Gustav Schmoller: Economic Classics

ECONOMIC CLASSICS
EDITED BY W. J. ASHLEY
GUSTAV SCHMOLLER
ECONOMIC CLASSICS
Volumes noiv ready:

1664. THOMAS MUN:
England's Treasure by
Forraign Trade
1770. TURGOT:
Reflections on the Formation
and Distribution 0/Riches
1776. ADAM SMITH:

Select Chapters and Passages
from the Wealth of Nations
1798. MALTHUS:
Parallel Chapters from the
1st and 2d Editions of the
Essay on Population
18x7. RICARDO:
First St'jc Chapters of the
Principles of Political Economy
1831. RICHARD JONES:

Peasant Rents
1838. AUGUSTIN COURNOT:

Mathematical Principles of
the Theory of Wealth
1884. GUSTAV SCHMOLLER:

Mercantile System
THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE
ILLUSTRATED CHIEFLY FROM PRUSSIAN HISTORY
BEING A CHAPTER FROM THE
STUDIEN UEBER DIE WIRTHSCHAFTLICHE POLITIK

FRIEDRICHS DES GROSSEN
BY
GUSTAV SCHMOLLER
1884
New York
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1902
All rights reserved

Copyright, 1895,
By MACMILLAN AND CO.
Set up and electrotyped January, 1896. Reprinted February,

1897; April, 1902.
J. S. Cashing ft Co. - Berwick ft Smith

Norwood Mass. U.S.A.
I
Gustav Schmoller was bom at Heilbronn in Wiirtemberg

on June 24, 1838. After studying at the University of
Ttibingen, he became in 1864 extraordinary, and in 1865
ordinary, Professor of the Political Sciences (Staatswissen-
schaften) at the University of Halle. In 1872 he was
appointed Professor at the reorganised University of Strass-
burg, and in 1882 was summoned to succeed Adolf Held at
the University of Berlin. In 1887 he was elected a Member
of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, and also appointed
Historiographer for Brandenburg.
Professor Schmoller was one of the leading promoters of
the Eisenach Congress “for the discussion of the Social
Question ” (Zur Besprechung der sozialen Frage), and de
livered the opening address at its first meeting on Oct. 6,
1872: he took part in the foundation on that occasion of
the Association for Social Politics (Verein fur Sozialpol-
itik), and has exercised great influence over its subsequent
action. Since 1878 he has edited a substantial series of
Investigations in Political and Social Science (Staats- und
Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungen), largely the work of
his pupils; and from 1881 onward he has conducted the
Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirthschaft
im deutschen Reiche.
v
vi
His most important writings hitherto have been the fol

lowing: Contributions to the History of Economic Opinions
in Germany during the Reformation {Zur Geschichte der
nationaldkonomischen Ansichten in Deutschland w&hrend
der Reformationsperiode, in the Tubingen Zeitschrift fur
Staatswissenschaft i860, and separately Tubingen, 1861);
Contributions to the History of the Small Industries of Ger
many in the 19th Century {Zur Geschichte der deutschen
Kleingewerbe im 19. Jahrhundert, Halle, 1870); On cer
tain Fundamental Questions of Law and Economy: An
Open Letter to Professor Treitschke ( Ueber einige Grundfra-
gen des Rechts und der Volkswirthschaft: Ein offenes Send-
schriben an Herrn Professor Dr. Heinrich von Treitschke,
Jena, 1875); The Strassburg Gild of Drapers and Weav
ers {Die Strassburger Tucher- und Weberzunft, Strass
burg, 1879) > Studies in the Economic Policy of Frederick the
Great (Studien iiber die wirthschaftliche Politik Friedrichs
des Grossen, in his Jahrbuch 1884, 1886, 1887, and sepa
rately); Contributions to the Literary History of the Political
and Social Sciences {Zur Litteraturgeschichte der Staats- und
Soziahuissenschaften, Leipzig, 1888); Speeches and Essays
on Modern Questions of Social and Industrial Policy {Zur
Sozial- und Gewerbepolitik der Gegenwart: Reden und
Aufsdtze, Leipzig, 1890); The Historical Evolution of
Business Undertaking {Die geschichtliche Entivickelung der
Unternehmung, in his Jahrbuch for 1890 and subsequent
years); and an article on Economic Doctrine and Method
{ Volkswirthschaft\ Volkswirthschaftslehre und -methode,
contributed in 1893 t0 Conrad’s Handworterbuch der
Staatswissenschaften). His scientific and literary activity
vii
has been incessant and wide-reaching: a list of his writings

down to 1893 will be found in the article devoted to him
by Dr. Lippert in Conrad’s Handwdrterbuch, which has
been freely drawn upon for the foregoing account.
The Essay on the Mercantile System here translated, with
the author’s sanction, by the editor of this series, forms the
introduction to his Studies in the Economic Policy of Fred
erick the Great: it is dated Sept. 30, 1883, and was pub
lished in the first issue of his Jahrbuch in 1884. To this
have been added in Appendix I., as dealing with the same
general theme, some pages from his Report on the volumes
of Acta Borussica which deal with the Silk Industry, read
before the Berlin Academy of Sciences on April 21, 1892,
and published in the Munich Allgemeine Zeitung for May
19 and 23,1892, and afterwards separately. The aim of the
translator has been to present the argument in idiomatic
English; and he has not hesitated to occasionally sacrifice
shades of meaning which could not be rendered without
making the version inconveniently cumbrous.
For the convenience of readers, a list of the territorial
possessions of the House of Hohenzollem in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries has been added in Appendix II.,
and their geographical position has been indicated on the
map at the end of the volume. And since the author’s
illustrations of his general thesis are taken chiefly from
German and Prussian history, a number of notes have been
added throughout to explain technical expressions and sug
gest English parallels. The view of the eighteenth century
taken by the author should be compared with that of the
late Sir John Seeley, in The Expansion of England,
viii
Professor Schmoller is the leader of what is known as

“the younger Historical School of German Economists.”
It has been his endeavour, as he declared in 1887 on enter
ing the Berlin Academy, to be both an Economist and a
Historian, and the task that has always floated before his
eyes has been “to really accomplish what Hildebrand,
Knies, and Roscher attempted.” The Essay here pre
sented is a most characteristic piece of his work; and it
is an example of a kind of teaching that is exercising great
influence in Germany over the minds of economists, of
politicians, of officials, and of the educated public. For
these reasons it merits attention, whatever judgment may
be arrived at concerning the validity of the argument.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Mercantile System and its Historical Significance. 1
Stages in Economic Evolution..................................................... 1
The Village.................................................................................... 4
The Town...................................................................................... 6
The Territory................................................................................ 13
The National State....................................................................... 47
Mercantilism................................................................................ 50
The Community of Nations......................................................... 78
APPENDIX I.
The Prussian Silk Industry in the Eighteenth Century 81
APPENDIX II.
List of the Princes and Territories of the House of
Hohenzollern...................................................................................... 92
Map
ix
THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM AND ITS
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE.
To pass judgment as economists upon a whole historical

period necessarily involves a comparison of it with what
preceded and what followed; involves, that is to say, our
understanding it as occupying a place in some larger
movement of economic evolution. One naturally begins,
therefore, by thinking of the various ways in which men
have hitherto attempted to picture to themselves the devel
opment of the nations, and thereby to comprehend it in a
complete theory. They have either fastened upon the
parallel between the life of a people and the life of an
individual; or they have conceived of a series of stages, in
which (i) pastoral life, (2) agriculture, (3) industry, and
(4) trade, or (a) barter, (b) the use of currency, and (c)
trade resting upon credit, have followed one another in
orderly succession. These are conceptions which do,
indeed, each take hold of one portion of the contents of
the process of economic evolution, and for the compari
son with one another of many periods and communi
ties they are appropriate enough; but with regard to the
particular matter we have now in hand, the mercantile
system, they give us little help, and may even lead us
astray. And it is also clear that we could, with equal
b 1
2 THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM
propriety, construct other formulae, taken from the history

of the population, of the settlement of the country, of the
division of labour, of the formation of social classes, of the
processes of production, or of the means of communica
tion; and that each of these, so far as it went, and all of
them, — together with those before mentioned, — would be
of service for the creation of a complete theory of the
development of mankind. But none of these sequences
of thought seems to me anything like so important and
significant as that which I shall venture to put in the fore
ground, as a means of setting the mercantile system in
its true light. What I have in mind, is the connection be
tween economic life and the essential, controlling organs
of social and political life, — the dependence of the main
economic institutions of any period upon the nature of
the political body or bodies most important at the time.
In every phase of economic development, a guiding and
controlling part belongs to some one or other political
organ of the life of the race or nation. At one time it is
the association of the kindred or tribe; at another the
village or mark; now it is the district, and then the state
or even a; federation of states, which plays this part.
It may or may not coincide substantially with the con
temporary organisation of the state or of national,
intellectual, or religious life; nevertheless it rules eco
nomic life as well as political, determines its structure
and institutions, and furnishes, as it were, the centre of
gravity of the whole mass of social-economic arrange
ments. Of course it is not the only factor that enters
into the explanation of economic evolution; but it ap
pears to me the fullest in meaning, and the one which
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE. 3
exercises the most penetrating influence upon the various

forms of economic organisation that have made their appear
ance in history. In association with the tribe, the mark,
the village, the town (or city), the territory, the state, and
the confederation, certain definite economic organisms
have been successively evolved of ever wider scope: herein
we have a continuous process of development, which, though
it has never accounted for all the facts of economic life,
has, at every period, determined and dominated it. Within
the village, the town, the territory, and the state, the indi
vidual and the family have retained their independent and
significant position; division of labour, improvement of the
currency, technical advance, have each pursued their course;
the formation of social classes has gone on in particular
directions; and yet economic conditions have, throughout,
received their peculiar stamp from the prevalence at each
period of a village economy, a town economy, a territorial
economy, ora national economy; from the splitting-asunder
of the people into a number of village- and town-economies
loosely held together, or from the rise of territorial or
national bodies which have taken up into themselves and
brought under their control the earlier economic organs.
Political organisms and economic organisms are by no
means necessarily conterminous; and yet the great and
brilliant achievements of history, both political and eco
nomic, are wont to be accomplished at times when economic
organisation has rested on the same foundations as political
power and order.
The idea that economic life has ever been a process

mainly dependent on individual action,— an idea based
on the impression that it is concerned merely with methods

of satisfying individual needs,— is mistaken with regard
to all stages of human civilisation, and in some respects it
is more mistaken the further we go back.
The most primitive tribe of hunters or shepherds main
tains its existence only by means of an organisation based
on kinship, wherein union for purposes of defence, joint
journeyings to summer and winter pastures, communistic
acquisition for the benefit of the whole tribe, communistic
guidance by the tribal prince, play the most important
parts. The first settlement and occupation of the soil is
never a matter for individuals, but for tribes and clans.
Then, while the life of religion, of language, of war, and of
politics remains common for wider circles, the centre of
gravity of economic life passes to the mark1 and the village.
1 [What is known as “ the mark theory ” was elaborated, with special
regard to Germany, by Georg von Maurer in his Einleitung zur Geschichte

der Mark-, Hof-, Dorf- und Stadtverfassung (1854) and a series of subse
quent works, and was accepted, popularised, and generalised by Sir Henry
Maine in his Village Communities in East and West (1871). Since the
present essay was written (1883), the confidence of many scholars in the
theory has been seriously shaken in various ways by the works of Mr.
Frederick Seebohm, The English Village Community (1883), and M.
Fustel de Coulanges, Recherches sur quelques Problbnes dHistoire (1885),
and Origin of Property in Land (Eng. trans. by Mrs. Ashley, 1891). These
have certainly shewn the scantiness and uncertainty of the evidence for free
village communities owning in common the land they cultivated, in the early
Middle Ages. But even if early mediaeval villages were usually “ under a
lord ” or " communities in serfdom/' the character of their economic life was
substantially that described in the text. As to the self-sufficiency of the
manorial group see Ashley, Economic History (1888), i. pt. i, $5, and Cun
ningham, Introduction to Walter of Henley (ed. by Miss Lamond, 1890).
For a recent restatement of “ the characteristics of the ancient village com
munity,” and its relation to the city-state of the ancient world, see W. W.
Fowler, The City-State of the Greeks and Romans (1893).]
They become the bodies which for centuries rule the

economic life of the mass of the people. The individual
possesses, in the way of house and yard, garden and fields,
only what the mark- or village-community concedes to
him and under the conditions it allows; he uses the pasture
and the wood, the^fisheries, and the hunting-ground on
such terms as the commune (Gemeinde) permits; he
ploughs and reaps as the village-community desires and
ordains.1 It is hardly possible for him to come into closer
intercourse with outsiders; for to remove any of the prod
ucts, whatever they may be, derived directly or indirectly
from the common land, is forbidden.8 To take wood
from the common forest can only be allowed so long as
no one exports wood or charcoal or tar; to turn out cattle
at pleasure on the common pasture can only be recog
nised as a right when every one is feeding his own cattle
for his own use and not for strangers. To alienate land
to a non-member of the community is forbidden; and,
indeed, as a rule, all sorts of formalities are put in the
way even of the free yardling (Hufner)8 who wishes to
1 [On the nature and limitations of village " communalism ” in the Eng
lish Middle Ages, see Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law (1895),
i. 614-623.]
2 Something of this kind survived even in the towns. Thus, according
to a rule of 1204, the men of Liibeck are not passim et sine necessitate to
sell their ships and build new ones at home, nor are they to export wood
for sale, — because of their right to cut wood. Lub. Urkundenbuch, p. 17,
Urk. xii.
8 [The most common equivalent in the English of the later Middle Ages
for the German Hufe and Hufner were yardland and yardling, answering
to the Latin virgata and virgarius. For the “ grades in the hierarchy of
tenants,” cf. W. Roscher, Nation aid konomik des Acherbaues, } 73 (12th ed.),
p. 267, with F. Seebohm, English Village Community, passim, and especially
p- 29J
leave the village. The village is an economic and com

mercial system complete in itself, and closed against the
outside world. Its old constitution has to be broken up
by the creation of great states and by other forces, before
another and higher development of economic life can make
its appearance.
As the village, so likewise does the town, — and even more
conspicuously,—grow into an economic body (or organism),
with a peculiar and vigorous life of its own, dominating
every particular: To begin with, the choice of a locality,
the laying-out of the plan, the construction of roadways,
of bridges, and of walls; then the paving of the streets, the
bringing of water, and the setting-up of lights; and, finally,
the common arrangements which are necessary for the mar
ket, and which lead to common market-houses, public scales,
etc. — these, together with the close juxtaposition of resi
dences, and the higher forms of division of labour, of
currency, and of credit, all create a mass of uniform,
common institutions, and bring about an association of a
far closer character than before. This necessarily makes
itself felt both inside and outside the town. For centuries
economic progress is bound up with the rise of the towns
and the formation of civic institutions. Each town, and
especially each of the larger towns, seeks to shut itself
up to itself as an economic whole, and, at the same
time, in its relation to the outside world, to extend the
sphere of its influence, both economic and political, as far
as possible. It is not without significance, that, during a
considerable period of ancient and of mediaeval history,
all complete political structures were city-states, in which
political and economic life, local economic selfishness

and political patriotism, political conflict and economic
rivalry, all coincided. The economic policy of the Ger
man towns of the Middle Ages, and their economic insti
tutions, have played so controlling a part in German life
down to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they
project themselves, so to speak, in so many directions, into
our own time, that we must pause a moment to speak of
them more at length.
Not only separate jurisdiction (Immunitat), but also the

right of holding a market, of collecting tolls, and of
coining money, were, from early times, the privileges of
the growing urban communities. This exceptional position
was strengthened by the abolition of payments and services
in kind, as well as by the legal advantages flowing from the
principle that “ town-air makes free ”; and, finally, by the
conquest of the right of self-government and legislation
by the town council.1 Each separate town felt itself to be a
privileged community, gaining right after right by struggles
kept up for hundreds of years, and forcing its way, by nego
tiation and purchase, into one political and economic posi
tion after the other. The citizen-body looked upon itself as
forming a whole, and a whole that was limited as narrowly
as possible, and for ever bound together. It received
into itself only the man who was able to contribute, who
1 [For some account in English of recent German investigation and dis
cussion concerning the origin of municipal institutions, recourse may be

had to the review of Professor Hegel’s work by Keutgen, in the English
Historical Review, Jan., 1893, an(* to that of Professor von Below’s pam
phlets by Ashley, in the Economic Journal, June, 1894.]
■ ed by
satisfied definite conditions, proved a certain amount of

property, took an oath and furnished security that he would
stay a certain number of years. It released from its associa
tion only the man who solemnly abjured his citizenship
before the council, who swore that he would bear his share
of responsibility for the town’s debts, and contribute to the
taxes of the town for a number of years, and who handed
over to the town ten per cent, of his property. The omnip
otence of the council ruled the^conomic life of the town,
when in its prime, with scarcely any limit; it was supported
in all its action by the most hard-hearted town selfishness
and the keenest town patriotism, — whether it were to crush
a competing neighbour or a competing suburb, to lay
heavier fetters on the country around, to encourage local
trade or to stimulate local industries.
Market-rights, toll-rights, and mile-rights (Meilenrecht)1
are the weapons with which the town creates for itself
both revenue and a municipal policy. The soul of that
policy is the putting of fellow-citizens at an advantage,
and of competitors from outside at a disadvantage.
The whole complicated system of regulations as to markets
and forestalling is nothing but a skilful contrivance so to
regulate supply and demand between the townsman who
buys and the countryman who sells, that the former may
find himself in as favourable a position as possible, the
latter in as unfavourable as possible, in the business of bar
1 [This was the rule which forbad craftsmen from carrying on particular
industries within a certain distance of the town. Cf. the cases of York and
Nottingham in respect to the manufacture of cloth, in Ashley, Economic
History, i. pt. ii. (Amer. ed. vol. ii.), p. 29.]
gaining. The regulation of prices in the town is, to some

extent, a mere weapon against the seller of corn, wood,
game, and vegetables from the country; just as the prohi
bition of certain industries or of.trade in the rural districts,
and the restrictions placed upon peddling were intended
to serve municipal interests. The acquisition by the town
of crown-rights (Rega/ien)1 was utilised, in the first instance,
to bring about a reconstruction of these regulations for the
benefit of the town. Thus the market-toll was usually
abolished so far as burgesses were concerned, and only re^
tained for the countryman and the unprivileged “guest”
(Gas/).2 A complicated system of differential tolls was
everywhere devised, by which some towns were favoured
and others put at a disadvantage, in each case either in
return for corresponding concessions or in accordance
with the varying hopes or fears to which trade gave rise.
The same purpose was served by the acquisition, wherever
possible, of rights of toll on rivers and highroads in the
neighbourhood. Day by day, as need arose, particular
articles had heavier dues imposed upon them, or were
forbidden for one or more market days, or excluded
altogether; the importation of wine and beer, for in
stance, from towns in the vicinity was prohibited or re
stricted on countless occasions. The prohibition of the
export of grain, wool, and woolfells was among the most
usual means for regulating the local market in the local
1 [Regalien, in Germany, droits rigaliens, in France, were rights regarded
as peculiarly attached to the sovereign authority, such as the levying of

taxes, the coining of money, etc.]
2 [Compare the treatment of " foreigners ” in English towns; Gross, Gild
Merchant, i. 43; Ashley, Economic History, i. pt. ii. (Amer. ed. vol. ii.), § 25.]
interest; and it constantly led to a complete stoppage of

trade. Such a stoppage was the severest method of coercion
that could be employed in the competitive struggle; and,
though it frequently hurt those who resorted to it, it was
also often employed, especially by the stronger party, with
great success and profit to itself. The limitation of the ex
portation of the currency and of the precious metals fre
quently occurs in the case of the towns as early as the
thirteenth century. In intermunicipal commerce we find
the first germ of the theory of the balance of trade. It is to
be seen in the efforts the towns were constantly making to
bring about a direct exchange of wares, and to render this
compulsory, — as in the Baltic trade, — by statutes and
ordinances which aimed at preventing the regular flow of
the precious metals to foreign countries.
All the resources of municipal diplomacy, of constitu
tional struggle between the Estates {Stande),1 and, in the
last resort, of violence, were employed to gain control over
trade-routes (’Strassenzwang) and obtain staple rights2: to
bring it about that as many routes as possible should lead
to the town, as few as possible pass by; that through traffic,
by caravan or ship, should, if possible, be made to halt
there, and goods en route exposed, and offered for sale to
1 [“ An assembly of Estates is an organised collection, made by repre
sentation or otherwise, of the several orders, states, or conditions of men

who are recognised as possessing political power; ” Stubbs, Constitutional
History of England, ii. $ 158. The reference in the text is to the efforts of
the towns to secure advantages by concerted action in the imperial Diet or
in the territorial assemblies.]
2 [The staple rights of German towns differed from the English staple in
that they were maintained primarily in the interests of the several towns.
Their nature is explained in the sentence next but one in the text]
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE, 11
the burgesses. The whole well-rounded law as to strangers

or “ foreigners” (Gas/- oder Fremdenrechi) was an instru
ment wherewith to destroy, or, at all events, to diminish the
superiority of richer and more skilful competitors from out
side. Except during a fair, the foreigner was excluded from
retail trade, allowed only to remain a certain time, and
prohibited from lending money to or entering into partner
ship with a burgess. He was burdened with heavier dues,—
fees for setting up a stall, for having his goods weighed,
and for the services of brokers and exchangers. The gild-
organisation, which arose out of local market-privileges,
and was formed with local objects, reached its aim,— which
was to ensure, to each master and each craft a livelihood
suitable to their station in life, — chiefly by the readiness of
the town council, whenever it appeared to them necessary,
to limit for a season, or permanently, the entrance into
the town of bread and flesh, beer and wine, and wares of
all kind from far or near, as well as to forbid, for a year
or more, the admission of new masters to a particular
occupation. In short, the town market formed a complete
system of currency, credit, trade, tolls, and finance, shut up
in itself and managed as a united whole and on a settled
plan; a system which found its centre of gravity exclusively
in its local interests, which carried on the struggle for
economic advantages with its collective forces, and which
prospered in proportion as the reins were firmly held in
the council by prudent and energetic merchants and
patricians able to grasp the whole situation.
What, then, we have before our eyes in the Middle Ages
are municipal and local economic centres whose whole
economic life rests upon this, — that the various local inter
ests have, for the time, worked their way into agreement,
that uniform feelings and ideas have risen out of common
local interests, and that the town authorities stand forward
to represent these feelings with a complete array of protec
tive measures; measures that differed, of course, from
place to place and from period to period, according as
the provision of the local market or the prosperity of a
particular industry or trade seems to be most important
at the time. The whole of this municipal economic
policy, with all its local partiality, was justified so long as
the progress of civilisation and of economic well-being
depended primarily on the prosperity of the towns. This
prosperity could rest upon no other “ mass-psychological
cause-complex” than corporate selfishness: and new eco
nomic structures could arise only in oases thus privileged,
and not on the broad bases of whole states. So long as this
selfish feeling of community within comparatively narrow
circles also brought about an energetic movement forward,
it justified itself, in spite of a coarseness and violence which
we to-day not only disapprove but even scarcely understandf^
not until the system began to support an easy luxuriousness
and sloth did it degenerate. It had then to be replaced by
other mass-psychological elements and processes, and by
other social forms and organisation.
, 3 *We may remember the armed forays of gildsmen to hunt down those
who ventured to work surreptitiously at crafts in the country districts
{Bonhasen, as they were called in low German), the innumerable military
expeditions, sieges, and devastations of towns, caused by mutual trade
jealousy, as well as the destruction of suburbs for the same reason, such
as must be laid to the charge of Danzig in 1520, 1566, and 1734, and of
Magdeburg during the Thirty Years’ War.
Some limitations were, doubtless, always imposed on

communal selfishness by the legal and moral ties created
by the common life of the church, by the existence of the
German empire, and, so far as the rural districts were
concerned, by the power of the territorial principalities,
which early began to make their appearance. But in the
earlier period these limitations were so lax, so meaningless,
that they were scarcely regarded, so long as neither empire,
church, nor territory had given birth to any economic life
of its own or any powerful economic organisation. With
the transformation and enlargement of commerce, the
growth of the spirit of union, and the consciousness of
interests common to whole districts, with the augmented
difficulties in the way of a proper organisation of economic
life on the basis merely of town and village interests, and
the increasing hopelessness of victory over the anarchy of
endless petty conflicts, efforts and tendencies everywhere
made their appearance towards some larger grouping of
economic forces.
The town-leagues, reaching over the heads of the princes

and of the inhabitants of the rural districts, but still main
taining the old^ selfish policy towards the country immedi
ately around, aimed at satisfying certain farther-reaching
interests and needs of trade; but such an attempt could
not permanently succeed. The greater cities sought to
widen themselves into territorial states by the acquisition
of villages, estates, lordships, and country towns. In this
the great Italian communes succeeded completely, certain
Swiss towns and German imperial cities at least in part;
some also of the more vigorous Dutch provinces, though

they were not so originally,' came to be hardly distinguish
able from enlarged town-territories. In Germany, however,
it was, as a rule, the territorial princedom, founded on the
primitive association of the tribe, and, resting on the cor
porate Estates of communes and knights, which created the
new political unit,— a unit which had for its character
istic the association of town and country, the association
of a large number of towns on one side, and, frequently,
on the other side, of several hundred contiguous square
miles of country subject to the same authority. During
the period from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century,
these territories, in constant struggle with other institu
tions, grew not only into political but also into economic
bodies. It was now the territorial organism that carried
progress forward, and formed the vehicle of economic and
political development. Territorial institutions now became
the main matters of importance, just as municipal had
been; like them, they found a centre round which to gravi
tate; and they sought to shut themselves off from the outer
world, and to harmonise and consolidate their forces at
home. And thus arose an enclosed territorial area of pro
duction and consumption, a territorial division of labour,
a territorial system of measures and weights and cur
rency, —an independent territorial economic body, which
had its own centre of gravity, was conscious of it, and
acted as a unit in accordance therewith.
No doubt this policy was pursued with varying vigour
and success in the different territories. Where the impulse
was given by a highly-developed and all-powerful industrial
or commercial town,— as in the cases of Florence, Milan,

* and Venice. — there we very early find an economic policy
pursued with great success; a policy which rose out of the
older municipal interests, and which performed wonders.
The House of Luxemburg, in Bohemia, and the House of
Burgundy, in Flanders and on the lower Rhine, were, also,
both of them able at an early period to guide their lands in
the direction of a territorial policy on a large scale. But, in
Germany, most of the princes were without the extensive
dominions necessary for the purpose: in some.places the
towns, in other the knights, remained outside the new
territorial commonweal. The most distinguished princes at
the beginning of the sixteenth century, those of the Saxon
house, were the lords of lands scattered in fragments all
along the military thoroughfare of central Germany, from
Hesse to Silesia; and, to make things worse, frequently
partitioned these lands among the various branches of the
family. And even what one of the Saxon princes hap
pened to rule at any particular time was made up of a
number of separate districts, geographically distinct.
The situation of the other territories had much the same
disadvantages.
Yet grave as were these difficulties, and obstinate as was
the conservative opposition of the older economic institu
tions, especially those of the towns^we cannot help seeing,
in all directions, that the necessities of real life were
relentlessly driving society toward the territorial organisa
tion. The old forms of loose combination characteristic of
the Middle Ages, like the town-leagues and alliances to
maintain the public peace, the town toU-system and staple,
the town currency, the everlasting hostility of town and

country, all the old mediaeval corporations, these became
every day greater hinderances in the way of trade and eco
nomic progress. People had to get free from them and
make their way to larger unities, to associations of districts,
and to more far-sighted coalitions of interests, such as
were to be found in the territorial assemblies (Landtage)
and at the courts of the princes. The more completely
the princely territories coincided with old boundaries and
primitive tribal feelings; the stronger happened to be the
system of parliamentary Estates binding, first, towns
together and nobles together, and then the whole muni
cipal estate to the whole estate of the nobles; the.more
intelligent and forceful were the princes who guided the
movement, with frugal and competent officials to help
them; the quicker proceeded the process of economic
assimilation. To be sure it never ran its course without
meeting with the bitterest opposition.
What trouble the Hohenzollern princes1 in Brandenburg
had before they subjected to themselves, even externally
and in military matters, the nobles and towns of the land!
The severance of the Brandenburg towns from the Hanseatic
League and the abolition of their independent right of
alliance were barely accomplished during the years 1448 to
1488. The towns did not, however, surrender the right to
pursue an independent commercial policy till long after
this. The very important treaties with regard to the
1 [The reader may be assisted in following the course of the subsequent
argument by referring from time to time to the list of territories subject to

the house of Hohenzollern given in Appendix II.]
Frankfurt Staple (1490-1512) were certainly afterwards con

firmed by the princes concerned. But the initiative still
came from the towns; and this independence was retained
as late as the Thirty Years* War, though in a lessened meas
ure, and with increasing moderation and prudence in its
exercise. Throughout the sixteenth century we find the
princes of Brandenburg and their neighbours giving their
attention more and more closely to matters of this kind.
In the commercial controversies between Pomerania and
Brandenburg (1562 and 1572), both the princely and the
municipal authorities took part, although it was Frankfurt
and Stettin that engaged in the trial before the Imperial
Chamber (Reichskammergericht). The treaties of mutual
defence with towns in other territories like Ltineburg,1 —
which were made as late as the time of Joachim I. of Bran
denburg, — seemed in the next period no longer suitable,
since they aroused the distrust of the Ltineburg princes.
As the maintenance of the public peace passed into the
hands of the princes, to them, and not to the towns, it fell
to negotiate with one another for its strict preservation;
for instance, in the treaty between Brandenburg and
Pomerania of July 29, 1479,2 an(* that between Branden
burg and Magdeburg of July 24, 1479.8 The negotiations
for commercial treaties, as well as the signature of the
treaties themselves, between Brandenburg and Poland in
1514,4 1524-27,6 1534,® and 1618,7 were the work of the
1 1484: Riedel, Cod. dipl. brandenb. ii. 5, 417. 1501: ib. ii. 6, 177.
2 Ib. ii. 5, 305. 8 Ib. ii. 5, 302. * Ib. iii. 3, 248 and ii. 6, 258.
6 Ib. i. 23, 426 and ii. 6, 346. 8 Ib. iii.387.
T Oelrichs, Beitrdge zur brandenburgischen Geschichte, 265.

C
princes and not of the towns. At the congresses to deal

with the navigation of the Elbe and Oder in the sixteenth
century, some of the ambassadors came from Frankfurt,
but it was those sent by the elector who led the discussion.
The treaty with “ the common merchant * * about transit
through the Markof Brandenburg was made by Joachim I.,
and not by the Brandenburg towns.1 In short, the repre
sentation of the country in the way of commercial policy
passed over, slowly but surely, from the towns to the
princely government. And if, in spite of this, the
impression spread, about 1600, that all the trade of
the country was coming to grief, the explanation is not to
be found in this transference, but in the fact that.the
prince’s policy was too feebly pursued, and that he was
really at a disadvantage in dealing with Saxony, Silesia,
Magdeburg, Hamburg, and Poland.
While thus the authority of the territorial prince {die
Landes ho heit), — the jus territorii et superioritatis, — re
ceived a new meaning in relation to the representation of.
economic interests towards the world outside, it is a still
more important fact that, within the country itself, the
territorial government pushed on energetically, by means
of resolutions of the Estates and ordinances of the prince,
towards the creation of new law. It was not as if there had
not already been, here and there, a territorial law. In the
land of the Teutonic Order the Handfeste 2 of Kulm had
been in existence since 1233; in the principality of Bres-
Berl. St. Archiv. R. 78, 29. Fol. 62.
1
[Handfeste, a term derived from the impressing of the thumb on wax

2
at the foot of a document, instead of a seal, was used for various kinds of
public documents, among others, for territorial ordinances.]
lau, the “law of the country” (Landrecht) since 1346.

But local law was everywhere the stronger. Not till the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries did the judicial decrees of
the courts of the princes of the land, the so-called “ laws
of the land ” (Landrechte), the state ordinances, the terri
torial police regulations, and so on, begin their victorious
career. An indisputable need shewed itself for a new law,
dealing with civil and criminal matters, succession and
procedure, and common to the whole country. Out of the
exercise of the princely regalia sprang ordinances for the
forests, for hunting, for fishing, for mining, for the use of
streams, for navigation, and for the construction of dikes;
ordinances which were applicable to the whole country,
and supplied its economic life with uniform rules. The
new life of the press, of the reformed faith, of the newly-in
stituted schools, and of the system of poor-relief, received,
not a local, but a territorial organisation, by means of a
legislation which soon began to penetrate pretty far into
matters of detail. No less need for territorial legisla
tion was seen in regard to trade and industry, weights
and measures, currency and highways, markets and fairs.
But this construction of new territorial law was brought
about, and the law itself enforced, in very different ways in
the various lands. While the state of the Teutonic Order,
as early as the fourteenth and fifteenth century, shewed
some fair beginnings of such a legislation; while the larger
states of Southwestern Germany, in consequence of their
higher economic development and earlier civilisation,
shewed, towards 1500 and during the course of the six
teenth century, much more extensive activity in this
respect; Brandenburg, Pomerania, and other northern terri

tories lagged behind. We must, of course, allow that in
Brandenburg the new judicial tribunal (KammerzerichtV
created under the influence of the ideas of centralisation
characteristic of Roman law, as well as the Joachimica,2
and, somewhat later, various influential legal writings, like
the Consuetudincs of Scheplitz8 tended towards legal uni
formity; nevertheless Brandenburg did not arrive, during
this period, at a recognised “ law of the land,” or at a gener
ally accepted regulation of the relations between peasants
and their manorial lords. The attempt, during the years
1490-1536, to brings the towns under rules of police
and administration which should be uniform for the
whole territory, was only partially and temporarily suc
cessful; and Stettin, Stralsund, and other towns in
Pomerania, Konigsberg in Prussia, and the “old town”
of Magdeburg in the archbishopric retained almost
down to 1700 a position of independence like that of
imperial cities. The admonition, found in the general
ordinances of police which were directed to the towns
of Brandenburg from 1515 onward, that the Berlin ell
should be the regular measure of length all over the land,
the Erfurt pound for the weight of wax and spices, and the
weights of Berlin for meat, copper, tin, and heavy wares,
remained for some time but a pious wish. Even two
1 [1516 is commonly assigned as the date of its establishment. For an

account of it in English, see Tuttle, History of Prussia, to the Accession of
Frederick the Great, p. 78.]
2 [The Constitutio Joachimica was issued in 1527 by Joachim I. It regu
lated family law and the law of inheritance.]

8 [1566-1634.]
generations later, the most that the Elector Augustus of

Saxony had succeeded in securing was the use of the
Dresden bushel on his demesne estates.
While, for instance, in Wtirtemberg the so-called
“ ordinances of the land ” (Landesordnungen) in rapid suc
cession, from 1495 onward, had, with ever widening scope,
brought the economic activity of the country within their
regulating Jines, so that a whole series of the most im
portant crafts were subjected to ordinances common to
the whole duchy even before the Thirty Years* War (such
as the butchers, the bakers, the fishmongers, the cloth-
makers, the copper-smiths, the pewterers, the workmen in
the building trades, and, in 1601, even the whole body
of merchants and dealers), and thus the whole land had
already obtained an economic unity; we find in Branden
burg, during this period, only one or two quite isolated
gild statutes issued by the princes that were not of
a purely local nature, — such as that for the weavers of
the New Mark, that for the linenweavers of the whole
Mark, and that, about 1580, for the skinners and linen
weavers of a number of towns together. The only
evidence of any tendency towards territorial unity is to
be found in the circumstances that, from 1480 onward,
it was usual to seek the confirmation of the prince, as
well as of the town^ council, for the statutes of every local
gild (Innung); and that from about 1580 the prince’s
chancery began gradually to add to the confirmation a
clause as to the power of revocation. This, however,
was not the regular practice till after 1640; and it
was not till 1690-1695 that the right was actually made
use of. 'the practice of granting to the several artisan

associations charters drawn up in identical terms dates
from 1731.
Like the separate local gild privileges, the local town
privileges still maintained themselves unimpaired; the most
that could be gained by the electoral government was, that
the burgesses of other Brandenburg towns should be treated
a little better than men from Stettin or Breslau. It needed
an ordinance of the prince in 14431 to °Pen the Frankfurt
Leather Fair to the Berlin shoemakers; and the Elector
added, apologetically, that this should not prejudice the
claims of the shoemakers of other towns who had not yet
frequented the Frankfurt fair. The surrender of inheri
tances by one town of the Mark to another, without the
enormous withdrawal-charges hitherto made, was the grad
ual result of treaties between the towns themselves. As late
as 1481 the men of Spandau introduced a high withdrawal-
tax, in order to prevent their rich men from trying to get bur-
gess-rights in Berlin and transferring themselves thither.2
Thus the question at issue was not, at the outset,
whether the various town privileges should be blended in
one body of rights enjoyed equally by every citizen of the
territory, but simply whether the princely government
should secure a moderate increase of its power as against
each_particular town. Efforts in this direction are to be
seen in the approval by the prince of the town councillors,
the enquiries into their administration, beginning about
1600, and the practice of granting special privileges and
concessions. This last had gained a firm foothold from
1 Riedel, i. 23, 224. 2 Ib. i. 11,118.
about 1500: and in some respects it prepared the way

for, and helped to create, that right of issuing general
ordinances which was recognized as belonging to the
prince in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
charters of privilege with regard to markets and mills,
apothecaries, printers, copper-hammers, paper mills, and
the like, the concessions made to persons establishing
industries in connection with their estates, the personal
permits issued to individual artisans and dealers of all sorts,
allowing them to carry on their business without being mem
bers of a gild,— these were all mere inroads by the prince
into the exclusive town economy; and yet, if they were
only numerous enough, they necessarily made the territorial
authority, rather than the town council, the chosen guide
of the people in its economic life.
But the princely power not only obtained an increase of
its influence in these individual cases; it had the same
experience more widely, in its character of mediator and
peacemaker. Abundant opportunity was presented for its
intervention by the conflicts between town and country,
which were especially bitter in the northeast of Ger
many. The old regulation of the town market, the mile-
right, the prohibition of industry in the country, the
obligation imposed, if possible, by every town upon the
people of the vicinity to carry thither all their produce
and buy there all they needed,— all this gave frequent
occasion for intervention. The proceedings of the terri
torial assemblies from the fifteenth to the seventeenth cen
turies in Brandenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia are largely
occupied with matters of this sort. The rural districts, and
the squires (die Ritterschaft) in their name, complain that

the countryman is shamefully cheated when he comes to
sell his corn, wool, and cattle in the neighbouring town,
that price-lists are drawn up without the assistance of rep
resentatives of the squires, that they are overreached in
weight and measure, that the craftsmen unite against them,
that countrymen are prevented from selling to strangers
and dealers at their own doors, that all the legislation as
to markets and forestalling is devised to their hurt, as in
the rules against Scotch and Nuremberg peddlers, that the
towns receive runaway peasants, without license from
their lords, that the gilds want to pursue concealed crafts
men in the country without paying any regard to the court
of the lord of the manor (das Gericht des Gutsherrn),
that by the prohibition of brewing in the country peasants
and knights are compelled to buy beer in the towns and
are there overcharged, that people have to make payments
in barley when it would be more profitable to export it,
and so on, and so on.
The towns take their stay! on their “good old laws,”
upon their privileges, which, they declare, are being
continually encroached upon by permits to country crafts
men, by country brew-houses, by foreign peddlers, loose
rabble, horse dealers, and cattle dealers; the nobility
themselves, they say, carry on trade, buy the peasants’
produce and sell it to travelling dealers, and get the iron
and other things they need from the Scots; moreover,
the nobles claim the right of exporting their produce
whenever they like, to the hurt of the towns. Not con
tent with this, the towns complain of the government
itself,— that it sells the wood of its forests dearer to the

towns than to its vassals, that it authorises foreign dealers
and peddlers, that it is not sufficiently severe and exclu
sive in its treatment of the Jews, and that it does not keep
the nobles out of trade.
When matters like these were being all the time dealt
with in the legislative assemblies in long-winded memorials
and counter-memorials, it was natural that the municipal
prohibitions of export or import, and the prohibitory
regulations of the town should play an important part in
the discussions. It was not a matter of indifference to
the rural districts in Pomerania and Magdeburg if one fine
day the council of Stettin prohibited the export of corn,
and it was of the greatest moment to the townsmen whether
the nobility could claim exemption from such a prohibi
tion. It was of importance for the whole country that, in
East Prussia, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, each
country-town could impose a prohibition of export on the
neighbouring country-town without waiting for the sanc
tion of the High Master (Hochmeister).
From all this confusion arising from local economic
policy there was only one way out: the transference of
authority in the most important of these matters from the
towns to the territorial government, and the creation of a
system of compromise which shpuld pay regard to the
opposed interests, bring about an adjustment on the basis
of existing conditions, and yet, while necessarily and
naturally striving after a certain self ^sufficiency of the land
in relation to the outside world, should also strive after a
greater freedom of economic movement within it.
In the Prussian lands of the Teutonic Order it was

recognised as a fundamental principle as early as 1433-34,
that in future no Prussian town should obstruct another in
the export of com.1 In Brandenburg, likewise, the squire
archy (Ritterschaff) obtained for themselves the right of
freely exporting their produce from the country as a gen
eral thing, and for the peasants, at least, a freedom of
choice as to which town in the electorate, near or far, they
should take their produce to.2 The much-disputed ques
tion whether foreign dealers should be permitted to go
about buying and selling was differently settled from time
to time in different assemblies — according as the towns or
the squires happened to be the stronger; but at any rate
they came to resolutions which, whether they threw open
the country or closed it, bound the whole of it equally.8 The
keen opposition of the agrarian interests to the old town
policy, the advocacy by the agrarian party of free peddling,
of a reform of “guest-right” (Gastrecht) 2 and of the law
as to markets and forestalling, led in Brandenburg, Pome
rania, and Prussia, —partly in consequence of the strength
of the squirearchy, partly in consequence of the increase of
traffic and of general prosperity, — to a more considerable
limitation of town privileges before the Thirty Years1 War
than was the case for some time after it: for the frightful
1 Acts of the Prussian Assembly of Estates (' St&ndetag), i. 160, 605, 655,
et al.
2 Resolution of the local assembly (.Landtagsabschied) of 1536 and 1540;
Mylius vi. 1, 36, 59.

8 See on this point the instructive essay of H. Riemann, The Scots in
Pomerania in the 16th and iyth centuries, and their conflict with the gilds,
Zeitschr. f preuss. Gesch. iii. 597-613.
economic retrogression which the war caused, seemed to

call for the systematic employment of every possible means
for encouraging the industrial life of the towns. But every
success of the squirearchy in securing parliamentary reso
lutions or governmental ordinances meant a freer traffic in
the country and greater liberality towards strangers. The
fundamental principles which had governed legal relations
between town and country remained, indeed, unchanged.
Thus the belief in the hurtfulness of forestalling, — which
did nothing, it was thought, but send up prices, — passed
over almost intact from the town statutes into the law of the
land. Nevertheless, it was an essential change that a regu
lation that in 1400 rested on a confused congeries of local
regulations, customs, privileges, and alliances, became,
about 1600, a law of the land (Landrecht) which encom- 1
passed, with tolerable uniformity, the whole territory. ^
Associated with the transformation described above was
the loss of their staple privileges by all the small towns
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. They had em
ployed them against competing towns in their neighbour
hood regardless of the fact that they belonged to the
same territory. As early as 1450 Frederick II. com
plained that, in contempt of his authority, the men of
Spandau demanded Niederlage1 from the burghers of
Cologne and Berlin.2 The staple privileges of Spandau,
as well as those of Oderberg, Landsberg, Eberswald,
Tangermiinde, and Brandenburg, and even those of
Berlin were, by 1600, evaded or abolished. Oderberg, in
1634, formally surrendered the right of demanding Nieder-
1 [Deposit of goods en route. See supra, p. 10.] 2 Riedel, i. 11, 109.
28 th£ mercantile system
lage, in return for a grant by the elector of a court of lower

jurisdiction.1 These were all signs of progress in the
matter of internal freedom of trade. Only the right of
Niederlage enjoyed by Frankfurt survived; and this was
even enlarged: for, as its rivals were Stettin and Breslau
and other trading towns outside the country, the electoral
authorities thought it their duty to support it.2
Although in this matter territorial policy treated the
greater centres of trade differently from the smaller, and
regarded their interests as, in a measure, the interests of
the whole country, in other directions the government
of the prince had to oppose even these larger towns — as
in the matter of import and export, prohibitive regulations,
and the like. The greater and more important the town
might be, the less possible was it to allow it to have an
independent policy in these respects.
Though the efforts of Joachim I. to secure freer passage
into the houses of one town of the beer made in another
had little success; though the burghers of Berlin, even in
the first half of the eighteenth century, desperately re
sisted any further allowance of the competition of
Bemau; though the government were unable to obtain
equal rights in fairs for all the traders and craftsmen of
other Brandenburg towns; nevertheless, it was quite dis
tinctly recognised, even in the sixteenth century, that the
decision whether grain, wqolj^woohells, and other wares
could be imported or exported belonged to the electoral
government. In the neighbouring territories, on the con-
1 Riedel, i. 12, 380.
2 See on this point my remarks in the Zeitschr.f preuss. Gesch. xix. 207-221.
trary, especially in Pomerania and the archbishopric of

Magdeburg, we see the governments waging a long contest
over the question whether the chief towns, Stettin and
Magdeburg, or the government of the country, or both
together, had the right to prohibit trade in corn. Such a
prohibition was issued by the town of Brunswick in the
sixteenth century quite independently, and, indeed, very
frequently.
In Pomerania the struggle was ended in 1534-5 by
arbitration: if the Stettin council wished to forbid export
they must do so before Shrove Tuesday; the Duke retained
the right both of suspending the prohibition altogether and
of allowing exceptions.1 In the archbishopric of Magde
burg we find, in the time of the Elector Albert, that some
times the town requested the government, and sometimes
the government requested the town, to forbid export, and
that there was an attempt to arrive at joint action by joint de
liberation; yet, as early as 1538, the archiepiscopal governor
(Statthalter) after a bad harvest imposed a duty of a quarter
of a gulden per wispel on the export of corn to last until
next Midsummer’s Day, so as to keep a sufficient supply in
the country and yet “not altogether prevent the peasant
from making a livelihood.” Under the succeeding Bran
denburg “administrators” of the archbishopric, the right
of the government to prohibit export in times of scarcity
was as undoubted as in most of their other territories.2
In Brandenburg the following rules were established
during the course of the sixteenth century. In winter,
from Martinmas (Nov. 11) to the Feast of the Purification
1 Thiede, Chronik der Stadt Stettin, 464. 2 Magdeburg Archives.
(Feb. 2) no exportation should take place; Scheplitz con

nects this with the cessation of navigation during the
winter, the universal custom in earlier times. Moreover,
the peasants were never to export: only the squires
(knights), the prelates, and the towns. In time of
dearth the Elector had the right of embargo; but excep
tions were allowed, as, for instance, to the towns of See-
hausen, Werben, and Osterberg in the Old Mark (1536),
both on account of their position on the frontier as well
as because they had paid a considerable sum for the
privilege; the Margrave John granted to the Frankfurters,
in 1549, a similar privilege with regard to his appanage,
the New Mark. The through transport of corn not pro
duced in the Mark was allowed at any time upon the
production of certificates of origin; and the Frankfurters
were permitted at any time to export barley in the form
of malt, even if it came from the country itself.1
While thus corn-exporting territories, like Pomerania,
Magdeburg and Brandenburg, had constant recourse to
prohibitions of export, though they were temporary only,
these prohibitions rested on the idea of the territorial har
monising of production and consumption; and, when the
needs were different, recourse was had without hesitation
to an even more stringent and, in the last resort, perma
nent prohibition; as Pohlmann has described in the case
of Florence,2 and Miaskowski for the Swiss cantons.3 The
1 Mylius, Riedel, and Scheplitz, Consuetudines Elector at us et Marchice
Brand. (1617), have a pretty extensive collection of material on this subject.

2 Die Wirthschafispolitik der Florentiner Renaissance (1878).
8 Die AgrarAlpen- und Forstverfassung def deutschen Schweiz in

ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1878).
Netherlands prohibited the export not only of native

horses, weapons, and war-material, but also of native corn,
gold, silver, quicksilver, copper, and brass. In Branden
burg, also, hops were much more often compulsorily kept
back than corn. Everywhere the prohibition of the export
of leather and cattle played a great part. It was always
the same conception that was involved: the resources of
the land were thought of as a whole, which ought, first of
all, to serve the needs of the country; they ought not to
enrich a few individuals, but serve the home producer and
the home consumer at a fair price. The regulations
hitherto employed for this end by the towns were now
transferred to the territories. As hitherto the town had
laid an embargo, so now the territory: as the town had,
at times, prohibited the import of foreign beer and
wine and manufactured articles, so now the territory:
as the town had hitherto maintained an elaborate system
of differential tolls, so now the districts and territories
set out upon a similar course. Berne threatened its
Oberland (or subject territory) with an embargo on corn
and salt, if it did not bring all its butter to Berne. As
Nuremberg forced to its own market all the cattle that
came within a circuit of ten miles;1 as Ulm did not allow
a single head of cattle fed on the common pasture to leave
its territory;2 so Florence secured for itself all the cattle
sold from the subject districts without permitting their
return, and exacted sureties from the owners of the great
flocks driven to the Maremme that they would bring them
1 Baader, Nurnberger Polizeiverordnungen% aoi.
3 Jager, SchwSb. St&dtewcscn, 728.
back within the state boundaries a third larger. In the

duchy of Milan, an official permission was necessary even
for the transport of grain from place to place, so that
the country might remain sure of its food.
This transition from municipal to territorial policy in
Germany is most clearly shewn in the matter of the raw
material for its most important industry, to wit wool.
When the crisis began for the German cloth-manufacture,
— as foreign competition became more and more serious,
as the local industry, which was carried on everywhere,
began to decay and its place to be taken by a more con
centrated business confined to places peculiarly well
suited for cloth-making (1450-1550), —the towns tried at
first to render the export of wool difficult or to regulate
it for the benefit of the home industry.1 The impractica
bility of such a local policy soon shewed itself. There
upon the Empire itself made a fruitless attempt to prohibit
the export of wool (1548-1559); but soon abandoned the
matter to the larger territories. Wlirtemberg, Bavaria,
Hesse, Saxony, and Brandenburg then tried by repeated
laws and ordinances to hinder export for the benefit of
the home producer; and not only that,— even the importa
tion of cloth was partially forbidden. The wool trade and
soon afterwards the cloth industry of the whole country
received a territorial organisation. We have no space
here to give an account of the efforts of Brandenburg in
this direction; they begin as early as 1415 and 1456, and
end with the famous wool laws of 1572-1611, which, how
ever, disclose to us only a part of the manifold struggles and
1 Schmoller, DU Strassburger Tucker- und Weberzunft (1879), 506.
endeavours with regard to the matter which marked the

period.1
Behind all the efforts I have described lay the conception
that the territorial trade, the territorial industry, and the
territorial market formed a united whole.2 All the regula
tions already mentioned, however, did but touch, one
after the other, particular groups of people. The cur
rency system, on the other hand, touched the whole body
of the prince’s subjects.. The transition from a munic
ipal to a territorial currency in Germany likewise belongs
to the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth cen
tury, and is one of the most important, and yet one of
the most obscure, parts of the constitutional and eco
nomic history of the territories. The course of the de
velopment, as it appears to me, after the extensive, but
by no means complete, study I have made of it, I may
briefly sketch as follows: —
With the imperial right of currency and a uniform
imperial standard for its theoretic bases, there had, as a
matter of fact, grown up in the course of the twelfth,
thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries a system of altogether
local currencies. These, however, were not put into a
decent condition, either from the technical, the financial,
or the economic points of view, until they passed pretty
1 The state archives of Berlin contain a rich material which I have
already worked-up into a connected statement.

2 The idea that territorial connection involved free traffic within the land
was present as early as 1451; as we may see from a document of that year,
given in Riedel i. 20, 206, which sought to regulate the future addition of
Beeskow and Storkow to Brandenburg mainly from an economic point of
view, and in the direction of freedom of trade between the electorate and
these “ circles.”
D
generally out of the hands of the princes, and under the

authority or control of the towns. It was the towns and
their markets that needed most urgently a well regulated
and stable currency; they it was who got rid of the cease
less depreciation that had hitherto been common; to them
was due “the perpetual penny” (der.ewigePfennig),1—in
Brandenburg, among other places, for there, also, the cur
rency (by the help of% Bismarck’s ancestors) passed over to
the towns. It was the town money, that of* Ltibeck, Bruns
wick, Erfurt, Nuremberg, Halle, and other places, that was,
for the time, the most satisfactory. The towns were rich
enough to coin abundantly, and were intelligent enough to
understand the ev[l results of a badly managed currency.
and the harm that flows from fiscal trickery.
But this whole movement could last only as long as traffic
was mainly local, and also scanty. “The penny is only
taken where it is struck ” {der Heller gilt nur, wo er ge-
schlagen ist) was a legal proverb in the Middle Ages; all
strange coins, even those from the nearest town, had to be
taken to the exchanger or Hausgenosse,2 who sat at his
table in front of the mint, and there exchanged them for
new coins of the place. But this rule became hardly prac
ticable in the fourteenth century and quite impracticable in
the fifteenth. Every little currency-area was flooded with
cheaper pennies by its neighbours, whenever they could
1 [The ewige Pfennig was a currency which the towns that issued it
solemnly undertook never to depreciate.]

2 [.Hausgenosse, literally “ house-companion,” was the designation of
moneyers or minters in several German cities, and it is variously explained;

by some as going back to the time when the mint was in the house of the
prince. In the later Middle Ages their work was chiefly that of exchangers.]
manage it. The disadvantages of localisation began to

surpass the advantages of a municipal currency; even the
towns themselves entered upon a disgraceful competition as
to which should debase the coinage most. Then followed
numberless currency treaties between various towns and
princes. Foreign coins of better quality, like the Italian
and Hungarian gold gulden and the Bohemian groschen,
forced their way in, and came to be treated as a kind of
universal currency as contrasted with the changing and
usually bad small coins of each particular place.
The German kings and emperors did indeed seek to
create some sort of uniformity of currency — at any rate
in the southwest: the gold gulden was regarded as an
imperial coin; the imperial currency ordinance of 15 21
was a plan pressed upon the Council of Regency (.Reichs-
regiment)1 by the mint officials of western Germany.
But in spite of later imperial ordinances, and the attempt
to exercise control over the currency of the several Estates
by means of the Circles (.Kreise),a the empire was unable
to bring about a real unity. Here, also, the victory be
1 [As Mrs. Austin has remarked, " The translation commonly in use for
Reichsregiment (Council of Regency) does not convey any definite or correct
idea to the mind of the reader, nor does any better suggest itself." It was the
supreme executive council of the empire, established, and, for a time, kept
in existence, by the party that sought to strengthen the federal constitution
of Germany. For its establishment in 1500 and supersession in 1502, its
re-establishment in 1521, its difficulties with the knights and cities, and its
practical downfall in 1524, see Mrs. Austin’s trans. of L. Ranke’s History of
the Reformation in Germany, i. 152-159, 503-506; ii. bk. iii. chs. 2 and 4.]
2 [The division of the empire into provinces, known as Kreise or Circles,
dated from 1500. There were six of these at first, and the hereditary lands
of the Austrian house and the electorates were excluded. In 1512 these were
all brought into the system as four new circles. Their function was origi-
longed to the territories. The powerful and energetic

territorial governments were able, step by step, to deprive
the towns of their rights of coinage, to make the mint-
masters once more the officials of the prince of the land,
and to introduce a uniform system for at least a few
hundred square miles. Upon the extent to which they
succeeded depended in large measure the trade and pros
perity of the several lands in the sixteenth century. Those
princes who happened to possess rich silver mines, like
the Saxon rulers, had the easiest task; and they naturally
showed most antipathy towards the attempts to bring
about a uniform currency for the empire or the several
circles. The Hohenzollern princes seem to have resumed
the right of coinage, and to have coined for themselves
in the Mark of Brandenburg, at any rate from 1480 or
1490 onward; while in the lands of the Teutonic Order
the towns had never completely and permanently secured
the right. It is mentioned as an exception in the case of
Berlin, that it struck some small coins on its own account
from 1540 to 1542, and again, but for the last time, in
1621. In Pomerania, Bogeslaw disputed the privilege of
Stralsund in 1504; and towards 1560 the town had lost the
right. Stettin, in 1530, had to recognise that, even in
the time of the father of the duke then ruling, the prince
had refused, for weighty reasons, to allow the town to have
its own currency.
nally only to facilitate elections to the Reichsregiment and Kammergericht
(Imperial Chamber); but various administrative and executive duties were
added later. The division into circles remained in its essential features
down to 1803. See Ranke, History of the Reformation, i. 153-154, 214-215
and elsewhere.]
The decisive thing was the exercise of the princely

right of coinage by the territorial governments themselves.
Mere ordinances,— such as those set forth as early as the
reign of Frederick II. of Brandenburg, that Rhenish gold
gulden were to be taken at such and such a rate, but
that, as a rule, people were to reckon in Bohemian
groschen,— were useless. The essential matter was to re
place municipal and foreign coins by those of the prince
in sufficient quantity. Here, also, it appears to have been
Joachim I. who opened for Brandenburg the way to an
energetic policy in the matter. He not only had gold
gulden struck in Berlin, but also silver coins, both heavy
and light, at seven different mints. Negotiations with
Saxony for a uniform currency failed in their purpose.
The standard in the Mark was lighter. The Brandenburg
currency adict of 1556 did, indeed, create a new coinage
with new subdivisions, which harmonised with the im
perial currency. But the idea of a separate territorial
currency system was still dominant and so remained.
Only certain foreign coins were admitted, and these only
at the value set upon them by the territorial authority.
The other territorial and town coins were forbidden. It
was from time to time strictly ordered that the coins that
had been recently forbidden should be disused at a certain
date, and exchanged at the mint. The prohibition of
export plays a smaller part in Brandenburg than in Saxony;
probably because, as the coins were lighter, there was
less temptation to send them out of the land. But penal
ties were frequently (1590, 1598) threatened against Jews
and Scots who bought up the old silver and exported it.
The earlier universal practice of the towns, with regard

to the prohibition of foreign currency, or the exportation
of their own, the right of preempting old gold and silver,
and similar regulations, was now, naturally enough, copied
by the territorial governments. Whether and how far they
succeeded with all their penal mandates, depended, of
course, on the movements of trade, and the relation of the
nominal value of the several coins to the estimate placed
upon them in neighbouring lands and in foreign trade. But
undoubtedly it was the prevalent idea, with rulers and
ruled alike, that it was the duty of the government to
provide the land with a good and uniform coinage, and to
close it against the outside world in this respect, even if
not in the matter of trade.
This currency system for a whole principality was,
then, the institution which, — together with the financial
system for a whole principality to be next described, —
most distinctly drew the circle which bound the territory
into one economic body.1
As to the finances, here the participation of the Estates
in their control tended towards centralisation, in even
greater measure than the activity of the princes and their
1 Besides the book of Piickert on the currency of Saxony from 1518 to

1545, there is really no useful literature. B. Kohne, Das Munzwesen der
Stadt Berlin, in Fidicin, Histor. diplom. Beitr&ge xur Geschichte der Stadt
Berlin, iii. 429 et seq., isas unsatisfactory as Leitzmann's Wegweiser auf
dent Gebiete der deutschen Munzkunde (1869). Besides these, Grote, Mone,
Hegel, and others give us a good deal of information, but nothing that seizes
the economic significance of the currency of the 14th to 16th centuries as a
municipal, a territorial, and an imperial institution. On Brandenburg much
has been published, by Mylius, Riedel, and Raumer, but not all, by any
means, that is contained in the Berlin archives.
officials. Yet even this initiative of the court is not to be

undervalued. Where thrifty princes, carrying on a pater
nal rule, duly regulated and extended the official body (as
in Saxony the Elector Augustus, in Brandenburg the Mar
grave John), this activity was of no slight importance for
the welfare of the land, and the consolidation of its
economic forces. Many of the princes of the time were
interested in technical improvements and inventions, had
their own laboratories and alchemists, sought to establish
mines, and erected mills, glassworks, and saltworks; here
and there magnificent castles and fortresses were built with
the aid of Italian architects and foreign artists and arti
sans. This put the household of the prince and the service
of the prince, with its increasing number of officials, in the
centre of the economic life of the territory more distinctly
that it had ever been before, and left behind a distinct
influence for generations. Thus the Margrave Hans, in
his will, prides himself not unjustly upon the fact that
during his reign both the country and the people had
waxed great, and that they had never stood so high before
in revenue and resources.
As to territorial taxes and their development, so little of
the material for the history of taxation in the several states
has been worked through, up to the present, that a clear
and complete survey is still hardly possible.1 Neverthe
less, this much is already clear that the construction of
municipal systems of taxation, which belongs to the period
1 For Brandenburg, cf. Schmoller, Die Epochen der preussischen Fin an z-
politik in the Jahrb. f. Gesetzg. N. F. i. 33-114. A history of the direct

taxes of Bavaria up to 1800, by L. Hoffman, appears in my Forschungen, iv. 5.
from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, was followed

by a period wherein territorial systems were constructed;
that the protracted struggles by which a system of direct
and indirect territorial taxes was created belong chiefly
to the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth cen
tury; that these new systems in part abolished, in part
profoundly modified, the old municipal systems; and,
finally, that they created links and bonds of union between
town and country, between circle and circle, and between
the various districts of the same state, such as fundamen
tally affected economic life. To begin with, it could not
fail to exert a very great influence, that the Estates met
together in periodical assemblies, that they became accus
tomed, in granting the taxes, to look upon the country
and its well-being as a whole, and to distribute, alter, or
create taxes with that in their minds. The same must
be said of the inspection of the whole land by commis-
sionersof the Estates, for the purpose of preparing an
assessment which should deal with property everywhere on
common principles. And, finally, it is significant that in
the great struggle for freedom of taxation, regard was
paid to all other contributions by the privileged classes,
in person or in purse, to the needs of the country. In
no other field of political life was the principle so often
invoked that the subjects were to regard themselves as
membra unius capitis, as in relation to taxation and to the
other contributions demanded from subjects in natura.
In the towns the development would seem to have followed
some such course as this: that the thirteenth century was
mainly marked by the devising of the direct property tax;
that thereupon in the beginning of the fourteenth cen

tury Umgelder1 and other indirect taxes came to the front;
once more to be rivalled, during the course of the four
teenth century, by the increased prominence of the property
tax. Much the same, I cannot help thinking, must have
been the line of territorial development. To the four
teenth and fifteenth centuries belongs the struggle for the
definite establishment of the Landbeden? the Landschdssef
and other property taxes, based on yardlands (Hufen),
number of cattle, houselots, and property valuation.
These were constantly being tried in a rough-and-ready
way in imitation of the older town taxes, without any great
result. Fixed and regular contributions, paid annually
but of very small amount, appear side by side with heavier
subsidies granted every two or three years or so, for some
particular time of stress or war.
To the century, next, from 1470 to 1570, belongs the
attempt (for which there is evidence everywhere) to create
a system of indirect taxes for the territory; and this neces
sarily led to a conflict with the indirect taxes of the towns
and the trade policy based upon it. The prince’s monop
oly of salt, involving as it did a shutting-up of the
country against the outside world, together with the beer
1 [The Umgeld (or Umgelt, Ungeld or Ungelt) was a tax on the con
sumption of certain commodities, such as beer and corn, which played an

important part in German city finance throughout the Middle Ages.]
2 [The term Bede or Bete, for which the Latin equivalents were precaria
and petitio, points to the original character of the tax as in theory a more or
less voluntary contribution of the subjects, needing to be specially asked
for and consented to.]
8 [,Schoss is possibly connected etymologically with the English scot, in
the phrase scot and lot.]
tax, the excise on wine, and the various tolls occupied

the foreground. Of the changes in the system of tolls,
particularly in Brandenburg, I have given an account in
another place, and I have tried to shew how the older
system, which had become municipal and feudal, gave way
entirely before the new territorial system during the
period from 1470 to 1600.1 This latter did, indeed,
become more and more purely fiscal in its character, espe
cially in the gloomy years 1600-1640; yet it continued
in some measure to be affected by economic considera
tions. Of equal importance for Brandenburg was the
introduction of the beer tax, which from i<uq constituted
the centre round which revolved the whole administration
by the Estates of the territorial debt. The application in
all places of the same rules in levying it, tended to bring
about everywhere a uniform organisation of the business,
— then among the most flourishing and important of town
industries. As there was a large sale of Brandenburg beer
in foreign parts, the heavy taxation imposed upon it ren
dered a gentle treatment necessary of the exporting towns
on the frontier: as early as the years 1580-1620 there was
some serious discussion as to the consequences of the beer
tax here and in neighbouring states, and, indeed, of the
effect of such territorial taxes in general upon commercial
and industrial prosperity. The administration of the beer
tax fund (.Biergeldkasse) by the Estates grew into a credit-
system enclosing the whole land, and especially the funds
of the several towns, within its network. Whoever hap
pened to have any idle cash brought it to the district
1 Zeitschrift fur preussische Geschichte und Landeskunde, xix. 198-207.
authorities, who used it to meet the never-ending deficit;

thousands and thousands of gulden were every year with
drawn and paid in again. The debt office acted as a bank
for the whole country, just as the town-chest had been
for the town in earlier times. The men of means through
out the land were so closely associated with this central
institution, that the insufficiency of its income prepared
the way for a frightful bankruptcy.1
With the financial and economic crisis of the Thirty
Years* War began a new epoch in the history of territorial
taxation, upon which we need not here enter. In Bran
denburg and some other states, it is marked by a com
plete cessation of attempts to increase the beer tax,
and by a sustained effort for some fifty or sixty years to
develop the direct taxes, the subsidies, and the assessment
on which they rested. During the period 1670 to 1700,
however, as prosperity once more began to return, the *
tendency to develop the indirect taxes, especially the
excise, again became predominant.
Here let us pause. Our purpose was to shew by a particu

lar example, that of Brandenburg, that, during the course of
the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century,
the creation of the German territorial state was not merely
a political but also anjeconomic necessity. But the same
results were brought about elsewhere. The several states of
Holland, the French provinces, the Italian city-states, are
1 Isaacsohn, Die Finanzen Joachims II und das st&ndische Krediiwerk,m
Zeitschr.f. preuss. Gesch. xiv. 455. I have myself brought together a mass
of material concerning the brewing business and its taxation.
all analogous phenomena. We have to do with a great

historical process, by which local sentiment and tradition
were strengthened, the social and economic forces of
the whole territory consolidated, important legal and
economic institutions created; by which, further, the
forces and institutions thus united were led to a battle
of competition with other territories, involving numerous
shiftings of toll, confiscations of goods and ships, embar
goes and staple-fights, prohibitions of importation and ex
portation and the like; while, within the country itself,
old antagonisms softened and trade became more free.
To so powerful and self-contained a structure and so
independent and individual a policy as the town had
reached in an earlier age, and the modern state has reached
since, the German territory scarcely anywhere attained.
Naturally, territorial patriotism was by no means so strong
as municipal before or national since; economic condT-j
tions, the methods of production and of’ transport and the'
division of labour in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
did not necessitate so high a degree of unity in economic^?
organisation as before in the town and afterwards in the
national state. The imperial constitution of Germany,
imperfect as it was, was still strong enough to hold
the territories back in many ways from an independent
economic policy. We have already remarked how greatly,
in the case of most territories, their geographical position
and boundaries hampered them in their advance towards
a position like that reached by some Italian and Dutch
districts. Everywhere in southwestern Germany, and to
a greatjextent also in central Germany, the territories of
the several Estates, the dominions of the counts, of the

imperial cities, of the abbots, of the bishops, and of the
knights were so small, that, if for no other cause, they
were bound to remain in the stage of a natural economy,1
and a merely local policy. In the northeast of Germany
there were, indeed, larger united areas; but in density of
population, supply of capital, state of trade and transporta
tion, mechanism of administration and general cultivation,
they were, even in 1600, inferior to western and central
Germany; so that in their economic institutions they
remained far behind the greater states of the southwest;
partly also, of course, in consequence of want of skill on
the part of their rulers and other fortuitous circumstances.
Not without reason did the Brandenburg ordinance con
cerning the privy council complain, in 1604. that, in spite
of all its favourable conditions and all its navigable streams,
the country was coming to be less frequented by foreign
merchants, nay, even abandoned by them; not without
reason did it attribute this state of things to the want of
good “ Polizei ”; i.e. to an executive that was too weak.
and that had too little internal and external unity. And
things became even worse in the course of the great war,"
which not only annihilated population and capital, but, —
what was harder still,— buried in rurn the beginnings of a
rational economic policy for the territory, both in Bran
denburg and elsewhere; weakened for many long years the
1 [A " natural economy ” as distinguished from a “ money economy,” —
a distinction first dwelt upon by the economist, B. Hildebrand, — means a

condition of things in which the distribution of wealth was effected without
the intervention of money, as eg. by payments in kind. Cf. Ashley, Eco
nomic History, i. pt. i. 43.]
sense of the necessity of such a policy; and everywhere

strengthened local privilege and individual self-will.
Yet this very time,—the second half of the sixteenth
century and the seventeenth century, — was an epoch which
gave every inducement for an economic transformation.
The way was already clear, out of the narrow circle of the
small territory into the larger union of forces possible only
in the great state. An immeasurable horizon had been
opened to the world’s trade in India and America; the
possession of spice colonies, and of the new gold and sil
ver countries, promised measureless riches to those states
that understood how to seize their share of the booty. But
it was clear that for such purposes it was necessary to have
powerful fleets, and either great trading companies or
equivalent state organisations. At home, also, economic
changes, of no less importance, took place. The new postal
services created an altogether new system of communica
tion. Bills of exchange, and the large exchange operations
at certain fairs, together with the banks which were now
i making their appearance, produced an enormous and far-
reaching machinery of credit. The rise of the press gave
birth to a new kind of public opinion, and to a crowd of
newspapers which cooperated with the postal service in
transforming the means of communication. Moreover,
there now took place in the several countries a geographi
cal division of labour, which broke up the old many-sided
ness of town industry; here the woollen manufacture was
grouping itself in certain neighbourhoods and around
certain towns, there the linen manufacture; here the
tanning trade, there the hardware trade. The old handi-
craft (.Handwerk) began to convert itself into a domestic

industry (Hausindustrie)1; the old staple trade, carried on
in person_b£ the travelling merchants, began to assume its
modern shape with agents, commission dealers, and
speculation.
These forces all converging impelled society to some large—~
economic reorganisation on a broader basis, and pointed
to the creation of national states with a corresponding"**
policy. Germany itself had made a brilliant start in many*—
respects, — in the matter of traffic, of manufacturing proc
esses and division of labour, and even in its foreign
trade; but neither its imperial or Hanseatic cities, nor,
as a rule, its territorial states, were capable of making
the most of it. Still less did the imperial power know
how to set about the great task of the economic consolida
tion of the empire which was now so urgently called for:
in the sixteenth century it was exclusively occupied in the
maintenance of the religious peace; in the seventeenth
century it was altogether subservient to the Austrian and
Catholic policy of the Hapsburg dynasty. England’s
cloths were flooding the German market. Sweden and
Denmark were organising themselves as maritime and
commercial powers: Spain, Portugal, and Holland divided
the colonial trade between themselves. Everywhere, save
1 [.Hausindustrie and Domestic System are terms which came to be em
ployed in Germany and England to designate the industrial conditions de

stroyed or threatened by the Factory System, to which they presented the
contrast that the work was done in the workman’s home. But they are now
used by economic historians as more or less technical terms to describe a
stage in industrial development marked by other and even more important
traits. For an account of these, following the current German classification,
see Ashley, Economic History, i. pt. ii. (in Amer. ed. vol. ii.) pp. 219 seq.]
in Germany, economic bodies were stretching out and

becoming political; everywhere new state systems of econ
omy and finance were arising, able to meet the new needs
of the time. Only in our Fatherland did the old economic
institutions become so petrified as to lose all life; only in
Germany were the foreign trade, the manufacturing skill,
the supply of capital, the good economic usages, connec
tions and traditions, which the country had possessed up
to 1620, more and more completely lost.
And it was not simply the external loss in men and
capital which brought about this retrogression of Germany,
during a period of more than one century, in comparison
with the Powers of the West; it was not even the transfer
ence of the world*s trading routes from the Mediterranean
to the ocean that was of most consequence; it was the lack
in 1 ts forcesT What, to each in its time, gave riches and

superiority first to Milan, Venice, Florence, and Genoa;
then, later, to Spain and Portugal; and now to Holland,
France, and England, and, to some extent, to Denmark and
Sweden, was a state policy in economic matters, as superior
to the territorial as that had been to the municipal.
--Those states began to weave the great economic im-
—-provements of the time into their political institutions and.policy,
- the one and the other. States arose, forming united, and
therefore strong and wealthy, economic bodies, quite
different from earlier conditions; in these, quite unlike
earlier times, the state organisation assisted the national
economy and this the state policy; and, quite unlike
earlier times too, public finance served as the bond of

union between political and economic life. It was not
only a question of state armies^fleets, and civil services;
it was a question rather of unifying systems-oi finance and
economy which should encompaas^the forces of. millions
and whole countries, and give unity to their social life.
There had always been great states; but they had been
bound together neither by traffic nor by the organisation
of labour nor by any other like forces. The question
now was,— with a great society divided into social classes
widely different one from another and complicated by
the division of labour, — to bring about, as far as pos
sible, on the basis of common national and religious
feelings, a union for external defence and for internal
justice and administration, for currency and credit, for
trade interests and the whole economic life, which should
be comparable with the achievements, in its time, of the
municipal government in relation to the town and its
environs. This was no mere fancy of the rulers; it was the
innermost need of the higher civilisation itself that such
enlarged and strengthened forms of social and economic
community should come into existence. With the growing
community in speech, art, and literature, with the growth
of the spirit of nationality, with increasing communication
and commerce, with money transactions and credit trans
actions becoming universal, the old mediaeval forms of
loose association no longer sufficed; and all the rigid local,
corporate, class, and district organisations of an earlier
time became intolerable hinderances to economic progress.
Out of misery and conflict of every kind had arisen, in
£
w' THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM
Spain as well as in France, in Holland as well as in Eng

land, the feeling of unity, the realisation of common
interests; these it was, also, that prompted the stumbling
search after new and wider forms of association. Herein
economic and political interests went hand in hand. The
stronger was the sense of nationality, the economic
forces, the political power of any state, the more ener
getically did this movement get under way; for it
meant a combining and organising of resources at home,
even more than a measuring of them, when thus combined,
with like creations across the frontier. The whole internal
history of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not
only in Germany but everywhere else, is summed up in the
opposition of the economic policy of the state to that of
the town, the district, and the several Estates; the whole
foreign history is summed up in the opposition to one
another of the separate^interests of the newly rising states,
each of which sought to obtain and retain its place in the
circle of European nations, and in that foreign trade which
I now included America and India. Questions of political
power were at issue, which were, at the same time, ques
tions of economic organisation. What was at stake was
the creation of real political economies as unified organisms,
the centre of which should be, not merely a state policy
reaching out in all directions, but rather the living heart
beat of a united sentiment.
J Only he who thus conceives of mercantilism will under
stand it; in its innermost kernel it is nothing but state
making — not state making in a narrow sense, but state
i making and national-economy making at the same time;
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE. ^ 51
state making in the modem sense, which creates out of the

political community an economic community, and so gives
it a heightened meaning. The essence of the system lies
not in some doctrine of money, or of the balance of trade;
not in tariff barriers, protective duties, or navigation laws;
but in something far greater: —-namely, in the total trans
formation of society and its organisation, as well as of the
state and its institutions, in the replacing of a local and
territorial economic policy by that of the national state.
With this accords the fact recently pointed out with regard
to the literary history of the movement, that what is pecu
liar to all the mercantilist writers is not so much the
regulations of trade which they propose for the increase of
the precious metals as the stress they lay on the active
circulation of money, especially within the state itself.1
The struggle against the great nobility, the towns, the
corporations, and provinces, the economic as well as
political blending of these isolated groups into a larger
whole, the struggle for uniform measures and coinage, for
a well-ordered system of currency and credit, for uniform
laws and uniform administration, for freer and more active
traffic within the land,— this it was which created a new
division of labour, a new prosperity, and which liberated
a thousand forces towards progress. As the territorial
policy had rested on the overthrow of independent local
and town policies, on the limitation and modification of
local institutions, upon the increasing strength of the
general interests of the whole territory, so now there fol-
i This is the main point in Bidermann’s instructive lecture Utbtr den
Merkantilismus, Innsbruck, 1870.
lowed, for centuries, a struggle between state and district,

between principality and province,— a task which was
doubly difficult in those cases where the state did not vet
include the whole nation. This struggle was primarily an
economic one; it had to do with the removal of all the old
economic and financial institutions, and with the creation
of new joint interests and of new and united institutions.
It was a process which in Italy and Germany reached its
full conclusion only in our own day; which in France
was not quite finished in 1789; which even in Great
Britain was not completed till late; and in the Republic
of the United Netherlands halted midway in its course.
It is now to be noticed that it was the “enlightened,”
more or less despotic, monarchy of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries by which this movement was initiated
and pushed forward. Its whole activity centred in eco
nomic measures; its great administrative reforms were
anti-municipal and anti-provincial, and aimed chiefly at
the creation of larger economic organisms. With these
princes mercantilist policy was not something subsidiary;
^ all that they planned and performed necessarily took this
/direction.
I mentioned above that in the United Netherlands, —
which attracted such universal admiration about the
middle of the seventeenth century, — the towns and prov
inces retained a great deal of their old independence;
and the local and provincial spirit, there so strong, had
even certain favourable consequences; but it could lead
to greatness, power, and wealthy only so long, as it was
overridden by the opposite movement towards centralisa
tion. Even the Burgundian princes had done much for

the economic unity of the land by their enlightened
administration; in later times Holland and Amsterdam
preponderated so greatly in power and resources, that
their voice was frequently decisive and alone considered.
More, however, was done for consolidation by the Eighty
Years* War of Independence, and by the House of Orange
in the various complicated official relations in which
it stood towards the decisive economic questions of the
time. The Admiralty Board ( Oberadmiralitatscollegium)
remained in existence only for a few years (1589-1593);
but after this the House of Orange remained at the head
of the Admiralty in the separate states; and upon the
Admiralty depended not only the fleet, but also the whole
tariff system, and indeed all maritime trade. Colonial
policy, navigation policy, the regulation of the Levant
trade,L of the herring and whale fisheries, and the like,
were all centralised. A glance into the rich contents of
the “ Resolution Book of the High and Mighty Lords the
States-General of the United Netherlands ” (Placaet-Boeck
der hochtridgenden Herren Staaten- Generael der vereinigte
Nederlande) shews us to how large an extent the economic
and commercial policy of the flourishing time of the re
public was the outcome of a common Netherlandish
egoism. Its rapid declension begins with the period
during which there was no governor (Stadtholder);1 and
the most signal cause of this decline was the preponder
ance in one field after another, after about 1650-1200,
of bourgeois localism and provincialism.
1 [1650-1672.]
It is a consideration of the economic history of France

that most clearly brings out the fact that the mercantilism
that was everywhere making its way was at least as much a
matter of transformation and union at home as of barriers
against the world outside. Louis XI. (1461-1483) cast down
the great houses of Burgundy and Anjou, of Orleans and
Bourbon, resisted the narrow selfishness of the corpora
tions, sought to bring about uniform weights and measures
in France, and forbade_the importation of foreign manu
factures. The edict of 153Q, which introduced freedom
of trade in corn in the interior of France, particularly
between the several provinces, sets out with the assertion
that in a united political body the several districts should,
at all times, help and support one another. The declara
tion in 1577 that trade, and in 1581 that industry, be
longed to the droit domanial had not so much a fiscal as a
centralising significance;1 as was the case generally with the
ordinances dating from the time of the great de l’Hopital
(Chancellor 15 60-1568). Richelieu’s razing of the fortresses
of the nobility2 has often been extolled as one of the most
important steps towards internal freedom of intercourse
within France; his active measures for the creation of a
1 [By an edict of February, 1577, a dutv, under the name of traiti
domaniale, was imposed on the exportation of grain, wine, cloth, and

wool; by another of July, 1577, a bureau des finances was established in
each generalite\ composed of two treasurers for the domain (in the nar
rower sense), and two j^ceivers-general for the customs. The edict of
1581 compelled all artisans as yet unorganised to form themselves into
metiers, and to purchase lettres de maitrise from the government, but gave
master craftsmen a wider range for the exercise of their trade than had
previously been permitted.]
2 [1626. On the subject of this paragraph, cf. J. H. Bridges, France
under Richelieu and Colbert. Edinburgh, 1866.]

French marine were among the most important contribu

tions towards the development of an independent com
mercial policy in relation to other countries. Colbert’s
administration (1662-1683^) was, primarily, a struggle
against the municipal and provincial authorities; of
whom Ch^ruel1 says that it was they really who hindered
economic progress and the improvement of trade and
manufactures. The submission of the towns to a uni
form ordinance, the partial abolition of the provincial
Estates, the diminution of the power of the provincial
governor, and his replacement by the intendent; these
were measures which, like his great road and canal
works, his interest in posts and insurance, in technical
and artistic education, in exhibitions and model build
ings created by the state, in private and public model
industrial establishments, his reform of. river_ tolls, his
union of the innerjDrovinees in a uniform customs system,
— all aimed at the one thing, to make of the French
people under its brilliant monarchy a noble and united
body, united in civilisation as well as in government, and
worthy of the name of nation. The great laws of Colbert2
the ordonnance civile of 1667, the edit general sur les eaux
et les fore is of 1669, the ordonnance criniinelle of 1670,
the ordonnance de commerce of 1673, founded the legal
as well as the economic unity of France; even economi
cally they are more important than the tariffs of 1664
and 1667, for these did not succeed even in removing
1 [A. Ch6ruel, author of the Histoire de Vadministration monarchique en
France (1855), the Histoire de France pendant la minoriti de Louis XIV
(1878-1880), the Histoire de France sous le ministire Mazarin (1882-1883),
etc.]
the differences between the pays defats and the pays

d election}
Austria, as late as 1748, had not got beyond a very
loose association of provinces. It was then determined,
in imitation of the Prussian administration, that things
should be different. The Prussian government had been
able, since the days of the Great Elector (1640-1688), and
still more during the reign of Frederick William I. (17137
i24o), to create a financial, economic, and military whole,
such as there was no other on the continent, and this

out of the most refractory materials, out of territories
lying far apart and almost hostile one to another. What
is more, this was successfully carried through at the very
period when the administration had set before itself the
purpose of retrieving lost time within the territories
themselves, and securing what many other districts of
Germany had already obtained by 1600, that is, their
unity and self-sufficiency. At the very time that it was
engaged in Brandenburg, Pomerania, Magdeburg, East
Prussia, and the Rhine provinces (Cleves and Mark),
in subjecting the towns and the nobles to the authority
of the state, and in creating a united provincial adminis-
1 [The pays ditats were those provinces of France in which assemblies
of Estates survived and retained some authority. The most important of

these were Languedoc, Brittany, Burgundy, Provence, Artois, Hainault, the
Cambr6sis, and B6arn. These were all frontier provinces, which had been
brought under the direct authority of the French crown at a comparatively
late date, and had been allowed to retain a good deal of their old autonomy.
Colbert was unable to secure the removal of the customs barriers between
these provinces and the rest of France, which was known as pays dflec
tion, from its division into districts for purposes of financial administration
called ilections, after the officials, ilus (i.e. appointed for the purpose), who
presided over them.]
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE. ST
tration. it took in hand the task of giving the whole group

of poor little territories a real _political and economic^ J/'
unity, of taking part in European ^politics, and of securing, '
by an independent policy in trade and industry, for these
northern lands, bare as they were of men, devoid as they
were of maritime commerce or mines or considerable
manufactures, a place by the side of the old and wealthy
Great Powers. The whole character of the Prussian admin
istration from 1680 to 1786 was determined by the way in
which this state, with its small and broken geographical
basis, set about combining a national policy in pursuit of
German-Protestant and mercantilist objects, with the tasks
of territorial rule handed down to it by the past; and by
the way in which it carried out, in war and peace, in
administration and economy, a national state policy in the
“great style” with scarcely more than territorial means.
Our present task has only been to shew how close was the
connection, in Prussia as elsewhere, between, on the one
side, reform and centralisation at home^ Jthe transforma
tion territorial economies into a national economy
(“ Volks ” wirthschaft), and^the_ mercantile system on the
other; how, here as elsewhere, domestic policy and foreign
policy supplemented one another as indispensable elements
in one system.
If we pause for a while to consider this foreign and

external economic policy of the European states of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,— which it has
hitherto been the custom to regard as the essential feature
of the mercantile system,— it is not, of course, our pur-
pose to describe the details of its several forms. The

general features of its regulations are well enough known.
Difficulties were put in the way of the importation of
manufactured goods; and their production and exportation
were favoured by the prohibition of the export of jraw
materials, by bounties on export, and by commerical
treaties. Encouragement was given to domestic shipping,
to the fisheries, and to the coasting trade by restricting or
forbidding foreign competition. Commerce with the colo
nies, and the supplying of them with European wares, was
reserved for the mother country. The importation of
colonial produce had to take place directly from the colony
itself, and not by way of other European ports; and every
where an attempt was made to establish direct trading
relations by great privileged trading companies, and by
state aid in manifold ways. England promoted the ex£ort
of corn and the prosperity of agriculture at the same time
by the payment of bounties;1 France hindered the export
of corn for the benefit of industry; Holland, in its later
days, sought to create very large stores of corn and a
very free trade in corn, so as both to ensure a due domestic
supply and to encourage trade. But, as we have already
said, an account of these several measures would go beyond
the purpose of this essay. The general features are
known; the details have even yet not been subjected to
due scientific investigation. Our only purpose here is to
1 [From 1689 onward. Compare hereon the strong expressions of Cun
ningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii. (1892), pp. 371 seq.
It is there described as " a policy exclusively English,” " a masterly stroke
of policy, since it appears to have occasioned the great advance in agricult
ural improvement which took place while it was maintained,” “the one
grasp the fundamental ideas of the system; which, natu

rally, found varyip£ expression, here in high duties, there*
in low, here in the prevention, there in the encouragement
of the corn trade. The thought pursued everywhere was
this: as competition with other countries fluctuated up
and down, to cast the weight of the power of the state
into the scales of disbalance AP the way demanded in each
proportion as the economic interests of whole states,

ter much agitation of public opinion, found a rallying-
point in certain generally accepted postulates, there could
not fail to arise the thought of a national policy, of protec
tion bv the state against the outside world, and of the sup
port by the state of great national interests in their struggle
with foreign countries. The conception of a national agri
culture, of a national industry, of national shipping and
fisheries, of national currency and banking systems, of a
national division of labour, and of a national trade must
have arisen before the need was felt of transforming old
municipal and territorial institutions into national and
state ones. But, as soon as that had taken place, it must
have seemed a matter of course that the whole power of
the state, in relation to other countries as well as at home,
should be placed at the service of these collective interests;
just as the political power of the towns and territories had
served their municipal and district interests. The struggle
part of the scheme known as the Mercantile System which was original to
England,” and “ the corner-stone of English prosperity." For Adam Smith’s
arguments against the bounty, see Wealth of Nations, bk. iv. ch. v. (ed.
Rogers, ii. 81 seq.); and for Mr. Hewins’ criticism and Professor Cunning
ham’s rejoinder, Economic Journal, ii. 698; iv. 512.]
for existence, in economic life in particular, as in social

life in general, is necessarily carried on at all times by
smaller or larger groups and communities. That will also
be the case in all time to come. And the practice and
theory of those times, answering, as they did, to this uni
versal tendency, were nearer reality than the theory of Adam
Smith; and so also were the main ideas of Frederick List.1
We are not, however, concerned just now with this
universal tendency; what we want is to understand the
particular form in which it then expressed itself, and the
reason for it; and why it could, in later times, give way
so far before other tendencies.
The great states of an earlier time display no commer
cial policy in the style of the mercantile system, not
because the Utopia of a purely individualistic economic
ter, but because.they were not united economic bodies; as soon as they
became such, the inheritance of such economic bodies as
had previously existed, and, above all, of the town policy,
passed over to them. It was not because money and money
payments or industry or trade suddenly played an alto
gether new role in the days of Cromwell and Colbert, that
it occurred to people to guide the course of exportation
and importation and colonial trade, and to subject them
to governmental control. On the contrary, it was because
just then, out of the earlier smaller communities, great
national communities had grown-up, whose power and sig-
1 [See the account of them in Ingram, History of Political Economy,
191-194, and the remarks of Professor Marshall in Principles of Economics,

3d ed.( pp. 69-70.]
nificance rested on their psychological and social concert,

that they began to imitate, not what Charles V. had done
in Spain,1 but what all towns and territories of earlier
times had done, from Tyre and Sidon, from Athens and
Carthage onward; to carry over what Pisa and Genoa, Flor
ence and Venice, and the German Hanse towns had done
in their time to the broad basis of whole states and nations.
The whole idea and doctrine of the Balance of Trade, as ts
it then arose, was only the secondary conse<juence of an
conception of economic processes which grouped then*|f
according to states. Just as up to this time attention
had been fixed on the exportation from and importation
to particular towns and territories, so now people tried
to grasp in their minds the trade of the state as a whole,
and to sum it up in such a way as to arrive at a better
understanding of it and at some practical conclusion.
Such a grouping and combination were very evidently
suggested in a country like England, where, on account of
its insular position and the moderate size of the land,
the national economy^ had early displayed its exports and
imports, its supply of money and of the precious metals,
as a connected whole to the eye of the observer.2
I All economic and political life rests upon psychical
raass-movements, mass-sentiments, and mass-conceptions,
/ gravitating aroimd certain centres. That age could begin
i to think and act in the spirit of freejrade, which had left
so far behind it the toilsome work pf national development

1 [A reference to a common assertion; found, for instance, in Blanqui's
History of Political Economy, trans. Leonard, pp. 212 seq.]
2 Cf. the essay by Dr. von Heyking, Zur Geschichte der Handelshilant-
theorie, 1880.
/
(4
i
that it regarded its best results as matters of course, and

forgot the struggle they had cost^ an age which, with
cosmopolitan sentiments, with great institutions and
interests of international traffic, with a humanised inter
national law, and an individualist literature everywhere
diffused, was already beginning to live in the ideas and
tendencies of a world economy (Weltwirthschaft). The
seventeenth century had just managed to fight its way up
from local sentiment to national sentiment; international
law as yet scarcely existed. The old bonds which had
held together Catholic states had been broken; all the
intellectual movement of the time centred in the new
national life; and the stronger and sounder beat the pulse
of that life, the more it felt its individuality, the more
inevitable was it that it should bar itself against the world
outside with a harsh egoism. Each new political com
munity that forms itself must be carried along by a strong
and exclusive feeling of community; these are the roots of
its strength. The struggle for self-sufficiency and indepen
dence is as natural to it as the spirit of violent rivalry
which hesitates at nothing in order to come up with,
to surpass, and to crush the rivals in whom it always
enemies. It was the law of autarchy by which the
commercial policy of those times was exclusively guided.
The endeavour after autarchy1 naturally shews itself in an
especially violent and one-sided form in the youth of
nations.
1 [A phrase suggested by Aristotle’s description of the state as

i\ov<ra nepa? tt}? avrapxeu&c, « having reached the end ” (or “ result ”) “ of
entire self-completeness ” (or “ self-sufficiency”), Politics I. 2, § 8.]
The doctrine of the natural Jiarmonv of the economic

opinion then
entertained that an advantage to one state is always a
disadvantage to another. The latter was an opinion which
not only had its roots in the earlier stubborn struggles
between towns and territories, but was strengthened just at
this time by the circumstance that the possession of colo
nies, of the Indian Spice Islands, and of the silver mines
of America had fallen to the several nations only as the
result of war and bloodshed. It seemed unavoidable that
one nation should have to recede when another pressed in.
In reality, all social bodies, and therefore economic bodies
among them,—at first towns and districts, and afterwards
nations and states,— stand to one another in a double
relation; a relation of action and reaction by which they
mutually supplement one another, and a relation of depen- ^
dence, exploitation, an(^struggle_for^siiprimney. The
latter is the original one; ancT only slowly, in the course
of centuries and millenniums, is the antagonism softened.
Even to-day the great economic Powers seek to utilise
their economic superiority in all their international rela
tions, and to retain weaker nations in dependence; even
to-day any half-civilised nation or tribe, among whom
the English or French establish themselves, is in danger,
first, of a sort of slavery for debt and an unfavourable bal
ance of trade, and, following closely in the wake, of politi
cal annexation and economic exploitation,— though this,
indeed, may turn into an economic education for it.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the rela
tions, and especially the economic relations, between
Google
states were particularly hostile and harsh, because the

new economico-political creatioqg were for the first time
trying their strength, and because it was the first time that
such considerable political forces were available for the
pursuit of commercial, agricultural, and industrial ends,—
forces which might seem, if only properly employed, to
^ promise untold wealth to every state. In all ages history
has been wont to treat national power and national wealth
y as sisters; perhaps they were never so closely associated
as then. The temptation to the greater states of that time
to use their political power for conflict with their eco
nomic competitors, and when they could, for their destruc
tion, was too great for them not to succumb time after time,
and either to set international law at naught or twist it to
their purposes. Commercial competition, even in times
nominally of peace, degenerated into a state of undeclared
hostility: it plunged nations into one war after another,
and gave all wars^a turn in the direction of trade, industry,
and colonial gain, such as they never had before or after.
It has been often enough remarked that the period of
the wars of reHgion was followed by one in which eco
nomic and commercial interests governed the whole
foreign policy of European states. It is true that even
the expedition of Gustavus Adojphus to Germany was a
! move in the game which was being played for the trade
1 °.f the^Bajtic. In like manner, the later wars of Sweden,
aiming at tfie conquest of Poland, and the aggressive
movements of Russia towards the Swedish and German
provinces on the Baltic, were all directed towards the
acquisition and domination of the Baltic trade.
Google
As in the East Indies, the ancient source of supply for

Oriental wares, for pearls and spices, the Portuguese
violently pushed their way in first, annihilated Arabian
trade with unheard-of brutality, and imposed upon all the
Asiatic tribes and states the rule that they should carry on
trade with Portuguese alone; so in later times the Dutch
were able to drive the Portuguese out, to get for them
selves a like monopoly of the spice trade^ to keep other
Europeans away by craft and by mercantile talent,
— if need were, by insolent violence and bloodshed,
and to hold the people of the East in commercial sub
jection. The heroic struggle of the Dutch for religious
liberty and for freedom from the Spanish yoke displays
itself, when looked at in a “dry light,” as a century-long
war for the conquest of East Indian colonies, and an
equally long privateering assault on the silver_fleets of
Spain and the Spanish-American colonial trade. These
Dutch, so lauded by the naif free-trader of our day on
account of the low customs-duties of their early days, were
from the first the sternest and most warlike of monopolists
after the mercantilist fashion that the world has ever seen.
As they suffered no trading ship, whether European or
Asiatic, in East Indian^ waters, without a Dutch pass to
be bought only with gold; as by force of arms and by
treaty they kept the Belgian port, Antwerp, shut up
against commerce;1 as they crushed the Prussian colony
• 1 [By the clauses in the Treaty of Westphalia, 1648, providing for “ the
closing of the Scheldt,” seagoing vessels were forbidden to ascend to Ant
werp. They must unload at a Dutch port, and thence forward their mer
chandise to Antwerp by river barges. The Scheldt was re-opened by the
French in 1794.]
F
in Africa.1 and countless other settlements of other nations;

so at home they forbade all herring-fish^rs to take their
wares to any but the Dutch market, and prohibited their
passing into foreign service, or taking to foreign countries
the implements of their craft. Although at the beginning
they had low duties on imports and exports, they resorted
constantly to arbitrary prohibitions whenever they thought
they could thereby further Dutch interests; in 1671 they
imposed the heaviest duties on French goods; and, in the
eighteenth century, when they had become too pusillani
mous to wage war for their commercial ends, they resorted
to the extremest protectionism. In the time of their
prosperity they were carrying on war well-nigh all the
time, and war for commercial ends: and they shewed
more skill than any other state, in the seventeenth century,
in getting out of their wars fresh commercial advantages.
Their obstinate pursuit of monopoly gave rise to England’s
navigation law and Colbert’s tariff; and attracted England
and France themselves towards a like policy of pursuing
narrowly mercantilist objects by force of arms. The
bloody and costly wars of England with the Dutch were.
Noorden2 tells us, at bottom nothing but a duel over the
maintenance of the Navigation Acts. The French invasion
of Holland (1672) was an answer to their foolish and ex
travagant reprisals against Colbert’s tariff.
The Warj)f the Spanish Succession, like the War of the
Grand Alliance in 1689-1697, was, primarily, the struggle
1 [The possessions of Brandenburg on the Gold Coast, obtained in 1681
1683, were surrendered to the United Netherlands in 1720.]

2 [Karl von Noorden, author of Europ&ische Geschichte im achtsehnten
Jahrhundert.'] *
of England and Holland, in concert, against the growing

industrial and commercial preponderance of France, and
against the danger of the union of French trade with the
colonial power of Spain.1 It was a struggle for the lucra
tive Spanish-American trade which mainly occasioned
the antagonism of England and France till after the middle
of the eighteenth century. The supply of the Spanish-
American colonies with European manufactures could
only take place by means of the great West Indian smug
gling trade, or through Spain, i.e. the Spanish port-towns.
As Spanish industry supplied only a part of the need, the
question was, whom Spain would allow to share in the
trade,— whether it would wink at smuggling, and, if so,
to what extent and by whom; whether France could cir
cumvent England, or England France, in Spain and the
West Indies. The war, also, of England with Spain from
1739 tQ *74—which, in 1744, turned itself into a war
with Spain and France,— had, in the main, no other object
than this, to obtain a free course for the English smuggling
trade with Spanish America;2 it was generally nicknamed
by public opinion “the Smuggler’s War.”
The Seven Years’ War had its origin, as everyone knows,
in the colonial rivalry of England and France in North
America. Whether the Ohio and Mississippi should
furnish the Romance race or the Teutonic with a field for
colonisation and trade, whether maritime and commercial
supremacy for the next hundred or two hundred years
1 Cf. the instructive little paper of H. Meinberg (suggested by some re
marks of T. G. Droysen) on Das Gleichgewichtssystem Wilhelms III und

die englische Handelspolitik, Berlin, 1869.
2 [Cf. Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. ch. iii.]
should belong to England or France,— that was the far-

reaching economic quarrel into which the great king of
Prussia was drawn because he would not suffer his old ally
France to attack his old enemy England in Hanover, i.e. in
Germany. In defending Germany’s neutrality in this com
mercial and colonial war, he was drawn into it himself;
and when his brave troops defeated the French at Rossbach
(1757) and elsewhere, they decided at the same time the
great questions of the world’s trade and of future colonial
development. Without the victories of the Prussian
grenadiers and the English fleet, England would not to
day have its world-wide trade, and the United States of
America would not exist. It is probable that French would
now be spoken alike on the Ohio and the Mississippi, at
Calcutta and Bombay.
English commercial greatness and supremacy date from
the successes of the war of 1756-1763. But the climax
in its career of colonial conquest by force of arms, and of
intentional destruction, dictated by trade jealousy, of the
competing mercantile navies of France, Holland, Germany,
and Denmark, was reached by Great Britain during the
Napoleonic war. The commercial struggle between Eng
land and France, the shameless brutalities of the English
fleet on the one side and the continental blockade on
the other, form the terrible concluding drama in the age
of commercial wars. Henceforward another spirit begins
to make its way in commercial policy and in interna
tional morality; although the old traditions have not
yet been entirely overcome, and, indeed, can never be
entirely overcome, so long as there is such a thing as
independent politico-economic life with separate national

interests.
The long wars, each lasting several years, or even dec

ades, which fill the whole period from 1600 to 1800 and
have economic objects as their main aim; the open decla
ration by the Grand Alliance in i 6 8 q that their object
was the destruction of French commerce; the prohibition
by the Allies of all trade, even by neutrals, with France,
without the slightest regard to international law; all this
shews the spirit of the time in its true light. The
national passion of economic rivalry had been raised
to such a height that it was only in wars like these
that it could find its full expression and satisfaction.
To be content, in the intermediate years of peace, to
carry on the conflict with prohibition, tariffs^ and navi
gation^ Jaws instead of with sea fights; to give, as they
did, in these years of peace, somewhat more attention
to the infant voice of international law than in time
of war — this was in itself a moderating of international
passion.
The very idea of international law is a protest against
the excesses of national rivalry. All international law
rests on the idea that the several states and nations
form, from the moral point of view, one community.
Since the men of_ Europe had lost the feeling of _ com
munity that had been created by the Papacy and Empire,
they had been seeking for some other theory which might
serve to support it; and this they found in the reawaken
ing “law of nature.” But the particular ideas for which
in the first instance men strove, and for which they sought
arguments pro et contra in the law of nature, were mainly
products of the economic and commercial struggle then
proceeding.
Inasmuch as the states that were the first to obtain colo
nies on a large scale, Spain and Portugal, had secured from
the Pope a partition of the whole oceanic world, and its
designation by him as their exclusive property, the law of
nature, when it made its appearance, put forward the
doctrine of Mare liberum. But while in this way Hugo
Grotius in i6o£ created a legal justification for his Dutch
fellow-countrymen in pushing their wav into the old pos
sessions of the Portuguese and Spaniards, the English
maintained the opposite theory of Mare clausum, and of
the exclusive lordship of England over the British seas, in
order to free their necks from the competition of the
Dutch in navigation and the fisheries. Denmark appealed
to its sovereignty of the sea as a justification for its oppres
sive tolls at the Sound; and the other Baltic powers
sought, on the same ground, to forbid the Great Elector to
build a fleet. The great principle of the freedom of the
sea did, indeed, slowly gain general currency; but at first
each nation only recognised the particular theory that
promised it some advantage.
Almost all the wars of the time were waged in the name
of the European “Balance.” And who will deny that this
idea had its justification, and that it laid the foundation
for the peaceful future of a great community of states?
But, at first, it was a mere phrase taken from international
law, and used to justify every caprice on the part of the
Great Powers, every intervention in the relations, and every

interference with the fate of the smallerstates: it was the
cloak which hid the silent conspiracy of the western Powers
to prevent the rise of a new Power, like the Prussian, and
to keep its trade and its whole economic life in the bonds
of dependence.
The gradual growth of the milder principle, more
favourable to the small states, which is summed up in the
phrase “ free ships, free goods/* out of the mediaeval prin
ciple found in the Consolato del Mare? which allowed the
confiscation of the enemy’s property even on friendly
neutral^ ships, is one of the great gains in international law
in the eighteenth century. But England has never accom
modated herself to it, and has, with unheard-of assurance,
and with decisions of the Court of Admiralty about
prizes which can have been determined by nothing but
national egoism, succeeded in injuring the trade of
neutrals everywhere, in time of war, even when it could
not destroy it.2 BUsch8 shewed, in 1797, that of the
last one hundred and forty-four years England had spent
sixty-six in the most sanguinary naval wars. They had
all been more or less concerned, on the one side, with
the conquest of colonies by force of arms, on the other,
1 [Consolato del Mare, " seemingly a collection of the maritime usages of
the trading peoples of the Mediterranean seaboard made at Barcelona about

the middle of the fourteenth century.” T. A. Walker, Science of Inter
national Law (1893), P* 395* See, also, Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. ix. pt. 2.]
2 [For a different view of the action of England, and of the " reflections ”
that have been cast “ upon the judicial impartiality of the great Admiralty
judge,” Lord Stowell, see Walker, op. cit. pp. 395 seq.]
8 [Johann Georg Busch, 1728-1800, an influential publicist and writer on
trade.]
with the destruction of the neutral trade, i.e. the trade of

the smaller states.
The blows of the English are nearest to us in time; they
have also vitally affected Germany; and, accordingly,
we are inclined, — measuring with the standard of to
day, — to condemn them most. On the whole, however,
they were naught else than what all the more powerful
commercial powers allowed themselves in their treatment
of the weaker. And although we condemn the whole period
for excesses in the politico-commercial struggle, and see
everywhere much injustice and error mingled with it, yet
we must allow that passions and blunders such as these
were the necessary concomitants of the new state policy,
of the developing national economies; we must feel that
those states and governments are not to be praised which
did not pursue such a policy, but those who knew how to
apply it in a more skilful, energetic, and systematic way
than others. For it was precisely those governments
which understood how to put the might of their fleets and
admiralties, the apparatus of customs laws and navigation
laws, with rapidity, boldness, and clear purpose, at the
sejrvice of the economic interests of the nation and state,
which obtained thereby the lead in the struggle and in
riches and industrial^ prosperity^ Even if they frequently I
went too far, and were led by theories that were only half
true, and gathered_jiches by violence and exploitation,
yet, at the same time, they gave the economic^ life of their
people its necessary basis of power, and a corresponding
impulse to its economic movement; they furnished the
national striving with great aims; they created and liber-
AND ITS HIS TORICAL SIGNIFICANCE. 73
ated forces which were absent or slumbered in the states

they outstripped. And it was natural that what in these
struggles was brutal and unjust should be lost to sight in
each nation in the glow of national and economic success.
We can understand that the several peoples asked only
whether a Cromwell or a Colbert on the whole furthered
national prosperity, and not whether he did_injustice to
foreigners in some one point. And historical justice does
not demand more: it gives its approbation to systems of
government which help a people to reach the great goal of
national greatness and moral unity at a given time and with
r the means of that time, at home and abroad; systems, more
over, which have redeemed the harshness of national and

state egoism as regards neighbouring peoples, by a model
administration at home.
At any rate one thing is clear; a single community could I
not withdraw itself from the great current wherein the whole ]
group of European nations was being swept along; and |
least of all, one of the smaller states which was still making
its way upward. In such a time of harsh international and
economic struggles, he who did not put himself on his
defence would have been remorselessly crushed to pieces.
As early as the sixteenth century, it became apparent what
a disadvantage it was for Germany that it had neither the
national and politico-commercial unity of France, nor the
mercantilist regulations to which both England nnd
France were beginning to resort. And this was still more
apparent in the seventeenth century. The military and
maritime Powers of the West not only drove the Germans
out of the few positions they had at first obtained in the
colonial world; they menaced more and more even the

trade they had long possessed. The Hanseatic merchants
were driven out of one position after another. One after
another the mouths of the great German streams passed into
foreign hands: the Rhine came under French, Dutch, and
Spanish suzerainty, the Weser under Swedish, the Elbe under
Danish; the Oder under Swedish, the Vistula under Polish
control. The tolls imposed by these foreign masters at the
mouths of the streams gave the river trade, in many cases
intentionally, its last blow. While the Dutch destroyed
the Hanseatic trade in their own markets by differential
duties; while they and the English made the direct trade
of Germans with Spain and Portugal impossible, by violence
and the confiscation of ships; the Dutch misused, with in
creasing dexterity, their growing preponderance on the
Rhine and in the Baltic to put Germany itself into a position
of unworthy dependence in all matters of business. As the
only or most important purchasers of German raw products
and the only suppliers of Indian spices, they secured an
almost intolerable monopoly, which reached its climax
v through the unconditional dependence of Germany on the
\ Dutch money market during the period 1600-1750. And
, what Holland was with regard to Indian wares, France was
with regard to manufactures and objets (Tart, Those
Hanseatic towns that were not ruled by Dutch business
managers (Lieger) were in slavery to English creditors.
Denmark sought to destroy German navigation, fisheries,
and trade by its tolls on the Sound and the Elbe, and by
its commercial companies. And all these conditions
affected Germany most severely, not in the Thirty Years'
AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE. 75"
War, but one, two, or three generations later; when the

western Powers had firmly established their new politico-
economic institutions. With naive pleasure in their
maritime and commercial strength, with the support of a
brutal international law, and a diplomacy which forced
upon weaker and less experienced peoples, by every art of
intrigue, unprofitable and perfidious commercial treaties,
they openly adopted the half-true, half-false doctrine that
the trade advantage of one state always was and always/
must be the disadvantage of another. In the period
from 1670 to 1750 the bitterest lamentations were heard in
Germany about this commercial dependence, about French
manufactures, about the traders from every prince’s land
that overran the country: the torrent of complaint touch
ing the pitiable condition of the imperial government,
which was unable to give any assistance, increased like an
avalanche. The state of commerce in Germany, cried
the most distinguished economic writer of the time,
depends upon the interest taken in it in the Reichstag at
Ratisbon. At last all the voices, alike of scholars and of
the people, came together in unison: There is but one
way out of it; we must do what Holland, France,
and England have done before us; we must exclude the
foreign wares; we must once more become masters in our
own house. Facts had taught them, with inexorable clear
ness, that,— at a time when the most advanced nations
were carrying on the collective struggle for existence with
the harshest national egoism, with all the weapons of
finance, of legislation, and of force, with navigation laws
and prohibition laws, with fleets and admiralties, with
companies, and with a trade under state guidance and

discipline,— those who would not be hammer would
assuredly be anvil.
The question in Germany in 1680-1780 was not whether
| a mercantilist policy was necessary and desirable; about
that there was agreement, and properly so. The ideals
of Mercantilism, though they may have been presented in
an exaggerated form, and too sharply expressed in one-
sided economic theories, meant, practically, nothing but
\ the energetic struggle for the creation of a sound state and
* a sound national economy, and for the overthrow of local
and provincial economic institutions; they meant the
belief of Germany in its own future, the shaking off of
a commercial dependence on foreigners which was con
tinually becoming more oppressive, and the education of
the country in the direction of economic autarchy. The
victories of the Prussian army served the same end as
the financial and commercial policy of the state; be
tween them they raised Prussia to a place among the
Great Powers of Europe.
The difficulties in the internal economic policy of the
country consisted in this: that the Prussian state, instead
of being a nation, included only a limited number of prov
inces; and that, at the same time as it adopted a pro
tective system against France, Holland, and England, it
also excluded its German neighbours. The real explana
tion is that the Prussian state was still but half-way out of
the period of territorial development; was still, so to speak,
in the earlier century of commercial disputes with Ham
burg, Leipzig, and Danzig, with Poland, Saxony, and
Goog ~
other neighbouring territories; and it could make use of

its natural superiority, as compared with neighbours like
these, only by binding its provinces together in an enclosed
and exclusive combination.
We have reached the end of these general considerations

as to the historical significance of the mercantile system.
Our argument rested on the proposition that, in spite of
the fact that it is the individual and the family that labour,
produce, trade, and consume, it is the larger social bodies
which, by their common attitude and action, intellectual
as well as practical, create all those economic arrange
ments of society, in relation both to those within and those
without, upon which depend the economic policy of every
age in general and its commercial policy in particular.
We saw that the feeling and recognition of economic soli
darity, in regard alike to those within and those without,
necessarily created at the same time a corporate egoism.
From this egoism the commercial policy of every age
receives its impulse.
We have, in the next place, laid emphasis on the propo
sition that historical progress has consisted mainly in the
establishment of ever larger and larger communities as the
confrollers of economic policy in place o£ small. The
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries seemed to us the
birth hour of modern states and modem national econ
omies; and, therefore, to have been necessarily char
acterised by a selfish national commercial policy of a
harsh and rude kind. Whether such a policy was rightly
directed in details depended on the information and
sagacity of the personages who guided the state; whether

it was to be justified as a whole, whether as a whole it had a
probability of success, that depended, then as ever, on the
question whether it accompanied a great upward-moving
stream of national and economic life.
The progress of the nineteenth century beyond the mer
cantilist policy of the eighteenth depends, — keeping tc
this thought of a succession of ever larger social communi
ties, — on the creation of leagues of states, on alliances in
the matter of customs and trade, on the moral and legal
community of all civilised states, such as modern inter
national law is more and more bringing into existence by
means of a network of international treaties.
But, of course, by the side of this stands another and
not less important chain of connected phenomena, which
also helps to explain the contrast between the nineteenth
century on the one side, and the seventeenth and eigh
teenth on the other. The struggle of social bodies with
one another, which is at times military, at other times
merely economic, has a tendency, with the progress of
civilisation, to assume a higher character and to abandon
its coarsest and most brutal weapons. The instinct
becomes stronger of a certain solidarity of interests, of a
beneficent interaction, of an exchange of goods from which
both rivals j^jn. It was in this way that the strife of towns
and territories had been softened and moderated with time,
until, on the foundation of still greater social bodies, the
states, it had passed into a moral influence, and an obliga
tion to educate and assist the weaker members within the
larger community.
So the eighteenth century ideas of a humane cosmopoli

tanism began to instil into men the thought of a change of
policy in the economic struggles of European states at the
very time when the international rivalry had reached its
highest point. After the War of Independence of the
United States, after the liberation of the South American
colonies from the mother countries, after it became increas
ingly difficult to maintain the old, harsh, colonial policy,
after international law had made progress (for which no t
one fought more energetically than Frederick the Great), j
and after the promulgation of the doctrine of mutual gain
in international trade, there arose the possibility of a more
humane contest. Undoubtedly we must regard this move
ment, — which reached its first great high-water mark,
though accompanied by excessive and one-sided eulogy, in
the Free Trade period 1860-1875,—as one of the great
advances made by mankind. One might say that the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries created the modern
national economies, and that the nineteenth has humanised
their relations to one another. This being our point of
view, we are able to raise ourselves above the suspicion of
desiring, without qualification, to represent the embittered
commercial strife, the privateering and colony-conquering
wars of England, the prohibition and navigation laws of
the eighteenth century, as presenting an ideal for our own
day.
Yet must we declare, with equal emphasis, that the
literary-ideological movement that assailed the old mer
cantile system set out from Utopias, which, useful as
they were as a leaven for the transformation of public
80 THE MERCANTILE SYSTEM.
opinion, were, nevertheless, very remote from real life.

Does it not sound to us to-day like the irony of fate, that the
same England, which in 1750-1800 reached the summit of
its commercial supremacy by means of its tariffs and naval
wars, frequently with extraordinary violence, and always
with the most tenacious national selfishness, that that Eng
land at the very same time announced to the world the
doctrine that only the egoism of the individual is jus
tified, and never that of states and nations; the doctrine
which dreamt of a stateless competition of all the indi
viduals of every land, and of the harmony of the economic
interests of all nations?
To our own time has the task been given to survey both
periods from a higher standpoint; to give their due value
to the theories and ideals, the real psychical motives and the
practical results of both ages; and so to understand them.
Sept. 30, 1883.

APPENDIX I.
THE PRUSSIAN SILK INDUSTRY IN THE EIGHTEENTH

CENTURY.
1892.
I have already attempted, some years since, to shew that

the whole mercantilist policy can only be understood when
it is regarded as a stage and a means in the creation of a
larger economic and political community. As the mediaeval
city-states and the great lordships became more and more
incapable of serving as adequate organs of social life, as
their contests one with another degenerated into a chaos
of anarchy, it became necessary that all conceivable means
should be employed, — if need be, through “ blood and
iron,”—to erect territorial and national states. Enlightened
princely despotism was the representative and leader of this
great progressive movement; a movement which was des
tined to annihilate the freedom of the Estates and corpora
tions,1 to establish freedom of trade and great markets at
home, and to combine all the resources of the country,
economic as well as financial and military, in face of the
foreigner. Those states most quickly became powerful and
rich, which carried out this centralising tendency with the
1 [In the sense in which Adam Smith uses this term; Wealth of Nations,
bk. i., ch. x., pt. 2.]
G 81
greatest energy. Germany remained so far behind the

greater Italian states, behind Burgundy, Holland, England,
and France, behind even the smaller northern states, because
it remained fast bound by mediaeval forms; because, more
over, even its greater territories were too small, too frag
mentary, too far from the coast, to pursue this new kind of
centralising policy like the western states of Europe. The
Great Elector made a beginning; he tried to create a Ger-
man-Baltic coast state and a naval power, and thereby to
seize the Dominium Maris Baltici, and the commercial
control of the east of Europe. The attempt was bound to
fail, because Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Poland. Austria.
and Russia had interests opposed to it, and because the
position and extent of the Brandenburg state, as it then
existed, were inadequate for the task. Abandoning, as it
must, the main feature of its plan, the attempt to secure
maritime power, only one way remained open by which
the young military and Protestant state could arrive at
its economic ends. And this was to endeavour, upon the
agrarian and feudal foundation furnished by the provinces
grouped around Brandenburg, to create an industry which
should rival the civilised states of the west, using for
that purpose all the devices of state-aided immigration,
of encouragement of industry, and of protective tariffs.
Such an industry would have alike the power and the duty
to control the domestic market, to raise the decaying
handicrafts of the little rural towns, to free the country
bit by bit from dependence on west-European trade and
credit, and to strengthen its influence on Poland and the
other eastern states.
APPENDIX /. 83
On this path, then, Frederick William I. and his ministers

entered with conscious purpose and energy; and out of this
school came Frederick II., who pursued the same object
with greater boldness and genius. To the question how it
was that Frederick regarded the silk industry as occupying
so very important, if not the most important, place in such
a policy, Dr. Hintze gives a simple and conclusive answer.1
Starting with the generally recognised fact that, before
our modem age of iron and coal, the centre and summit of
industrial development were to be found in the finer textile
manufactures, Dr. Hintze shews us how economic suprem
acy passed from Byzantium to Italy, from Venice, Genoa,
Florence, and Lucca to the greater Italian states, Milan and
Piedmont, from Italy to Spain and France, and thence to
Holland and England; and how this transference was always
accompanied, partly as effect, partly as cause, by the rise of
the silk industry by the side of the woollen industry. In no
case was the production of raw silk itself the cause of the silk
industry, as is sometimes supposed; the actual production
of silk took place elsewhere; and even in Italy and France
it was a consequence of the silk industry, and came com
paratively late. France and England had created their silk
industries with all the political resources at their disposal
and with the greatest sacrifices. In Lyons in 1667 there
were counted 2000 looms, in 1752, 9404. In the great
1 [Dr. O. Hintze is the author of the 3rd volume of Die preussische Sei-
denindustrie, published (through Parey, Berlin) by the Royal Academy of

Sciences, 1892, as the first instalment of Acta Barussica: Denkmdier der
Preussischen StaatsverwaUung im 18. Jahrhundert. In this volume of Dr.
Hintze’s is given a “ Darstellung,” or narrative, based upon the documents
in the first two volumes.]
economic struggle of England against France, the prohibition

in 1688 of the importation of French silk wares into Eng
land was, perhaps, after the Navigation Laws and the victories
at sea, the most telling blow. Up to that time silk goods to
the value of £ 500,000 had every year gone from France to
England; in 1763 the English silk industry gave employ
ment to 50,000 persons.1 But not only the great states, the
smaller ones also, desired at any price to have a silk manu
facture of their own. The Italian traders who first brought
the silk wares were followed by Italian weavers and dyers.
Zurich and Basel, Ulm, Augsburg, and Nuremberg, had a
good many silk-workmen as early as the sixteenth century.
In Antwerp in the seventeenth century 2000 looms were
at work. In the Netherlands, Amsterdam, Haarlem, and
Utrecht became rich through this industry; and from thence
it passed to Hamburg. Belgian and French refugees joined
the Italian workmen in bringing it to Denmark, Sweden,
and Russia. About 1700 Leipzig had already a consider
able velvet and silk business; in 1750 a thousand looms
were at work. In the Palatinate, in Munich, and in Vienna,
J. Joachim Becher2 had made various attempts to call a
silk industry into existence by means of companies; all
through the eighteenth century like attempts were made in
1 [Adam Smith remarked in 1776 that " the silk, perhaps, is the manu
facture which would suffer the most by freedom of trade,” Wealth of
Nations, bk. iv., ch. ii. For the results of the withdrawal of protection see
the account of the silk manufacture in C. Booth’s Labour and Life of the
People, vol. i.]
2 [An account of John Joachim Becher (1625-1685), a universal gerifus
and somewhat of a charlatan, is given in Roscher’s Geschichte der National-
dkonomik, p. 270; on which is based the notice in Palgrave, Dictionary of
Political Economy, vol. i.]
APPENDIX /. 85
every German capital. But they succeeded, on any con

siderable scale, only in Prussia, and there especially in
Berlin. It can certainly be maintained that, though Ham
burg and Leipzig, Krefeld and Utrecht had greater facilities
in reaching a market, in all other respects Berlin was as
well fitted as many other places to support a flourishing
silk industry; and also that, according to the ideas of
the eighteenth century, it was bound to make the attempt
as soon as the provinces of Brandenburg and Prussia were
conceived of as forming an independent economic body
ready for rivalry with Holland and England and France.
[Then follows an account of the measures of the govern

ment, and of the organisation and progress of the manu
facture.]
We have watched the foundation, upon a stubborn soil, of

an industry which reached at last a high degree of technical
excellence; and this by the use of all the measures that a
consistent mercantile policy could prompt. In scarcely any
other case have like measures been applied with so wide a
sweep and such steady persistency. In scarcely any other
case have they been so carefully, step by step, adapted
to the concrete conditions. What we have had under
our consideration has been a domestic industry, which
had already partially gone over to the factory form, but
yet in which the workpeople were protected by gild
regulation, state control, and governmental inspection.
We have had to do with an industry producing for a
great inter-state and foreign market, and with under
86 THE MER CAN TILE SYSTEM.
takers1 (Untemehmer) and factors2 (Verleger) occupying

the most difficult position conceivable. In spite of all
the state support and protection they received, they had
to * contend with a stern competition, with the shifting
chances of the market, and with a task, both in the
matter of manufacture and in the matter of trade, of the
utmost severity.
The attempt on the whole.succeeded. Berlin in 1780
1806 stood almost on a level with all the other places where
the silk industry was carried on. It was mainly through
the silk industry that Berlin became an important factory
town, and the town whose inhabitants were distinguished by
the best taste in Germany. Of course people in Berlin
could not yet produce quite so cheaply as the manufact
ures of Lyons which were three centuries older; in many
1 [This term was used precisely in the sense of the German Unternehmer
by Adam Smith ( Wealth of Nations, bk. ii., ch. ii. — though the later special
ised sense occurs in bk. ii., ch. 1). It was employed rarely and with anxiety
as " not familiar to an English ear in this sense ” by J. S. Mill {Principles of
Political Economy, bk. ii., ch. xv., f i n ) ; abandoned by President Francis
A. Walker (The Wages Question, p. 244) as “ an impossible term in political
economy; ” and for some time replaced in economic writings, following
Mr. Walker’s example, by entrepreneur. It has recently been recalled to
scientific use, among others by Mr. W. Smart (in his translation of Bcihm-
Bawerk, Capital and Interest, 1890), and Professor Alfred Marshall {Princi
ples of Economics, 1890, bk. i., ch. iii.) as being, in Mr. Marshall’s words,
" the best to indicate those who take the risks and the management of busi
ness as their share in the work of organised industry.”]
2 [" Verleger comes from Verlag = Vorlage, Verschuss (literally something
shot-forward, i.e. advanced). The Verleger sometimes advances to the small
producers merely the price of their products; sometimes he hands over to
them the raw material and pays piece-wages; sometimes even the chief tool
or machine belongs to him, as e.g. the loom; ” K. Bucher, Die Entstehung
der Volkswirthschaft (1893) P- IQ6. For this there is no current term in the
English of to-day. Factor was very generally used in the eighteenth century
APPENDIX I. 87
of the finer wares they were behind Krefeld, Switzerland

and Holland; but they had caught up with Hamburg and
Saxony. They had not yet got so far in 1806 as to be^
able to meet with unconcern the fluctuations produced by
the great war — a period of long and terrible impoverish
ment, together with the sudden abolition of the gild system,
of the old regulations and of all state support, as well as
the removal of the prohibition of importation. But since, in
the province of Brandenburg, 1503 looms were again at
work in 1831, and as many as 3000 in 1840-1860, it is
clear, after all, that most of the business concerns that had
taken root before 1806 were able to maintain themselves
for at least a couple of generations even in the current of
free international competition. And the fact that in the
sixties and seventies, as living became dearer in Berlin, and
the competition of Krefeld and of foreign countries became
more intense, most of the Berlin men of business, capitalists
and workmen, turned to other occupations, — while some
parts of the old industry, like the business of dyeing,
maintained themselves in an even more flourishing state,
— this fact is no proof that the Berlin silk industry of the
eighteenth century was not in its place.
The task set before the men of that time was to secure for
the real centre of the Prussian state a share in the industries,
and in the forms of industry, that constituted the essen
tial features of the higher civilisation of western Europe.
in this sense; but each industry had its own particular word for men in this
position, as e.g. the clothiers of the woollen manufacture of the west of
England. Putter-out (i.e. of looms), which was used in the hosiery trade
of Nottingham, is perhaps the most exact equivalent of Verleger.]
>c ' t
The prosperity of the silk manufacture in a distant and iso

lated fragment of the state, close to the Dutch frontier,
namely Krefeld, could not make up for its absence in the
east. Again and again did Frederick the Great endeavour
to induce the von der Leyen brothers to move eastward
with a part of their business; but all in vain. And so he
had to make an effort to reach the same end in another
way. In the course of his reign he spent some two million
thalers over the silk industry, more indeed than for any
other branch of manufacture. And what did he obtain
therewith? That he had an industry which every year pro
duced wares worth two million thalers or more, says the mer
cantilist; — no! that he created an industry which in the
nineteenth century disappeared, says the free-trader. I say,
the two million thalers are to be looked upon as an expen
diture for schooling, as money spent on education, which
engrafted on Berlin and the eastern provinces those powers
and aptitudes, those manners and customs, without which
an industrial state cannot endure. In these feudal terri
tories with their impoverished country towns and craftsmen,
both the undertakers and the workmen were altogether want
ing who were indispensable for the finer manufactures aim
ing at the world-market. The introduction of foreigners
and the laborious training of natives could be the work
only of a political art which realised both its object and
its materials. It is significant that at first we are met by
Frenchmen and Jews among the factors, and by foreigners,
chiefly Lyonese and Italians, among the workpeople; while
in 1800, natives prevail in both classes. It might with truth
be said, that by their services to the silk industry the French
APPENDIX I. 89
and the Jews repaid the Prussian state for its magnanimous
toleration. It was in this way that the best Jewish families
of Berlin, the Mendelssohns and Friedlanders, the Veits and
the Marcuses, gained their reputation and social position,
and at the same time turned the purely mercantile Hebrew
body into an industrial one: they themselves changed in
character in the process, and grew side by side with the
state and society. Most important of all, Berlin in 1800
had a working class of great technical skill, and a body of
business men possessed of capital and ability; and this fact
remained the great result of the policy of Frederick, whether
or no the silk industry survived.
And it was not the least merit of that policy that it con
stantly, and with clear understanding, laboured towards a
double end: to create a flourishing industry by state initia
tive and political means, and then, as quickly and as com
pletely as possible, to set it on its own feet, and create
thriving private businesses, — and so render itself super
fluous. Similarly, in a place like Krefeld, where the favour
ing conditions afforded by the neighbourhood of the Dutch
created a considerable industry without protective tariff
or subsidy or regulation, the king did not think of state
intervention: the most he did was to support the practical
monopoly of the von der Leyen brothers, because he saw
that this great house was capable of elevating and guiding
the whole industry in an exemplary fashion. Moreover, his
administrative wisdom, running not along the lines of rigid
schemes, but in accordance with the men and circumstances
before him, shewed itself precisely in this contemporary
application of such divergent systems of industrial policy;
in Berlin the most extreme state control and in Krefeld

complete laissez-faire.
The truth is, he himself, in his innermost nature, was just
as much the philosophical disciple of the individualistic
enlightenment (Aufklarung) of the period as the last great
representative of princely absolutism. Under him the Prus
sian state was based as much on legal security and on free
dom of thought and individual opinion as upon discipline,
obedience, and subordination. Had he not combined these
rare qualities in himself, he had not been the great king,
and on his death the Swabian peasant would not have asked
the naive question “Then, who is to govern the world?”
The yelping curs, the men astride of principles, who did
not understand him when he died, understand him and his
policy no better now. They will still less understand the
great problem of the creation of states and national econ
omies. It lies in this: that as civilisation advances, the
state and the national economy diverge more and more
the one from the other, each a separate circle with its own
organs; and yet that this separation must again constantly
make way for a unifying guidance, a growing interaction, a
harmonious joint-movement. And the secret of great times
and great men consists in their taking account of this two
fold development; in their leaving individuals to form them
selves, in their allowing free play to individual life in its
various shapes, and yet in their being able to bring the
newly emerging as well as the old forces into the service of
the whole. As states get larger, as social relations become
more complicated, it will be increasingly difficult to reach
this ideal: — that economic forces, while living for them
APPENDIX /. 91
selves should yet entirely serve the state, and that the state,
pursuing its own ends, should at the same time place all
its might and all its members in the true service of the
national economy. The Prussian state, — in its own fashion
and after the manner of the eighteenth century, — more
nearly arrived at this ideal than any of the other states
of the time. We may well ask whether we to-day, under
conditions so much more difficult, have approached it
more nearly.
Google
APPENDIX II.
PRINCES AND TERRITORIES OF THE HOUSE OF
HOHENZOLLERN.
ELECTORS OF BRANDENBURG.
Frederick I., 1411-1440.

This Frederick (of Hohenzollem), the sixth Burg-
grave of Nuremberg of that name, was made
Statthalter of the Mark of Brandenburg by the
Emperor Sigismund, to whom the Mark had
fallen, in 1411, and invested with the Margraviate
in 1417.
Frederick II., 1440-1471.
1455. Recovery by purchase of the New Mark (of
Brandenburg), sold to the Teutonic Order by the
Emperor Sigismund.
Albert (Achilles), 1471-1486.
John (Cicero), 1486-1499.
Joachim I., 1499-1535.
His brother Albert (p. 29) was Archbishop of Mag

deburg, and became later Archbishop of Mayence
(and so Elector).
Joachim II., 1535“I57i-
John George, 1571-1598.
Final incorporation of the New Mark (which Joachim
I. had granted as an appanage to a younger son,
John of Ctistrin).
92
APPENDIX II 93
Joachim Frederick, 1598-1608.

John Sigismund, 1608-1619.
1609. Opening of the War of Succession in Cleves.
[The Elector of Brandenburg and the Prince of Neuburg dis
puted the succession to a group of Rhenish and West
phalian territories, — the duchies of Cleves, Juliers, and
Berg, the counties of Ravensberg and Mark: “ A natur
ally opulent Country, of fertile meadows, shipping
capabilities, metalliferous hills; and, at this time, in con
sequence of the Dutch-Spanish War, and the multitude
of Protestant Refugees, it was getting filled with ingenious
industries; and rising to be, what it still is, the busiest
quarter of Germany. A Country lowing with kine; the
hum of the fiax-spindle heard in its cottages, in those old
days.... A Country, in our days, which is shrouded at
short intervals with the due canopy of coal-smoke, and
loud with sounds of the anvil and loom.” — Carlyle.
The dispute became involved in the larger struggle be
tween the Protestant and Catholic parties, which brought
about the Thirty Years’ War, 1618-1648, and the territory
was occupied for years by the Dutch and Spanish troops.]
1618. Succession to the Duchy of Prussia.

[Albert of Hohenzollern (grandson of Albert Achilles, through
a younger son) had, in 1511, become Grand Master of
the Teutonic Order, ruling in Prussia. “ It is a moory
flat country, full of lakes and woods, like Brandenburg;
spreading out into grassy expanses, and bosky wilder
nesses humming with bees; plenty of bog in it, but plenty
also of alluvial mud; sand too, but by no means so high a
ratio of it as in Brandenburg; tracts of Preussen are
luxuriantly grassy, frugiferous, apt for the plough; and
the soil generally is reckoned fertile, though lying so far
northward.” — Carlyle. In 1525 the Order was secu
larized, Protestantism introduced, and Albert, with the
consent of his suzerain, the King of Poland, became
Duke of Prussia. In 1569 Joachim II. of Brandenburg
secured from the King of Poland the co-enfeoffment of
the electoral family, with the right of ultimate succession
upon failure of heirs to the Prussian branch.]
George William, 1619-1640.

1624. Treaty of Partition of the Cleves inheritance,
giving to Brandenburg Cleves, Mark, and Ravens-
berg.
[This was confirmed by several subsequent treaties, in 1629
and other years; but Brandenburg did not secure entirely
undisturbed possession till the close of the Thirty Years’
War; and a definitive Partition was not accomplished
till 1666.]
Frederick William, 1640-1688:

The Great Elector.
1648. Treaty of Westphalia, assigning to Branden
burg Eastern Pomerania (Hinter-Pommem),
[Brandenburg had claimed the whole on the death of the last
Duke in 1637: the rest of Pomerania was now assigned
to Sweden.]
the Archbishopric of Magdeburg and the

Bishopric of Halberstadt,
[These lands had become Protestant, and had for some time
been governed by members of the Brandenburg house
as nominal1 bishops ’ or as ' administrators.']
and the Bishopric of Minden.

1656. Surrender by the King of Poland of his claim
to homage for Prussia; confirmed by the Treaty
of Oliva, 1660.
KINGS OF PRUSSIA.
Frederick I. (of Prussia, III. of Brandenburg) succeeded

to the Margraviate of Brandenburg and appen
dant territories in 1688; and, with the consent
of the Emperor, assumed the title King of
Prussia in 1701; d. 1713.
APPENDIX II 95
Frederick William I.,1713-1740.

1720. Acquisition of Stettin, and Western Pome
rania (Vor-Pommem) up to the River Peene,
and the islands of Wollin and Usedom.
Frederick II., the Great, 1740-1786.
Thus, at the accession of Frederick the Great, the Prus

sian territories fell into three groups, separated from one
another by the lands of other princes: (1) the central and
most important group, composed of Brandenburg proper,
Magdeburg and Halberstadt, and Pomerania; (2) Prussia
proper, separated from (1) by a province of the kingdom of
Poland; (3) the Rhenish territories, Cleves and Mark, and
the outlying Ravensberg and Minden. The subsequent
history of Prussia has consisted largely in the successful
effort to obtain possession of the intervening lands, and so
to secure geographical continuity.
Of the early political history of Brandenburg, the first
volume of Carlyle’s History of Frederick the Great still
furnishes by far the most complete, as well as entertaining,
account in English. — Ed.

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ECONOMIC CLASSICS

Volumes noiv ready:

1776. ADAM SMITH:

1831. RICHARD JONES:

1838. AUGUSTIN COURNOT:

1884. GUSTAV SCHMOLLER:

AND ITS HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE

ILLUSTRATED CHIEFLY FROM PRUSSIAN HISTORY

BEING A CHAPTER FROM THE

STUDIEN UEBER DIE WIRTHSCHAFTLICHE POLITIK

All rights reserved

By MACMILLAN AND CO.

Set up and electrotyped January, 1896. Reprinted February,

J. S. Cashing ft Co. - Berwick ft Smith

Gustav Schmoller was bom at Heilbronn in Wiirtemberg

His most important writings hitherto have been the fol­

has been incessant and wide-reaching: a list of his writings

Professor Schmoller is the leader of what is known as

The Prussian Silk Industry in the Eighteenth Century 81

List of the Princes and Territories of the House of

To pass judgment as economists upon a whole historical

propriety, construct other formulae, taken from the history

exercises the most penetrating influence upon the various

The idea that economic life has ever been a process

on the impression that it is concerned merely with methods

regard to Germany, by Georg von Maurer in his Einleitung zur Geschichte

They become the bodies which for centuries rule the

leave the village. The village is an economic and com­

political and economic life, local economic selfishness

Not only separate jurisdiction (Immunitat), but also the

cussion concerning the origin of municipal institutions, recourse may be

satisfied definite conditions, proved a certain amount of

gaining. The regulation of prices in the town is, to some

as peculiarly attached to the sovereign authority, such as the levying of

interest; and it constantly led to a complete stoppage of

sentation or otherwise, of the several orders, states, or conditions of men

the burgesses. The whole well-rounded law as to strangers

Some limitations were, doubtless, always imposed on

The town-leagues, reaching over the heads of the princes

some also of the more vigorous Dutch provinces, though

or commercial town,— as in the cases of Florence, Milan,

the town currency, the everlasting hostility of town and

1 [The reader may be assisted in following the course of the subsequent

argument by referring from time to time to the list of territories subject to

Frankfurt Staple (1490-1512) were certainly afterwards con­

T Oelrichs, Beitrdge zur brandenburgischen Geschichte, 265.

princes and not of the towns. At the congresses to deal

[Handfeste, a term derived from the impressing of the thumb on wax

lau, the “law of the country” (Landrecht) since 1346.

respect; Brandenburg, Pomerania, and other northern terri­

1 [1516 is commonly assigned as the date of its establishment. For an

lated family law and the law of inheritance.]

generations later, the most that the Elector Augustus of

use of. 'the practice of granting to the several artisan

about 1500: and in some respects it prepared the way

the squires (die Ritterschaft) in their name, complain that

itself,— that it sells the wood of its forests dearer to the

In the Prussian lands of the Teutonic Order it was

Mylius vi. 1, 36, 59.

His most important writings hitherto have been the fol

leave the village. The village is an economic and com

Frankfurt Staple (1490-1512) were certainly afterwards con

respect; Brandenburg, Pomerania, and other northern terri

(Feb. 2) no exportation should take place; Scheplitz con

that thereupon in the beginning of the fourteenth cen

Here let us pause. Our purpose was to shew by a particu

ployed in Germany and England to designate the industrial conditions de

Spain as well as in France, in Holland as well as in Eng

French marine were among the most important contribu

grasp the fundamental ideas of the system; which, natu

The long wars, each lasting several years, or even dec