Under Martial Law
Under Martial Law
Under Martial Law
The increasing difficulties besetting the country and the failure of the successive administration to cope
with the con-g crises, especially in the socio-economic field, led to massive discontent that found
eloquent expressions in student demonstrations. The It 1960s and the beginning of the 19708 saw the
development of what has been termed student power. The "parliament of the streets," as the student
demonstrations were called, was basically anti-government and, generally speaking, negative in
attitude. The violent demonstrations, supported in part by a segment of the labouring class, I. to
bloodshed and destruction of life and property. Confronted with massive dissent and with what he
considered the threat of internal subversion posed by Jose Ma. Sison's ("Amado Guerrero") Communist
Party of the Philippines, with the New People's Army (NPA) as its arm, President Ferdinand E. Marcos
placed the entire country under martial law in September 1972. The legislative body was abolished and
the President's decrees, directives, and Instructions partook of the nature of laws.
The critical situation of the county since 1965 or thereabouts led to widespread discontent and
pessimistic forebodings that were not alleviated by promises on the part of the administration to lift the
burden from the people's back and thus make their life less miserable and hope-le.. The violence of the
demonstrations and the frequency of their occurrence led at times to disruption of classes in the
Greater Manila area and to clashes between the students, on the one hand, and the officers of the law,
on the other. In the eyes of the government, the participants in the demonstrations had become
unwieldy and uncontrollable. The death and destruction resulting from these clashes led to bitterness
on the part of the students and to grave doubts of the government as to the noble urns of the
demonstrators. Face with these disturbances and the rising power of Jose Ma. Sison's Communist Party,
President Ferdinand E. Marcos, availing himself of Article VII, Section 10, tieparatgrzher22of the e
Constitution, issued Proclamation 1081 on filch placed the entire country under martial law. M
accordance with this proclamation, the President today rules by decrees, general orders, and letters of
instruction. In explaining why he declared martial law, President Marcos maintained that the danger of
rebellion had increased and that this danger had paralyzed the functions of the national and local
governments. The productive sectors of the economy grounded to a halt. Many schools have closed
down. The judiciary is unable to administer justice. Many of our businessmen, traders, industrialists,
producers and manufacturers stopped their operations. In the Greater Manila area alone, tension and
anxiety have reached a point where the citizens are compelled to stay at home. Lawlessness and
criminality like kidnapping, smuggling, extortion, blackmail, armed robbery, illegal traffic in drugs, gun-
running, hoarding and manipulation of prices, corruption in government, tax evasion perpetuated by
syndicated criminals, have increasingly escalated beyond the capability of the local police and civilian
authorities.
The President's proclamation was met with silence by the people and the pessimist's fear of a bloodbath
did not materialize. To allay the people's fear that the military might take over, Marcos emphasized, in a
radio broadcast, that in placing the country under martial law, it was never his intention to have the
military take over the civil functions of the government. "The Government of the Republic of the
Philippines which was established by our people in 1946 continues." he said. "The officials and
employees of our national and local governments continue in office... ."
In accordance with Proclamation 1081, President Marcos issued General Order 2-A ordering the
Secretary of National Defence to arrest and detain persons who committed "crimes and offenses in
furtherance or on the occasion of our incident to or in connection with the crimes of insurrection and
rebellion" as defined in the Revised Penal Code, and those who, in one way or another, committed and
will commit crimes against society and the government, such as those involved in kidnapping, robbery,
car napping, smuggling, gun-running, trafficking of prohibited drugs and hijacking, tax evasion, price
manipulation, and others guilty of weakening the fabric of society and of undermining e stability of the
government.
Initial Measures
Having done away with the traditional politics which, in the past, had dissipated many attempts by
conscience-stricken legislators to improve the social and economic condition of the masses, President
Marcos moved swiftly to implement further his land reform program. In Presidential Decree No. 2,
dated September 26, 1972, he proclaimed the entire Philippines as land reform area. Subsequently, he
also decreed that tenants should be given three hectares of irrigated rice or corn lands and five hectares
if unirrigated. The Department of Agrarian Reform was created to expedite the transfer of land titles to
the peasants. The zealousness with which the agents of the Department of Agrarian Reform pursued
their assigned tasks, sometimes too zealous for the comfort of some people affected by the agrarian
reform, resulted in the transfer of many land titles to landless peasants.
Realizing the importance of increased production, especially of grains, President Marcos, on September
26. 1972, issued PD 4 providing for the creation of the National Grains Authority which was intended to
"effect the desired changes and reforms in the social, economic and political structure of society. . . ."
Subsequently, when a crisis in rice and com occurred in 1973, the National Grains Authority took
decisive steps to minimise the effects of the crisis and to regulate the distribution of the grains in such a
way as to make the masses less open to the activities of the hoarders, black marketers, and
manipulators of prices.
To make the machinery of the government more responsive to the demands of the "New Society", as
the martial law regime is called, President Marcos issued PD No. 6, dated September 27, 1972,
prescribing the odes and regulations regarding discipline in the government service. It was common
knowledge that many government officials and employees, who were doing nothing, were immoral,
abusive, ignorant, and inefficient and as such led many to believe that the government existed in order
to exploit the people. The decree spelled out the grounds for disciplinary action against dishonesty,
oppression, misconduct, negligence in the performance of duties, disgraceful and immoral conduct,
discourtesy, and other misdemeanours which, in the old society, were ignored or passed over. The first
year of the martial law regime saw a change in the behaviour of the government officials and
employees: prompt service, courtesy, efficiency, and good behaviour characterized most, if not all,
government functionaries. However, discipline during the second year of martial law deteriorated, and
the old habits of indifference, inefficiency, dishonesty and other misdemeanours returned with a
vengeance. People began to deplore the return of the old habits of thought and behaviour and
expressed privately that "happy days are here again” for the crooks in an outside the government.
President Marcos was so scandalized by this development that not contenting himself with expressing
his sorrow, he moved briskly and publicly accepted the resignations of many officials and employees
whom he considered misfits or else guilty or inefficiency, of dishonesty Those who believed themselves
not guilty filed resolutions of reconsideration and, having been investigated, were reinstated to their
positions when they were found innocent.
To minimize if not completely eradicate robbery and other unlawful activities at night, President Marcos
also set curfew from midnight to four in the morning. Subsequently, it was changed from one to four in
the morning. In some cases, curfew was lifted as, for instance, during the celebration of All Saints' Day
and such occasions as necessitated activities beyond curfew hours.
When martial law was declared, the Constitutional Convention, which had been meeting since the first
week of June 1971 in order to frame a new constitution to replace that of 1935, met on September 25,
1972 and "voted unanimously" to "continue deliberations on vital issues." A motion was presented in
the Convention to adjourn the plenary meeting until the lifting of martial law. The proposal was
defeated. Consequently, the convention continued its sessions. When the new charter was finished,
President Marcos referred it to the Citizens Assemblies numbering 26,000 all over the country. The
Kapulungan or General Assembly of all citizens’ assemblies met from January 10 to 15, 1973 to consider
the provisions of the new charter. Three questions were submitted to the Kapulungan, namely: (1) "Do
you approve of the Citizens Assembly as a way of popular government to decide issues affecting our
People?" (2) "Do you approve of the new Constitution?" and (3) "Do you want a plebiscite to be called to
ratify the new Constitution?" The rust two questions were overwhelmingly approved, while the third
was overwhelmingly disapproved. In view of the results of the referendum, President Marcos,
dramatizing the occasion, signed three resolutions before the Kapulunlan: (1) Proclamation No. 1102
which announced the ratification by the Filipino people of the 1973 Constitution as of noon of January
17, 1973; (2) Proclamation No. 1103 which declared the interim National Assembly, provided for in
Article XVII of the new Constitution, not convened; and (3) Proclamation No. 1104 which declared the
continuation of martial law.
The taking into effect of the new Constitution resulted in (1) the official abolition of the legislative body;
(2) the exercise by President Marcos of the powers of the President and of the Prime Minister; (3) the
change of the form of government from presidential to parliamentary; and (4) the exercise by the
President of the power to call the interim Assembly.
Distribution of Wealth
The obvious disparity in the distribution of wealth in which the wealthy became wealthier and the poor
poorer was one of the causes of discontent among the poor. Social stability was thus threatened and
what Marxists call a "revolutionary situation.' seemed to prevail in a society that was largely feudal. In
order to diffuse the growing discontent which might erupt into an armed uprising or revolution,
President Marcos issued an order urging business corporations and companies to open their doors to
the public, which Is to say, ownership of the corporations and companies should not be limited to the
family circle and to a narrow circle of friends, but should be dispersed to those who were willing to
become stockholders of such business firms. Meralco, which changed ownership, was now owned not
by a few but by all Meralco customers. Some private companies and corporations followed suit and sold
their stocks to the public. The effect was that wealth was to a degree being filtered to the traditional
"have-nots," mostly lower middle class.
With regard to lands beyond seven hectares owned by a person, a decree provided for the distribution
of land above seven hectares to landless tenants, and those who owned seven or less were required to
till their lands personally. Otherwise, even their seven hectare lands would be divided among the
tenants upon just payment to the owners. The purpose behind this decree was to distribute lands as
equitably as possible and so enlarge the middle class with the addition of the former tenants who, by
dint of hard labour and patience, have improved their economic life.
Infrastructure
President Marcos, realizing the necessity for financial capability to underwrite his infrastructure
program, decided to put teeth to tax laws which, in the past, had been ignored blithely or else
circumvented in order to avoid payment of correct income tax. The Bureau of Internal Revenue, the
biggest money maker, of all the departments of the government, and the Bureau of Customs, the
second biggest money maker were placed in the hands of dedicated officials who were willing to run
after prominent and influential tax payers. At the same time, President Marcos issued a decree
extending tax amnesty to those who, deliberately or not, failed to pay the correct amount of tax. The
campaign to make the Filipinos conscious of their duty to pay correctly the amount they owed the
government led to results beyond even the sanguine expectations of the tax collectors: tax collection
rose precipitously to such heights never before known in the country's history. The amount of back
taxes paid by delinquent taxpayers who took advantage of the tax amnesty was almost a billion pesos.
Substantial parts of this huge collection were spent in the construction of first-class roads, bridges,
highways, irrigation facilities, airfields, improvement of airports, school-houses, tenement houses for
the poor, improvement of Manila's drainage and sewage, hospitals, dispensaries, and homes for the
aged and the lepers, and public buildings to house government offices. At no time in the history of the
Philippines have infrastructures been given much importance as during martial law regime.
As has been noted in a previous chapter, Philippine foreign policy since 1946 had been anchored
principally on reliance on the United States, so much so that the late statesman. Parliamentarian, poet,
and nationalist, Claro M. Recto, described such a policy as "mendicant policy. Recto severely criticized
this mendicant policy and pleaded for an independent foreign policy which would do justice to
Philippine sovereignty as an independent nation and to Filipino dignity. He pleaded for self-reliance, for
it was not meet than independent country should not stand on its own feet but instead rely almost
exclusively on foreign, particularly American aid. Even at the risk of being called communistic or a
"fellow traveller", Recto, imbued with high ideals and possessed of a seer's insight, fought for the non-
recognition of Ngo Dinh Diem's South Vietnam, which Recto called a puppet of the United States, made
the plea that the Philippines live with her neighbours, irrespective of ideology, as peacefully as
circumstances allowed, and suggested a non-aligned posture in foreign affairs. A small country like the
Philippines, he said, should not take up the quarrels of the great nations. Recto foresaw the role China
would play in world affairs and, especially Asian politics and suggested with rare courage that the
Philippines live peacefully with her neighbours. But the prophet was not welcomed in his own country,
and most Filipinos, labouring under the spell of colonial mentality, considered his ideas chimerical.
Twenty or so years later, during the martial law regime, Recto's ideas, too advanced for his time,
became a reality. President Marcos, grasping the significance of the new realities in international
politics, initiated the shift in Philippine foreign policy when, on May 23, 1975, he delivered a foreign
policy speech enumerating six guidelines "to help the country survive the current security crisis in Asia"
arising from the American debacle in Vietnam. The guidelines are:
1. To intensify, along with a broader field, Philippine relations with the members of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN);
2. To pursue more vigorously the establishment of diplomatic relations with the socialist states,
particularly with the People's Republic of China and with the Soviet Union;
3. To seek closer identification with the Third World (the so-called developing countries of the world);
5. To support the Arab countries in their trade struggle for a just and enduring peace in Middle East; and
6. To find a new basis, compatible with the emerging realities in Asia, for a continuing healthy
relationship with the United States.
In accordance with these guidelines, the Philippines established diplomatic relations with socialist
countries like East Germany, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, in 1973; Romania in April 1975; the
People's Republic of China on June 9, 1975; the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in August 1975; Jordan
in March 1976; the Democratic Republic of Kampuchea (Cambodia) in May 1976; and with the Soviet
Union on June 2, 1976. In December 1973, the Philippines ratified the long-pending Treaty of Amity,
Commerce and Navigation with Japan. The establishment of diplomatic relations with the socialist
countries of Asia and Europe not only led to progressive trade relations between them and the
Philippines, but also to cultural exchange programs. The official relations with socialist countries marked
the end of the Philippines's period of mendicant policy in foreign affairs and the beginning of a new era
of self-reliance and alignment with the developing countries of Asia, Africa, and South America. History
has vindicated Claro M. Recto.
On the other hand, the Philippines, in December 1976, negotiated with the United States the "bases
question". The Philippine stand was that the United States should pay rent for the right to use the bases,
principally Clark Air Base and the Subic (Olongapo) Naval Base. While the United States favoured giving
economic and military aid to the Philippines in the amount of one billion dollars over a period of five
years, the Philippines wanted rental fee - not aid -- for the use of the bases in the Philippines, the
designation of a Filipino commander of the base with real powers and authority, the flying of the Filipino
flag over the bases, and jurisdiction over offenses committed on and off base.
Government Reorganization
Upon the proclamation of martial law, Marcos began a reorganization of the government. He created
new government offices, abolished some old ones, or merged them for greater efficiency and economy.
The national government was decentralized. The country was divided into 13 administrative regions,
and each ministry had a regional office headed by a regional director. The judiciary was reorganized. The
1973 Constitution raised the member-ship of the Supreme Court to 15 — a chief justice and 14 associate
justices. It used to be only nine under the old constitution. In 1980 the lower courts were reorganized
and their names changed. The old Court of Appeals became the Intermediate Appellate Court. The
Courts of First Instance became the Regional Trial Courts. The reorganization extended to the local
governments. Through Presidential Decree No. 86, Marcos created Citizens Assemblies in December
1972. These became the barangays. On Sept. 21, 1974, Marcos issued PD 557 which declared all barrios
in the country as barangays. Several presidential decrees and laws enacted by the Interim Batasang
Pambansa strengthened the barangays as basic units of local government by giving them with sources of
income to become self-reliant communities. A new and unique system of baranganic justice was
established in June 1978 with the creation of the Katarungang Pambarangay. The city, provincial and
municipal governments were also reorganized. Their lawmaking bodies — the city council, provincial
board and municipal council – respectively became the Sangguniang Panlungsod, Sangguniang
Panlalawigan, and the Sangguniang Bayan.
In 1975, Marcos created a special type of local government for the greater Manila area – the
Metropolitan Manila Commission, which was established by the virtue of PD 824. This law restructured
the local governments of Manila and the three neighbouring cities and 13 municipalities into one
commission type of government headed by a governor appointed by the President. The first Metro
Manila governor – and the only one to occupy the position under the Marcos regime – was the First
Lady, Ms. Imelda R. Marcos.
As mentioned earlier in this chapter, a constitutional convention was called in 1970 to draft a new
constitution. It began its work in June 1971. Its progress was so slow that by the time martial law came
15 months later, the convention had not completed its work yet. Under martial law, however, the
convention's work speeded up. On Nov. 30, 1972, the delegates finally signed the draft of a new
constitution.
On Jan. 17, 19'73, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 1102 declaring the new Constitution in full force and
effect as of that date after having been supposedly ratified by the people in a referendum held on Jan.
10-15. 1973. It became known as the 1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. The new
charter, however, was not truly a constitution of and for the People. It was not ratified in the manner
prescribed by law, that is by secret balloting. Marcos created a citizens assembly in each barrio and city
ward throughout the country. The members of these assemblies (barrio or ward residents who were at
is year. of age or over) were called together for a meeting. They were asked to vote for or against the
new constitution by simply raising or refusing to raise their hands. Because the country had been placed
under martial law only four months earlier, there was a prevailing atmosphere of fear that prevented
the people from voicing out their opinion. Out of an unspoken fear generated by martial law, the people
simply raised their hands.
The 1973 Constitution was, in effect, a constitution for the Marcos dictatorship. In its Transitory
Provisions, the new Constitution made Marcos a virtual dictator. It gave him all the powers of the
President under the 1935 Constitution as well as the powers of the Prime Minister and the President
under the 1973 Constitution. He could exercise these vast powers while the interim (temporary)
National Assembly had not elected an interim President and an interim Prime Minister. But Marcos
never convened the interim National Assembly. In the referendum of Jan. 10-15, 1973, one of the issues
which the citizens assemblies were required to decide on, besides the ratification of the new
Constitution it-self, was whether or not to convene the interim National Assembly. The people "voted"
against convening the legislature, which was actually what Marcos wanted.
The new Constitution had a total of 17 articles, as follows: Article I (The National Territory), Article II
(Declaration of Principles and State Policies), Article III (Citizenship), Article IV (Bill of Rights), Article V
(Duties and Obligations of Citizens), Article VI (Suffrage), Article VII (The President), Article VIII (The
National Assembly), Article IX (The Prime Minister and the Cabinet), Article X (The Judiciary), Article XI
(Local Government), Article XII (The Constitutional Commissions), Article XIII (Accountability of Public
Officers); Article XIV (The National Economy and the Patrimony of the Nation), Article XV (General
Provisions), Article XVI (Amendments), and Article XVII (Transitory Provisions). The 1973 Constitution
had several features not found in the 1935 Constitution. Among these were provisions for a set of duties
and obligations of citizens, the creation of a special anti-graft court called Sandiganbayan, the lowering
of the minimum voting age to 18, and provisions on the accountability of public officers.
During its lifetime (Jan. 17, 1973 — March 25, 1986), the 1973 Constitution underwent several
amendments. A number of these amendments, while restoring the appearances of democracy in the
country, actually made sure that President Marcos maintained his dictatorial rule. The first nine
amendments were made in October 1976. Among other things, the 1976 amendments created an
Interim Batasang Pambansa to replace the National Assembly. The amendments specified that Marcos
would be the President and Prime Minister at the same time, and that while martial law remained, he
would continue to have the power to make laws. One particular amendment (Amendment No. 6)
provided that even with the establishment of a regular Batasang Pambansa, Marcos could still make his
own laws. Another set of major amendments was made in April 1981. The form of government was
changed from parliamentary to a semi-parliamentary type. A rule of succession to the presidency was
provided. A strong presidency was established. The last set of amendments was made in January 1984.
The office of Vice-President was restored. The manner of electing members of Batasang Pambansa was
changed.
The government that the country had under the 1973 Constitution had the trappings, or appearances, of
a democracy. But in actual practice, it was not. It was more of a dictatorship than anything else. Before
martial law was officially lifted on Jan. 17, 1981, the Philippines had what Marcos himself described as a
"constitutional authoritarianism." This means a rule by one man by virtue of the powers given to him by
the constitution. During the period of martial law, President Marcos ruled the nation using the vast
powers of the presidency under the 1935 Constitution and the 1973 Constitution, including the
amendments to the latter.
isThe 1973 Constitution originally established a parliamentary form of government. The powers of
government would be exercised by the Prime Minister who would be elected by the National Assembly
from among its members. There would still be a President, also to be chosen by the legislative, but he
would have no real powers. He would simply be a ceremonial head of the state much like Queen
Elizabeth H of England or Emperor Hirohito of Japan. But President Marcos had this changed. In the
amendments of April 1981, the country shifted to a semi-parliamentary form of government much like
that in France. The powers of government were restored to the President of the Philippines. He would
now be elected by the direct, vote of the people for a term of six years. There would still be a Prime
Minister to be chosen by the legislature. The Prime Minister would be the head of the Cabinet, which
will prepare the program of government. But this program would have to be approved by the President.
The first and only Prime Minister under the 1973 Constitution as amended in 1981 was Cesar E. A.
Virata, who was the Minister of Finance.
In commemoration of the 29th anniversary of the Edsa People Power Revolution, we look back at the
man that caused a nation to stand up united against his dictatorship — Ferdinand Marcos. People have
branded him as merciless and even a criminal, but let us not forget the achievements of the Marcos
administration before everything turned sour.
Ferdinand Marcos was the 10th Philippine President and he held on to the position for more than 20 years
(Dec. 30, 1965 – Feb. 25, 1986). Although controversies and unsolved cases marred his term, what will
also be forever engraved in Philippine history are his contributions in the area of infrastructure
development. In his inaugural speech of December 30, 1965 he made a promise to make the nation great
again and in a way he did. Infrastructures were built that were unprecedented in the history of our country
that provided a venue for the Filipinos to highlight cultural heritage, propagate arts and culture, generate
tourism, improve health conditions and contribute to economic growth.
Established through Executive Order No. 30 s. 1966 by President Ferdinand Marcos, the CCP provides
performance and exhibition venues for various local and international productions at its 62-hectare (150-
acre) complex located in the Cities of Pasay and Manila. The Cultural Center of the Philippines was
opened on September 8, 1969, three days before the President Marcos’ 52nd birthday (see in Google
Maps).
Famous concerts are usually staged in this covered amphitheater which has a seating capacity of 8,458
with ten sections. More commonly known by its original name of Folk Arts Theater, the building was
originally built to seat an audience of 10,000 and was commissioned by then First Lady Imelda Marcos in
1974 for the Miss Universe Pageant, which was to be held in Manila. Inaugurated on July 7, 1974, the
theater was built in record time of seventy-seven days in time for the pageant and was designed by
Leandro V. Locsin. For development purposes, it is subject to be torn down in the future (see in Google
Maps).
This state-of-the-art convention center located in the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex in Pasay,
Metro Manila, has been the host of numerous local and foreign conventions, meetings, and social affairs.
The Central Bank of the Philippines (now Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas) was authorized by Presidential
Decree No. 520 to construct an international conference building, acquire a suitable area for that purpose,
and organize a corporation to manage a conference center. Thus, the PICC was organized under the
Corporation Code. In a short span of 23 months, from November 1974 to September 1976, construction
of the PICC Complex was undertaken with Leandro Locsin as architect, who was later on named a
National Artist. The complex was inaugurated on September 5, 1976 (see in Google Maps).
5. Nayong Pilipino
Nayong Pilipino was built from scratch in 1969 through the patronage of former First Lady Imelda
Marcos. It is on its fourth product cycle in almost 50 years. A 32-acre theme park which is about 10-
minute drive from the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) that features scaled-down replicas of
the country’s top tourist destinations such as Mayon Volcano, the Banaue Rice Terraces and the
Chocolate Hills. It also highlights Filipino creativity in arts and crafts. But after 32 years of operation,
Asia’s first theme park was forced to close its doors in 2001 and was removed from its original site near
the Ninoy Aquino International Airport I. In 2006 President Gloria M Arroyo gave Nayong Pilipino a
new home in Clark as a major attraction of the Centennial Expo. In March 2012, the Aquino
administration breathed new life into Nayong Pilipino with a new Memorandum of Agreement between
Clark Development Corporation and the Nayong Piilpino Foundation (see in Google Map).
Built in 1981 during the Marcos regime, it was to serve as a guest house for then U.S. President Ronald
Reagan who was set to visit the Philippines. The visit never transpired due to the EDSA People Power
and the Marcoses being ousted. Located within the park is The Shrine of Our Lady, Mother of Fair Love
and a doppler weather radar station maintained by the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and
Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) (see in Google Maps).
Originally named as Philippine Heart Center for Asia , the Philippine Heart Center in Quezon City was
established through Presidential Decree No. 673 issued by President Ferdinand E. Marcos in 1975.
Inaugurated on February 14, 1975, cardiovascular specialists including Christian Barnard, Denton
Cooley, Donald Effler, and Charles Bailey practiced at the center. The first Director of the PHC was
Avenilo P. Aventura (1974-1986), a cardiovascular surgeon who performed many pioneering operations
in the Philippines including the first successful renal transplantation in 1970, the first CABG in 1972, and
developed and implanted the first ASEAN bioprosthesis, the PHCA porcine valve. The first patient to be
admitted to the PHC was Imelda Francisco, on April 14, 1975 (see in Google Maps).
Under Presidential Decree No. 1823 by President Ferdinand Marcos, the Lung Center of the Philippines
was established on January 16, 1981 to provide health care that specifically targets lung and pulmonary
disease. It is located in Quezon Avenue, Quezon City. It was later placed under the administration of the
Ministry of Health by President Corazon Aquino on July 29, 1986 under Executive Order No. 34. A fire
on May 16, 1998 destroyed much of the center’s build and equipment. It was reopened on March 1, 1999
and a new building partly funded by its fire insurance is now under construction (see in Google Maps).
Formerly known as the National Kidney Foundation of the Philippines, the institute was established on
January 16, 1981 as tertiary referral hospital that also offers voluntary blood services. Located in Quezon
City, the 2-storey institute is constructed of three buildings (Main, Annex and Dialysis Center) connected
to each other (see in Google Maps).
A Part of the Pan-Philippine Highway, the San Juanico Bridge stretches from Samar to Leyte across the
San Juanico Strait in the Philippines. Its longest length is a steel girder viaduct built on reinforced
concrete piers, and its main span is of an arch-shaped truss design. With a total length of 2.16 kilometers
(1.34 mi), it is the longest bridge in the Philippines spanning a body of seawater. Construction
commenced in 1969 over San Juanico Strait from Cabalawan, Tacloban City to the municipality of Santa
Rita, Samar, with completion in 1973 (see in Google Maps).
A lot of Marcos’ infrastructures today still stand like the Cultural Center of the Philippines, Philippine
Heart Center and the San Juanico bridge because the people behind these infrastructures still believe that
the mission of either providing a venue for exhibition or performance, giving aid to the sick and
connecting people is not over. Until now, these infrastructures continue to help our economy in their own
aspect. Some of them are recognized landmarks that help sectors of the economy like the real estate
market by increasing the value of homes or properties nearby or accessibility to establishments.
It’s not always easy to see the good in spite of the bad, particularly because there are events which happen
that we may never fully understand. The infrastructures that the Marcos administration has left us is a
reminder that we should all start building something good in spite of hard times. A good foundation with
the right maintenance can lead to productivity.
https://www.hoppler.com.ph/blog/lifestyle/infrastructures-built-during-marcos-time
By Joel Samonte -
February 24, 2015