Thrift 2004 PDF
Thrift 2004 PDF
Thrift 2004 PDF
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING:
TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
by
Nigel Thrift
Thrift., N. 2004: Intensities of feeling: Towards a spatial politics diacy of Nazi rallies comes to mind. So does Rich-
of affect. Geogr. Ann., 86 B (1): 57-78.
ard Sennett's summoning of troubled urban bodies
in Flesh and Stone. But, generally speaking, to read
ABSTRACT. This paper attempts to take the politics of affect as
not just incidental but central to the life of cities, given that cities
about affect in cities it is necessary to resort to the
are thought of as inhuman or transhuman entities and that politics pages of novels, and the tracklines of poems.
is understood as a process of community without unity. It is in Why this neglect of the affective register of cit-
three main parts. The first part sets out the main approaches to af- ies? It is not as if there is no history of the study of
fect that conform with this approach. The second part considers
the ways in which the systematic engineering of affect has become
affect. There patently is, and over many centuries.
central to the political life of Euro-American cities, and why. The For example, philosophers have continually debat-
third part then sets out the different kinds of progressive politics ed the place of affect. Plato's discussion of the role
that might become possible once affect is taken into account. of artists comes to mind as an early instance: for
There are some brief conclusions.
Plato art was dangerous because it gave an outlet
Key words: affect, politics, space for the expression of uncontrolled emotions and
feelings. In particular, drama is a threat to reason
Nobody knows how many rebellions besides political rebel- because it appeals to emotion.4 No doubt one could
lions ferment in the masses of life which people earth
track forward through pivotal figures such as Ma-
Jane Eyre, 1847/1993 p. 115
chiavelli, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel, noting vari-
ous rationalist and romantic reactions, depending
Introduction upon whether (and which) passions are viewed
Cities may be seen as roiling maelstroms of affect.favourably or with suspicion5. Similarly, though at
a much later date, scientists have recognised the
Particular affects such as anger, fear, happiness and
importance of affect. At least since the publication
joy are continually on the boil, rising here, subsid-
ing there, and these affects continually manifest of Charles Darwin's (1998) The Expression of the
themselves in events which can take place either Emotions
at in Man and Animals in 1872, and no
doubt
a grand scale or simply as a part of continuing eve- before that, there has been a continuous his-
tory of the systematic scientific study of affect, and
ryday life.1 So, on the heroic side, we might point
although it would be foolish to say that we now
to the mass hysteria occasioned by the death of
Princess Diana or the deafening roar from a sports know all there is to know about the physiology of
stadium when a crucial point is scored. On the pro-emotions, equally it would be foolish to say that we
saic side we might think of the mundane emotional know nothing. In turn, literatures such as these have
labour of the workplace, the frustrated shouts and been replete with all kinds of more or less explicit
political judgements - about which passions are
gestures of road rage, the delighted laughter of chil-
wholesome and which are suspect or even danger-
dren as they tour a theme park, or the tears of a sus-
pected felon undergoing police interrogation.2 ous, about the degree to which passions can or
should be allowed untrammelled licence, and about
Given the utter ubiquity of affect as a vital ele-
how passions can be amplified or repressed.
ment of cities, its shading of almost every urban ac-
tivity with different hues that we all recognise, you So why the neglect of affect in the current urban
would think that the affective register would form literature, even in the case of issues such as identity
a large part of the study of cities - but you wouldand belonging which quiver with affective energy?
be wrong.3 Though affect continually figures in A series of explanations come to mind. One is a re-
sidual cultural Cartesianism (replete with all kinds
many accounts it is usually off to the side. There are
a few honourable exceptions, of course. Walter of gendered connotations): affect is a kind of friv-
Benjamin's identification of the emotional imme- olous or distracting background to the real work of
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NIGEL THRIFT
deciding our way through the city. It cannot be a and to produce the beginnings of a sy
ideology,
part of our intelligence of that world. Another is
optic commentary. Accordingly, in the first part
concerned with the cultural division of labour.
the The
paper, I will describe some of the different p
creative arts already do that stuff and there is no
sitions that have been taken on what affect actuall
is. This
need to follow. A third explanation is that affect fig-is clearly not an inconsequential exerc
and it has a long and complex history which tak
ures mainly in perceptual registers like propriocep-
tion which are not easily captured in print. No
in luminaries as different as Spinoza and Darw
doubt other explanations could be mustered.and Freud. But, given the potential size of the agen
Perhaps, at one time, these may have beenda, this
seen as has meant pulling out four key traditio
valid reasons, but they are not any more. I would
rather than providing a complete review. This wo
point to three reasons why neglecting affect is, as
of definition over, in the second part of the paper
will sys-
much now as in the past, criminal neglect. First, then describe some of the diverse ways
which the use and abuse of various affective pra
tematic knowledges of the creation and mobilisation
of affect have become an integral part of thetices is gradually changing what we regard as t
every-
day urban landscape: affect has become partsphere
of a re-of 'the political'. In particular, I will point
flexive loop which allows more and more four sophisti-
different but related ways in which the man
ulation
cated interventions in various registers of urban of affect for political ends is becoming n
life.
Second, these knowledges are not only being de-
just widespread but routine in cities through n
kinds po-
ployed knowingly, they are also being deployed of practices and knowledges which are a
redefining
litically (mainly but not only by the rich and power- what counts as the sphere of the poli
ful) to political ends: what might have been cal. These practices, knowledges and redefinitio
painted
as aesthetic is increasingly instrumental. Third,
are not af-
all by any means nice or cuddly, which
one all too common interpretation of what addi
fect has become a part of how cities are understood.
As cities are increasingly expected to have affect
'buzz', will
to contribute. Indeed, some of them ha
be 'creative', and to generally bring forth powers
the potential
of to be downright scary. But this is pa
invention and intuition, all of which can be andforged
parcel of why it is so crucial to address aff
now: in
into economic weapons, so the active engineering ofat least one guise the discovery of n
means of
the affective register of cities has been highlighted as practicing affect is also the discovery
a whole
the harnessing of the talent of transformation. new means of manipulation by the pow
Cities
must exhibit intense expressivity. Each ful.of these
In the subsequent part of the paper, I will foc
three reasons shows that, whereas affect hasmore explicitly on the way in which these develo
always,
of course, been a constant of urban experience,
ments now
are changing what we may think of as bo
affect is more and more likely to be actively engi-
politics and 'the political', using the four traditio
that I outlined previously. I will not be making t
neered with the result that it is becoming something
silly that
more akin to the networks of pipes and cables argument that just about everything whi
are of such importance in providing the basic me- up is political, in some sense or the oth
now turns
but I will be arguing that the move to affect sho
chanics and root textures of urban life (Armstrong,
1999), a set of constantly performing relays
up new andpolitical registers and intensities, and
junctions that are laying down all mannerlows
of us to work on them to brew new collectives in
new
emotional histories and geographies. ways which at least have the potential to be pro-
In this paper I want to think about affect gressive.
in citiesThen, in the penultimate part of the paper,
and about affective cities, and, above all, about
I will briefly consider in more detail some of the
what the political consequences of thinkingkindsmore
of progressive political interventions into af-
explicitly about these topics might be - once it is
fect that might legitimately be made, using the ide-
accepted that the 'political decision is itself pro-
as stimulated by recent work on virtual art and,
duced by a series of inhuman or pre-subjective
most notably, the work of Bill Viola. Finally, I
present
forces and intensities' (Spinks, 2001, p. 24) which some too brief conclusions which argue
the idea of 'man' has reduced to ciphers. that
My theaims
current experiments with a 'cosmopolitics'
will be threefold: to discuss the nature of affect, to
of new kinds of encounter and conviviality must in-
clude affect.
show some of the ways in which cities and affect in-
teract to produce a politics which cannot In
bewriting
re- this paper in such a way that it does not
duced to simply a shifting field of communal self-
simply become a long and rather dry review, I have
had to
reflection or the neat conceptual economy ofmake
an some draconian decisions. First, in
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
general I have concentrated on current Euro-Amer- theory has informed both domains in diverse
ican societies. This means that I have generally ne- ways and, consequently, we seem to be entering
glected both the rich vein of work (chiefly from an- a period in which poststructuralism is likely to
thropology) which has offered up cross-cultural be renewed by its forebear, structuralism.
comparisons and the equally rich vein of work (3) Human language is no longer assumed to offer
which has examined the historical record for evi-the only meaningful model of communication.
dence of broad shifts in emotional tone and even in
(4) Events have to be seen as genuinely open on at
what is regarded and named as emotion.6 Too often, least some dimensions and, notwithstanding
the extraordinary power of many social sys-
then, in the name of brevity, this paper will presume
an affective common-sense background whichtems, 'revolt, resistance, breakdown, conspira-
does not exist. Sensoriums vary by culture and
cy, alternative is everywhere' (Latour, 2002, p.
through history (Geurts, 2002). The paper therefore
124). Hence a turn to experiment and the alche-
risks ethnocentrism in an area which, more than my of the contingent form that such a turn ap-
most, has been aware of difference. plies (Garfinkel, 2002).
Second, I have concentrated mainly on theoret-
(5) Time and process are increasingly seen as cru-
ical explorations of affect, although many of these cial to explanation (Abbott, 2001) because they
explorations are backed up by solid empirical
offer a direct challenge to fixed categories
work. This means, in particular, that I have tended
which, in a previous phase of social and cultural
to pass by the very large amount of material in so-
theory, still survived, though complicated by
cial psychology and cognitive science. This is un- the idea that one considered their workings in
fortunate since this work is now going beyond the more detail. The multiplication of forms of
crude behaviourism of the past, but incorporating itknowledge and the traffic between them is tak-
would have necessitated not just a supplement buten seriously (Rabinow, 2003).
a complete new paper (cf. Davidson et al, 2003). (6) Space is no longer seen as a nested hierarchy
Third, my approach is constrained, if that is the moving from 'global' to 'local'. This absurd
right word, by a specific theoretical background scale-dependent notion is replaced by the no-
which arises from a particular time in the history of tion that what counts is connectivity and that
social theory, one in which we are starting to grasp the social is 'only a tiny set of narrow, stand-
elements of what constitutes 'good theory' in ways ardised connections' out of many others
that have been apprehended before, but often only (Latour, 2002, p. 124).
(7) In other words, what is at stake is a different
very faintly. I will pull out just a few of the princi-
ples which are intended to produce new conceptual model of what thinking is, one that extends re-
and ethical resources, mainly because they are so flexivity to all manner of actors, that recognises
germane to what follows. reflexivity as not just a property of cognition
and which realises the essentially patchy and
(1) Distance from biology is no longer seen as material
a nature of what counts as thought.
prime marker of social and cultural theory
(Turner, 2002). It has become increasingly ev-
What is affect?
ident that the biological constitution of being
(so-called 'biolayering') has to be taken intoThe
ac-problem that must be faced straight away is
that there is no stable definition of affect. It can
count if performative force is ever to be under-
stood, and in particular, the dynamics of birth mean a lot of different things. These are usually as-
(and creativity) rather than death (Battersby, sociated with words such as emotion and feeling,
1999). and a consequent repertoire of terms such as hatred,
(2) Relatedly, naturalism and scientism are no shame, envy, jealousy, fear, disgust, anger, embar-
longer seen as terrible sins. A key reason for this rassment, sorrow, grief, anguish, pride, love, hap-
is that developments like various forms of sys- piness, joy, hope, wonder, though for various rea-
tems theory, complexity theory and nonlinear sons that will become clear, I do not think these
dynamics have made science more friendly to words work well as simple translations of the term
social and cultural theory. Another reason is 'affect'. In particular, I want to get away from the
that, increasingly, the history of social and cul- idea that some root kind of emotion (like shame)
tural theory and science share common fore- can act as a key political cipher (Nussbaum, 2002).
bears. For example, since the 1940s systems In the brief and necessarily foreshortened review
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NIGEL THRIFT
which follows, I will set aside approaches that tendfrom the setting itself, but this setting is
the body,
to work with a notion of individualised emotions cancelled out by such methods as questionnaires
(such as are often found in certain forms of empir- and other such instruments. In the second case, the
ical sociology and psychology) and stick with ap-problem is that emotions are largely non-represen-
proaches that work with a notion of broad tenden-tational: they are 'formal evidence of what, in one's
cies and lines of force: emotion as motion both lit- relations with others, speech cannot conceal'
erally and figurally (Bruno, 2002). I will consider(Katz, 1999, p. 323);
four of these approaches in turn but it is important
not to assume that I am making any strong judge- Studies almost always end up analysing how
ments as to their efficacy: each of these approaches people talk about their emotions. If there is an-
has a certain force which I want to draw on as well ything distinctive about emotions, it is that,
as certain drawbacks. However, it is extremely im- even if they commonly occur in the course of
portant to note that none of these approaches could speaking, they are not talk, not even just forms
be described as based on a notion of human indi- of expression, they are ways of expressing
viduals coming together in community. Rather, in something going on that talk cannot grasp.
line with my earlier work, each cleaves to an 'in- Historical and cultural studies similarly elide
human' or 'transhuman' framework in which indi- the challenge of understanding emotional ex-
viduals are generally understood as effects of the perience when they analyse texts, symbols,
events to which their body parts (broadly under- material objects, and ways of life as represen-
stood) respond and in which they participate. An- tations of emotions.
other point that needs to be made is that each of (Katz, 1999, p. 4)
these approaches has connections (some strong,
some weak) to the others.7 Then one last pointBecause there is no time out from expressive being,
needs to be noted; in each approach affect is under-perception of a situation and response are inter-
stood as aform of thinking, often indirect and non- twined and assume a certain kind of 'response-abil-
reflective, it is true, but thinking all the same. And,ity' (Katz, 1999), an artful use of a vast sensorium
similarly, all manner of the spaces which they gen-of bodily resources which depends heavily on the
erate must be thought of in the same way, as means actions of others (indeed it is through such re-ac-
of thinking and as thought in action. Affect is a dif-tions that we most often see what we are doing).8
ferent kind of intelligence about the world, but it isMost of the time, this response-ability is invisible
intelligence none-the-less, and previous attemptsbut when it becomes noticeable it stirs up powerful
which have either relegated affect to the irrationalemotions:
or raised it up to the level of the sublime are both
equally wrong-headed. Blushes, laughs, cryings, and anger emerge on
The first translation of affect which I want to ad- faces and through coverings that usually hide
dress conceives of affect as a set of embodied prac- visceral substrata. The doing of emotions is a
tices that produce visible conduct as an outer lining. process of breaking bodily boundaries, of tears
This translation arises chiefly out of the phenome- spilling out, rage burning up, and as laughter
nological tradition but also includes traces of social bursts out, the emphatic involvement of guts as
interactionism and hermeneutics (cf. Redding, a designated source of the involvement.
1999). Its chief concern is to develop descriptions (Katz, 1999, p. 322)
of how emotions occur in everyday life, understood
as the richly expressive/aesthetic feeling-cum-be- In other (than) words, emotions form a rich moral
haviour of continual becoming that is providedarray through which and with which the world is
chiefly by bodily states and processes (and whichthought and which can sense different things even
is understood as constitutive of affect). This hasthough they cannot always be named.
meant getting past two problems that have plagued
the sociology of emotions in the past: the problem Between oneself and the world there is a new
of decontextualisation and the problem of repre- term, a holistically sensed, new texture in the
sentation. In the first case, the problem is that, more social moment, and one relates to others in
than normally, context seems to be a vital element and through that emergent and transforming
in the constitution of affect. Very often, the source experience. A kind of metamorphosis occurs
of emotions seem to come from somewhere outside in which the self goes into a new container or
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
The second translation of affect is the most cultur- either much more causal than any drive could
ally familiar in that its vocabulary is now a part of be or much more monopolistic... .Most of the
how Euro-American subjects routinely describe characteristics which Freud attributed to the
themselves. It is usually associated with psychoan- Unconscious and to the Id are in fact salient
alytic frames and is based around a notion of drive. aspects of the affect system....Affect enables
Often, it will follow the Freudian understanding both insatiability and extreme lability, fickle-
that one's physiological drive - sexuality, libido, ness and finickiness.
desire - is the root source of human motivation and (Tomkins cited in Sedgwick, 2003, p. 21)
identity. Emotions are primarily vehicles or mani-
festations of the underlying libidinal drive; varia-Significantly, for Tomkins, it is the face that is the
tions on the theme of 'desire'. A conception such aschief site of affect: 'I have now come to regard the
this, which reduces affect to drive, may be too stark,skin, in general, and the skin of the face in partic-
however. As Sedgwick (2003, p. 18) puts it, such aular, as of the greatest importance in producing the
move 'permits a diagrammatic sharpness of feel of affect' (Tomkins cited in Demos, 1995, p.
thought that may, however, be too impoverishing in89).11 But, for Tomkins, it is important to note that
qualitative terms'. the face was not the expression of something else,
Sedgwick tries to solve this problem by turningit was affect in process.
to the work of Silvan Tomkins (Demos, 1995; The third translation of affect is naturalistic and
Sedgwick and Frank, 1995). Tomkins distinguishes hinges on adding capacities through interaction in
between the drive and the affect system. The drivea world which is constantly becoming. It is usually
system is relatively narrowly constrained and in- associated first of all with Spinoza and then subse-
strumental in being concentrated on particular aims quently with Deleuze's moder ethological reinter-
(e.g. breathing, eating, drinking, sleeping, excret-pretation of Spinoza.
ing), time-limited (e.g. stopping each of these ac- Spinoza set out to challenge the model put for-
tivities will have more or less deleterious conse- ward by Descartes of the body as animated by the
quences after a period of time) and concentrated will on of an immaterial mind or soul, a position which
reflected Descartes' allegiance to the idea that the
particular objects (e.g. getting a breath of air or a li-
world consisted of two different substances: exten-
tre of water). In contrast, affects9 such as anger, en-
joyment, excitement or sadness, shame and distress sion (the physical field of objects positioned in a
can range across all kinds of aims (one of which geometric space which has become familiar to us as
may simply be to stimulate their own arousala Cartesian- space) and thought (the property which
what Tomkins calls their autotelic function), can distinguishes conscious beings as 'thinking things'
continually redefine the aim under consideration1?, from objects).
can have far greater freedom with respect to timeIn contrast, Spinoza was a monist. He believed
than drives (an affect such as anger may last forthat a there was only one substance in the universe,
few seconds but equally may motivate revenge that 'God or Nature' in all its forms; human beings and
spans decades) and can focus on many different
all other objects could only be modes of this one
kinds of object: unfolding substance. Each mode was spatially ex-
tended in its own way and thought in its own way
Affects can be, and are, attached to things, and unfolded in a determinate manner. So, in
people, ideas, sensations, relations, activities,
Spinoza's world, everything is part of a thinking
ambitions, institutions, and any other number and a doing simultaneously: they are aspects of
of other things, including other affects. Thus the same thing expressed in two registers.12 In
one can be excited by anger, disgusted byturn, this must mean that knowing proceeds in
shame, or surprised by joy. parallel with the body's physical encounters, out
(Sedgwick, 1993, p. 19) of interaction. Spinoza is no irrationalist, howev-
er. What he is attempting here is to understand
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NIGEL THRIFT
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
have no idea either what affects human bodies or separable from but unassimilable to any par-
minds might be capable of in a given encounter ticular, functionally anchored perspective.
ahead of time or, indeed, more generally, what That is why all emotion is more or less disori-
worlds human beings might be capable of building, enting, and why it is classically described as
so affects are 'the nonhuman becomings of man' being outside of oneself, at the very point at
(Deleuze and Guattari, 1994, p. 169). He is there- which one is most intimately and unshareably
fore led towards a language/practice of different in contact with oneself and one's vitality ....
speeds and intensities which can track all the com- Actually existing, structured things live in and
positions and combinations that human beings through that which escapes them. Their auto-
might be able to bring into play. nomy is the autonomy of affect.
The escape of affect cannot but be per-
If we are Spinozists we will not define a thing ceived, alongside the perceptions that are its
by its form, nor by its organs and its functions, capture. This side-perception may be punctual,
nor as a substance or a subject. Borrowing localised in an event .... When it is punctual, it
terms from the Middle Ages, or from geogra- is usually described in negative terms, as a
phy, we will define it by longitude or latitude. form of shock (the sudden interruption of
A body can be anything; it can be an animal, a functions of connection). But it is also contin-
body of sounds, a mind or an idea; it can be a uous, like a background perception that ac-
linguistic corpus, a social body, a collectivity. companies every event, however quotidian.
We call longitude of a body the set of relations When the continuity of affective escape is put
of speed and slowness, of momentum and rest, into words, it tends to take on positive conno-
between particles that compose it from this tations. For it is nothing less than the percep-
point of view, that is, between unformed ele- tion of one's own vitality, one's sense of alive-
ments. We call latitude the set of affects that ness, of changeability (often described as
occupy a body at each moment, that is, the in- 'freedom'). One's 'sense of aliveness' is a
tensive states of an anonymous force (force for continuous nonconscious self-perception (un-
existing, capacity for being affected). In this conscious self-reflection or self-referentiali-
way we construct the map of the body. The ty). It is the perception of this self-perception,
longitudes and latitudes together constitute its naming and making conscious, that allows
Nature, the plane of immanence or consisten- affect to be effectively analysed - as long as a
cy, which is always variable and is constantly vocabulary can be found for that which is im-
being altered, composed and recomposed by perceptible but whose escape from perception
individuals and collectivities. cannot but be perceived, as long as one is
(Deleuze, 1988, pp127-128) alive.
This Spinozan-Deleuzian notion of affect as always I want to foreground one last translation of affect
emergent is best set out by Massumi (2002, pp. 35- which we might call Darwinian. For Darwin, ex-
36, my emphasis) when he writes: pressions of emotion were universal and are the
product of evolution. Neither our expressions nor
Affects are virtual synesthetic perspectives an-our emotions are necessarily unique to human be-
chored in (functionally limited by) the actuallyings. Other animals have some of the same emo-
existing, particular things that embody them. tions, and some of the expressions produced by an-
The autonomy of affect is ... its openness. Af- imals resemble our own. Expressions, which typi-
fect is autonomous to the degree to which it es-cally involve the face and the voice, and to a lesser
capes confinement in the particular bodyextent body posture and movement, have a number
of cross-cultural features. In contrast, gestures,
whose vitality, or potential for interaction, it is.
Formed, qualified, situated perceptions and which typically involve hand movement, are not
cognitions fulfilling functions of actual con-
universal: generally, they vary from culture to cul-
ture in the same way as language.
nection or blockage are the capture and closure
of affect. Emotion is the most intense (most Though scientific work on emotions flourished,
Darwin's work on emotions was all but ignored for
contracted) expression of that capture - and of
the fact that something has always and again a hundred years or so. However, it has recently en-
escaped. Something remains unactualised, in- joyed something of a revival, associated in particu-
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NIGEL THRIFT
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
ular, I want to point towards so-called 'agencies of the media, as well as similar appeals whic
ent upon
choice' and 'mixed-action repertoires' in lineendeavour
with a to reduce these affective impacts (e.g. b
general move to make more and more areasreferring
of life to science, by various means of decon
the subject of a new set of responsibilitiesstruction
called of the 'reality' of an image and so on
'choice'. As Norris (2002, p. 222) puts it: (Boltanski, 2002).
This brings me to the second development which
The expansion of the franchise during the heavy and continuing mediatization of poli-
is the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries tics.
gener- We live in societies which are enveloped in an
ated the rise of traditional channels for saturated
politi- by the media: most importantly, it is dif-
ficult to escape the influence of the screen which
cal mobilisation and expression in representa-
tive government, particularly the growth now
of ex-stares at us from so many mundane locations
tra-parliamentary party organizations, the almost every room in the house to doctor
- from
spread of cheap mass-circulation newspapers,
waiting rooms, from airport lounges to shops and
shopping
and the establishment of traditional groups in malls, from bars to many workplace
(Knorr
civic society, exemplified by the organized la- Cetina, 2001; McCarthy, 2001), from the in
bour movement, civic associations, voluntary
sides of elevators to whole buildings - that it is pos-
groups, and religious organizations. By the
sible to argue that the screen has taken on a number
1940s and 1950s, these channels had settled
of the roles formerly ascribed to parent, lover
teacher
and consolidated and were taken for granted as and blank stooge, as well as adding a whol
series
the major institutions linking citizens and the of 'postsocial'16 relations which seem to li
state within established democracies. Rising
somewhere between early film theory's brute trans-
lation of screen-ic force (Kracauer, 1960; Balasz
levels of human capital and societal moderni-
zation mean that, today, a more educated 1970)
citi-and cognitive film theory's later, more nu
zenry ... has moved increasingly from ancedagen- interpretation in which cognitive processe
cies of loyalty to agencies of choice, andare
fromstrained through various conventions and style
electoral repertoires toward mixed-action (see Bordwell and Carroll, 1996; Thrift, 2004b)
rep-
This
ertoires combining electoral activities and pro- mediatization has had important effects. A
test politics. In postindustrial societies, the
McKenzie (2001) has pointed out, its most impor
younger generations, in particular, have tant effect has been to enshrine the performativ
be-
principle at the heart of moder Euro-American so
come less willing than their parents and grand-
parents to channel their political energies
cieties and their political forms. This has occurred
through traditional agencies exemplified in abynumber of ways. To begin with, the technica
parties and churches, and more likely formto ex-of moder media tends to foreground emo
press themselves through a variety of ad hoc,
tion, both in its concentration on key affective site
contextual, and specific activities of choice,
such as the face or voice and its magnification of th
increasingly via new social movements, small
inter-details of the body that so often signify emo-
net activism, and transnational policy net- Political presentation nowadays often fixe
tion.17
works. Conventional indicators may blind on such
us small differences and makes them stand for
a whole.
to the fact that critical citizens may be becom- One line of movement can become a pro
ing less loyalist and deferential in orientation
gression of meaning, able to be actualised and im-
toward mass branch parties ... at the sameplanted
time locally. Massumi (2002, p. 41, my empha
sis) observes this quality in Ronald Reagan:
that they are becoming more actively engaged
via alternative means of expression.
That is why Reagan could be so many things
Many of these new forms of choice politics rely toonso many people; that is why the majority of
an expansion of what has been conventionallythe re- electorate could disagree with him on ma-
garded as the urban political sphere. For example, jor issues but still vote for him. Because he
the political nowadays routinely takes in all manner.was actualised, in their neighbourhood, as a
of forms of culture-nature relation (e.g. environ- movement and meaning of their selection - or
mental politics, animal rights politics, pro-choice ator
least selected for them with their acquies-
cence. He was a man for all inhibitions. It was
anti-life politics). In turn, this redefinition of what
counts as political has allowed more room forcommonly ex- said that he ruled primarily by pro-
plicitly affective appeals which are heavily depend-jecting an air of confidence. That was the emo-
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NIGEL THRIFT
these ac-
are being designed to invoke affective response developments as rather worrying - and i
deed that
cording to practical and theoretical knowledges as likely to lead to a new kind of velvet dic
have been derived from and coded by atorshiphost of - to produce their own analyses and poli
sources. It could be claimed that this has always
cal agendas. As part of the general move towar
been the case - from monuments to triumphal thinking
pro- democracy as a process of 'communi
cessions, from theatrical arenas to mass body without
dis- unity' (Castronovo and Nelson, 2003)
want to try to address this task.
plays - and I would agree. In the twentieth century,
Butde-
it could be argued that much of the activity of the how to frame such an agenda? In a gener
sign of space was powered up again, becoming sense,en-one might argue that the goal is a kind
tangled with the evolution of knowledges 'emotional
of shap- liberty'. But this goal must be temper
ing the body (such as the microbiopolitics by referred
the familiar realisation, going back to Plato a
before, that the untrammelled expression of em
to above), often in a politics of the most frightening
sort.21 But what I would argue is different tions
now is is
not necessarily a good thing at all. In oth
words, of
both the sheer weight of the gathering together what is being aimed for is a navigation
feeling which goes beyond the simple romanticis
formal knowledges of affective response (whether
from highly formal theoretical backgroundsof somehow
such as maximising individual emotions. Th
psychoanalysis or practical theoretical back-
navigation must involve at least three moment
grounds like performance), the vast numberFirst of all, it needs to be placed within a set of di
of prac-
ciplinary
tical knowledges of affective response that have be- exercises if it is to be an effective forc
come available in a semi-formal guise (e.g.taking
design,in the various forms of agonistic and ethi
lighting, event management, logistics, music, per- that Foucault grouped under 'care of th
reflexivity
formance), and the enormous diversity of self',
available
forms of reflexivity that were intended to p
cues that are able to be worked with in the duce
shape 'an
of athlete of the event' (cited in Rabino
the profusion of images and other signs, the2003, p. 9). It will therefore defacto involve vario
wide
forms
spectrum of available technologies, and the of channelling and 'repression'. Second,
more
general archive of events. The result is that requires
affective a more general expressive exploration
response can be designed into spaces, often existential
out of territories of the kind that Guattari
(1995) gives at least a flavour of when he writes
what seems like very little at all. Though affective
that:fact is
response can clearly never be guaranteed, the
that this is no longer a random process either. It is
a form of landscape engineering that is graduallythere is an ethical choice in favour of the rich-
pulling itself into existence, producing new forms ness of the possible, an ethics and politics of
of power as it goes. the virtual that decorporealizes and deterrito-
rializes contingency, linear causality and the
pressure of circumstances and significations
Changing the political which besiege us. It is a choice for processual-
What might these four developments and others ity, irreversibility and resingularization. On a
like them mean for the practice of the politicalsmall (and scale, this redeployment can turn itself
into the mode of entrapment, of impoverish-
by implication the definition of the political itself)?
In what I hope is a recognisable echo of the papersment, indeed of catastrophe in neurosis. It can
by Ash Amin and Doreen Massey in this issue, take upI reactive religious references. It can an-
would want to point to a number of shifts, each nihilate
ofitself in alcohol, drugs, television, an
which focuses on new intensities and speedsendless thatdaily grind. But it can also make use
have heretofore not so much been neglected asofbeen other procedures that are more collective,
more social, more political.
kept firmly in the realm of either the utterly practi-
cal or heavily theoretical realms. But now all kinds
Third,
of corporate and state institutions are trying to itfor-
will attempt to engage a productive, for-
mulate bodies of knowledge of these realms wardwhich
sense of life (Thrift, 2001/2004, 2004a,b)
are both systematic and portable (Thrift, which2003),
strives to engage positively with the world
knowledges of complex affective states ofratherbecom- than make private bargains with misery, a
ing, 'regimes of feeling' which are bound to politics of hope which must necessarily be, in part,
be con-
an affective
stitutive of new political practices. It therefore be-exercise of what Bloch (1986, Vol. 1, p.
comes incumbent on those forces which143) calls 'productive premonition':'It is openly
regard
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
couraged to develop and sharply express self- simply by engraining other new concepts
changed
interest across their collectively remaindered,
and beliefs. It might be possible to point to (and do-
ongoing transformations. The anomaly of an the vagaries of thinking in everyday life
mesticate)
affectively engaged yet largely disinterested
via a concept like habitus but that is about it. But
process line could be a powerful presence if it and identity isn't like that. It operates on
difference
were capable of conveying its (masochistic?)
several registers, each with their own organisations
removal of self-interest. The reciprocaland complexities. So,
re-ad-
justments always under way in the empirical
field make the pursuit of politics an ecological
on one register it is a defined minority that de-
undertaking, whether it thinks of itself that viates from the majority practice. On a sec-
way or not..... This is a political ecology. The
ond, it is a minority that varies from other con-
'object' of political ecology is the coming-to-
stituencies in a setting where there is no defin-
gether or belonging-together of processually itive majority. On a third, it is that in an iden-
unique and divergent forms of life. Its objecttity
is (subjective or intersubjective) that is
'symbiosis' along the full length of the na- obscured, suppressed, or remaindered by its
ture-culture continuum. The self-disinterest own dominant tendencies - as in the way de-
of cultural studies places it in a privileged po- vout Christians may be inhabited by fugitive
sition to side with symbiosis as such. What forgetfulness and doubts not brought up for
cultural studies could become, if it finds a way review in daily conversations or in church, or
of expressing its own processual potential, is a in the way that militant atheists may tacitly
political ecology affectively engaging in sym- project life forward after death when not con-
biosis-tending. centrating on the belief that consciousness
stops with the death of the body. The third reg-
This approach will appear a little high and mighty ister of difference fades into a fourth, in which
to some. So let us turn in a slightly different direc- surpluses, traces, noises, and charges in and
tion to end this catalogue of new political direc- around the beliefs of embodied agents express
tions. proto-thoughts and judgements too crude to
Here I want to concentrate on the idea of a pol- be conceptualised in a refined way but still in-
itics aimed at some of the registers of thought that tensive and effective enough to make a differ-
have been heretofore neglected by critical thinkers, ence to the selective way judgements are
even though, as already pointed out above, those in formed, porous arguments are received, and
power have turned to these registers as a fertile new alternatives are weighted. And in a layered,
field of persuasion and manipulation. The motto of textured culture, cultural argument is always
this politics might be Nietzsche's (1968, p. 263) porous. Some of the elements in such a fugi-
phrase 'Between two thoughts all kinds of affects tive fund might be indicated, but not of course
play their game; but their motions are too fast, represented, by those noises, stutters, ges-
therefore we fail to recognise them'. But today 'the tures, looks, accents, exclamations, gurgles,
dense series of counterloops among cinema, TV, bursts of laughter, gestures and rhythmic or ir-
philosophy, neurophysiology and everyday life' rhythmic movements that inhabit, punctuate,
mean that we do recognise the realm between inflect and help to move the world of concepts
thinking and affects and are beginning to outline a and beliefs.
'neuropolitics' (Connolly, 2002) that might work (Connolly, 2002, pp. 43-44)
with them. It is a politics which recognises that po-
litical concepts and beliefs can never be reduced toSo we require a microbiopolitics of the subliminal,
'disembodied tokens of argumentation. Culture has much of which operates in the half-second delay
multiple layers, with each layer marked by distinc- between action and cognition, a microbiopolitics
tive speeds, capacities and levels of linguistic com-
which understands the kind of biological-cum-cul-
plexity' (Connolly, 2002, p. 45). Take differencetural gymnastics that takes place in this realm
and identity as one example of this geology of which is increasingly susceptible to new and some-
thinking. The political literature in this area has
times threatening knowledges and technologies
tended to foreground signification at the expense of
that operate upon it in ways that produce effective
affect and has therefore enacted culture as a flat outcomes, even when the exact reasons may be
world of concepts and beliefs which can be opaque, a micropolitics which understands the in-
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NIGEL THRIFT
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NIGEL THRIFT
are still
quences which illustrate this shifting spectrum ofcomprehensible to a critically alert audi-
affect. But it is not just the face, it has to be ence
said. as
Vi-various forms of (e)motion. Their visual
ola also considers the hand as an index of affect 'vocabulary' cracks open familiar horizons of
(Tallis, 2003). He also uses the whole body to index space and time and shows the way that wheres can
more general affective practices of coping, ofalso be elsewheres, and how these new alignments
which the most notable is probably crying (cf. might offer new affective resonances and resourc-
es. By operating on space and time (stretching,
Thrift, 2004). So, the city as a sea of faces, a forest
of hands, an ocean of lamentation: these are the transforming, miniaturizing) they become a kind of
building blocks of modem urbanism just as much threshing floor for the emotions from which new
as brick and stone. In other words, Viola provides instinctual traffic may come. Kracauer once argued
an affective history of the city, understood asthat a film was a redemptive art of estrangement that
chronicle of faces and hands and tears. This is an in-could put us back in touch with reality (Carter,
timate geography through which and as which af- 2002).32 Too grand a statement, no doubt. But, in
fect makes its way, a set of histories of the way Viola's
in case, it seems to bear some relevance to his
which affect takes hold told by foregrounding a setambitions (cf. Viola, 2003).
of affective practices which are too often neglected: Third, Viola is able to show something about the
seeing visions, praying, crying, each of which has elementary affective forms of the modem world as
its own cultural history. But Viola is also quite they are produced on screens and then transmitted
aware that these ecstatic practices are usually part into urban bodies and other byways as a kind of vis-
of a daily round which can itself become his focus ceral shorthand existing only in very small sublim-
of attention; a chain of ordinary tasks themselves inal spaces and times. Marcus (2002) puts it well
become a spiritual practice, a set of margins con- when he writes: 'When a movie has become part of
stantly edging forward, recomposing as they go. the folklore of a nation, the borders between the
movie and the nation cease to exist. The movie be-
But what, then, is the political import of Viola's
comes a fable; then it becomes a metaphor. Then it
'slowly turning narratives'? I think it is threefold,
with each succeeding element more important than becomes a catch-phrase, a joke, a shortcut.' Viola
the one before. One element is showing the complexshows us all the affective catch-phrases, jokes and
process of mimesis by which we learn to generate short-cuts that typify Western cultures but through
slow motion and close-up restores them to their
affect. Viola is able, by slowing things down, to
show how each element of the body (and most es-original step-by-step nature so that we can see them
pecially the face) takes its part in a show of emotion
at work. They may be difficult to describe in words
which has its own contested cultural history. He pre-since they are non-representational but we can still
detect them through Viola's laying out of the
sents us with a kind of affective historical geogra-
minute and diagrammatic clues we usually work on
phy of expressive elements of the body like the face,
maps of the way our bodies are socialized throughin everyday life as something more akin to large
mimesis30 and other processes from birth onward signposts (Ginzburg, 1992).
which have been created over many centuries, quite Of course, what Viola points to is not regular pol-
itics but, unless the matter of how we are made to
literally producing a release of meanings from the
be/be connected is to be regarded as somehow out
past. The mapping of the spatial play of affect may
of court, what he is focusing on is surely an intense-
not be particularly original,31 but Viola does it beau-
ly political process, one which matters to people.
tifully, using all the aesthetic cues that have come
Without this kind of affective politics, what is left
down to us as cultural signifiers of intensity which
of politics will too often be the kind of macho pro-
we learn from infancy on. In turn, the audiences re-
act to their own processes of emotional learning, gramme-making that emaciates what it is to be hu-
playing these corporeal 'memories' back in their man - because it is so sure it already knows what
body and very often amplifying them through the that is or will be.
step-by-step process of Viola's depictions in ways
which may legitimately be described as therapeutic.
Conclusions
Then, second, Viola embeds affect in space and
time. His sets, whether they are an iconic human So let me briefly conclude. There is more to the
face, a country walk or a house in flood are care- world than is routinely acknowledged in too many
fully cued spatial and temporal transformations writings on politics and this excess is not just inci-
which resist the reading-writing-text paradigm but dental. It points in the direction of fugitive work in
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INTENSITIES OF FEELING: TOWARDS A SPATIAL POLITICS OF AFFECT
University of Oxford 11. Tomkins also thought voice and breathing were crucial.
12. In a famous passage from the Ethics Spinoza puts this prop-
Oxford OX1 3UB
osition baldly:
England
The mind and body are one and the same thing, which is
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NIGEL THRIFT
27. As the
conceived now under the attribute of thought, now under Sobchack (2000, p. 185) puts it:
attribute of extension. Whence it comes about that the order
A human face ... can be seen with a clarity and dimen-
of the concatenation of things is one, or, nature is conceived
sion impossible in 'ordinary' unmediated, lived-body vi-
now under this, now under that attribute, and consequently
sion. If I get too physically close to another, the other's
that the order of actions and passions of our body is simulta-
face loses its precise visible presence as a figure in my
neous in nature with the order of actions and passions of our
visual field even as it increases its haptic presence. The
mind.
visible face partially blurs as it fills my visual field, thus
(Ethics, III, prop.2, note)
becoming, in part, its ground. Indeed some of the face
flows into indeterminacy and the final invisibility that
13. Other emotions we might identify such as shame and embar-
marks the horizon of my perceptive act. An extreme
rassment, do not seem to have common facial expressions.
close-up of a human mediated for me by the projector ...
14. Ekman (1998, p. 387) goes on to write: 'I believe that much
is given to the experience transformed. It is centered in
of the initial emotion-specific physiological activity in the
my visual field .... Its entirety is the figure of my percep-
first few milliseconds of an emotional experience is also not
tion, not its ground, and thus does not flow into indeter-
penetrable by social experience', a statement which I am
minacy in my vision.
sure is not correct, as may be inferred from what comes later
28. Viola's
in the paper, but this does not mean that I would want to work has been heavily criticised by some for, for
deny the influence of biology. example, its hackneyed aesthetic, its parasitism of great
works of art, its attraction to a narrow spectrum of affects,
15. A term which refers to the thesis that we now live in a 'post-
social' world in which social principles and relations andare
so on. These may or may not be valid criticisms but I
'emptying out' and being replaced by other culturalamele-
more interested in why Viola's work is able to elicit
ments and relationships, and most notably objects. strong emotional reactions in the first place.
29. Often extreme slow motion. For example, film is often shot
Postsocial theory analyses the phenomenon of a disinte- at 300fps and played back at 30fps.
30. It this
grating 'traditional' social universe, the reasons for is worth remembering that in its original Greek form mi-
disintegration and the direction of changes. It attempts mesis
to meant performance (understood as enactment and re-
conceptualise postsocial relations as forms of sociality enactment rather than imitation) and, of course, mimesis is
which challenge core concepts of human interactionstill
andvery rarely the production of an exact copy (Rush, 1999).
31. Slow-motion
solidarity, but which nonetheless constitute forms of film of the face has been a constant in artwork
for some time, but I think Viola has managed to get the right
binding self and other. The changes also affect human
sociality in ways which warrant a detailed analysis speed,
in unlike some earlier, interminable experiments.
their own right. 32. 'It effectively assists us in discovering the material world
(Knorr Cetina, 2001, p. 520) with its psychophysical correspondences. We literally re-
deem this world from its dormant state, its state of virtual
non-existence, by endeavouring to experience it through the
16. For example, it is relatively easy to generate such emotions
camera. And we are free to experience it because we are
as fear by dint of this kind of detail (see Altheide, 2002).
17. For example, interpreting sadness as a sickness. fragmented' (Kracauer, 1960, p. 300).
18. Thus, increasingly, modem educational and training 33. In using
sys-this term, I mean to imply the way in which engi-
tems stress the need for adaptability and creativityneering - but is always born out of concrete encounters which al-
within very narrowly defined parameters. They oftenlow the world to speak back; I am not trying to imply that
use
performance knowledges to inculcate these values engineering
(see is just make-it-up-on-the-spot.
Thrift, 2003).
19. Of course, none of this brief explication of the so-called
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