaves at, 11. 22 , theme of, Epiphania (Eudoc~a),daughter of Hera-
    Daonlon 11 124 of Phoemcia, 11 175 351 clius, 11 213, 238
    Dapllne (at Antloch), 1 211, 424, 425 d e , of, i n 296
    D ~ o ~ i ~ eprzson (Fabia), mother of Heraclius, 11
    (baths at Syracuse), 11 302 Dioscondes, MS of, 11 53 EBERT,1 329 330, 11. 190 204
    &ace of, 1; 409 '. Dioscorus, Patr~arch of Alexandria, 1. Ehe~wlz,11 111 Elnphanius, hlshop of Tlcmum, 1. 247
    D a ~ h n z sand C'illoe, 1 323 191 Ecdlcms of Arverill, 1 2 i 5 blshop of Salan~is,1. 98
    Daras, founded, 1 309, 372, 373 , hattle ~ ~ U T ~ 1 L1U 168,
    , 172 h'cloga of Leo and Condantlne, 11 412 Epirus, Ostrogoths In, 1. 268, 411 ; forts
    of, 374 spq , 390 , besieged by Dizabul, khan of Turlis, 11 97 SW 9 526 sqp in, 11 24
    Chosroes, 426, 468 , 11 100, 107, Doconus, nver, 1 453 Ecthes~s,11 253, 293 Eranc, 1 405
    112, 198 , taken by Perslans, Dodecanew~s,11 481 Rczcrne~izcul,tltle, 11 85, 86, 151, 206, 254 Erelleva, I 262
    199, taben by baracens, 268 Dullinger, Dr , 11. 252, 439, 502 E~un~enzeal Doctor, the, 11 433, 434 Ermena~lc,son of Aspar, 1 230
    see Doros ~omentzia,11. 202 Edecon, 1 213 sqq , 277 Ernas, 1. 223
    Dardanla, Illynan pro\ ince, 1 164, 193, Domentzlolus, brother of Phocas, 11. 199, Edessa (Roha), school of, suppressed, 1 Erythrms, pl pr , 1 254
    271, 363, 11 7 , meaning of wo,d, 201, 206, 210 260 , Chosroes at, 425 ; beslrged, E r j thro, see Rotrud
    15 , fortresses 111, 23, 141 nephew of Phocas, ii 199 437 sqy ; 11 199, 200, Jews in, Ethiopia, Jacobites In, 11. 249
    Darclanus, prefect of Gaul, I. 145, 146 Do?nestzca, 1 49 246; Heracllus at, 262, 263, 266 ; Ethioplaiis, 1 471
    Darinon, 11 491 Domitian of Melitene, 11 94 agrees to pay tribute to Saracens, Eucherius, 1. 68, 111, 113
    Dastaghexd, 11 242 Donation of Charles the Great, 11. 503 2b7 ; taken, 267 , church in, 314 Eudemlus, p7 urbas, 1 341
    Davld, son of Heiaclius ( =Tlberius), 11 Donatists, 1 170, 193, 194 (Vodena), 1. 269 Eudocia, wlfe of Constantnle V, 11. 458,
    286, 287 Donatus, 1 193 Edict of Theodonc, 1 381 459, 480
    count of Opqikion, 11 468 Donus, Pope, 11 315, 391 Edictales, 1 369 (Athcna~s),wife of Theodoslus 11, 1.
    Debldour, M , 1 359 Doriseus, 11 23 Edicts, imperial, 1 74, 85 3, 12, story of, 124, 131 135, 190,
    Decapolis, the, In Italy, 11 146, 502 Dorkon, 11 242 Edobich, 1. 143 320, 11 480
    Decebalus, 11 16 Doros, 111 Cr~mea,11 358 Edncation, higher, 111 the Emplre, 1 47 ; daughter of Valentmian 111, 1. 235,
    Dflensor czbztut~s,1 27 , re established Dorostoloill (Sillstria), 1. 160 , 11. 120, decline of, 11. 518 236 , marriage, 242
    by Majaman, 30 , connection with the 128 Egnatzu, Vza, 1 263, 269 ulfe of Herzclms, 11. 204, 212, 213
    Church, 34 , in Anastasins' reign, 302, Dorotheus, general in Armenia, 1 377 Egregzn, class of, 1 39 Eudocinlus, 11 458, 459, 478, 481, 482
    11. 158 Egypt, decline of, 11 63 ; canal, zb ; con Eudoxi~,wlfe of Arcadlus, statue of, 1.
    Demeter, 11 41 1 The anc~entnalne of D~steror Sillstna
    cluered by Periianq, 214, 215, 217 ; 55, 100,480 , nl~rrlage,63, 78, hostlle
    Demetnas, 11 23 has many forms -Dorostolon, Dorostolos, heresies m, 249, 251 ; conquered by to Eutropius, 84, 86, 87, Bk 11. cap
    Demetrlus Poliorcetes, 11. 290 I)orystolon, Durostorum, Dorostena etc Saracens, 269 sqq. , canal in, 272 111. pusszm ; 200 sqq , 11 480
    INDEX 557

    Gesta Dayobertl, 11. 207 Gregory 111, 11. 445, 446, 498 Hefele, bishop, 11. 249, 252, 293, 315, Herachus, son of Constans 11, 11. 308, 309
    Getae, use ~f wold, 1. 223, 294 prefect of Ezst, 11. 103 316, 319, 327, 391, 432, 436, 464, brother of Apsimar, 11. 354, 355,361
    Ghassanid Saracens, 1. 418, 419 of Syracuse, 11. 520 496 Heraclonas, 11. 247, 282-287
    Ghlsa, I. 288, 289 of Tours, quoted, I. 177, 178, etc. ; Hegel, I 13, 1 4 Herculanns, c o m l a m s , 1. 174
    Gibbon, vlew of history, 1 1 6 ; quoted, 11 67, 83, 160 et q p . pussanz, 194, He~mbach,11. 425 Here of Samos, the, I. 252
    179, 180 ; on Justinizn, 357, 359, 313 Hekt~tontarchs,11. 389 Hermen~gild,I. 416 ; 11. 164, 165
    362, 440, 466 , 11. 91, 97, 397 uncle of Heraclius, 11 204 Helena, St., I. 2, 54 , 11 27 ; in Pales- Hermerlc, I. 155
    Glbros, 1. 458 Gietes, Herul, 1 469 tine, 217, 218 Hermogenes, nzagzster, 1. 373, 376, 377,
    Gildo, revolt of, I 76, 77 ; Claud~an011, Gr~muzld,11 300, 333 illece of Justin 11, 1. 54 379
    77 ; 11 35 Grlpo, 11 165 Helenopontus, 11 26 28 ~ e r o d o t u s 1, 1. 178
    Giotto, 11. 52 G r o t h ~ u ~Ig ~82 , Helias, spathar, 11. 363-365 Hertzberg, H , I 416
    Gisa, ilaughter of Gilmuald, 11. 300 Gudw111, 11 137, 142 Helihaklas, rlver, ii 129, 135 Heruls, I. 342, 374, 375, 414, 436, 470
    Glycerin\, Empero~,1. 274 276 Guizot, M , 1. 34 , 11 535 Hellodorus, wr~ter,1. 321-323 Hesychms, 1. 369 ; 11. 177
    Gne~st,R , I. 368 Guldenpemlng quoted, 1. 64, 68, 83, 88, Hel~opol~s, 11 51, 266, 267, 311 Hexaenwron, 11. 244
    Goar, Alan chief, 1. 144 90, 100, 105, 126, 155, 159, 163, 165 Helladzkos, 11. 348, 351, 437, 483 Hexapolis, 11. 307
    Gobazes, 1 427-429, 440 442, 446, 454 ; -yuvar~6~ar6a, 11 382 Hellas, theme of, 11. 328, 342, 345, 350, Hiera, Island, 11 432
    death, 455 Gundarnzsl>es, 11. 243 351, 437 Hlerapolls, 1. 422, 423 ; 11. 199, 251
    Godig~sel,1 152 G ~ ~ i ~ d e l iI.n a359
    , Hellen, 1. 218, 2 2 2 , meaning, 11. 171, H~e~archical scales (clvil selvice, etc.), I.
    Golden Gate, I. 53 , 11 52 Gu~iclemar,1. 417 -.
    174- 14, 35
    Horn, I. 52, 57 , 11. 240, etc. Gunder~c,Vandal, I. 152, 155, 168 Hellenistic proqe, 11. 168 H ~ e r ~ palace
    a, of, 11. 245, 266
    Gomphi, 11. 23 Gund~car,Brngt~iid~an, 1. 144 Henotzkon,. the,. I. 191, 192, 254, 335 ; H~erocles,11 27
    Goutharis, clnx ,lTunazdzue, 1 388, 475 Gundiok, I. 249 11. 293 Neoplatonlst, I 317
    Good Shepherd, the, ID art, 11 40 Gundobad, klng of Bmgund~ans,1. 248, Heraclea (Monastlr), 1 262, 265 ; Ostro- Hieromax, 11. 263
    Goldas, Hun, I. 469 249, 274, 280 goth.; at, 267, 268 Hllberg, Dr., 11 257
    Gordia, s ~ s t e of
    r Mauiice, 11. 105 Gundovald, n 160, 162, 163 (Pennthus), 1 66, 246, 265 ; 11. 22, Hildebrand, Lombard k ~ n g 11. , 500
    Gortyn, 11. 317 Gunthamund, I. 385 124, 125, 205, 222, 223, 409 Hllderlc, Vandal, I 384-386
    Goth~a,1. 148 Gunthramn, king, 11 159, 162, 163 in Greece, 11. 23 H~lferdmg,11. 332
    GotAo Glaec~,11 344, 373
    Goths, 1. 61, aee Ostrogoths, Vlslgoths
    I G~li~tbramn Boso, see Boso
    Gwathm, Mr H i\l , I. 187
    ~n Venet~a,11. 273
    Heraclzccd, the, 11 241, 244
    H ~ m s see
    , Emesa
    Hinkmar of Re~ms,11. 157
    Goths of Cnmea, 1 418 I Gwynn, D r . II 267 Heraclian, count of Afrlca, I. 113, 118, H~ppis,rlver, I. 443
    Gout, pre~alentat Bjzantlum, 11. 89 Gjlle, P., 1. 56 119 ; revolt, 146 Hippo, bes~egedby Vandals, I 168, 169;
    Grado, n 146 Gynadztls, 111 churcl~es,11 51 Herachuc, Emperor, I. 29, 305, 417 ; 11. treaty of, 170
    Graecus, I'paihor, 11 174 64, 101, 106, 142 ; overthrows Hippodrome, descr~ptionof, 1. 56 ; fac-
    Grammarlaus (grananautzcz), I. 47 HADI, cal~ph,11 492 Phocas, 204-206 , relgn, 207 sqq ; t ~ o n sof, 338 sqq. , sceiles In, 342, 343,
    G7am?rwtzstes, 11. 519 Hadrian, abbot, 11 392 character, 208 sgq , manages, 345, 346 ; 11 56 sqp , 87, 201, 409
    Gratian, Emperor, I 9, 115, 185, 194, Empelor, 1. 369 213 ; Persian campaigns, 227 Hlrah, I. 418
    301 I., Pope, 11. 495, 496, 502-506 sqp , horse Dorkon, 242 ; ~%zpzo, Hirhcli, F., 11. 147, 441, 442, 444
    tyrant in Br~tain,I. 138, 139 Hadnznople, IU Thrace, battle of, 1.107, 245 ; a t Jeiusalem, 247 ; ecclesl- Hirschfeld, 0 , quoted, i 44 ; u. 324
    Great, the t ~ t l e 1, . 358 2 6 5 , 11 119, 123, 124 astlcal policy, 249 sqp., communl- Hiith (on China), 11 64
    Greece, ~nvacled by Alaric, I 67 ; fort1 in B~thynia,11 307 c a t ~ o ~w~ ~s t h Mohammed, 261, Hischam, cahph, 11. 405
    fied by Justm~an,11. 22, 23 ; Slave Hahn, von, 11 7, 1 5 262 , hls health falls, 265 ; fare- Hlspahs (Seville), 1 152 , 11 165
    settlen~eiitsIn, 118, 120, 143, 144 ; Halcomb, Mr., 1. 314 well to S p a , 266 ; attempt to Hzstona trzpartzta, 11 188
    Slaves m, 212, 280 , revolts agaiilst Hallam, 1 29 , 11. 397 recover Syr~a,268 ; death, 271, Hoche, Dr , 1. 208
    Leo 111, 437 , Slav~sed,455 HBn~fs,11. 258 273 ; policy as to Slaves, 278, HodZgZtrza, the, 11. 447, 448
    Greek, study of, 1 128 H u r a t ~ h the,
    , n. 362 279, 299 ; i n c t ~ t u t ~ oof
    n themes Hodgkm, MI , quoted, I. 68, 146, 177,
    Greek fire, 11. 311, 319, 402 Harith, I. 419 , 11. 77, 98 ascr~bedto, 339, 348, 349, 333, 256, 262, 264, 265, 268, 280, 375,
    Greens, see Blues Harlots, theatre of the, 11. 56 537 382, 385, 388, 391, 392, 394, 397,
    Gregor~a,daughter of Nicetnc, 11. 211 Harmatius, mag. mzl., 1. 251 ; account father of Emperor, 11. 106 - 108, 413 ; 11. 6, 35, 37, 58, 86, 189
    Gregorovlus, 1. 124, 128, 132-134 ; 11. of, 254, 255, 264 110, 203, 204 Holder Egger, O , I 139
    503 Harmaton, 11 139 eunuch, slays Actlus, 1. 181 Homer, a t t ~ t u d eto, I 312, 319
    Gregory, abbot of Flolns, 11. 328 Harnack, Ad , 11. 53 general agamst Vandals, I. 245 Homentes, I. 418, 469, 4r0, 471 , 11. 96
    Bulgarian pre~byter,11. 411 Harnn Arras~hid, 1. 441 , 11. 479, 492, (see Constantlne ITI), 11. 213 Homerocentra, 1. 319
    exarch of Africa, 11 287, 288 493, 530 Constantme, see Heraclonas H o m a t z , I. 40
    logothete of Course, 11. 481 Hassan, sou of Ah, 11 291 son of Constantlne 111, see Constans Honoratus, bishop, 11. 146
    of Naz~anzus,I. 319 recovers Kalrowan, 11. 353 I1 Honoria, princess, I. 151, 155 ; adven-
    of Nyssa, 1 104 Hanpt, M , 11. 411 tures of, 174
    Haxthausen's Trunscoueaszu, 1. 427 montory of Hebdomon was on the Golden Honorzus, n 27, 343
    Opsihian count, 11 479 Horn, wh11e I place the promontory on the
    Pope, the Great. 1 398 : 11. 68 . re- Hebdomon,' 1. 134 , 11. 82, 90, 205, 310 Propontls not tar from the Golden Gate and Honorius, Emperor, 1.34,61,62,76, mar-
    ~yklob~os)Cf vol 11 pp 205 310 I t nage, 77, 112 ; letters to Arcadlus, 105,
    seems to me that the passage of ~ L h nof An 112, 113 , obstinacy, 114, 115 sqq.,
    tloch referred to on p 205 and the passage
    of ~hko~hanes on p. 402 aie decisive tor the 141, 143, 147, 150, 151, 155 ; death,
    sites of ~ e k d & o nand ~ a ~ n a u r a 157 , on Suevlan coins, 405
    558 INDEX INDEX 559

    Honorius, Pope, n. 158, 252, 317-319 Ina, kmg of Wessex, 11 392 J a c ~ s o v ,Mr , 11 46 John Maxilloplumaciu.;, 1 336
    Hopf, C , 11 138, 141, 143, 144, 279, Jacob a1 B~radal,11 6, 10 of Dlondgria, 11 464
    Iudacus, 1 250
    Jacobites, 11 6, 10, 215, 249, 251, 479 MI stacon, 11 105, 124, 346
    292, 454, 455 Indictions, 1 27, I Y ~ I K T L W11Y . , 173 ,
    Jacobns, phj sician, 1 233 nephew of Vitalla11 1 393 395,405 ,
    Hormisdas, son of Chosroes Nush~rlan, tampered with, 422, 423, 425
    11 105, 110, 111, 146
    Jadera 11 277 in Rome, 406 408,412
    Ingenlus of Narbo, 1 147
    .J?hja, 11 491 Nesteutes (Jejuuator), 1 10.1, ii 68,
    Pope, 1 193, 334, 11 136 Ingram, Dr J K ,quoted on the Colou-
    Jannes and Jamhios, inaglciaus, 1 11 82 , ecunieni~alPatliar~h,85,86 ,
    palace of, 1 57 ; ii 42 ate, 1 28
    Hug, Dr A , I 212 Ingundls, I 416, 11 164, 165 Jerome St ,i 10, 20, 33 , letters quoted, death, 134, 150
    Humana, n 146 Innocent I , I 104, 105, 194 69, 70, 192 , spirlt of, 311, 313, 330 of Nlcomed~a,ii 498
    Huneric, son of Gaiseric, 1 175, 242, 385 Ino, wlfe of Tiber~usTI, 11 78 Jerosalem, 111 fear of Huns, 1 69, Eudocia of Nihiou, 1 191
    Hunmund, k i ~ gof Suevians, 1 262 Iuobiud, 1 162 at 131, 132 , taken by Pers~ails,11 ostaalzus, 11 497
    214 215, 217, Helena at, 217, 218, Patilarch of Antloch (433 A D ), 1.
    Huus, invade Asla, 1 69; on Danube (400 Inscriptions, on Stilicho, I. 77 , An
    A D ), 89 , called in by Hononus, 116 ; themius, 127 , Greek, In Nubia, 11 tahen by Saracens, 267, Ornar at, 268, 190
    follow Aetius, 159,160, invade Illyrian 168 , at Adule, 177 , In honour of 316 Patriarch of Antioch (Orot zn don.
    provmces, 161 sqq , rise of, 161 , Hun Phocas, 206, Armeinau, in Thrace, 525 Jews at Alexandria, 1 210, 212 , in the aaon ), ii 467
    land and the Huus at home, 213 sqq , Institutes of Justinian, I. 367, 368 Empiie, 11 63, 64 , at Salonlca, 136 , Patriarch of Constantinople, 11 368,
    111 Gaul, 153 , ln Antloch, revolt, 200 , 370
    Hun znd Scythzan, 223, in Sicily, 242, Iota, 11 70
    host~leln 468 A D ,263,272, employed Ireland, study of Greek in, 11 392 in Spain, 215 , in Gaul, 215 , Hera- the Patrician, a t Carthage, 11 353,
    by Vitalian, 297, 477 sqq. (see Eph- clins' pollcy, 215, 247, 248, in 354
    Irene the Khazaress, 11 409, 458, 459,
    thalites) 480 Arabia, 258 , regarded wlth horror, Phagas (the Glutton), I 432
    Hussites, 11 397 388, 430, 431 Ph~loponus,11 176, 190
    the Athenian, Empress, ii 458,
    Jhering, Rud von, on slavery and cap1 11, Pope, at Constantiuople, I 384
    Hyacinthus, I 174 459, 479, 480, reign, 481 sqq ,
    Hydruntum (Otranto), 1 406, 407, 412, fall and banlshment, 490, 491 , tallsm, 1 26 , on Justm~ans legisla- IV, Pope, 11 253,275
    tion, 371 VII, Pope, 11 366
    11 439, 502 ecclesiastical policy, 495 sqg , 522
    Bypateza, 11 489 church of St , 1 56 , burnt down, JiriEel,, C , 11 12, 14, 16 18, 332, 334 of Porto, 11 316
    Hypatla, 1 3, 12, 13, 81, 125, 208 sqq , 336, 470, 471, 47d, 513 prefect of Illyncu~u,11 118
    342 ; 11 423
    her philosophy, 317 Joannina, daughter of Behsar~ns,1 407 of Regg-lo, 11 316
    Isaac of Amerla, 1 408, 409
    Hypatzssa, 11 528 Isauna, old derivation of, 1 328, count Jodl, Fr , I 195 sacellarzus, 11 491
    Hypatms, nephew of Anastaslus, I 297 Joliannes, see John the Scythian, i 272, 292
    of, 11 26, 27
    Johannicis, ii 367 of Slrlmls (or Sirmin), n 76, 85
    300, 308, 334, 342, 345 Isaunans, character of, 1 70 , quelled by
    Johannzs, the, 11 35 son of Basll, 1 434
    Arbacdzms, zb , organised as a mllltary
    IAMBLICHUS, 1 15, 317
    Joh?nn~tes,1 101, 102 son of Nicetas, I 375
    force by Leo I , 2 2 8 , under Zeno, 250
    John of Antloch, historian, 1 133, 163, son of Pompelus, 1 475
    Iatrus, clty (and river), 11 138 sqq , revolt against Auastasius, 291
    Ihas, 11 4 sqq , ln Thrace, 293, 294 ; serve ln 169, 181, 182, 235, etc , 11 169, son ln law of Athenodorus, I 296
    177 Strnthus, 11 365
    Iberia, selzed by Persians, I 428, 430, Italy, 389, 409 , 11 374
    453, 463, 469, 11 320, 321, 327 Isdlgerd I , guardlan of Theodoslns TI, I the Armenian, I 442, 444 446, 448, of Synnada, 11 435
    Ibu Jnnus, ii 491 449 Talaias, I 191
    304, it 223
    Iconoclasm, ii 428 spq , 460 sqq , 479, Isdigerd 11, I 165 of Biclaro, I 415, 11 118, 164, 313 the tyrant, 1 158, 172
    494 sqq biother of Pappus, 11 34 35 Tzibos, 1 428, 429
    Isdigerd, son of Shahr Barz, 11 248, 269
    Iconography, 11 40, 53 brother of Rusticus, 1 454 456 quaestor, ii 165
    Isdigunas, 1 452, 453, 466, 467
    Idatius, chronicler, 1 146, date, 148, Isernia, 11 333 of Cappadocia, 1 336, 337, 341,342, of Damascus, 11 170, 428, 434,435 ;
    152, 179, etc 347, 357,482, 11 330 date of his orations, 436, 460,
    Isldore of Wiletus, 11 49
    Ignatius, architect, 11 49 Chrysoatom, see Chrysostom 462,498,520, 522,532
    of Seville, I 415, 416 ; ii 197, 207,
    Patriarch, 11 170, 435, 519, 522 count, lover of Eudoxla, I 86, 92 general ln Egypt, 11 271
    212, 280, 313, 392
    Irav&.ror, ii 344 Isidorus, philosopher, 1 317 , 11 175 count of Opsik~on,11 487 11, archbishop of Salonica, 11 280,
    Ildibad, elected king, 1 404, murdered, Island, The, in Colch~s,I 453, 457, 458 Dacnas 1 464, 466 317, 337
    405, 415 duke of Mesopotamia, 1 419, 431 Jordanes, Gothic historian, 1 137, 166,
    Isocasms, pagan, I 233
    Ildlger, 1 435 Isoes, 11 408 of Ephesus, 1 360 , extract from, 11 261, 412, 11 188
    Illus, general, 1 251 , consul, 255 , Ispench, 11 332, 334 337 8, 9 , mlssionary work, 9 , h ~ s Jotaba, lost by Empire, 1 231, 232 ; re-
    activity, 255, 256, revolt, 256 Issus, 11 227 tory, 67, 72 74, 77, 78, 81, 83, covered, 295
    sqq , death, 257 , literary tastes, 84, 98, 100 105 , on Chosroes, Jovian, Emperor, 1 304
    Istria, Slaves plunder, 11 139, 148, 503
    258 Itahca, 11 165 113, 118, 144 Jovinus, tyrant ln Gaul, 1 144 146
    Isaurian soldler at Tzachar, 1 465 Italy under Odovacar, I 277, 279, under of Eplphanla, 11 83, 99, 100, 182 Jovius (or Jovian), patrician, 1 115 sqq ,
    the Goth, 1 256 pr pr ,119
    Zllustres, class of, 1 39 sqq Ostrogoths, 381 sqq , reconquered by Lekanomautis, ii 519 Julian Argeutarius, ii 45
    Illyr~cum,1 110 , invaded by Huns, 161 Empire, 388 sqq , administiation after
    sqq , prefecture and diocese, 285 , in- logothete (Johannicls), ii 372 Emperor, I 3, 9, 32, 39, 127, 132,
    restoration, 11 37, 38 , Lombard con
    vaded by Slaves, ii 117 , language of, quest, 145 sqq , struggles in the eighth Lydus, I 39, 43 , on Anastas~us' 171, 194, 211, 304, works of,
    reign, 302 , on Justin, 335, on 314 , Ideal of pagans, 325
    1 6 7 , prefecture, 345 century, 439 sqq , a Frank kingdom, mag n z m , i 299
    Images see Iconoclasm 504 Justiniau s reign, 336, 337, 342,
    Irnberzus and Margarom, 1 321 351, 356, 357, notice of, n. 182 mag mzl , defeated by Slaves, I 294
    Itaxes, 11 375 sqq 324 m~ssionaryto Nobadae, 11 8 , 9
    Imbros 11 476 Ivory carvmg, ii 53 Malalas, see Malalas nob~lissmus,I 140, 143, 146
    Imola, 11 146, 502 Izal, mountain of, 11. 106
    560 INDEX INDEX 561

    Julian, przmscerzus not 1 119 Ka~rowan,foundat~on,11. 353 LABARTE, M J., I 53,54, ii 537 I Leontia, nife of Phocas, 11 91, 206, 210
    Kakorlzos, 11 289 Lachaiiodrakon, see Michael Lacha110 Leontini, 11 495
    secretary of Justlulzn, I 424
    Jnlian lizrbour, I 53 Kallipolis, I 478 drahon Leontius, Emperor, 11 321, 327 sqp , 352 ,
    Kalonnesos, ii 525 L a c o n ~ ~ Chzlcocondy
    ns les, 11 170 relgn, 353 sqq , 385, 388
    Juliana, 11 76
    Kalos Agros, 11 403 Laeta, wldow of Gratim, I 115 f a t l i ~ of
    r Athenais 1 124
    Julius Nepos, I 271 275, 276, 2i8,
    Laetz, German colons, 1 8% friend of prefect Marcellus, 1 476,

    1
    279 Kzmtchon, fort, 11 486
    Kanclich, Avar, 11 115 L-'lis, Zeiio s mother I 25 , 252, 293
    Jun~lus,quaestor, I 349
    ICanzLlesos, 11 498 Laupadius, senator, 1 112 118,119 geneial of Phocas, 11 199, 206, 210
    JZLSGentzus~,I 7 369
    Just111 I , 1 193 , unable to write ( 7 ) Kanit~,11 14 Land, Prof, I 191 prefect, 11 216
    Largen, J , 11. 366, 439, 441, 444, 520 zn1 elar , 11 158
    262, 335 , general, 272, 308 , reign, Kai adia Dagh, 11 1 3
    334, 335 , rellglous policy, 384 , 11 1, Ziardurzgan, t ~ t l e 11 , 105 Lanyage of Romaioi ln s ~ x t hcentury, 11 sou of DaLragezis, 1 464
    2, 3, 56 Karlsterotzes, 11 479 167 sqp tjrant, 1 256, 257 ; 11 353
    Justm 11, 1 54 474 , 11 64, 6 7 , relgn, Ka~lmaim,11 502 Larisia (bcheisar), 11 267 Leoviglld, I 416, 417, 11 164, 165
    68 sqq , policy 72 spy , madness, Kartalimen, 11 403 ~n Thessaly, 1 273, 11 23 Les~na,11 278
    7 7 , novels of, 67, 73, 7 5 , co111s of, haror 11 254 Las Incantadas, 11. 136 Lethe, castlo of, 1 307 ; 11 243
    76 , dealmgs with Turks, 97 w ~ t h K U ~ K O S ,11 203, 369 Latarkion, ii 133 Leucata, 11 322
    Saracens, 98, 105, 116, 117, 159 , Keratzon. vzlue of. 11 423 Lateran Council of 649 A D , 11 294 Leucos (or Lycus), n ~ e rnear Constan
    titles, 166 K1 111d (' Swoid oi God ), 11 Latrfundza, 1 26 t~nople,1 135
    Jiistm, soil of G~rmanus, 1 453, 458, 2b7, 268 Latm, 1n Illyricurn, 11 167 ; d~suseof, Leurlai~s,Oatrogoth~cgeneral, I. 391
    460, 466, 11 71 Khzzar.;, 11 232, 237, 238, zb , ~nfluenceaGreeh, 167, 168 sqq Leunclavius, n 412
    commander 1x1Moesi?, 11 21 357 349, 361, 363, 364, Sar?vo~,n 171 Leuthans, I 414, 11 180
    Justinian I , l a ~ \ ron colonate, I 29 , 478, 493 Latiuxn, 11 503 Levila, mug nzzl , 1 281
    statue of, 55 tended by Szmpso 1, Khorhezm, ii 209 Latoresheam, Annals of, 11 506 X~/3aSra 11 380
    56 , era of, 333 , b~rthpldce,334 , aL KLVSLVEVW,169 Lauretum palace of, at Ravenna, I 182, L~banms,1 3,10, 47, 212 311
    cesslon, 335 , admmirtrat~on,335 sqp , ~ L v f j u a11~ , 169 281,282, 11 44 1 Lzber I j z n r ~ ~ u11s , 6
    351 spq , in later yeas, 469 sqq , his Ki lesrln (or Qiiinesnn), see Clialcis L a u r ~r ~ u i n(Lorch), 1 8 9 PontzJieulzs (" Papstbuch "), 11. 207,
    systenb, 353 , Seelet Hzstory oil, 360 Kmgsiey, Charles, I 97 Law, Romain, 1 365 sqq , 11 411 syq 231, 366
    sqq , legal worlrs, 365 sqq , western hitliarlzon, 1 436 , 11 103, 355 Law of citat~ons,1 367 Liberatus, 1 191, 256, 11 5
    coiiquests, 381 spq , sick of the Klephts 11 11 Lazr l i d Lzz~ca, 1 420, 427 spy , 466 , Liberius, patrician, 1 415
    11 353, 376 L~bidourgon,n 122
    plague, 402 ; missionary work, 469, Klnlras 11 273
    470, 11 7 sqq , death, 1 482 , Kobad king, I 306 sqq , 372 3 i i , death, Leander of Seville, ii 153 Library of Julian, I 252
    eccles~astical policy, 11 1 sqp , lan- 379, 412, 438 Lebauon, Mount, 11 312 Lzbm Carolznz 11 505
    guage of, 16, 39 , fortifications, etc , n e ~ h e wof K I I I Kobad,
    ~ 1 412 Lecky, Mr W H ,on Christianity, I 18, L~celarius,general, I 372
    22 spp new pollcy 111 proviilc a1 ad- Kobrat, 11 332 19 / Licent~ns,1 311, 329
    inmmstratiou, 25 sqq , collapse of Koch 4va1,ii 128 Lecn~ am, M ,11 524 Ligunz, Alailc IU 1 120, 275, 250, 395 ,
    slstem, 67, 158, 167, 175, 1 7 9 , Koleda, 11 16 Lemovic~(Limoges), 1 275 plaque in, 402, 11 146, conquered
    learning aud writings, 182 186, 246, Koluthos, i 320 Lenormant, M F , n 53, 254, 429, 447, by Lombards, 148
    325, 330,341, 346,347, 349, laws on Komito, sibter of Tlieodorz, 1 363, 422 448 L~lybseum,i 162, 284
    marriage, 416 417 , 536 KOVTCLKLOV, 11 241
    Leo I , Emperor, 1 136, 162, 187, 191 , Limenius, p r p r , i 113 139, 141
    Justmian 11, 11 309,319, r e i s , 320 sqq , Zio2)ro~zy~~zos, 11 431
    reign of, 227 sqq , character, 230, 231, Lzmes, 1 48
    bmldings of, 325, 336, 342, 351, 3 5 2 , Koran, the, 11 260, 261, appealed to, 239 ; relstions with R ~ ~ i m e r243 , , Lsmztanez, 1 47, 48
    adventures IU ex~le,358 360 , second 291 Vandal~c expedlt~on, 244 spq , 262, Llmoges, ii 273 537
    relgu, 360 sqq , death, 365 , ecclesiast~ Kormisoi, 11 470, 471 263 Lingenthal, Zzchzria von, I 29, 301 , 11
    cal policy, 366, chastity, 367, exped~ ICorol, kral, title, ii 516 Leo 11, 1 233,250 73,329,408 412, 416 419
    tion against Itaveniia, 366 , Rl~znot Kotragos, 11 332 Leo 111, Emperor, 11 31, 349 , theme Lithosor~a,11 474
    d t o s , 361 , relations w ~ t h Leo the Kourat, ii 332 system, 349 351 , early life, 374, ad- Litorins, Roman capta~n~n Gaul, 1 172
    Isaunan, 374 sqg , 384 , im~tates Krasos, 11 451 \entnres, 375 sqq , repulse of Saracens, Liutprand, 11. 441, 442, 444, 445, 498
    Justin~anI , 330 Krause, J , quoted, I 53 , ii. 55,62 401 sqq , reputed biithplace, 406, 500
    Justmian, son of Germanus, plots against Kreka, 1 220 adn~mistrationof, 408 sqq Lobel, 11 275
    J u s t ~ n11, 11 79 , military fame, Krobat, 11 275, 276, 332 IV, mal.rlage, 11. 458, 459, reign, Local government essayed in Gqul, 1
    Kruger, G , i 191 477,478,521, 524 154
    80, 98 , general, 101 sqq
    father of Patr~arch Germanus, 11 Kuban, river 11 333 Leo V, ii 493, 525 Logos, I 6
    Kubrat, see Krobat Leo VI, 11 172 Logothetae, I 348, 404, the general
    303
    Just~nianaPrima, I 334, 480 , 11 7 Kufa, ii 269, 291, 529 Leo I , Pope, 1 179, 180 , dogmat~c logothete, 11 324, 423, TOG 6 p 6 , ~ 0 ~ ,
    Justinianopolis, near Cyzicns, 11 323, Kuhn, E , quoted 1 40 sqg. epistle, 190, 191 , protects Rome, 235 468, 471
    Kurs, captain In reign of Maunce, 11 Leo 111, Pope, ii 505 sqq Lombaids, serve ~n Roman army, I. 413,
    330
    Justinianus, friend of Stllicho, 1 112 105 Leo, Alax, 1 73, 8 3 , slain, 84 kungdomu of, 11 33 , league wltln
    Justus, minister of tyrant Constantine, KUIt, 11 332, 333
    Allatius, 11 47 Avars, 1 1 5 , move into Italy, 116 ,
    1 142 Kutzis, 1 373
    Cinnamns, 11 460 conquest of Italy, 145 sqq , relat~ons
    kyblobios (Kyklobion, site of the Heptn
    Diaconus, 11 170 with Pope, 151 sqq , 222,313, 498 sqq
    pylgon), promontory, 11 310,402 Leonteus, steward of Placidia, 1 156 Long Wall of Anastasius, 1 295, 11.
    K y n e ~ o nii, 409, 469 Leontla, daughter of Leo I , i 233, 258 119, 139
    VOL I1 20
    564 INDEX
    Nar6onensis, i. 152, 153 ; Visigoths in, Nicetas Xylinites, ii. 408
    Mermeroes, i. 442, 443, 449, 450-452 ; Monophysites, i. 190 sqq., 295,297 ; con- 242 Anthrax, ii. 408
    death, 453, 454 nection with Prasiui, 338 ; ii. 1 sqq., Narentanes, ii. 278 son of Artavasdos, ii. 409, 450.652
    Merobaudes, i. 33, 106, 138, 279 71, 72 ; persecuted under Justin, 76, Narnia, i. 392, 394 ; ii. 441 Nicknames, ii. 308
    poet, i. 173, 330 215, 249, 250, 406 Narses, the eunuch, i. 345, 347, 394, Nicolai, i. 320
    Merovingians, ii. 159 sqq. povo~cipyta,ii. 24 395, 412-414; ii. 37, 110, 145, Nicolaus, quaestor, ii. 369
    Mervan I., caliph, ii. 314 Monotheletism, ii. 249 sqq., 293 ; con- 161 Nicomedia, i. 51 ; ii. 89, 230, 366, 383,
    Xervan 11, ii. 406 demned, 317 general of Maurice and Phocas, ii. 403, 452
    Mesembria, ii. 122, 334, 374, 474 Montanism, ii. 431 198, 199 Nicopolis, Armenia, ii. 28
    Mesopotamia, province oi, ii. 492 Montefeltro, i. 394 ; ii. 146 general, i. 436 Nicopolis, theme of, ii. 351, 437
    Methodius, St., ii. 539 Montenemo. ii. 278 Naviczclarii, i. 127 1Vika sedition, the, i. 55, 340 sqq. ; ii. 56
    Methone, Goths in, i. 262 ; Belisarius at, Moors, costilities of, i. 167, 168, 386- Naxos, ii. 295 Nike, in art, ii. 54
    385 7
    ii. 154
    388 : --- --
    ~
    Neander, i. 92 Nile, river, ii. 271
    Metropolis, ii. 23 ~ G e s t i a ii.
    , 321, 355, 406 Nebridius, i. 76 Nilus, St., i. 19, 103
    Mettis, ii. 159 Morfill, Mr. W. R., ii. 12, 455 Nebulus, ii. 336 Nimbus, in art, ii. 40
    Meyer, W. A., i. 208-210, 317 poprS, ii. 419 Necbo, son of Psammetichns, ii. 272 Nineveh, battle of, ii. 242
    Michael of Melissene, ii. 466 Mosaics, ii. 41 ; a t Ravenna, 45, 46 ; at Nectarins, Patriarch, i. 91, 92 Nilava, river, ii. 12
    Lachanodralion, ii. 466, 475, 485, Salonica, 48, 52 ; in St. Sophia, 50, Nehavend, battle of, ii. 269 Nisibis, i. 126, 304, 305, 308, 309, 374,
    491 5 1 ; at Florence and Palermo, 52 ; Neocnus, river, i. 460, 461 431, 468 ; ii. 100, 110
    111, Emperor, i. 482 industry in, 62 Neoplatonism, i. 6, 12 sqq. ; schools of, Nitria, monks of, i. 97-99, 210
    Palaiologos, wall of, i. 56 Moschianus. i. 272 208 Nobadae, i. 469 ; ii. 8, 9
    Miklosich, ii. 455 Moslemah, 'brother of Suleiman, ii. 378 Nepi, ii. 158 Nominalism, ii. 176
    Milan, see Mediolannm sqq., 401, 404 Nepos, see Julius Nepos Nomisma (?summus, uureus), value of, ii.
    Miletus, ii. 342 Muaviah I., ii. 288, 289 ; expedition Nepotianus, i. 274 423
    Miliarision, value of, ii. 423 against Byzant~nm, 290 ; struggle vcp6 (v~pbv),li. 168 N6,uos rewpyi~bs,ii. 418, 419, 527
    Milion, the, i. 53, 54 ; ii. 469 with Ali, 291 ; sole caliph, ib. 306, Nerva, Emperor, i. 300, 366 Naurr~bs,ii. 418
    Mina, ii. 172 307 ; expedition against Constantin- Nestoriauisrn, i. 189 sqq. ; prevails in & - ~ ~ T L W T L K ~ S ii.
    , 418, 421
    pfvuwpes, ii. 172 oPle, 310 sqq. ; maltes peace with East, 191, 260 ; ii. 6, 215 Nonnosus, i. 325
    Mirdites, ii. 321 Romans, 312 ; death, 314 Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, Nonnus, the poet, i. 127, 258 ; works,
    Mirkhond, ii. 111 Muaviah 11, ii. 314 i. 189 317-320
    Misimiani, i. 462 sqq. Muchiresis, i. 427, 452, 456
    MuchlB, ii. 275
    Netad, battle of, i. 261 -
    Noricum, Alaric in, i. 114 116, 285,
    Misr (Babylon), ii. 214, 270, 271 Neustria, Frank, i. 397 ; ii. 169 286
    Mitola, ii. 301 Mugillo, i. 405 Lombard, ii. 513, 514 Normans, at Salonica, ii. 136 ; in southern
    Mizizms, usurper, ii. 303, 315 Mnir, Sir W., ii. 259, 263, 264, 266, 272 Nevitta, consul, i. 32 Italy, 440, 448
    Moderator Justanianus, ii. 27, 29, 346 Efukaukas, ii. 214, 262, 270 Nicaea, ii. 92, 373, 383, 405, 452, 497 Noropians, ii. 1 5
    Modicia (Monza), ii. 300 Muller, Prof. Max, ii. 538 Nicarete, i. 102 Notitza dignitatum, i. 41, 53 ; ii. 324
    Modrine, ii. 451 Mummolus, ii. 163 Nice, daughter of S h a h Barz, ii. 247 urbis Const., i. 52, 53
    Moesia, Visigoths in, i. 64 ; Huns in Mundilas, i. 395 Nicephorus I., Emperor, ii. 476, 490, Novae, i. 280 ; ii. 23 ; Peter at, 132,
    Upper, 164 ; in Lower. a. 165 ; Ostro- Mundiuch, father of Bttila, i. 162 AQl
    A" A 141
    goths in Lower, 264, 265 ; ii. 334 Mundo, Hun, i. 285 Nicephorns I1 (Phocas), ii. 520 Novempopulania, i. 152, 153
    Moguntiacurn (Mainz), i. 142, 144-146, Mundus, Gepid, i. 341, 345, 379, 389; Nicephorus, duke of Calabria, ii. 482 Nuceria, i. 394
    'I?;
    1 11 ii. 20 Callistes, ii. 89 Nuggisi, ii. 261
    Mohammed, the prophet, ii. 209 ; char- Murad Tschai, ii. 235 son of Constantine V, ii. 458, 459, Numidia, i. 170
    acter and teaching, 259 - 261 ; Muralt, ii. 427 478. 481. 482 Nunechia. i. 143
    letter to Heraclius, 261 ; death, Muratori, ii. 366 son df ~itavasdos, ii. 409, 450- Nursia, i.'398
    262 Mursa, battle of, i. 108 452 Nymphaeum, i. 232
    Ibn Ishak, ii. 530 Musa, ii. 512 Patriarch, ii. 170,197, 207 ; sources Nymphius, river, battle of, ii.
    Mohammedanism, ii. 269 sqg. Musaeus, i. 320 of, 281, 339, 352, 401 ; contro-
    Molatzes, i. 424 Musenm at Alexandria, i. 47 versial works, 428, 450, 464, 518, OBBANE,i. 425
    Mommsen, Prof. Th., i. 208, 211 ; ii. Musokios, Slave king, ii. 129, 130 - - 9-
    51 Ochrida, ii. 7, 498
    512 Nuta, battle of, ii. 62 Nicetas Hegurnenos, Life oof, ii. 436 Ockiey, ii. 263, 266, 272
    Monastery, of New Repentance, ii. 204 ; Mytilene, Arcadian character, i. 323 Nicetas, do~n.schol., ii. 489, 490 Octagon, the, i. 343
    of Florus, 328 ; of Dalmatus, 354, quaestor, ii. 413 0cta&m, ii.'23
    466; of Callistratus, ib. ; of Dion, NABEDES,i. 431, 435, 436, 445 comptroller, ii. 413 Odessus, i. 165, 297, 299 ; ii. 28, 130
    ib. ; suppression of monasteries, 465 Nachoragan, i. 454, 456, 457 ; besieges Slavonic Peloponnesian, ii. 455 Odouachus, i. 444, 450
    sqq. Phasis, 458 sqp., 462, 463 bishop of Remesiana, ii. 15, 16 Odovacar, i. 238, 241 ; fights for Rici-
    Monasticism, i. 19 sqq., 398 ; ii. 460 Naissus, i. 163, 164, 213, 214 ; Ost1'0- cousin of Heraclius, ii. 204, 210, mer, 248, 255 ; relations with Illus,
    sqp., 466 goths at, 262 211, 213, 247, 278 257; king, 277-280 ; death, 281, 282,
    Monaxins, consul, i. 152 Naples, taken by Belisarius, i. 390, by son of Shahr Barz, ii. 247 284,288,289, 382, 390
    Mondir, king of Ghassan, ii. 98, 105 Totila, 405 ; ii. 147 - 149, 158 ; Con- Patriarch, ii. 456, 469, 477, 478 Offa, ii. 505
    Monembasia, ii. 120, 144, 453, 454 stalls at, 301, 439, 441 son of Constantine V, ii. 458, 459, Ogre, derivation of, ii. 337
    Monemerion, ii. 56 Narbo Martius, i. 146, 147, 152, 154 ; ii. 478. 481, 482, 525 Okba, ii. 353
    Monokarton, ii. 108,109 612
    566 INDEX INDEX 667
    Ollana, 1. 453 PACHYMERES, George, 11. 326 Pater. Mr. Walter. 1. 9 / Perbnnd (Pervund, "chief man "), 11.
    Olybrius, Emperor, manage, 1 242 ; Pagainsm, i 1 spp , pagan philosophies, ~ a t r a k ,1. 473 ' 338
    elevation, 248, death, 249 5 sqp , in Rome, 117 ; laws aga~nst, Patrzapotestas, 11 417, 418 Perenurn, in Egypt, ii. 269
    consi~l,I 281 128 , m Gaul, 1 7 2 , at Gzza, 200- Patnarch of Alexandria, 1. 186,187 Perfectlsanaz, 1 38
    Olymp~as,1 94, 96, 1 0 2 , death, 103 202, 205, attempts to revlve, 257, of Antloch, i 186, 187 Pergamus, Saracen siege of, 11. 389, 401
    Olympic games abolished, 1 311 258 ; in chnst~anliterature, 311 , of of Constantinople, p o s ~ t ~ oof,
    n 1. 42, Perinthus, 1 473 , n 22
    Olymp~odorns,historian, 1. 62, 114, 115, liistonans, 325-327 , 11. 1, 175, 177 ; 104,186, 1 8 7 , 11.415 Peristhlaba, n 335, 359, 476
    119, 143, 145, 146, 1 5 1 , pagan, 325, survivals of, 394, 395 Patmarchezon, 1 55 ; 11 328 Perozes, I. 306
    lnstory, 327 , 11 170 Pagans in D a l r n z t ~ z , ~278
    ~. I'atr~cm. title of, 1. 80, 277, 279 ; n Perozztes, 11 233
    Olympius, 1. 90, 113-115 Pagar~zcs,~ayavbs,~ a y a r r ~ b1s1., 174 501 Persaimenia, I 377 ; Invaded by Romans,
    yr. pr. (under Heraclius), 11. 216 Paganus (Ba~an),11. 472 Patr~ciolns.father of Vital~an,I. 308 434 sqp , 11.101 sqq
    exa~ch,11. 294, 297 Palace, ~mperlal,1. 52 55, 57 Patncius. Soil of Asoar. I. 230 Pers~an kingdom, treaty with, 1 126 ;
    Olympns, Mount, in B i t h y n ~ 11.
    ~ , 523 Palaestzna Sc~lutarzs,11 29 A ,

    paramour of Verina, I 251 war w ~ t h ,161, 163 ; in fifth centur),


    Omar, Bulgarian k~ng,11 338, 473 Palastolon, ii 141 Patmn~onzumPetrz, 11. 149, 152, 153 304 sqq , foundation of, 304 ; war
    I , caliph, 11. 262, 267, 268, 272, Palatzna, clvil, I. 45 Panlicians, the, 11 396, 397 with (528 532 A D ), 372 sqq. ; plague,
    288 nulitary, I 48 Panlmus, biographer of Ambrose, 1. in, 401 ; war w ~ t h(572 591 A.D ), 11.
    11, caliph, 11 431 Palestlue, 1. 401 ; Pers~ansin, 11. 214 ; ,ln
    LIU 95 sqq ; early h~story,180, conquered
    general of Sulelman, 11. 380 Helena in, 217, 251 , Marda~tes In, of Burdigala, 1. 329,330 by Saracens, 268, 269
    "Op,13por, 11 279 312 mastet of offices, 1 133, 134 Pertinax, Emperor, 1 234
    Omey~addynasty, 11 405 Palladius, lvliter, 'Iusopra ~ Z V U ~ U 1K. ~ ~ ,
    of Nola, 1 147 Pernsiz, 1 392, 11 503
    Oneges~ns,I. 214, 217, 218, 220 sqq. 11 , dialogue on Chiysostom, 92, of Pella, I. 147, 329 Peter, ambassador of Justin~an,1 359,
    Onglos (Oglos), 11 333 98 Paulus Diaconus ( TVarnefrzdz Jilzus), 1. 389, 467 ; wrote history, 11. 177
    Onogundnrs, 11 333 Patnarch, 1. 290 403, 11 145 spq pasam, 165,197, Barsames, I 347
    Onoguns, I 455, besieged, 456 Palmer, E H., n 258 261 281, 300 sqq , 326 brother of Maurice, 11 86 ; general
    Onomagilus, 11 410 Pamphj ha, I 83 father of Rfaunce, 11 84,165,210 in Europe, 130 sqp , deposed,
    Onoulf, brother of Odovacar, I. 255 Pzmpreplus, 1 257, 258, 320 the Silent~ary,11. 49, 50, 51, 185, 135, 210
    Opsaia, ii 277 Pan, feasts of, 11 395 186 the Fuller, 1. 191
    OpszX~on,distnct or theme of, .ii. 323, Pandects, the, 1. 366 369 p pr. Afrzcne, 11. 35 general of Justinman, I. 428, 431,
    336, 337, 340,342,343,345, 348, 350, Pannasa, 11. 120 of Armenia, ii 250 437, 438
    351, 369, 372 Paniion~a,settlements of barbarizns in, 1. Patriarch of Constar~tinople,11. 292, Kalj b~tes,n 464
    Opsite5, 1. 445, 446 31, 32, 1 1 4 , Huns In, 159, 161, 172, 293 ; repentance, 296, 297 mag o f , ii 484
    Optztns on Donatirm, 1. 194 221 ; Ostiogoths in, 261 ; Sever~nns Pope, 11. 502, 506 a scribe, friend of St~l~cho,1 114
    Opt~la,1. 182 , 11 344 111, 287, 288 , 11. 32 , Lombards in, Afiarta, 11. 502 Siculus, 11. 432
    Opttntatz, 11 344, 474 115 , Avars in, 116 , Slaves in, 11 274, general of Armeniacs, 11. 407 the Stammerer, 1. 192, 193
    Optzmton, theme of, 11. 344, 351 277 , Bulgarians in, 332, Franks con- strategos of S ~ c ~ l1y1, 410 Pet~lian,Donatist, 1 194
    Oracle, Sibylline, 1. 389, 390 quer, 513 exarch of Ravenna, 11. 442,444 Petra, foanded, I. 428 , slege of, 429
    hpaios, 11 169 Pa~iolbius,1. 320 of Crete, St , n 464 sqq , 441 ; Roman siege of, 442 spp ,
    Orestez, fathe1 of Romnlns Aug , I 213, Panopolis, 1 127 the Cyprian, Patriarch of Constan- 466 spp
    216,275-277, 281 Panormus (Palerrno), besieged bj Gal- tmople, 11. 477, 494, 495 Petnon, 11 326
    pr. augustalzs, 1 209-211 senc, I 162, 171 , by Belisanus, 389 Pautalia, 1. 267 Petronas, 11 311
    Organ, 11 333 Pantheon, 11 301 Pavla, see T~cinum patrician, 11 497
    Organs ~ntroducedto the West, 11. 462 Pant~capaeum,11 357 Pelper, R , 11 192 Petronax, ii 147
    Ongen, ~ontroversyon, 1 188 , 11. 4 Papatzfs, 11 359 Pelragast, 11 134, 135 Petronia, 11. 202
    Orosms, e~cles~astical anter, 1. 76, 111, Pdphlagonia, n 27 , Pers~ans,In, 199 ; Pelagia, w~feof Boniface, 1. 168 Phabngus, 1. 443
    113, 121 ; date of h ~ sh~story,137, theme of, 340, 351 , 111 Armeiiiac Pelaglanism, 1 194 196 Phadalas, n 307, 310, 311
    against Pelagms, 194, 330 theme, 344, 405 Pelsgius, founder of Pelagianisni, 1. 194 Phalbas, 11. 242
    Orphens, Chr~stas, 11 40 Papmian, 1 367, 369 Pope, 11 6, 150, 151, 158 Phanagoria, 11. 357-359
    Orv~eto,1. 394 Pap~riancastle, I. 256 silent~ary,I 259 Phanaroea, 11. 396
    O s ~ r ~(Aurehan),
    s I. 80 Pappus, 11 d4, 35 Pelagius, the place of, ii 465, 469
    Osius, con2 sac? larg , I. 73 Pharas, H e n ~ l 1, 374
    ~ a ~ u h e dIv 433
    , Pelagonia, 1. 268 Pliarasmanios, 11 377, 378
    Ostia, 1 408, 409 Parentlum (Parenzo), 11. 46 Pella, Goths in, 1 262 Pharos at Constantinople, 11. 73, 402
    Ostrogoths, in Phrygiz, 1. 82 sqp ; sub- Paris, 11 159 Peloponnesus, in e~ghthcentury, 11 Phartales, 1. 455 , 11 180
    ject to Huns, 166, 178 , attack Italy, Parwi7, 11 111 theme of, 351, 437, Slaves In, Phasis, nver, 1 450, 453
    241 ; in Illyrlcum and Thrace, 261 Pasagnathes, 11 289 4.55 town, siege of, 1 458 sqq., 11 375
    sqq ; effect of movements of, 11. 20, Paschal Chronzcle,11. 197, 201, 207, 216, ~ei;s;um, 1. 401 Pheretima, 11 110
    145 223,254,281, 388 Pentapolis, in Italy, 11. 146-149, 332, Phmle, 11 326
    Ostrys, sqmre of Aspar, 1 230 Paspatis, M , I 53-57, 1 0 0 , 11. 73, 326, 446 Philadelphia oppressed, I. 336 ; 11. 183
    Othman, 11. 288 409 Pepper, 11 138 Philagnus, 11 283, 284
    Otranto, see Hydruntum Paspirlon, nver, 11 129 Pera, 1 57 , 11 57 Phileas, pass of, 11. 368
    Otto of Frelsmgen, 11 273 Passau, I 288, 289 Peranms, ~ ' 4 3 7 438
    , Philetos, 11. 475
    Oxeia, island, 11 402 Patav~um,11 146, 148 Peratze, meanlng of, 1. 57 ; themes, 11. Philipp~cns,general of Maurice, 11 84,
    Ozanani, 3f , 1 20 Patcaman, M , 11 207, 209 348,403 105 sqq , 201, 215
    568 INDEX
    Philippicus, Emperor (Bardanes), ii. 352, Plato, abbot, ii. 487, 523 Prefects, Praetorian, i. 37, 42 sqq., 336, Prosper of Aqnitaine, i. 109,139
    357, 363-365 ; reign, 367 sqq. ; eccle- Plautus, ii. 174 346 ; of Illyricum, ii. 136, 487 ; urbis, Tiro, i. 111, 139
    siastical policy, 368, 369, 376, 378 ; TXIKW,ii. 58 526, 527 Prostitution, i. 94 ; ii. 59, 60
    leneth of reizn. 383. 388. 423. 525 Plintha, consul, i. 152 Prefect, Praet., of Africa, i. 46; ii. 34, Protectores, i. 49 ; ii. 181
    ~ h i l i ~ p o p o lGkkn
    is b$ ~ u h s i., '164 ; ii. Pliny, the elder, ii. 290 35 ~r6tonotarioi,ii. 349
    23, 24, 119, 123, 141 the younger, i. 301 Prevulitana, ii. 7 Provinces, systenl of, i. 37 ; ii. 25 sqq.,
    Philippus, pr. pr. (346 A.D.), i. 126 Plotinopolis, ii. 23, 24 Primicerius cubiculorunz, i. 44 75
    Philomathius, Isaurian general, i. 458 -
    Plotinus, Neoplatonist, i. 12 1 5 ; on Prinoipibres, i. 45 Provincia (Provence), under Ostrogoths,
    Philoponus, see John Philoponus suicide, 21, 208 Prince's island, ii. 469 i. 284, 285 ; ceded to Frauks, 391 ; ii.
    Philosopher,use of word(and of q5rAouoq5G), Poeta &xo, ii. 483 Princeps, in civil service bureaux, i. 45, 159
    : C
    1. 2 Poictiers, i. 397 ; ii. 194 46 pr;dLntius, i. 311, 330
    Philostorgios, historian, quoted, i. 62, Political loaves, ii. 73, 221 Priscian, on Anastasius, i. 300, 302 Prusa, ii. 487
    67, 119, 148, etc.; his work, 325 Pollentia, battle of, i. 109 of Lydia, ii. 175 Psellus, Michael, ii. 170,. 176,. 434
    Philotheus, friend of Anthemius, i. 206 Polyaemon, rhetor, i. 82 Priscilliau persecuted, i. 186 pseudo-~vars,ii. 115
    Phocas, Emperor, revolt of, ii. 87 sqq., Polybius, model of Zosimns, i. 326 ; Priscus, historian, i. 133 ; value as au- Pseudoco~i~itutenses, i. 48
    142, 154, 155 ; reign, 197 sqq. ; quoted, ii. 11, 169, 170, 178, 276, thority, 162, 163, 165, 175 ; ac- Pteron, fort in Blachernae, ii. 240
    fall, 205, 210, 216 290 companies Maximin, 166, 213 Ptochotrophos, ii. 206
    delegate of Zeno, i. 267 Polychronins, ii. 318 sqq., 119; extracts from, 213 Ptolemaeus, captain, ii. 347
    pr. pr., i. 342, 346 Pompeiopolis, i. 473 sqq., 243 ; pagan, 325, 327 Ptolemais, in Libyan Pentapolis, i. 301,
    Phoenicia Libanesic~,ii. 29, 109 Pornpeius, Anastasius' nephew, i. 334, general of Maurice, sent to East, ii. 478
    A. -
    Phoenix, in Lycia, ii. 290 342, 345 108 ; recalled, 109 ; general in Ptolemy Soter, i. 207
    Pholoe, Alaric at, i. 68 ?rovG, ii. 169 Europe, 126 ; at Tzurulon, 127 ; Philadelphus, ii. 272
    Photinus, ii. 523 Ponthion, ii. 500 against Slaves, 128 sqq. ; deposed, 111, ii. 177
    Photius, curator of Placidia's palace, ii. Pontica, ii. 27, 28 130 ; reappointed, 135-137 ; at Pulcheria, Empress, i, 123-126 ; retire-
    205 Pontiue marshes drained, i. 382 Tomi, 137 ; great victories, 140, ment, 134 ; marriage, 135 ; death, 136,
    Patriarch, ii. 432 Pontus, ii. 228, 229, 236, 457 141, 171, 172 ; marriage, 282; 158 ;opposes Nestorianism, 190 ;know-
    Phrantzes, ii. 120, 144, 170 Pontus Polenzonic~cus,ii. 27 invites Heraclius, 202, 203, 205 ; ledge of Latin, 206
    Phrygia, Goths in, i. 82 Popes, election of, ii. 6 ; position of, 509 becomes a monk, 210, 215, 536 Punishments, ii. 329
    Phrygia Pacatiana, ii. 26 Population, ii. 466, 467 Prisons at Constautinople, ii. 295, 296 Pusaeus, pr. pr., i. 233
    Phtha~tolatrai,ii. 251 Porphyrius, bishop of Gaza, i. 199 sqq. Proaeresius, professor at Athens, i. 325 Puzane, ii. 452
    Phylarchus, i. 243 Neoplatonist, i. 208 Probus, Emperor, i. 31, 32, 137 Pydna, Goths in, i. 262
    Pic, ii. 516 Porphyry, use of, ii. 41 Anastasius' nephew, i. 342 Pyrotechnic, ii. 311, 319
    Picenum, i. 121, 393 Portus, town of, i. 275, 409, 410 patrician, ii. 205 Pyrrhus, Patriarch, ii. 282 - 286 ; re-
    Pierins, coao. dom., i. 281 Potanius, quaestor, i. 119 Procliana, ii. 126, 127 stored to his chair, 296
    Pincum, ii. 23 Po-to-li, ii. 6.4 Proclianus, dux Phoeniciae, i. 373 Pyrum, ad (Hrudschizza), i. 108
    Pipin, king, ii. 500-502 Povratimstt~o,ii. 19 Proclus, mechanician, i. 300 ; ii. 311 Pythagoreanism in the Digest, i. 368
    son of Charles the Great, ii. 504 Praefectw; see Prefect Neoplatonist, life, i. 1 3 ; system,
    Piracy, i. 162, 163 annonae, i. 44 13-15 ; hymns, 14, 315,316 QUADI,i. 110
    Pisaurum, i. 394, 407 ; ii. 146 augustalis, i. 46 put to death by Rufinus, i. 62 Quaestor, functions of, i. 86, 348 ;
    Pisidia overrun by Goths, i. 82, 83 ; ii. urbis, i. 39, 44, 52 Proconnesus, marbles from, ii. 49, 51 Justinianean, 348, 349, 527
    346, 381 Praejecta, i. 474 Proconsul of Cappadocia, i. 47 ; ii. 26 Quast, ii. 43
    Pitra, Cardinal, ii. 428 Praepositus sacri cubiculi, i. 44 ; illuatris, of First Armenia, ii. 28, 29 Quinisext Council, see under Council
    Pityazes, i. 375, 376 71, 85 ; ii. 324 of Palestine Salutaris, ii. 29, 30
    Pityus, i. 103 Praesentinus, ii. 92 Procopius, count, i. 131 RABIAIBN JUTOUB, ii. 491
    Pitzigaudes, ii. 312 P m e s , office of, i. 45 ; =?)yephv, ii. of Gaza, i. 293, 301 Rachis, ii. 500
    Placentia, Avitus at, i. 238 172 hermit of Rhodes, i. 200 Radagaisus, i. 110 ; ii. 344
    Placidia, Galla, i. 113, 115, 137, 144 ; imularum, i. 127 son of Anthemius, i. 258 Radegundis, St., ii. 194
    marriage with Athaulf, 147,148 ; of Lycaonia, ii. 26 historian, i. 305, 337, 341, 344, 354 Ragusa, ii. 276, 277
    marriage with Constantius, 150, of Pisidia, ii. 26, 346 sqq., 359 sqq. ; secretary of Beli- Rambaud, A., ii. 525
    155-159,170. 172, 173, 244,383; of Isauria, ii. 27 sarius, 372 ; partiality, 373, 378, Ramsay, Prof. W., i. 54 ; ii. 41
    tomb of, ii. 42, 44 ; buildings at of Secoqd Armenia, ii. 28, 29 379, 434 ; on Theodoric, 382, Ranke, L. von, i. 111, 238, 282, 327 ; 011
    Ravenna, 43, 44 of Phoenicia Libanesia, ii. 29 388, 390 ; on plague, 401, 402, the Altecdota, 359, 360, 363, 364,
    palace of, i. 99 ; ii. 205, 316 of Palestine Salutaris, ii. 29 429, 443; caution, 453; ii. 24, 406 ; ii. 69,148
    daughter of Valentinian 111,i 235 ; of Paphlagonia, ii. 28 32, 33 ; on St. Sophia, 50, 52 ; Ratiaria, Huns at, i. 163, 164 ; ii. 120
    marriage, 242, 248 Praetorplebis, Justinianean, i. 348 purism in style, 169-171 ; notice Rationalism of the Isaurians, ii. 429
    Placidus, i. 181 PraetoresJustiniani, of Lycaonia, Pisidia, of, 178, 179 Ravenna, inlperial residence, i. 110, 112,
    Plagues, the great, in 542 A.D., i. 358, Thrace, ii. 26 ; of Sicily, 38, 173 IIpoXhar, i. 369 115 ; blockaded, 120, 155, 159 ;
    399 sqq., 432 ; ii. 139, 180, 354 ; in Praetors, i. 41 ; Martian's reforms, 136 ; Promota, i. 388 Severus proclaimed at, 241, 253 ;
    745 A.D., 453 Sqq. ii. 30 Promotus, i. 62, 93 Glycerius at, 274 ; Nepos at, 276 ;
    Plataea, ii. 24 ~par8sliw,ii. 173 governor of Noricum, i. 216, 221 Odovacar at, 277, 280 ; Theodoric at,
    Plateia, island, ii. 402 Prandearia, prison at Constantinople, ii. Propontis, Slaves settled near, ii. 323 281, 282, 389 ; Witigis at, 391 ;
    Plato, i. 322, 323 295 P ~ o sHestiais, i. 272 Belisarius at, 396, 407, 412, 414 ;
    57'2 INDEX INDEX
    Septimius Severns, i. 338 ; ii. 323 SiffCn, bittle of, 11. 291
    134, 135, 139, 142, 149, 208, 212 ; Spalzons, i. 456
    Serapanln, 1. 452 Slgibert, 11. 159, 160
    join Avars m slege of Byzantium, Sparta taken by Alaric, i. 67
    Seraplon, I 95, 96 S~gismund,king of Burgundians, i. 38'2
    239, 240 ; migrations 1n seventh Spathurzus, 11. 344
    Serapis, temple of, destroyed, 1. 97, 208 ; Slglsvnlt, Goth, 1. 168
    century, 274 spp. ; subdued by Con- Spectabzles, class of, i. 39 spq., 45
    representation of, 11. 54 S~lentzanz,1. 44, 259
    stans, 392 ; ~n Syna, 306 ; in Mace- Sperantius, 1. 131
    uhppovXa, 11 275 S~lmgi,1. 151, 152
    donla and Thessaly, 337, 338, 342 ; Spoletinm, 1. 392, 394, 408 ; Lombards
    Serbs, 11. 274, name, 275-277 ; mall- S~llugis,I 292
    formed into a corps by Justinian 11,
    Sllk, manufacture of, I. 472 ; 11. 62 ; at, 11 146, 149; duke of, 153, 444
    time, 278 321, 322, 331, Influence on the in-
    trade in, 96, 97 sgq., 503, 504
    Serena, I 61, 78, 109 stitution of serfdom, 420, 421; Slavise Zndpoc, 11. 275
    Serfdom, 1. 28 , 11. 419 spy. Sllvanus banker, I 216, 217
    founder of P a ~ ~ l ~ c ~ a 11.
    ~ n396
    sm, Greece, 455 ; In B~thynla,471 ; 111 Sprenger, R., 11. 259
    Sergiopol~s,1. 432
    Silcerms, Pope, I 360, 391 , 11. 5 Greece, 483 ; in Macedonia, 484 ; Spruner's atlas, 1. 441
    Sergius, demaich of Greens, 11 87, 90
    of Edessa, 1 436 Sllvm, 11. 150 inflnence in Empire, 525 ulllace, 11. 187, 189, 448
    Slovenes, 11, 21, 23, 86; modern (of 26dn~oaGora, 11 13, 122
    en,uy of Sabonos, 11. 306, 307, Slmas, I 375, 376, 378, 379
    347 Slmeon (Tltus), Panllclan, 11 396 Carnlola, etc.), 274, 483 St. Martin, 11. 322
    general of Sicily, 11. 410, 482 Szmocntta, meanlng of, 11. 254, see Smaragdus, exarch, 11. 147, 206 Stauracins, 11. 456, 483-485, 488, 489,
    Interpreter, 11. 180 Theophylsctus Smith, R. Payne, 11. 8, 72, 74, 267 491
    Patnarch, 11 206, 219, 230, 221, S~mphcius,Pope, i. 192 Socialism, 1. 95 Stenon, 11. 323
    225, 239, 245 ; monotheletism, prefect of Constantinople, I. 100 Socrates, h~storian, quoted, 1. 84, 92, Stephanopohs, i. 456
    249 spq ; patron of literature, pli~losopher,11 175, 176 126, etc.; his work, 325 Stephanus Asmlctus, 11 363
    255, 256 Siuga, island, 11. 137 Sofian Ibn Auf, 11. 311 captaln in relgn of Maurlce, ii. 106
    Pope, 11 327, 330, 366 Smgara, 1. 304 Sol znvzctus, n 54 eunuch of Maurlce, n. 88
    prefect of Africa, I 388 Smger~c,1. 149 Solachon, battle of, 11. 106, 107 llfe of, 11 460, 462 , persecution of,
    revolts aga~nstLeontlus, 11. 353 Singldunum (Singldon =Belgrade), Huns Solea, 11. 50 464, 465
    and Bacchus, church of, I 57 Solomon, kiiig, 1. 352, 387 of Cor~nth,11. 317
    at, I 164 ; Sarnlatlans at, 262 ; 11 23, the eunuch, 1 387, 388 ; 11. 35
    Serlnda, I 472 118 , Avars selze, 119 ; Avars beslege, Pope, 11. 500-502
    Servia, Wh~te,11 275 126 ; regain, 136, 143 Sondls, Mount, I. 265 protospathar, 11. 475
    Servians, see Serbs Slnlgaglla, 1 394, 412 Sontms, battle of, I 280 Ruslus, 11. 329
    Servitudes, 11 416 Sinnlo, I. 477 Sophla, Empres.;, I. 474 ; n. 68 sqq ; re- sacellurztcs, 11. 324, 325, 329, 330
    Sestos, I 478 ; 11. 21, 23 Qlnox, general, 1. 168 ligion, 71, 77, ambition, 78, 79; wntes Stephen, anti-monothelete, 11. 253
    Sesuald, 11. 300, 301 Slpka pass, 11 14, 121 to Chosroes, 100, 101, 110 ; Insults of Edessa, 1. 438
    Severlan of Gabala, I 96 S~rlmls,11. 76 Narses (7), 145 Stephens, Mr. W. R. W., 1. 92
    Severlana, 11 446 Slrmlum, Hunsat, 1 159,164,216; Geplds Sophia, church of St., i. 54-57, 84, 93, Steslcborns, poet, I. 322
    Severlnus, St., 1. 285 289 In, 285 , Avars demand, 11. 116, 117 ; 100 ; burnt ( A D. 404), 101 ; Stilicho, 1. 33, 61 - 69 passim, 74-
    Severs, the, 11. 334, 473 Avars take, 118 ; Flanks hold, 513 burnt (A D. 532), 342 ; re- 79, 90 ; character, 78 ; schemes, 65,
    Severus, Llblus, Emperor, I. 241, 243 Siroes, 11. 243, 244 bmlt, 346, 352, 353; descr~ption 66, 68, 78, 108 sqq ; death,
    attendant of Endocia, i. 134 Slsauranl, 1 431 of, 11. 48 sgq , 245 113 ; connection wlth barballans in
    Endelechlus, I. 330 Slsibut, I. 417 ; n 215 Llttle St., I. 57 ; 11. 42 Gaul, 138, 139, 167 ; Aetlus compared
    magiclan, 1. 206 Slslnnius (er Slsmnacius), commander of St , at Salonlca, 11. 52 to, 172 ; Rlc~mer compared to, 241,
    Shah nameh, 11 113 Thracesians, 11. 350, 451, 452 Sophism, 11. 402, 403 279 , forms the Optznratt, 11. 344
    Shahen, 11. 200, 209, 216, 217, 220 Patnarch, I. 189 Sophists, I 47 Stobl, Ostrogoths at, 1. 262, 267
    Shahr Barz, 11 200, 214, 229 sqq ; in Pastlllas, 11. 498 Sophon, lake, 1. 301 Stoic~sm, I. 5 sqq.; idea of @fiats, 6 ;
    Armenla, 233 sgp, 236, 237, 244 ; Rendaces, 11. 408, 409 Sophronms, Patriarch of Jerusalem, ii. leads to absolutism, zb ; cosmopol~tan-
    accession to Perslan throne, 247, Slttas, m g mzl. per Arnzenzam, I 420, 251-253, 268 ism, 7, 21 ; influence on law, 369
    248 422 Sorbs, 11. 275 Stokes, Prof. G. T., 11. 249, 430, 431,
    Sicca Venerea, 1 388 traltor in Martyropolis, 11. 110 Sors evnngelzea, 11. 232 436, 439
    Slclly, Vanddls In, 1 162,171, 245, 246; Sixtus V, I 392 Southenlon, 11. 402 Strabo, 11. 289
    Bel~sariusin, 389 ; Totlla in, 411 ; Skabalonov~tch,N , cited, 11. 341, 344, Soter~chui,1. 462, 463 StrandLa mountains, li. 14
    lecovered, 412; 11. 37, 148, 165; 349, 416, 419, 420, 421, 468 Sotinadls, G., 1. 373, 377, 378; li. 169, Strategius, 1. 419
    attacked by Saracens, 294, 297, 298 ; Skodra, 11 15 177, 411 donzestzcus, 11. 468
    Constans In, 302 ; strat8gla of, 341, UKO~XKU, 11 168, 172
    uovha, n. 363 friend of Constantme V, 11. 461
    345 - 347, 351, 407 ; revolt in, Slavery, 1. 22, 26, 219, 370, 371 Sozomen, h~storian, quoted, i. 84, 88, urparqy6s, 11. 173, 340, 342 sqq., 346
    410, 440 ; plagne In, 453 ; revolt of Slaves, the, 1 294, 299,393, 411 ; 11. 12, 92, etc.; his work, 325 urpaqhd-qs, 11 306, 346
    Sozopolis, 1. 300 Stratzotaz (Stradiot~),11. 356
    Elpldlus, 481 16 sqq , 69, their movement com-
    Sid Albattal, 11. 406 Spadusa, i 156 Strymon, river, 11. 280, 475
    pared to that of Germans, 114; rela-
    Sid$ron, fort, 11. 377 tions with Avars and Romans, 116 ; Spain, occupled by tyrant Constantine, Strymon, theme of, n. 351
    1. 140 spq.; Vandals, etc., in, 142, Stubbs, bishop, 11. 392, 412, 456, 468
    Sidimund, Ostrogoth, i 267, 268 invade Emplre, 117, 119; settled In
    Sidon, 1. 473 Empire, 119, 1 2 0 , ln Greece, 120, sqq., Vislgoths enter, 148, 151 sqq., Studlon, 11. 524
    Sidonins Apollinaris, 1 234, 235 ; at 143, 144 ; invade Thrace, 124 ; the 155, 156, 167 ; partly recovered by Stutzas, rebel, I. 387, 388
    Arles, 239 240 ; panegjric on Anthe musical Slaves from the north, 125 ; Romans, 415, 416 ; 11. 31, 32, 36, 37, Suania, I. 452, 468 ; 11. 95, 110
    153 ; Jews in, 215 ; Omeyyads In, Suavia, I. 262
    mius, 247 , poetry of, 329 subject to Avars, 126 ; expeditions
    407
    Sievers, 1. 47, 61, 67, 80 of Priscus against, 128 sqq ; of Peter, Subiaco, 1. 398
    Spalato (Spalatro), origin of, 11. 277 Succi, pass of, 11. 1 3
    INDEX 575
    574 INDEX
    Theodora, daughter of John Cantacuze- m Italy, I 32, 53 ; death, 61, 64 ,
    Suess~onum,Augusta (Soissons), 1. 283, Ta~rach,I. 300 nos, 11 238 friend of Goths, 61, 64, 82, 89, 94,
    397; 11 159 Tarraco, 1. 142 ; capital of bfaximus, wife of Just~uian11, 11. 330, 358, 95, 107, 108 ; religious policy, 185,
    Suevi, cross Rhine, 1. 138 ; 111 Gaul, 139 143,156 359,361, 365 186, 311 ; plllar of, 11. 52, 136
    sqq. ; enter Spam, 142, 151, 155, 166 ; Taisus, 11 492 Theodore Ascldas, 11 4 Tl~eodosius11, 1. 92 ; reign of, 123 sqq.;
    defeated by V~s~goths, 236 , IU central I Tatianus, I. 62, 72 com. sacr. Iarg., 1 299 marnage, 124 ; death, 135, 161, 163 ;
    Europe, 262, 286 ; in Spain, 285 , Tatimer, officer of Piiscus, 11. 128, 130 consul (399 AD.), 1. 86 religious attitude, 190, 191, 198 ; fond

    '
    kingdom subdued by Vlsigoths, 416 ; Tatulus, father of Orestes, I. 216 engineer, I. 426 of riding, 199, 200 ; b i ~ t hof, 203 ;
    11. 32 Tatzates, 11 479, 491 Lector, 1 307, 325 bapt~sm,204, 304 ; 11 1
    Sulclde, 1. 21 Taugast, 11. 64 of Mopsuestla, 1 189 ; ii. 4 Theodoslus 111, 11 372-374, 378, 382;
    Suidas quoted, 1. 208, 209, etc ; 11. 234 Taureslum, 11 7 7eferendar~uq1 402 fall, 383 ; treaty w ~ t hBulgar~a,470
    Suleiman, callph, 11. 372, 378 Tauris, 11 231 spectubzlzs, 1. 131 Theodosms, son of Atbaulf, 1. 148, 149
    general, 11. 378 sqq., 401, 402, 406 Taurus, Mount, warfare in, I. 292 , 11.344 Ihb~nus,11. 107 Patriarch of Alexandria, n. 8, 9
    Snmmus, 1 419 pr. p r , 1. 80 of Rabdis, 11. 109 lover of Antouma, 11. 61
    Suulcas, 1. 375-379 Taxation, 1. 41 physician, 11 130 soil of Maunce, 11 82, 87, 88-90,
    uuur~X=u~aL, i t 80, 174 r a [ ~ G ~ a1.i 45
    , bishop of Massilia, 11. 162 92, 94, 109, 200, 201, 214
    Superstition, prevaleilce m seventh cen- ~afi~ s e r X e y p l v q 1, 1. 228 mag. of., 11 165 of Mel~tene,11. 82
    tury, 11. 387 sqq Taygetus, Mouut, 11. 455 Studita, 11. 170, 345, 487, 518,519 ; son of Heraclm.;, 11. 213
    Snra (Suron), 1 421 sqp Te~as,colns of, 1. 405 ; general, 412 ; poetry, 520 ; miracles, zb., 521 ; brother of Coustans 11, 11. 298
    Suslana, 11 242 klng, 413 , slam, zb. hfe, 523,. 524,. 526 ; h ~ smother, bishop of Ephesus, 11 463, 498
    Sutnum, 11. 442, 444 Telephls, fort, 1 453 529 Theodote, n. 487, 521
    Svarunes, I. 466 Telerig, 11 474, 475 11r p r Onenfzs, 11 202, 204 Theodotus, p r pr., 1 346
    Svlnth~la,1. 417 ; 11. 207 Teletz, 11. 471, 472 brother of Heraclins, ii 210, 211, logothete, 11. 323, 324, 329, 330
    Sywius, I. 33, 242, 283 Tenedos, 11 476 215. 216. 237 : defeats Saes, 238, Tbeodulus, mag nzzl., 1. 165
    Sycae, suburb of Constantmople, i. 272, Terbel, 11 359 ; made a Caesar, 360, 361, 245; 262'265,267 l'heognostus, 11. 475
    300, 11 309, 354 368, 408 ; death, 470, 511 nephew of Herachus, 11. 266, Theon, 1. 208
    Syke, 11. 407 Terdetes, L 446 Tilthynus, 11 264 Theophanes of Byzantmm, 1. 472 ; n
    Sjllaeum, 11. 311, 463 Terrztorzum Valtense, 11. 146 of Tarsus, 11. 280, 392, 538 67, 95, 182
    Symbatlus, Armenlan, I. 482 Tertulhan, I. 9,10 , on duties of women, Pope, 11. 292, 294 chronographer, 1. 327 ; sources of,
    revolt of, 11. 322 6 ~oXwveias,11 306, 309, 345 11. 56; extract from, 57, 1 6 8 ,
    Symholnm, 11. 359 ~ e z u l l n s I.
    , 118 Patrialch, 11 315, 317-319 error 111 chronolog~, 197, 207,
    Symmachus, pr. urbzs (384 A.D ), 1.185 Tetlax~teGoths, I. 470, 477 ; 11. 358, of Ra~enna,11 316. 317 231, 232, 234, 236, 262, 2 6 4 ,
    father-~n-lawof Boethius, 11 189 512 captam sent against Ravenna, 11. sources of, 281, 322, 327, 332,
    Synesms, Egyptznns, 1. 80 sqq ; de regno, Teuffel, Prof., 1. 328 366 339 ; sources, 352, 383, 401 ;
    83. 90. 125. 199, 209, 210 : as a mall Teuton, see Germans Myacms, 11. 369, 370 pious reflectlous of, 405 ; chrono-
    of' letters, '314,' 315 ; vlslts Athens, Texler aild Pullan (Byzantzile dlchztec- of Melitene, 11. 391 log~calerrors, 425 sqq ; descrip-
    316 ture), 11 47, 48 Carnul~anus,11. 484, 486 tlon of plague, 453 sqq., language.
    Synodltes, 11. 71 Theatres, 1. 198 ; 11. 56, 59, 61 Theodoret, quoted, 1. 100 ; work of, 518 ;character and marnage, 524,
    Syiacuse, Constans at, 11 301 sqq. Theatroeynegzon, 11. 56 325 ; 11 4 525
    Syiia, Huns in, 1. 69 ; revolt in, 256 , Thebae, in Thessaly, 11. 23 Theodorlc I., king of Visigoths, I 171, the chamberlain, 11. 477
    Invaded by Chosroes, 421 sqq, by Thebals, 11. 8 172, 175, 177 Moni3tios, 11. 451
    Persiaills under Adormahun, n 98 sqq., Thebarmes, 11 232 Theodoric 11, king of Vlsigoths, 1. 236, Theophllus, Emperor, I. 57 ; 11 458
    199 ; Shahr Barz m, ZOO, 214, 215 , Theiss (T~ssus),iirer, 1. 163 ; 11. 141 237 ; treaty wlth Majorlan, 239 Patr~archof Alexandria, 1. 97 sqq.
    heresies in, 249, 251 ; conquest by Themes, system of, 11 25 , or.gin of, 339 rheodoric, son of Ga~aerlc,1. 385 TTztaJustzniang 1. 334
    Saracens, 263 sqp ; reuegades in, 267 ; sqp., list 111 tenth ceutury, 351 son of Trialius. 1. 254, 259 ; posi- professor of law, I. 366
    colnage IU, 322, famine in, 323 ; Them~stius,taught Arcadms, 1 62, 314 tlon, 262 ; relat~onsto Emplre, spathar, 11. 481
    plague in, 453 Tlieoctiste, daughter of Maurice, 11. 202 263 sqq., death, 273 Cibyraiot general, n. 492
    mother of Theodore Studlta, 11. 519, son of Theodemir, 1. 163 ; supports Theophobius, Colchian, I. 452
    T'AI-TSUNG, 11. 64 523, 529 Zeno, 251 ; suppresses Leontms, Theophylactus S~mocatta,use of (brXo-
    TaikBs of Japan, 11. 385 Theoctistus, secretary, 11 408 257 ;birth, 262 , career, 262 sqq.; uo(bG, 1. 5 ; style, 324 ; n 64,
    Takht I Khosru, 11. 268 Theodahad, 1. 359, 388, 389, 390, n. 3, overthrows Odovacar, 280, 281 ; 68, 81, 82, 91, 137 ; sources of,
    Takht-1-Soleima, 11. 231 186 rule in Italy, 282, 284, 294, 83, 91, 93, 94, 99, 100, 101, 103,
    Tamchosro, 11. 103, 104 Theodemir, 1. 261, 262 381-383 ; marriage connections, 104, 107, 110, 111, 121 ; chrono-
    Tapharas, 1. 373 Theodora, Empress, I. 337 ; beauty, zb. ; 382, palace of, 11. 43 45 ; logy, 126, 130, 142, 170-172,
    Taraslkod~ssa(Zeno), 1. 250 polltical pos~tlon,338, 339 , speech of, tomb of, 44 ; policy in regard to 197 , notice of, 254-256
    Tarasius, 11 327, 487, 494-496, 518, 344,345; hostility to John of Cappado- Jens, 64 governor of Thrace, 11 468
    521, 522,531 cia, 347, 351 ; character, 356, 357 ; Theodorus, see Theodore Rangabe, 11. 481
    Tarentum, Constans at, 11 300 unpopularity, 358 ; charges aga~nst, Theodoslan sect, 11 251 Oepa~euOijvar,11. 169
    Targ~tes,Avar, 11. 72, 120 359, 361 ; antecedents, 362, 363, Theodosiopolis, 1. 305 ; taken by Per Thermant~?,wife of Houorius, 1. 112 ;
    Targitios, 11 120 family, 363, death, 411, 474, sians, 307 ; recovered, 309, 432, 435 ; divorce& 113
    Taridon, 11 492 469 , 11. 1, 3, 5, 8, 9 , mosdic of, 45, 11. 101, 407 Thermopylae, Huns at ( 4 D. 447), I. 165 ;
    Tank, 11 512 62 ; early hfe, 60 ; charges agalnst, Theodoslus 1. (the Great), settles Alemanni fortified, 11. 23, 24
    Tarpodlzus, ti. 125 61, 68, 71, 78, 185
    INDEX 579
    Venmitius, pntiic~aii,11. 165 1 Wallla, i. 149, 150, 152, 241 263 s q g , with Odovacar, 277, 278, Zoilus of Cherson, li. 364
    Veiiantiui Foltunatu., 11. 194 Wmidenna of Nations, what lt was, with Theodone, 280, 290, 291, 294 ; Zonaras quoted, 11. 68, 74, 170, 281,
    Veiiatia, 1 115, 412 , 11. 146 I. 107 ii. 1-3 ; law on bulldmgr, 55, 224 299, 305, 311,376, 378, 433
    Veiilce, origin of, 1 180 , bt. Mark's, 11. Watd, Mr5. Humphry, i. 416 Zeno, son of Emperor, I. 259 {oppnci8er, 11. 312
    42, 149, 3 i 4 ; ass~stsHavenna, 442, Warmar, Fmnk, 11. 159 son of Anthemius, I. 293 Zoroaster, 11. 232, see Wre-worship
    503, 515, 537 Wlrs, the (Huni). 11. 115 Zenonls, wife of Bas~hscus,I. 254 Zosimus, historian, I. 139, 142, 143,
    1-eima, Enlpress, 1. 233, 244 ; ch;lracter, Well, H , 11 263 syg., 272,320, 401, 404, Zerkon, 1. 222 325 ; his work, 326, 327 ; 11.
    250, 251 , imprlsoiiment, 256 ; death, 406 Zero, derivation of, 11. 362 179, 344
    257 ; mfiueiuce of, 266 TVidemll, I. 261, 262, 274, 286 Zeugina, 11. 66, 84 Pope, 1. 194
    Veroua, Alaric at, I. 110 ; Attila at, lITieteisl~eiili, van, I. 108 Zeuxippus, baths of, 1. 56 ; 11. 369 Zotenberg, I. 191
    179 , Odovacar at, 280 , under Ostro- Wllfred of York, 11 315 Zlch, see Isd~gurias Zotlcus of Phlladelpha, li. 183
    goths, 405 , iecovered by Romans, golerilor of Emesn, 11 106, 109 Ziebil, 11. 237, 238 Zotto, 11. 147
    414 ; taken by Loinbards, 11. 146 Wilgang, 1. 444 446, 450, 456 Ziegler, 1. 193, 195 Zuher, 11. 379
    Vespasiali, 11. 33 Wlhbald, Life of S t , 11. 453 Ziper, 1. 465 &a, 11. 18
    Vevdarcli, 11. 242 Wilkeii, I. 338 Zoepfiel, 11. 157, 503 iupam, li. 276, 277
    T'extllatzo, I. 48 Wmlfred, ste Boniface
    Tia A ~ ~ I z1. ~382 L, TVisgaid (Wiscard), I. 457
    Flcinl~nta,I. 413 Wltigis, I. 390-392, 394 396, 419
    1'~cnraris Asaanc~e,I. 46 ; al~olished, 11. Wltterich, I. 417
    27, 75 Womeii, po5itlon of, affected by Cl~ris-
    Pogatcccie, 11. 27 tianitj, 1 20, 21, pagan and cl1ii5tian,
    Tfcn[~z~tr~cii~, 11. 26 12
    V i c e n t ~ ~Attila
    , at, 1. 179
    Victor Vitensls, I. 245 XETO~HOV the Atheniml, i. 314,324 ; 11.
    Vienna, Gallic, I. 143, 154 169, 242
    Vigilantla, I. 358 of Ephesus, i 324
    V~gilantius,colic. iloszest., I. 115 Xerog~.p\on,11. 125
    Vlgilius, Pope, 11. 4 6, 297 , 168
    ~ l i \ o ~ o u h o u 8 a 11.
    Viiinnnciuiri, H~uiis at, I. 163, 164 , 11.
    13 ; A ~ a r sseize, 119 ; battles of, 140 YALUI~AH, bzttle of, 11. 269
    Vlnceutl?, 11. 146 Yeiiien, I. 470 ; 11. 95, 96, 261
    Vinceiitms, ,;lnr/ ?17aZ., 1 113 Yermnk, battle of, 11 253, 261
    l i ~ ~ d ~ cI.e s302
    , Yezdegerd, see Isdigeld
    IT1ranl~rcter,1 397 Y e ~ l dI., son of &fuavinh, 11. 307, 314,
    Virgilms, heres) of, 11. 521 383, 430 THE END
    Visigoths, 111 Thrace (376 a.n ), 1. 32, 64 Yezid, adr~lrml,11. 403
    spp ; iii Italy, 108 spq., 120, 121, settle- YuLiiina, 11. 267
    ment in Gaul, 153, 167, 254, 285 ;
    coiiverted from Arialllsnl. 11. 153 ZLR,gleater slid lesser, 11. 912
    Zabergan, 1. 478 spy ; 11. 22, 180
    . ~ , - - -- Z~chailn.see Lmgeiithnl
    Vitalian, naag. ~ I L Lper ~ inn~,1. 407
    Illy~ Zachar~a; of AflGlene (not Melitene), i.
    Pope, 11. 301, 315 317 191, 308, 309
    revolt of, I. 297, 334 ; death of, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 11. 214
    335, 343 physiclaii, 11. 101
    Vitdis, churcli of S t , i 253, 337, 341 , Pope, 11. 446, 500, 521
    description of, 11. 45, 62, 194, 326 Zachloums, 11. 278
    Vitalius, general, 11 106, 107 Zaldapal (Zaldaba), 1. 297 ; ii. 120, 121,
    Vita:, ~ & i i t ,11. 12 131
    V~truvius,11. 457 Zali, 11 115
    Vlachtans, 11. 16, 123, 472, 515, 516 Zalr~anarzus.1. 469
    Vogel, A., 1. 397 Zambellis, M., 11. 447
    Volkmann, R., 1. 314 Zara, 11. 277
    t 11. 280
    Volo, d i / c ~ i cof, Zeno Emperor, I. 136; religious attitude,
    Volusian, nncle of Melana, 1. 131 191, 192, inalriage, 230 ; reign, 250
    Voplscus, 11. 343 spq.; name, 250 , character, 252 spq. ;

    '
    Vuteliiins, 11 211 death, 260 ; dealliigs wlth Ostrogoths,

    Wacrs, Ling of Loinbards, 1. 395 1 Zaldaba m John of Antiocn (fr 214 e),
    Walachians, see Vlachians Znldapa In Procop~us (de Aod p 308) and
    Walamlr, 1. 251, 261, 262, 286 Theopl1vlactu8. The MbS of Theophmes
    Walch, 11. 462 1 ha\ eEardapa and Zaildapa

    You might also like