The Analects of Confucius

The Analects of Confucius is an anthology of brief passages that present the words
of Confucius and his disciples, describe Confucius as a man, and recount some of the
events of his life. The Analects includes twenty books, each generally featuring a series
of chapters that encompass quotes from Confucius, which were compiled by his
disciples after his death.
Book I serves as a general introduction to the various disciples in the work. Book II
deals largely with issues of governance. Books III and IV are seen as the core texts,
outlining Confucius's ideology. Much of the work concerns itself with the concept of
the Tao or the Way, the chun-tzu or the gentleman, Li or ritual, Te or virtue, and Jen or
goodness. There are additional terms in the work, but these comprise the core
concepts. Taken together they form the backbone of Confucian ideals.
The Tao, or the Way, refers to a literal path or road. In the context of the work it refers to
the manner in which anything is done; a method or doctrine. Confucius speaks often
about the Tao under Heaven, meaning a good way or path to achieving morally superior
ends. This could include self-conduct or how a kingdom is ruled.

Jen is most often translated as "goodness" or "humanity". The gentleman, or chunt-tzu,

possesses this quality. Its translation is a bit difficult to represent exactly in English, but
the text provides a good deal of context when discussing the gentleman and goodness.
It is helpful not to simply think of the term as meaning "goodness" but also to see how
its juxtaposition with the other terms forms a greater picture of how Confucius defined
goodness and other positive human qualities. For example, words like "altruistic" or
"humane" are useful in understanding this term.
Te corresponds most closely to the word "virtue", although you may encounter some
disagreement among scholars regarding this translation. A better definition, some
scholars say, is to think of it as "character" or "prestige", an attribute that would have
been desirable in a human being.
The gentleman or chun-tzu is the central term in The Analects and the other terms are
generally used in reference to this persona. For this reason it is difficult to summarize
the gentleman easily, but considering the term in the light of the other ideas in the text is
helpful. The gentleman is one who follows the Way and acts according to a system of
morals and beliefs that are not common amongst other individuals. The use of the term
"gentleman" to describe the chun-tzu is itself problematic, as it can conjure images
related to an aristocratic existence. Some scholars see a similarity between the term
and Nietzsche's concept of the Ubermensch, although there is dispute over this idea as
well. A "superior man" is another suggested translation of the term. Taken in
consideration with the other terms presented, a more complete concept of the chun-
tzu emerges.
Li, or ritual, is another core concept in the text. Although the work does not go into great
detail on what ritual traditions actually entailed, their importance is presented as
paramount in the cultivation of te and an understanding of the Tao. The general
principles of conduct comprise much of what this term encompasses. Here, moral
initiatives outweigh pure historical knowledge. In other words, practicing what we might
call good manners and conducting oneself in a moral and fair affectation were
considered characteristic of a gentleman. An appropriate attitude was also necessary:
one of reverence and respect for one's elders and for rites and cultural norms that had
been handed down by past generations.
Also important to consider in reading The Analects is the historical context in which
Confucius lived and the events that surrounded his struggle to spread his doctrine.
During the Sixth century, powerful warlords and families gained control of the state of
Lu, gradually undermining and marginalizing the ducal house. Consequently, the normal
structure and function of government and social rituals were altered, much to the
dismay of Confucius. Confucius sought a revival of the Chou traditions that once had
been the norm in Lu. He saw these ways as legitimately bettering society. The
term li fits best in understanding the Chou traditions that Confucius so eagerly wished to
reinstate.
Eventually, Confucius and his disciples sought an audience with various leaders in Lu to
help bring these traditions back. Confucius's plan failed, however, and he left Lu after
becoming convinced that the sort of rulers he needed to enlist to his side were not
present there. So began a long period of traveling around to neighboring states seeking
out such a ruler. Some of this period is captured in the text. Confucius eventually
returned to Lu upon the invitation of Jan Ch'iu and lived out his days teaching young
men about the Chou traditions. However, he was not able to set up a state based on the
teachings he held so dear.

The Analects of Confucius Character List

Meng I Tzu/Mang I
A young patrician of the state of Lu who was sent to study under Confucius by his
father. He died in 481 BC.

Meng Wu Po/Mang Wu
The son of Meng I Tzu/Mang I.

Tzu-yu/Tsze-yu
A disciple.

Yen Hui/Yan Yuan

Confucius's most celebrated disciple and possibly his favorite. His early death caused
Confucius some dismay and is mentioned at several points in the text. It is unclear if the
statements regarding him preceded his death or were uttered afterwards.

Tzu-lu
A disciple sometimes referred to as Yu.

Tzu-chang/Tsze-chang
A disciple.

Duke Ai
The Duke of Lu from 494-468.

Confucius/The Master/Master K'ung

A Chinese philosopher, politician, and teacher who lived from 551-479 BC. His
philosophy emphasized morality, sincerity, and a mindfulness of the proper way of
conducting oneself in all matters. The Analects represent a collection of his sayings as
documented by his disciples after his death.

Lin Fang
A disciple who some scholars believe was known primarily for his slow wit and general
lack of intelligence.

Jan Ch'iu/Ran Qiu

A court minister in service to the Chi family. Confucius asks him if he cannot persuade
the family from making offerings on Mount T'ai. He replies that he cannot.
Tzu-Hsia/Shang
A revered disciple whom Confucius compliments for his grasp of the Book of Songs.

Wang-sun Chia
The Commander-in-Chief of Wei.

Tsai Yu/Zai Yu
A disciple of Confucius with whom he expressed great disappointment. He is portrayed
in the text as lazy and argumentative at times. Some scholars see Book V, Ch. 9 as
evidence that Confucius regretted taking him on as a disciple.

Kuan Chung/Guan Zhong

A 7th-century BC statesman who built up the power of the Ch'i kingdom. He is regarded
as having greatly expanded the political power of the kingdom during his time.
Confucius presents an alternative view of him as one who did little to raise the moral
status of the kingdom while depriving the Chou king of his rightful power as ruler.

Master Tseng
Sometimes called "Zengzi" or "Zeng Shen", this disciple is credited with a number of
sayings. He likely became a leader in the Confucian community in Lu and took on
disciples of his own, Confucius's grandson among them.

Jan Yung/Zhonggong
An important Confucian figure who appears to have been well liked and respected by
Confucius. See Book VI, Ch. 1.

Master Yu/You Ruo

This character appears almost entirely in Book I and may have had disciples of his own;
it is unclear why he is not quoted more in the other books.

Yuan Ssu
Little is known of this disciple. It is believed he withdrew from society and lived in Wei
following Confucius's death.

Ch'i-tiao K'ai/Qidiao Kai

This figure only appears once in the text (Book V,Ch. 6), but it is in a positive light. He
refuses to seek office after announcing that he has not yet perfected the virtue of good
faith.

Gongxi Chi/Kung-hsi Hua

A native of Lu. It is believed he was chiefly responsible for the rituals conducted at
Confucius's funeral.

Yan Yan
A native of Wu, distinguished for his literary knowledge.

Chang/Zi-zhang
A native of Chen, believed to be forty-eight years younger than Confucius. Some
scholars see disagreement between him and other disciples following Confucius's
death.
Li/Po-Yu
Confucius's son, who is believed to have died before his father. There is little mention of
him in the text, though it is clear that his death greatly affected Confucius.

Tzu-ch'in
A disciple of Confucius. Little is known of him.

Yang Huo
A retainer for the Chi family, he is believed to have usurped power from the Chi family
after being made steward of the domain of Pi. In Book XVII, Ch.1 Confucius seeks to
avoid direct contact with such a person but after Yang Huo makes an eloquent
statement about the need to serve in government, Confucius agrees to meet him. There
is no evidence that Confucius served Yang Huo, however.

Kung-shan Fu-jao
The Warden of Pi, the chief stronghold of the Chi family. He revolted against the Chi
Family in 502 BC. He summons Confucius in Book XVII. Confucius believes Kung-shan
may have designs to restore the Duke to his rightful position.

Pi Hsi
An officer of the Chin.

Chieh Yu
The madman of Ch'u. Confucius encounters him in Book XVIII and wishes to speak with
him but Chieh Yu runs off, making conversation impossible.

QUOTES
"The Master said, 'At fifteen I set my heart upon learning. At thirty, I had planted my feet
firm upon the ground. At forty, I no longer suffered from complexities. At fifty, I knew
what were the biddings of Heaven. At sixty, I heard them with docile ear. At seventy, I
could follow the dictates of my own heart; for what I desired no longer overstepped the
boundaries of right.'"

Book II, Ch.4, p. 88

In this quote, Confucius outlines a life devoted to learning and the pursuit of jen. It
demonstrates that attaining the status of the "gentleman" or "superior man" is a lifelong
pursuit achieved only through a sincere devotion to self-cultivation. This quote also
demonstrates that if such devotion is carried out, one can follow his or her heart's desire
without concern for moral quandaries, as goodness will then be innate. This quote also
presents a small portrait of Confucius himself. It is likely that the quote was transcribed
or completed after his death and could be seen as a loving portrait by the disciples of
their teacher.
"Meng I Tzu asked about the treatment of parents. The Master said, 'Never disobey!'
When Fan Ch'ih was driving his carriage for him, the Master said, 'Meng asked me
about the treatment of parents and I said, Never disobey!' Fan Ch'ih said, 'In what sense
did you mean it?' The Master said, 'While they are alive, serve them according to the
ritual. When they die, bury them according to ritual and sacrifice to them according to
ritual.'"

Book II, Ch. 5, p. 88-89

This quote introduces the topic of filial piety in the text. This quote can be misinterpreted
to mean that one should never disobey their parents, but most scholars believe
Confucius meant that it was the rituals that should never be disobeyed. The later
clarification that Confucius provides to Fan Ch'ih seems to agree with this interpretation.
It is also unlikely that Confucius would instruct anyone to obey their parents without
regard for what is wrong or right. Even if instructed to do something by a parent, if the
task was ethically dubious, Confucius would likely instruct anyone to always remain true
to the principles of jen, te, and the Tao.
Also, consider that matters of filial duties seem to have been applied to sons only. The
Analects does not provide any material that would suggest that Confucius held women
in lower regard, but teachings and literature of the time were assumed as the property
of men. Although Confucian ideals did argue for some changes in Chinese society, on
this matter, they did not conflict with the larger social construct.
"Wang-sun Chia asked about the meaning of the saying: Better to pay court to the stove
than to pay court to the Shrine. The Master said, 'It is not true. He who has put himself
in the wrong with Heaven has no means of expiation left.'"

Book III, Ch. 13, p. 97

After finding that he could not reform the politics of Lu, Confucius traveled to other
kingdoms in the hopes of presenting his political ideology and having it implemented. In
this case, Confucius travled to Wei and met with Wang-sun Chia, the Commander-in-
Chief in the state of Wei. Chia asks if it is not wiser simply to be on good terms with the
hearth god and have food than it is to waste food on ancestors who cannot enjoy it.
Confucius rejects this concept outright, as we might expect him to given his beliefs and
strong feelings about propriety and ancestors. Some scholars also feel that Chia was
using this bit of peasant lore to make an analogy about his own power, here
represented by the hearth god, vs. the power of the Duke of Wei, here represented by
the Shrine. He is suggesting that he is the true seat of power in Wei, and should be
treated as such. Likewise, Confucius rejects this assessment, which is consistent with
his beliefs.
"The guardian of the frontier-mound at I asked to be presented to the Master, saying,
'No gentleman arriving at this frontier has ever yet failed to accord me an interview.' The
Master's followers presented him. On going out the man said, 'Sirs, you must not be
disheartened by his failure. It is now a very long while since the Way prevailed in the
world. I feel sure that Heaven intends to use your Master as a wooden bell.'"

Book III, Ch. 24, p. 100

The frontier-mound at I (or Yi in some translations) lay on the border of the state of Wei,
where Confucius had traveled but failed to find any interest in his teachings. Upon
departing, he is evidently stopped by the keeper of the pass, who tells the disciples that
he believes Confucius has been placed here as a "wooden bell". The bell in question
refers to a rattle used to alert the populace in times of danger. This quote depicts
Confucius as a concentrated effort to re-establish the Way and reintroduce goodness
into the kingdoms of China. Remember that the text was established well after
Confucius's death and such quotes may have been added to honor or even exaggerate
Confucius's contributions to Chinese society. It is interesting that Confucianism would
come to be the official ideology of the state following the abandonment of Legalism.
"Tzu-kung said, 'What I do not want others to do to me, I have no desire to do to others.'
The Master said, 'Oh Ssu! You have not quite got to that point yet.'"

Book V, Ch. 11, p. 110

This quote captures the concept of reciprocity, which is discussed several times in the
text. Many scholars compare the quote to the Golden Rule and comment on the near
universality of this concept in major world religions. Confucius reprimands Tzu-kung in
this quote for not having quite yet achieved the mastery of his own self to be able to
make such a statement. Consider the importance of this concept of reciprocity within the
larger construct of Confucianism. Benevolence, goodness, and virtue are characteristics
that Confucius presented as of the highest importance. In order for a society to function
at its moral peak, it would have been important for all its members to extend such
respect to one another so that malevolence could not, in theory, become a temptation.
"The Master said, 'A horn-gourd that is neither horn nor gourd! A pretty horn-gourd
indeed, a pretty horn-gourd indeed.'"

Book VI, Ch.23, p. 120

In this quote Confucius is referring to a particular type of ceremonial bronze goblet,
which is written as "horn" next to the term "gourd". The goblet is neither a gourd nor a
horn in reality. Confucius uses it as a metaphor to comment on the political state of
China. Power in the country at this time was usurped by feudal lords and ministers from
kings, hence decentralizing power and leading to what Confucius felt was an erosion of
the traditional values and culture of the region. Here, he compares the lords to a pretty
object that may shine and sparkle but is not what it appears to be. In other words, such
feudal lords may appear to be kings but they are not, and therefore are not the true
keepers of the ways of the ancient kings.
"Tsai Yu asked saying, 'I take it a Good Man, even he were told that another Good Man
were at the bottom of a well, would go to join him?' The Master said, 'Why would you
think so? A gentleman can be broken but cannot be dented; may be deceived, but
cannot be led astray.'"

Book VI, Ch. 24, p. 121

This quote has been interpreted a number of different ways by scholars. Some see Tsai
Yu's question as one of insolence and disagreement with Confucius's ideology, while
others see it as playful banter. Most feel that this was an indication of some tension
between Confucius and Tsai Yu.

Confucius responds to Tsai Yu's question with a maxim about the true gentleman,
stating that such a person cannot be led to commit wrong acts. Confucius also implies
that if one does deceive a gentleman, it does not diminish the stature of the gentleman,
but rather exposes the deceiver. This is the "small man" that Confucius speaks of in
other parts of the text when comparing the traits of such a person to those of the
gentleman.
"The Master said, 'How utterly have things gone to the bad with me! It is long now
indeed since I dreamed that I saw the Duke of Chou.'"

Book VII, Ch. 5, p. 123

The Duke of Chou was a figure revered by Confucius, as indicated by statements in The
Analects. The Duke of Chou was said to have saved the dynasty through his wise rule.
Some sources also report that he was responsible for devising the rituals of the Chou
government. If such reports are to be believed, it is of little surprise that Confucius held
this man in high esteem, as these are issues that would have been close to his heart as
well. In this quote he again laments the state of government and public affairs in China.
His statement can be seen as an indication that he has not seen one such as the Duke
of Chou anywhere in recent memory and that he has lost hope of such a figure
emerging in politics anytime soon. Indeed the lamentation seems to be a personal
reflection on his own state of mind. Confucius regrets having given up hope.
"The Master said, 'From the very poorest upwards - beginning even with the man who
could bring no better present than a bundle of dried flesh - none has ever come to me
without receiving instruction.'"

Book VII, Ch. 7, p. 124

Here Confucius comments on the accepting, open nature of his school, where he claims
to never turn away anyone for being poor. However, there is disagreement on the
translation amongst scholars. This is a common problem with any text whose lineage is
so old and which has had the input of several authors. The phrase "bundle of dried
flesh" was used to describe school fees after the Han Dynasty and can still be found to
mean this in modern China. However, Confucian ideology preceded the Han Dynasty,
so it is unclear if the text here is meant to be taken literally as a small offering of meat or
idiomatically as a school fee. Cheng Hsuan, a Confucian scholar who lived during the
end of the Han Dynasty, believed that the phrase actually means "fourteen years old" or
someone who has reached manhood, indicating that as long as a student had reached
this age he could be accepted as a student. Given that some pre-Han texts describe
small offerings of meat, most scholars believe that this quote should be taken literally.
"Tzu-lu said, 'If the prince of Wei were waiting for you to come and administer his
country for him, what would be your first measure?' The Master said, 'It would certainly
be to correct language.' Tzu-lu said, 'Can I have heard you aright? Surely what you say
has nothing to do with the matter. Why should language be corrected?' The Master said,
'Yu! How boorish you are! A gentleman, when things he does not understand are
mentioned, should maintain an attitude of reserve. If language is incorrect, then what is
said does not concord with what was meant; and if what is said does not concord with
what was meant, what is to be done cannot be effected. If what is to be done cannot be
effected, then rites and music will not flourish. If rites and music do not flourish, then
mutilations and lesser punishments will go astray. And if mutilations and lesser
punishments go astray, then the people have nowhere to put hand or foot.

Therefore the gentleman uses only such language as is proper for speech, and only
speaks of what it would be proper to carry into effect. The gentleman, in what he says,
leaves nothing to mere chance.'"

Book XIII, Ch. 3, p. 172

This quote deals with the concept of the rectification of names, in which Confucius
explains that calling things by their proper names is the first step towards maintaining a
better society. He establishes a causal relationship, or chain effect, which would lead to
a breakdown in social propriety. Many scholars feel this quote was added later in history
to the text. They point to the mention of "punishments" in the text, a concept that was
never heralded by Confucianism.

Some scholars do see a connection between the rectification of names and other
Confucian concepts (li for example, in Book III). From this perspective, Confucianism
can be seen as something of a holistic philosophy in which all the terms discussed
(li, Junzi/Chun-tzu, te, tao) are inter-related and when viewed together present a
rounded image of the implicit goals of self-cultivation in each individual and a means to
a more just society