Pnadr154 PDF
Pnadr154 PDF
Pnadr154 PDF
By:
Ilana Umansky
Russbel Hernandez
Mario Alas
German Moncada
February 2007
Table of Contents
I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3
III. Analysis of Demands for and Constraints to Secondary Schooling among the
Target Populations.......................................................................................................... 16
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Alternative Upper Secondary Education in Honduras:
Assessment and Recommendations
I. Introduction
The first research question simply asks: What is the social context of secondary
education in Honduras as it relates to a large-scale upper secondary alternative education
program? This section of the paper presents the background of secondary education in
Honduras, and argues that there is an urgent need for an alternative upper secondary
education program. This need stems from a convergence of factors, including a social and
economic need for greater national development and productivity, the extreme and
continued low enrollment in upper secondary education in the country, and the large
numbers of Hondurans who have no access to traditional upper secondary schools. This
section also describes the research methods used in this study.
The second research question examines the demand for and constraints to secondary
education among the target population for an alternative upper secondary school
program. Using a nationally representative sample, this section of the paper finds that
there is enormous demand for such a program and explores specific information about
what the target population is looking for in a program, what would motivate them to
participate in such a program, and what the obstacles to schooling are for them.
The third research question then turns to analyze the existing alternative secondary
education programs in Honduras. Based on extensive field work and interviews, this
section provides a detailed description of the policies, organization, curriculum,
instruction, costs, and efficiency of these programs and presents a comparative analysis
of the strengths and weaknesses of the programs.
The final, and most important, research question addressed in this study brings together
the previous three. It asks: Given our understanding of the context of secondary
education, demand for such a program, and existing alternatives, what are the
characteristics of a viable large-scale upper secondary alternative education program in
Honduras? Furthermore, this section looks at which, if any, among the existing programs
in Honduras best fits these characteristics and provides a good base from which to adapt
and scale-up. Finally, this section estimates the cost involved in taking the recommended
program(s), adapting them, and making them accessible to the Honduran population.
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II. Context of Secondary Education in Honduras
Honduras is unlikely to meet its Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) and Education for All
(EFA) goals for secondary education if it continues on the current path. These goals
include reaching 70 percent net enrollment in lower secondary by 2015 and 50 percent
completion in upper secondary by 2015 (Government of Honduras, 2001). Honduras has
been commended for increasing government spending to education in recent years; at the
same time, the growing school-age population, the relatively small government budget,
and the high number of poor and extreme poor, has caused Honduras to fall off track
towards meeting many of its goals (PREAL, 2005). Although Honduras devoted 45
percent of its Poverty Reduction Strategy spending to education in 2004, Table 1 shows
that progress towards PRS and EFA goals has been slow (Government of Honduras,
2005).
Table 1: Joint Secondary Education Poverty Reduction Strategy and Education for All -- Goals and
Progress
PRS and EFA Goals 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2015 Goal
70% Net enrollment in lower secondary 24.2 31.0 30.9 31.2 38.2 70
education by 2015
50% Completion of upper secondary education 12.4 12.0 17.4 18.9 21.3 50
in emerging population by 2015
Sources: PRSP (GoH, 2001), 2005 Poverty Assessment (World Bank, 2005), PRSP Report (GoH, 2005)
The Government of Honduras is aware of the critical role alternative education programs
will need to play to meet these goals. One of four policy actions the Government has laid
out for expanding educational coverage in the PRS is to “strengthen and promote
alternative forms of education service delivery, both for the formal school system as well
as for youth and adults excluded from it” (Government of Honduras, 2001).
Unfortunately, between 2001 and 2004 only 1.7 percent of educational funding was
devoted to these alternative education forms (Government of Honduras, 2005).
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Challenges in Honduran Secondary Education
According to 2006 figures, the net enrollment rate for upper secondary in Honduras is 24
percent. This means that only one in four youth age 16 to 18 is enrolled in upper
secondary school. In addition, there are large inequities between urban and rural areas.
Most secondary schools offering the upper secondary grades are located in urban areas,
severely limiting access to schooling for those living in rural areas. The corresponding
net enrollment rate in rural areas for the upper secondary cycle is 12 percent, even though
more than half of the Honduran secondary school age population resides in the rural areas
(see Table 2).
Net enrollment rates are higher for girls (28%) than for boys (21%) both nationally and
within urban and rural areas. Fewer than one in 10 of boys aged 16-18 years old in rural
areas is enrolled in an upper secondary education program.
The situation for upper secondary education completion is even bleaker. The May 2006
household survey indicates that only 18 percent of adults over age 25 have completed
upper secondary education, and only 15 percent of the poor and less than 4 percent of the
extreme poor have done so.
Secondary education began in Honduras in 1959 with the creation of the lower and upper
secondary cycles. In 1978 the National Development Plan made a strong push for
technical and vocational education, resulting in the creation of the technical/vocational
upper secondary education degree. In the 1990s an explosion of technical/vocational
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upper secondary tracks reached a staggering 61 state-certified upper secondary education
degrees by 2001 (Moncada, et. al., 2004). This situation in Honduran upper secondary
education has been coined “curricular anarchy.”
Adding to this “curricular anarchy” is the absence of a systematic or national vision for
secondary education. Rather, secondary education in Honduras has grown without
substantive long-term planning (Alas, 2007). For example, there is no established
measure of student learning at the upper secondary level.
More needs to be learned about the quality of upper secondary education in Honduras,
although education quality in Honduras generally has been found to be low (LLECE
2001, PRSP 2001, PREAL 2005). In the UNESCO LLECE study of third and fourth
grade learning in 13 Latin American countries, Honduras came in last in both math and
language (LLECE 2001). In 2005 the National Education Council funded a study on
academic achievement in upper secondary schools. The study evaluated the learning
outcomes of some 1,400 students in 23 schools around the country. The results were
sobering, with students answering less than 41 percent of math questions correctly. The
study reported that “the knowledge levels shown by students are markedly deficient”
(p.49).
There is also limited information on student flow at the upper secondary level but
estimates suggest a 6 percent repetition rate, 7.4 percent intra-annual dropout, and 17
percent failure (Alas, 2007).
The need for more sufficient learning resources, better infrastructure, and better-prepared
human resources present additional challenges to Honduran upper secondary schools.
Just over half of Honduras secondary institutes have telephones, four out of 10 need
science laboratory space, three of 10 need library space, one-quarter of all desks need
repair, and more than three out of every 10 teachers are underqualified to teach at the
secondary level (Alas, 2007).
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education policies.” (Doryan and Chavarria, 1999, p.11). Another 2001 civil and private
sector consultation identified the need for secondary graduates to have basic skills
including those of reading and writing, adding, multiplying, and measuring (FEREMA,
2001). Finally, a 2005 consultation identified productive work attitudes and values
including punctuality, ethics, honesty, responsibility, order, and hygiene, along with
written and oral communication skills as the most pressing skills required by workers
(FEDECAMARAS, 2005).
It is in this context that several initiatives have been proposed to expand access to lower
and upper secondary education, including the National Education Action Plan (Secretaria
de Educación 1992). One of the objectives of this plan is to “expand educational
opportunities to youth and adults who prematurely left school through the use of flexible
programs, relevant to the needs, characteristics, and interests of these participants, and
geared towards improved insertion in the labor market and active citizenship” (p.47).
This initiative and the incorporation of lower secondary education into mandatory basic
education are the most significant proposals to expand secondary access in recent years
along with the creation and expansion of several alternative programs including those we
will examine in this study: Institutos Nocturnos (1970s), IHER (1989), SEMED (1992),
EDUCATODOS (1995), SAT (1996), and TELEBÁSICA (1996).
The preceding section presented a condensed, and necessarily simplified, picture of the
current state of upper secondary education in Honduras, highlighting issues in coverage,
equity, “curricular anarchy”, relevance, and quality. This context has resulted in a
growing consensus of the need for upper secondary education reform. As a result, the
Secretariat of Education, with assistance from the Inter-American Development Bank,
undertook in 2003 a process of secondary education evaluation and reform planning.
The resulting reform proposal lays out, for perhaps the first time, a conceptualization of
the goals of upper secondary education, as “the educational level following basic
education in which the goals are for students to develop positive personality traits, and
acquire knowledge and skills that support their social development as educated
individuals able to take on social, work, and high education responsibilities.” The reform
proposes to maintain the separation of academic and technical/vocational tracks and to
develop and approve a number of technical/vocational tracks. Unlike the current system,
however, the reform proposes to cut the number of approved tracks to around 16 and to
develop a shared curricular structure in technical/vocational programs comprised of a
foundational year of academic material, a year of more general competencies, and a final
year of specialized technical knowledge and competencies. The foundation of all the
upper secondary curricula will be in the new National Basic Curriculum which presents
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general learning and competency guidelines for upper secondary although it does not
provide specific standards or contents for this level.
Up to this point, secondary education reform has been spearheaded by the SE without a
legal foundation. At the time of the writing of this study there is an effort to put the
secondary education reform into law in an effort to make it a stronger and more
permanent reform.
Nonetheless the secondary education reform process has not adequately addressed the
presence of or need for alternatives to the traditional upper secondary education system.
The reform has not evaluated existing alternative programs or investigated the need for
such programs. The 16 curricular designs created as part of the reform do not include
modalities oriented to or adapted for alternative programs. In interviews with SE
stakeholders they assert that the current reform process does not intend to “close the
door” to alternative upper secondary education programs but rather has prioritized other
areas that have technical and financial support.
For the majority of youth in Honduras, upper secondary education is a dream unfulfilled.
Many Hondurans, both secondary school-age youth and adults, cannot attend school
because there are no programs nearby, their work schedule interferes with their ability to
attend school, or they cannot afford the direct costs of schooling.
Honduras demonstrates all the necessary conditions for alternative education: large rural
populations with limited access to secondary schools, large populations of working
youth, large impoverished populations, and large populations of adults that never
completed secondary education. The World Bank’s Rural Distance Learning Toolkit
(2005c), quoting Bates (1995), reports that while traditional education systems which
have a proven track record should always be the first choice of an education system,
alternative delivery modalities can provide good learning results and be cost efficient
when certain conditions apply. These conditions include: geographically isolated
populations who cannot reach conventional schools, socially or economically isolated
populations, the need to reduce per pupil cost by expanding enrollment, a lack of
qualified teachers, conventional systems that are unable to meet increasing demand,
adults returning to school, the need to educate more people at lower costs, or traditional
schools that need quality or relevance enhancement.
According to the 2007 household survey, 54.5 percent of the Honduran population lives
in rural areas (May 2007 Household Survey). Most of these communities have no school
that offers upper secondary education. Most upper secondary schools are located in
urban, municipal capitals and frequently require rural students to travel long and difficult
routes to attend.
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(May 2006 Household Survey). Few Hondurans past the age of 15 have the luxury of
studying full time. Yet the schedule of traditional upper secondary schools of five hours a
day, five days a week does not permit students to also maintain full-time jobs. 1 Less than
10 percent of those secondary school age youth who are in school are also working.
Finally, 60 percent of the Honduran population lives below the poverty line and a full 39
percent of the country lives in extreme poverty (May 2006 Household Survey). For these
people not only is the need to work urgent but also the direct and indirect costs of
schooling, including tuition fees, the costs of textbooks, and transportation are
prohibitive.
Table 3: Distribution of active students, all ages and levels, among education programs, 2006
Type of school or %
education program
Traditional Modality
Public school 82.3%
Private school 12.9%
PROHECO 1.7%
Outside Honduras .0%
Doesn’t know or .1%
doesn’t respond
Total Traditional 97.00%
Modality
Alternative Modality
EDUCATODOS .6%
PRALEBAH .1%
Radio-based .6%
education
Distance education 1.4%
in a public school
Distance education .3%
in a private school
Total Alternative 3.00%
Modality
Source: ENCOVI, May 2006.
1
Honduras has legislation against child labor for individuals under X years of age but, despite this, child
labor is common.
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Table 4: Estimated 2006 total enrollment in alternative upper secondary education programs
Program Upper secondary
enrollment
SEMED 9,415
IHER 5,829
Inst. Nocturnos 41,183
SAT 443
Total 56,870
Program enrollment figures obtained through program administrations
Currently only three percent of active students in Honduras are studying in alternative
education programs. Table 3 presents the distribution of current students among types of
education programs in Honduras. As the table shows, few Honduran students study in
alternative delivery programs, and they are distributed among a plethora of different
programs. At the upper secondary level, gross enrollment is higher, at 10 percent. In total,
nearly 57,000 students are enrolled in alternative upper secondary education programs.
Net enrollment rates are not appropriate measures of coverage for alternative programs
because so much of the target population is overage.
Taken together this suggests a dire problem in Honduras. More than 75 percent of the
age-appropriate population is not enrolled in upper secondary. The vast majority of these
individuals are rural and working youth who cannot access traditional schools.
Alternative education programs offer a means of providing them with a quality education
adapted to their unique context and needs yet, to date, alternative programs have not
scaled-up sufficiently to serve these populations.
The diversity of nontraditional education programs in Honduras and around the world
begs the question: What is an alternative delivery education? There are different ways of
defining alternative delivery education but within this paper we will follow the definition
put forward by Figueredo and Anzalone (2003). They identify four characteristics of
alternative programs, particularly at the secondary education level. Importantly, however,
they underscore that an alternative delivery program does not need to have all four of
these characteristics. A program might just be focused on one of the characteristics while
another is characterized by two, three, or four of them. These four program characteristics
are:
1. Be organized around policies that favor students who normally could not attend
school. These policies often focus on lowering the barriers to secondary schooling, either
by lowering entrance qualifications or lowering the direct costs to participants.
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3. Have nontraditional systems of instruction that operate at lower costs than
traditional schools. Alternative education systems are frequently employed to lower the
unit costs of education when and where the unit costs for traditional schooling are
prohibitively high. Frequently, alternative systems achieve lower unit costs by using pre-
existing infrastructure, employing teachers with lower pay, and/or substituting some of
the instructional time with self-directed learning.
This study provides in-depth examination of six alternative delivery programs that
currently exist in Honduras and that include either or both the lower secondary education
cycle (grades 6-9) and the upper secondary cycle (grades 10 and 11, or 10-12 depending
on the modality). We selected these six programs as the main programs in Honduras
offering alternative secondary education because they not only satisfy all or some of the
criteria mentioned above, but also because they are the most likely candidates for up-
scaling. The six programs are described briefly below. They are described in greater
depth later in this study.
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Institutos Nocturnos (“night schools”), like SEMED, are state-run, employ qualified
teachers, and offer classes Monday through Friday but at night when potential students
have finished working. Institutos Nocturnos offer lower and upper secondary education
using the traditional curriculum, traditional textbooks, and are located in secondary
schools. Their only differentiation is that classes occur at night to target working youth.
Institutos Nocturnos meet only the second of the four criteria -- that of organizational
arrangements to make the program accessible to nontraditional students.
SAT, or the Tutorial Learning System, is an NGO-run program based on the Colombian
SAT model. It offers lower and upper secondary education with an adapted curriculum
focused on rural development. Classes are held in the afternoon so that rural workers can
work in the mornings, is taught by qualified, salaried teachers, and is held in local
community settings. SAT meets all four criteria of alternative education programs.
Finally, Telebásica offers only lower secondary education and is a state-run program
modeled after the Mexican Telesecundaria model. Telebásica is held in some of
Honduras’ Centros Básicos, rural schools offering grades 1-9, runs during the day like a
traditional program, and employs traditional teachers. It differs from conventional
schools in that it uses video as a primary learning resource as well as an altered
curriculum developed in Mexico. Telebásica meets the fourth of the four alternative
education criteria.
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Methodology
This study benefits from extensive field work and qualitative and quantitative data
collection. Data collection activities included open-ended interviews, focus groups,
classroom and program observations, and a nationally representative survey of youth in
and out of alternative secondary education programs.
Once the field work was completed the information was transcribed and analyzed, and
background papers were written and matrices developed detailing findings from each of
the four main organizational areas of the study (as outlined in the introduction).
The quantitative analyses conducted for this study were integral to our analysis of the
second and fourth research questions – the demand for and constraints to upper
secondary schooling among the target population and the costs of modifying and scaling-
up a national alternative upper secondary program.
We conducted a national survey to analyze the demands for and constraints to schooling
among secondary school age youth. The survey was designed to gather information along
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a variety of subjects pertaining to these demands and constraints. Aside from collecting
background information on each respondent, the survey was divided into the following
areas: (1) strengths and weaknesses of existing alternative secondary programs; (2) the
value attributed to secondary school; (3) obstacles to secondary schooling; (4) incentives
to study at the secondary level; and (5) desired characteristics for an alternative
secondary program. A final section also asked respondents financial questions about
schooling. This information was used in the evaluation of existing programs and in the
costing scenarios of the recommendations put forward in this study.
Three populations were selected for a national random sample: students in alternative
secondary education programs, deserters of these programs, and youth that never
completed upper secondary education. This sampling methodology was chosen over a
more typical national random sample of secondary school-age youth to provide focused
information from alternative secondary education students and their surrounding
communities.
The sample of 620 was designed to have a confidence level of 95 percent and be
representative at a national level of all students in alternative secondary education
programs. The selection process first involved the random selection of Honduran
municipalities. Then, using lists of all program centers for the six programs, program
sites were selected randomly based on the relative enrollment of each program (see Table
6). In total, 62 program sites were selected. Field workers were then trained to conduct a
random sample of roughly 10 participants among all enrolled participants once they
arrived at the program site.
For the second population of interest, out-of-school youth, we applied the same sample
size of 620 in the surrounding communities of the same 62 centers. The idea was to learn
about the demands for and constraints to schooling among out-of-school youth who were
familiar with and/or had access to an alternative secondary program. Specifically, this
population is defined as youth ages 16-22 living in the neighborhoods surrounding
alternative secondary programs that completed grade 9 but did not completed upper-
secondary and are not enrolled in any educational program. Out-of-school youth who
have no access to secondary school were of less interest than youth who live near
alternative programs but are not participating. The field workers were trained to conduct
a geographical random selection of homes emanating out from program sites to fill the
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quota of 10 out-of-school youth. It is important to note that this sample of 620 was not
determined statistically and therefore findings from this population, unlike those for the
in-program population, cannot be generalized to the national level.
Finally, we were interested also in the opinions and perceptions of youth (also aged 16-
22) who had participated in alternative secondary programs but who had dropped out
without completing. For this group it also was difficult to establish a statistical method
for selecting a sample because few of the programs collect any viable data on program
dropouts. We decided instead to select a sample of 20 percent of the in-program sample,
124 dropouts total. Once at the program site field workers compiled a list of recent
program dropouts from program personnel and randomly selected two dropouts per site.
Again, it is important to note that while this survey of dropouts gives us important
insights into the experiences of alternative program deserters, the sample was not
designed to be generalizable to the national population of these deserters.
A five percent non-response rate was built into the sample size calculation. Table 7
shows that the final sample sizes were at least 95 percent for all three groups. For all
respondents, field workers conducted individual interviews in which the field worker
asked the respondent a series of scripted questions in a private setting and then filled in
the respondent’s answers. This methodology was chosen to ensure the highest possible
quality of data.
Table 7: Final number of valid survey respondents, target, and percent completed
Youth status N Target Percent
In-program 590 620 95%
Deserters 131 124 106%
Out-of-school 596 620 96%
Total 1317 1364 97%
Analysis of the survey data was largely descriptive, identifying trends in the main areas
of the survey – existing program assessment, value of secondary schooling, obstacles to
secondary schooling, motivation and incentives for secondary schooling, and desired
characteristics for secondary schooling – disaggregated by type of youth (in-school, out-
of-school, or dropout), gender, urban/rural status, working status, and whether or not the
respondent is raising children. T-tests were conducted to determine when there were
statistically significant differences between responses among these different groups.
The second quantitative research conducted for this study was a costing exercise. For
each of the programs (except IHER because they did not have the data) budget data was
collected. This data was then merged with survey responses on students’ private costs of
schooling. Per student and per graduate costs were calculated for each of the programs.
This same data, along with data from international alternative education programs, also
was used to make costing projections for the final recommendations of this study.
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III. Analysis of Demands for and Constraints to Secondary Schooling among the
Target Populations
This first section of analysis seeks to answer the question: What are the demands for and
constraints to participation in alternative upper secondary education programs among the
target population?
The first section will describe the constraints to schooling faced by the target population.
Much of the data presented here is from the national youth survey; however, it is
complemented with data from the 15 target population focus groups. Because many of
the findings come from the survey we will begin with a brief description of the dataset.
Description of Dataset
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the distribution of the sample among the six alternative secondary programs. As
explained earlier, this distribution corresponds to the relative enrollment of each of the
programs. The largest programs are the Secretariat of Education programs SEMED and
Institutos Nocturnos, while the smallest are SAT and TELEBÁSICA.
Ninety-six percent of the sample is between 16 and 22 years of age, the main target age
group for an alternative secondary education program. The vast majority of the non-target
age individuals are over 22, a likely beneficiary group of this type of program. The over-
age and under-age program participants were removed from the data set to ensure
statistical accuracy.
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Table 10: National youth survey basic statistics - work
Individual Male Female
works?
In- Deserter Out-of-school In-program Deserter Out-of-school
program
Yes 65.0% 71.0% 71.0% 38.4% 42.4% 50.8%
No 35.0% 29.0% 29.0% 61.6% 57.6% 49.2%
Findings
Our survey data suggest that there are multiple constraints to schooling among youth and
that these constraints vary according to individual characteristics. The most consistent
factor in both the survey and the focus groups and across different characteristics of
youth and the different programs is the economic need to work and related scheduling
difficulties between work and school. This is supported by international literature on
constraints to secondary education and is found in multiple studies of secondary
education in Honduras as well, including the Honduran household survey (2004), the
World Bank Honduras Poverty Assessment (2006), and a recent evaluation of
EDUCATODOS (Marshall, et. al., 2005).
The survey asked respondents to identify whether a battery of possible constraints posed
a ‘large,’ ‘small,’ or ‘no’ obstacle to continue schooling or return to schooling. As Table
12 shows, the mean responses to many of these potential factors suggest that they do
create obstacles to schooling.
The need to work and the specific work hours are the largest obstacles youth face among
nearly all groups of youth. Problems in family life, too many responsibilities, and the
private costs of programs are the next three largest reported obstacles to schooling among
surveyed youth. Other obstacles also appear to be important, among them the lack of
program resources, curricular content, the days and hours that classes occur, teacher
absences, teachers’ lack of subject-matter knowledge, safety concerns, the location of the
program and the distance of that location from people’s homes, failing classes, difficulty
understanding class content, lack of interest in classes, and students’ absences.
Importantly, constraints vary significantly for in-school and out-of-school youth. The
constraints for out-of-school youth focus on external factors; the constraints for in-school
youth focus on internal program factors. Much of this difference is probably due to the
fact that youth who have been out of school for long periods of time are more aware of
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the external factors preventing them from studying, while in-school youth are more aware
of the obstacles to schooling within the programs themselves. Interestingly, however, the
differences remain significant when removing the youth who were never enrolled and
comparing the responses of in-school and drop-out populations. The drop-out population
is likely to have been in school relatively recently and to be well aware of the program’s
internal obstacles.
In-school youth are more concerned with the teaching and learning process in the
programs. They find the resources level to be a constraint to their studies, as well as the
quality of their teachers, including how teachers treat students, teachers’ knowledge and
preparation, and their absences. Lack of safety, such as exposure to gangs, is more of a
concern for in-school students, as is the location of classes.
The obstacles in-school youth rated most grave include the need to work and conflict
with work hours, and the lack of resources in their programs. These findings support our
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findings from the focus groups. Focus groups with EDUCATODOS, SEMED, IHER, and
Institutos Nocturnos brought up work-related problems and those with EDUCATODOS
and Institutos Nocturnos brought up resource shortages. Other obstacles that frequently
arose in these focus groups included the private costs of attending these programs
(EDUCATODOS, SEMED, IHER, SAT, and Institutos Nocturnos) and distance-related
difficulties in getting to classes (SEMED, IHER, and Institutos Nocturnos).
The ability to get to classes and non-school responsibilities such as work and family are
larger obstacles for drop-out and out-of-school populations. These obstacles affect the
youth’s ability to attend class, another obstacle for these populations. According to the
survey, the most urgent obstacles for both the drop-out and the out-of-school populations
include: 1) the need to work and work hours; 2) difficulties in family life; and 3) having
too many responsibilities. Those who never attended secondary schooling cited costs as
another of the greatest obstacles while those that dropped out identified their absences as
one of the foremost challenges.
Again these findings are echoed in the focus groups held with out-of-school youth. The
clearest obstacles which emerged in all of the focus groups with out-of-school youth were
the prohibitive costs of schooling and the need to work. These two reasons are
interconnected and several of the focus group participants mentioned this, first that they
or their family could not afford to put them through school and that related to this, they
had to leave schooling and look for work. As one youth in the agricultural workers focus
groups stated: “I imagine that my principal reason (for not being in school) is the same as
for the majority of (name of community): the economic problem. Opportunities are few
here… and my family is large, we are 12 and it has been very difficult because my father
has been sick…and this has led us to work rather than study because we prefer to work
because that way we eat, and if we don’t work we don’t eat, it’s that simple.”
There are also statistically significant differences in obstacles between young men and
young women and between urban and rural youth. Young women are more likely to
report the location of the program as a pressing obstacle. This may be due to more
difficulty traveling, such as being away from family or safety concerns. For young men,
work-related obstacles are more pressing. Youth who live in urban areas face greater
obstacles from safety concerns as well as from the content taught in class.
Predictably, working youth also face more obstacles than youth who are not working.
For working youth, the hours and days that classes take place, the location of classes, the
costs, and the general need to work while having too many responsibilities are the more
pressing obstacles. Interestingly, working youth also find class content to be a
significantly greater obstacle. This may reflect the fact that the content is difficult for
them because they are balancing multiple responsibilities. Youth raising children face
many of these same obstacles. They are more likely to report having too many
responsibilities, having difficulties at home, and the need to work as pressing obstacles to
continued schooling.
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If we divide the 20 potential obstacles studied in the survey into two equally sized
groups, one of larger obstacles (<=2.3) and one of smaller obstacles (>2.3), difficulty
understanding course content and failing classes both fall into the larger obstacles group,
suggesting that academic standing and ability to learn and master content are important
concerns for youth. Nonetheless, these factors relating to academic standing do not
appear to be more pressing obstacles for any one group of youth.
Our findings regarding the most urgent obstacles to secondary schooling in Honduras
lend themselves to some clear and reasonable policy responses. First, the current context
of high poverty means that youth face extreme pressure and obligation to work. What is
more, Honduran youth also balance other large responsibilities, such as caring for their
children, siblings, grandparents, and home. Thus, any alternative secondary program
needs to take place at times and in locations that allow working youth and youth with
multiple responsibilities to attend. Ideally, each program site should be able to choose its
own schedule and location to best suit the needs of its participants and programs should
be flexible in ways that allow students to study on their own or catch up when they miss
class.
Second, the costs borne by program participants need to be kept minimal. This is
particularly the case for the extreme poor, a full 39 percent of the Honduran population in
2006. This can be achieved by minimizing or eliminating program costs such as
textbooks or enrollment fees, or it can be achieved through some sort of a sliding scale
fee system whereby the costs can be forgiven for those students without the means to pay
for them. A third way of controlling costs for students is to spread out program sites to
local communities so that participants do not need to pay high transportation costs.
Finally, the issue of ensuring that programs have sufficient resources seems to be an
important obstacle.
Despite these obstacles, one of the main findings of this study is that demand for
secondary education is extremely high across nearly all groups of youth. In our survey,
94 percent of the entire sample expressed a desire to advance their studies. Among in-
school youth, nearly all wanted to continue studying, but even among the drop-out and
the out-of-school populations, 90 and 91 percent, respectively, expressed interest in
continuing their studies. These findings are backed by the results from the focus groups.
Among all out-of-school focus groups, youth expressed enthusiasm at the possibility of
going back to school. This included unemployed youth, youth working in the agricultural
sector, the service sector, and the maquila sector, and incarcerated youth. As one boy in
the Federal Penitentiary stated, “Yes I would do it (go back to school), of course. I am
interested in studying more, now I miss school, maybe if I had studied more I wouldn’t
have ended up in this place.”
21
Value Ascribed to Secondary Education.
Nearly all individuals surveyed had a very positive impression of the value of secondary
education. We asked respondents to answer whether they believed that a secondary
education would give them much, little, or none of the following things: better salaries,
more prestige, more work opportunities, a better life, more happiness, a better opinion of
oneself, and more opportunities to study. The mean responses to all these questions were
very close to the “much” answer. This was true for respondents across gender, work
status, and urban/rural location. There were some statistically significant differences in
responses between in-school and out-of-school or deserter youth groups, but even across
these groups responses were very positive. The main statistically significant differences
were that in-school youth were more likely to respond that a secondary education would
give them a “much” better opinion of themselves, while out-of-school and deserter youth
were more likely to respond that a secondary education would give them “much” better
salaries and work opportunities (see Table 13).
In addition, 98 percent of the sample responded that education is important to them. The
responses were a bit lower to the question of whether they liked studying -- 84 percent
responded :yes”, 14 percent responded “somewhat”, and two percent responded “no”.
Responses were statistically different across the three groups of youth. In-school youth
liked school more, on average, and thought that education was more important in their
lives. They also wanted to complete more years of schooling. The mean response to the
question of what level of education individuals wanted to complete was university
education for the in-school population, and secondary education for the out-of-school and
deserter populations. Interestingly, girls were significantly more likely than boys to
respond that they liked being in school. Also, rural respondents were less likely to want
to complete higher levels of schooling than urban respondents. Older respondents were
just as likely to want to reach higher levels of schooling as younger students despite
higher opportunity costs of schooling.
On the survey, we asked the youth a series of questions about how much certain
“incentives” motivated them to attend secondary schooling. These incentives included
22
such things as “the ability to go on to college,” “learn new things,” and “be able to study
instead of work.” Respondents could answer that these things motivated them “a lot,” “a
little,” or “not at all.”
Of the seven possible incentives posed, three resulted in more than 65 percent of
respondents answering “a lot” (see Table 14). These incentives were the ability to learn
new things, the possibility of a better life, and the ability to help their children and family
members with homework. The first, the ability to learn new things, indicates that the very
act of being in class is a motivation to them. The second top motivation, the possibility of
a better life, confirms that youth believe that education opens up new doors to them in
terms of standard of living, work, and income. The last motivation, helping children and
family members with their homework, underscores that many of the individuals likely to
be enrolled in an alternative secondary education program have children or are in
positions of great responsibility within their families.
For six of the seven options, more than half of the respondents answered that the
incentive motivated them “a lot” to study in secondary education. The six options can be
seen in Table 14. The highly positive responses suggest that youth have a high regard for
secondary schooling, believing that it is both a positive experience and that it helps them
in their future lives.
One very interesting phenomenon that occurred in this section of the survey is that the
out-of-school population -- those who have never been enrolled in secondary education --
have the most favorable responses regarding the incentives secondary education creates
in their lives (see Table 15). This may reflect their longing to return to school as well as,
perhaps, a more negative or realistic perception of schooling on the part of those youth
who are either in a program or who recently dropped out of one.
23
Table 15: Incentives to study upper secondary, by youth type
How much does In- Deserter Out-of-
________ motivate program school
you to study upper
secondary?
There are few statistically significant differences in the perceptions of what motivates
youth to continue schooling. Youth raising children at home are less likely to see getting
away from the house as a motivation to attend secondary education. This makes sense as
these youth are likely to feel a strong need to be at home with their children. Rural youth
are more likely to enjoy getting away from home while urban youth are more likely to
value learning new things and the possibility of improving their lives.
Focus group results support and deepen these findings. Out-of-school youth, whether
working, unemployed, or incarcerated, feel the impact of not having continued their
education. They spoke sincerely about their own sense of “failure” in their lives and
having “no future.” They had a strong perception of school as a way out of their
economic and social conditions. One domestic worker said: “For me there are various
(implications of finishing secondary): being able to find work. It is easier to find work
when one is professional. Meanwhile it is nothing to work in people’s houses. I work in
people’s homes because I can’t find work doing anything else because I don’t know
anything.” It is clear from these focus groups that out-of-school youth feel ashamed of
their lack of education and believe that secondary schooling would make them feel better
about themselves and improve their lives.
In-school focus group participants often expressed their continued efforts to study in
alternative programs as an investment and sacrifice. A student from IHER stated: “When
one sacrifices like this they hope for some payback. One doesn’t go through such efforts
just for the fun of it, a person has expectations. Maybe it will be that I feel better about
myself, that I have a secondary diploma, that I’ll have good work opportunities that pay
me better.”
24
This analysis indicates that the demand for secondary education is very high. Across the
board the target population for an alternative secondary education program: a) wants to
get their secondary education degree; b) has very high expectations of what a secondary
education will provide in their life; and c) is motivated to be in school by a number of
factors.
The analysis also shows that there are three main reasons why youth have such a high
demand for school. The first is economic. Youth believe that a secondary education
degree will give them access to better jobs, allow them to earn a better income, and lead a
better life. And, as stated earlier in this paper, they are right. The World Bank Honduras
Poverty Assessment showed that private returns to schooling are highest at the upper
secondary level. The second reason is personal. Youth in alternative programs feel proud
and accomplished for the effort and sacrifice they have shown. And out-of-school youth
feel that going back to school would help them feel better about themselves, feel more
confident, and less like failures in their lives. Finally, youth appear to be very motivated
by school’s ability to help them serve their families better, not just economically, but by
allowing them to help their children with their homework, or serving as role models in
their family. These three areas: economic, personal, and familial, are the three main
motivations for youth to study. An alternative secondary education program should take
advantage of these motivations, ensuring that graduates do indeed benefit in these three
ways, and perhaps running public-awareness campaigns highlighting these three areas.
The final part of this section on youth demands for and constraints to secondary
education examines the characteristics desired by the target populations in an alternative
secondary education program. The data comes from the national survey and the focus
groups with in-school and out-of-school youth.
The survey asked the youth to imagine a program designed to suit their needs. The idea
was to learn what characteristics suit the needs and interests of the target population, both
those in school, and those out of school. Similarly, the facilitators of the focus groups of
in-school youth asked participants what they liked and did not like about the program
they were in. They also were asked about what they would change in their current
programs.
One aspect that is clearly important in the design of any alternative program is the days
and times when classes would be most convenient and accessible for target students. In
terms of days, the survey suggests that roughly half of the target population would prefer
having classes five days a week, Monday through Friday (see Table 16). The other half,
however, would prefer to have classes less frequently, between one and three times per
week. The answers vary significantly for different types of youth along relatively
predictable lines. Working youth, youth raising children, and youth who are currently not
enrolled in any program are more likely to want to attend classes less frequently. This is
very likely due to competing responsibilities. Given this information, programs that seek
to incorporate nontraditional students who work or are raising families might be better
25
adapted by offering classes less than five times a week. Clearly, a balance needs to be
found between meeting times that can accommodate nontraditional youth while still
meeting frequently enough to cover all the necessary material adequately.
Table 16: Schedule preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program (days)
What schedule is most All Individual is Individual is Individual has
convenient for you in an enrolled currently children at home
alternative secondary working
program? No Yes Yes No No Yes
5 days a week (M-F) 50.2% 39.6% 62.5% 46.3% 54.2% 53.5% 39.5%
Two or three times a 28.4% 31.2% 25.1% 29.2% 27.7% 28.1% 31.0%
week
One day a week 19.3% 26.0% 11.5% 22.4% 16.0% 15.9% 28.7%
Half-day per week 2.1% 3.2% .8% 2.1% 2.1% 2.4% .9%
In terms of what time classes should take place, 60 percent of the sample thought that
night or weekend hours were preferable to morning or afternoon hours. This preference
for night and weekend hours is, again, significantly stronger in nontraditional youth
groups, including out-of-school youth (65%), working youth (70%), and youth raising
children (70%). Again, it seems fairly clear that this preference for nontraditional class
hours is due to competing responsibilities.
Table 17: Schedule preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program (hours)
What schedule is most Full Individual is Individual Has children at
convenient for you for an sample enrolled currently works home
upper-secondary No Yes Yes No No Yes
education program?
The survey also examined how important it is for current and potential students that the
location of classes be close to students’ homes. Overall, 65 percent of respondents think
that having a program near their home is “very important”’ and another 14 percent think
it is “important”. This finding indicates that accessibility is an important concern for both
in- and out-of-school youth. Significant differences of opinion are present between urban
and rural youth and between youth raising families and those not raising families. Rural
youth are less likely to think that having a program nearby is important. This is probably
because they are accustomed to traveling to get to school. It also may reflect our sample
which, due to enrollment, has more respondents in SEMED and Institutos Nocturnos, two
programs which are located in urban centers but serve significant numbers of commuting
rural youth. Youth who are raising families are more likely to need a program that is
close to their homes. Interestingly, there is no significant difference between the
responses of males and females for this question despite the fact that females may be less
inclined to travel long distances due to safety and family concerns.
26
Table 18: Distance preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program
How important is it to Full The community where Individual has children at
you to have a Sample you live is… home
program close to your Urban Rural No Yes
home?
The next question asked the youth groups where they would most like a program to be
located. The vast majority (90%) answered that they would prefer a program be in a
school setting. Seventy-five percent would prefer it be specifically in a secondary school
setting. This again may reflect the fact that many of the respondents are most familiar
with programs being in school settings, but it also might reflect the resources available in
a secondary school campus or the added legitimacy of a program housed in a regular
secondary school.
There are few differences in responses across youth groups, but Table 19 shows that
respondents enrolled in or living near programs that are not housed in secondary schools
are less likely to prefer that a program be located in one. This might suggest that youth
will adapt to a nontraditional program setting.
It is important to note, however, that very few respondents indicated that they wanted a
program to be located in a home, church, or community center, regardless of the program
they were familiar with. This preference supports a recent evaluation of EDUCATODOS
which showed that programs located in homes and churches are more likely to close than
those in a school setting. This also may be tied to students’ and teachers’ perceptions of
where a “serious” or “credible” education program is located.
Table 19: Location preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program
Where would Full Program
you prefer the Sample
program to be EDUCA SEMED TELEBÁSICA SAT IHER Institutos
located? TODOS Nocturnos
In terms of curricular focus, the youth placed great importance on the two traditional
curricular areas of academic studies and work and technical skill-related studies. Seventy
27
percent of the respondents identified one of these two areas as the curricular focus they
would like to see in an alternative secondary education program. Interestingly enough,
however, nearly 25 percent of respondents answered that they would like to see a
curriculum that focuses on community development or one that improves lives at home
such as health, nutrition, interpersonal relations, and other such curricular content.
Table 20: Curricular preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program
What interests you most Full Gender Individual Individual has
in terms of what you could Sample currently children at
learn in an upper works home
secondary program? Male Female Yes No No Yes
Content that would help 29.4% 33.6% 25.9% 34.1% 24.3% 31.5% 23.5%
you in your work and
future work (such as
technical skills)
Content that deals with 10.6% 10.8% 10.5% 10.2% 11.4% 11.0% 10.0%
your life and your
community (such as
community development
projects)
Content that allows you to 41.4% 38.5% 43.7% 37.9% 45.4% 40.8% 42.1%
continue your education
(such as knowledge about
science, math, and history
that prepares you for
college)
Content that makes you 5.3% 4.0% 6.3% 5.0% 5.7% 5.5% 5.0%
feel better about yourself
(such as learning to
express yourself better)
Content that helps you in 13.2% 12.8% 13.5% 12.7% 13.1% 11.0% 19.1%
your family life (such as
improving family relations
or learning about health
and nutrition)
Other content .2% .3% .1% .2% .1% .3%
Differences in responses were relatively predictable for this question. Working youth and
males were more likely to select technical skills as their top priority for a program while
youth raising children were more likely to select the curricular focus on families and
personal life.
Across all groups, academic core content areas continue to be a major priority.
Nonetheless, technical skills, community development projects, and content that could
directly improve the lives of the participants and their families are also important to
youth.
This finding suggests that the best curriculum for a large-scale alternative secondary
program might be one that covers the national curriculum and prepares youth for
28
university and the labor force, but that is adapted as well to the personal and social
context of the target population.
Surveyed youth were fairly consistent about the qualities they believe to be most
important in a “good” teacher. Of six possible qualities, the youth tended to identify good
training/education, good knowledge of what they teach, and teaching in an active and
interesting way as the most important qualities of good teachers. More than 80 percent of
respondents selected one of these three qualities.
There are a few significant differences across youth groups, as can be seen in Table 21,
but these are relatively minor. Overall, the responses underscore the importance of having
capable teachers who both know the material and know how to teach it. This focus of
respondents may be due to concern that not all teachers meet those expectations.
Table 21: Teacher preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program
What do you think is the most important Full Individual is The area where
characteristic of a good teacher or Sample enrolled you live is…
facilitator? No Yes Urban Rural
Teaches in an active and interesting way 23.6% 22.8% 24.5% 26.2% 19.1%
Survey results show that the target populations for an alternative secondary education
program have a strong preference for teachers as their primary learning resource.
Respondents were asked which, among a list of key learning resources, they thought they
would learn best with in an alternative secondary program. A full 60 percent of those
surveyed identified teachers as how they think they would learn best, above textbooks,
computers, cassettes, TV, CDs, and internet. For those currently enrolled in alternative
programs, the figure is 54 percent. Given our sampling technique, we can be fairly certain
that throughout Honduras the majority of students enrolled in alternative programs for
lower and upper secondary identify teachers as their most important learning resource.
This is particularly interesting due to the fact that four of the six programs sampled, and
60 percent of the in-school individuals sampled, are enrolled in programs where the
primary learning resource is not designed to be the teacher.
For example, zero percent of EDUCATODOS participants responded that they learned
best from cassettes even though cassettes are the primary learning resource in
EDUCATODOS; 4.5 percent of TELEBÁSICA participants asserted learning best from
television despite the fact that television videos are the primary learning resource in that
29
program; and 4.8 percent of IHER students reported learning best from radio, a radio-
based program. Further research would be necessary to understand why students in
programs that use alternative technologies do not seem to value those technologies. One
possible explanation is that the programs and teachers are not using the technologies
appropriately (Marshall, et. al., 2005, Secretariat of Education, 2002). Another
possibility, again, may be that these responses reflect youth notions about what a “real”
or “serious” education program should look like.
After teachers, respondents are most likely to choose textbooks as the way they believe
they would learn best in an alternative secondary program. Respondents chose textbooks
nearly three times more frequently than the next learning resource: computers.
Approximately one in five individuals surveyed, or one in four of the in-school
respondents, believe that they learn best from textbooks.
Table 22: Learning resource preferences for an alternative upper secondary education program
With which of the Full Individual is Individual works Has children at
following resources do Sample enrolled home
you believe you would
learn best in an
alternative secondary No Yes Yes No No Yes
education program?
In-school youth, working youth, and youth without children at home are all at least
slightly more open to innovative learning resources, but no resource was anywhere near
the acceptance of teachers and the distant second, textbooks.
While these findings might sound surprising, they are consistent with the international
literature and research on effective learning in alternative delivery programs. As
Figueredo and Anzalone write: “Most people can learn appropriately through simple
technologies, so that investments in expensive technologies is not usually justified,
especially in developing countries where educational budgets are limited and needs are
great” (p.29, 2003). Indeed, more than 80 percent of international distance education is
print based. Alternatively, these responses may reflect traditional notions of education
and learning resources.
This finding also underscores the critical role of teachers found in assessments of
alternative and distance learning programs throughout the world. In one recent evaluation
of the effectiveness of distance education programs across the world, the most significant
30
factor associated with increased program effectiveness was the level of instructor
involvement. When instructor involvement in distance learning programs was low,
traditional education programs were found to be more effective than alternative/distance
education programs (on a range of outcome measures including test scores, drop-out
rates, and external program evaluations). When instructor involvement was medium or
high, alternative/distance programs outperformed traditional programs (Zhao, 2005).
The importance of textbooks and teachers for learning is again seen in a series of
questions where respondents were asked to answer how important particular resources
are for their learning. Table 23 shows the results of these questions. Again, teachers and
textbooks are rated far above the other resources, although in this set of questions
respondents were more likely to say that texts were “very important” to their learning
(64%) than to say that the teacher or facilitator was “very important” to their learning
(59%). Other resources, including learning technologies and the physical condition of the
classroom, were considered relatively important to respondents.
Table 23: Assessment of various factors’ importance for learning in an alternative upper secondary
education program
How important The text- The The Tech. The physical
is/are ______ books teacher/ blackboard resources state of the
for your facilitator classroom
learning?
It is interesting to consider why there is a slight discrepancy between the answer to how
respondents think they would learn best in an alternative secondary program and how
respondents rate the importance of various resources for their learning. It could be simply
a matter of the wording of the question, or it could be that in the first question they are
being asked to think of how they would learn best in an ideal program while in the
second they are being asked to think of their past experiences. In this sense the strong
favoring of teachers in the first question could suggest how youth believe they could
learn best while the responses to the second might indicate that textbooks have, in the
past, proven to be a more reliable source of learning than their teachers or facilitators.
These findings on learning resources suggest that any alternative upper secondary system
in Honduras would benefit from ensuring high quality textbooks and face-to-face support
from teachers. More technologically advanced media, such as video, radio, or computers,
can provide more interactive and dynamic material but are difficult and expensive to
ensure proper distribution and usage (Guri-Rosenblit, 2005; UNESCO, 2001). Given the
cost of producing such media and the relatively small population in Honduras and limited
education budget, a program would benefit from using these as potential supplementary
materials rather than as a primary learning resource.
31
The final set of questions dealt with what things youth would be willing to pay for if their
ideal program existed (see Table 24). The responses to this question do not indicate that
youth have the means to pay for the top affirmative responses; rather they indicate what
costs would be reasonable to pass on, in part, to participants. As Table 24 shows, more
than 60 percent of respondents answered that they would be willing to pay for an annual
enrollment fee and textbooks. A full 40 percent, however, answered that they would not
be willing to pay for these things.. The costs that youth were least willing to assume
include a monthly fee (67%), payment for the teacher (82%), and security for the school
(65%).
Table 24: Willingness to pay for various factors in an alternative upper secondary education
program
In your ideal program, would Yes No
you be willing to pay for
_______?
Based on these findings, the most reasonable cost-sharing options for an alternative
secondary system are enrollment fees and/or textbook fees. Nonetheless, it needs to be
ensured that these fees do not render the program inaccessible to the people we most
want to enroll – those who, without an accessible, quality alternative program would not
enroll in or complete secondary education.
With this understanding of the demands and constraints for alternative secondary
schooling among the different target populations for such a program, we now turn to our
analysis of secondary education in Honduras and existing alternative secondary programs
in particular.
32
IV. Evaluation of Honduras’ Existing Alternative Upper Secondary Programs
This section takes an in-depth look at six alternative secondary education programs
currently operating in Honduras. In our efforts to understand what sort of program would
suit the needs of Honduran youth and adults who cannot attend traditional programs, we
also hope to learn how these needs are being met or not by existing programs.
For this work we spent time with each program, visiting and observing classes, holding
focus groups of students, and interviewing teachers and local and national administrators.
The following is a summary of our findings. First we offer a detailed description of each
program organized into five key areas, then we offer a comparative analysis of the
strengths and weaknesses of each program.
We identified six fundamental aspects of alternative secondary programs that are critical
to program success and we conducted our research and analysis using the framework of
these five aspects. They include: 1) program policies and management; 2) program
finance; 3) organizational arrangements; 4) program curriculum; 5) program instruction;
and, 6) program internal efficiency. These six areas encompass and organize the main
ways in which alternative delivery programs are designed to meet the needs of their target
populations. In this section we first review the literature on each of these program aspects
in regards to alternative secondary education programs and then turn to an evaluation of
each of the six existing programs in Honduras organized along these same six lines.
One critical piece of a thorough evaluation of these programs is of course the learning
outcomes of the students. Unfortunately, there is no pre-existing comparable measure of
student learning among the programs, such as a secondary school exit exam, and it was
beyond the purview of this study to administer a test to program participants. An
evaluation, therefore, of how well programs are educating participants, controlling for the
background characteristics of participants, is an important step to take before making any
final conclusions about the relative merit of any of the programs as a model for program
expansion.
Alternative education programs face unique management challenges because they are
frequently less centralized than traditional schools, less accessible (such as being located
in hard-to-reach or dangerous areas or taking place at night or during the weekends), and
tend to have fewer staff, less-qualified staff, and more dispersed staff. Alternative
programs also struggle to balance responsiveness to local adaptation and needs with
central support and guidance. Managing alternative programs requires specific skills and
33
tasks, including ensuring that disperse local staff have sufficient support and preparation,
sites have the necessary supplies and resources, local needs are respected and honored,
and data is monitored and analyzed (Figueredo and Anzalone, 2003).
34
alternative programs must be appropriate for the program (Figueredo and Anzalone,
2003).
Curriculum. Here again, alternative programs face several challenges. First, alternative
programs often are considered, and indeed are, a second-rate education (World Bank,
2005c; Figueredo and Anzalone, 2003). Earning legitimacy as a quality program,
comparable to traditional schools, is critical for program success. Because of this, and
because graduates should have the same privileges as graduates of conventional schools,
most alternative programs cover the same curricular material as in traditional schools,
take the same standardized and exit exams (if they exist), and earn the same diploma. But
alternative programs frequently do not want to teach the exact same curriculum because
they want to cover material that is meaningful to the target population, such as a rural-
development focus, a community-development focus, skills for work focus, or a personal
development focus. The challenge then becomes how to teach a traditional curriculum
plus adapted material all in a shorter amount of time and expect to have the same learning
outcomes (Figueredo and Anzalone, 2003; World Bank, 2005c).
Using these criteria, we now turn to evaluate the six existing alternative secondary
education programs in Honduras. As stated earlier, this evaluation is almost entirely
qualitative, based on interviews with national directors, regional coordinators, and
teachers; classroom observations; focus groups with students; and a review of the existing
literature.
EDUCATODOS
Policies. EDUCATODOS targets low-income youth and adults in rural and peripheral
urban areas. It does so by offering a community-centered education model with relatively
low direct costs to participants structured around times and places when working
participants can attend. EDUCATODOS is, by far, the lowest cost alternative program,
with social costs reaching only about US$40 per participant per year (see Table 25).
Direct private costs to students (textbooks and fees), according to our national survey, are
significantly higher, at about US$100 per year. The highest reported private costs to
35
students, according to our survey, however, are indirect costs such as transportation to
class and food.
EDUCATODOS added the lower secondary grades in 2000. Like all six of the programs
we evaluated, EDUCATODOS offers graduates national accreditation, meaning that
EDUCATODOS graduates of the ninth grade should be able to enroll in any upper
secondary school, traditional or alternative. EDUCATODOS has been financed largely
through USAID with counterpart funding from the SE. At the local level,
EDUCATODOS also benefits from significant local counterpart , including volunteer
teachers (facilitators), borrowed space, and, in certain cases, municipal government, non-
profit or private sector financing. USAID financing ends in 2009.
Structure and Organization. At the level of the individual class center, each group of
participants is responsible for selecting their own facilitator, finding an appropriate,
accessible location for classes, and choosing 10 hours per week to hold classes. Classes
are generally held in local primary schools after hours, or in community centers or
churches. Class hours are typically two hours per day, Monday through Friday, in the
evening or night, or 5 hours per day on both Saturday and Sunday. The local selection of
facilitator, location, and hours is designed to ensure greater accessibility for participants.
While the precise figure is unknown, average class size is probably between 10 and 20
participants.
Curriculum. EDUCATODOS has developed its own curriculum for grades 1-9 based on
guidelines from the SE (“Rendimientos Básicos”) but organized into five integrated
thematic areas designed to be of greater relevance and interest to EDUCATODOS target
participants. The five areas are: Population, Health, Environment, National Identity, and
Democracy. The curriculum in these content areas is widely perceived to be quite good.
English is taught in grades 7-9 in EDUCATODOS, although the quality of the English
curriculum has been criticized. All curricular areas are currently being reviewed and
adapted to meet the new Basic National Curriculum laid out by the SE.
36
Table 25: Per Student Private and Social Costs, by Program and Cycle in USD$
Cost SEMED IHER EDUCA- SAT TELE- Noct-
type TODOS BASICA urnos
Private Direct private costs - Lower Sec
Costs 220.61 108.44 101.88 61.81 6.99 92.46
Indirect private costs - Lower
Sec 211.02 89.22 144.30 96.24 317.93 405.84
Lower Secondary Total (US$)
431.64 197.66 246.18 158.05 324.92 498.29
Direct private costs - Upper Sec
342.81 125.30 79.48
Indirect private costs - Upper
Secondary 203.56 81.59 499.69
Upper Secondary Total (US$)
546.37 206.88 579.17
Social Lower secondary 131.38
Costs Upper secondary 138.19
Lower and upper combined
37.43 299.27 347.27 202.77
Total Total per student cost - Lower
Costs secondary (social, private 563.02 283.62 457.33 672.20 701.07
direct, private indirect)
Total per student cost - Upper
secondary (social, private 684.56 781.94
direct, private indirect)
Total per student cost - Lower
secondary (only direct costs - 352.00 139.32 361.08 354.26 295.23
private and social)
Total per student cost - Upper
secondary (only direct costs - 481.00 282.26
private and social)
37
somewhat with the expansion of the lower secondary EDUCATODOS program
(Marshall, et. al., 2005).
SAT
SAT, or the System for Tutorial Learning, originated in Colombia and was introduced in
Honduras in 1987 through a USAID Project implemented in collaboration with the
Centro Asesor para el Desarrollo de los Recursos Humanos de Honduras (CADERH) and
Colombia’s Fundación para el Desarrollo y Aplicación de las Ciencias (FUNDAEC).
Since then it has become a well-respected, though relatively small-scale alternative
secondary education program operating in twelve of the nation’s 18 departments and
serving over 7,000 students in grades 7-12 (lower and upper secondary). SAT operates
only in rural areas with the mission of promoting human resource development in rural
areas to empower rural populations to take on their own developmental challenges.
Policies. The target population for SAT is poor rural youth and adults who completed
their primary education but do not have access to local secondary schools. Most SAT
participants either work in agriculture or at home. Private costs are kept minimal with no
tuition, minimal costs for textbooks, and little to no cost for transportation. In our survey
SAT had, by far, the lowest private costs of schooling, averaging US$60 per year in
direct costs and US$95 in social costs. Per pupil social costs are US$300 per year (see
Table 25), less than the annual per pupil social costs of Telebásica, the other small-scale
program. SAT has diverse funding sources from the SE and national and international
nonprofit and intergovernmental organizations. Like EDUCATODOS, SAT is set up to
suit the schedule and location/access of participants, and graduates receive national
certification. At the upper secondary level, graduates earn a Bachillerato (secondary
school degree) in Rural Well-Being and are qualified to apply for studies at the university
level.
38
Structure and Organization. At the local level, SAT sites are closely linked with the
communities where they are located, mainly because of SAT’s close involvement with
community development. Generally, local parents and community leaders help to manage
and support the local SAT site. The SAT program is 30 hours per week, 20 classroom
hours, and 10 fieldwork hours. Classroom hours are held in the afternoon, Monday
through Friday. The school calendar runs parallel to the SE calendar with the important
exception that in SAT there is no student repetition, so if students do not pass a final
exam or if all the material is not covered in the traditional school calendar, classes can
continue indefinitely until students are prepared to move on to the next year. Classes are
held in the local community, either in a pre-existing building or in infrastructure created
by the community for the center. One center we visited was held in open thatch huts that
had been built by the community for SAT.
Instruction. Instruction in SAT is lead by a “tutor” who teaches all the subjects for that
grade. Tutors are SE employees, paid according to the teacher wage scale by the
departmental SE office. Separate from conventional school teachers, however, SAT
tutors are selected through a competitive process within SAT and then are vetted by the
departmental SE. Of the requirements to be a tutor, one is to have a university degree.
Individuals whose degrees are in community-based education or education generally are
preferred, but other university degrees are accepted and at times, secondary school
graduates who enroll in the National Pedagogical University are also accepted. Tutors
undergo six weeks of training per academic year – two weeks prior to each trimester.
Training covers methodology as well as content. Tutors also have the support of an
asesor. The pedagogical focus is interactive, with a vocational focus on community
service, micro-business, and agricultural industries. Aside from the tutor, the primary
learning material is the textbook. Technological or scientific materials may be used in the
fieldwork for agricultural experiments or community service projects.
In terms of learning outcomes, SAT has undergone three external evaluations in recent
years. One study, conducted by the SE in three departments, found that SAT student math
skills are superior to those in traditional schools (Secretariat de Educación, 2001).
Spanish test results were comparable between the two groups. A study by Based-UK of
the same three departments also showed that SAT has had a positive impact on rural
development.
39
IHER, or Maestro en Casa, (Teacher at Home), is a distance education program
organized around self-instruction through textbooks and radio programming. IHER
stands for the Honduran Institute for Radio Education. The program is based on a
program from the Canary Islands of Spain and has been operating in Honduras since
1989. It offers primary as well as lower and upper secondary studies and currently
enrolls some 35,000 participants, of which about 13,000 are in lower secondary and
6,000 in upper secondary. The mission of IHER is to elevate education levels, critical
thinking, and solidarity for the neediest Hondurans.
Structure and Organization. At the local level, IHER offices finance the program, select
program “animators” (teachers), and handle day-to-day administration. The program is
comprised of one hour of radio per week per grade level and four hours of tutorial with
an animator. As with EDUCATODOS, the location for the local IHER center and time of
the tutorial hours are determined by the group of students and their animator to be
accessible to participants. Community IHER centers frequently are located in community
centers, churches, or primary or pre-schools.
40
instruction where most of the learning is done independently, at home, by participants.
The program animators, also like EDUCATODOS, are volunteers with minimal
background requirements (that they have completed more years of schooling than that
which they teach). Animators typically are selected by a network of local stakeholders
who support IHER in the community. Animators are given limited training each year in
the methodology and use of the textbooks. They are not supposed to teach the material
but rather to clarify questions and support the learning of participants. Students have
auto-evaluation exercises in their textbooks to monitor their learning, and animators
administer and grade standardized exams to determine whether students pass or fail the
subject.
Efficiency. Unfortunately, Maestro en Casa has not undergone any internal or external
evaluation. Moreover, it lacks centralized statistics on student flow, including repetition
rates, so we were unable to construct a cohort model.
Telebásica
Telebásica is somewhat different from our other alternative secondary programs in that it
differs little from traditional programs except for its use of television-based lessons. The
alteration of technology, instruction, and curriculum in innovative ways, as seen in
Telebásica, is one of the four characteristics of alternative education as we define it in
this study. As stated in a 2001 evaluation of Telebásica, Telebásica schools can be
described as “self-managed creative schools that use teaching methods and management
processes that distinguish them from traditional schools” (AIR, p.1). Telebásica is a SE
program with semi-autonomous administration and with close ties to its parent program,
Telesecundaria, in Mexico. The program, which began in 1996, is still in the pilot stage
with only 59 Telebásica centers (in 16 departments) in Honduras and just over 4,000
students. It offers lower secondary education only in rural areas.
Policies. Telebásica has few policies that separate it from a traditional lower secondary
program. Perhaps most importantly, Telebásica does not target a lower secondary
population other than that of other Centros Básicos where the pilot program sites operate.
It is important to note, however, that Centros Básicos themselves have a separate target
population. Centros Básicos are schools in rural or semi-rural areas where there was little
pre-existing access to secondary education. Traditionally in Honduras, primary schools
offer grades 1-6 and secondary education institutes offer grades 7-12. Centros Básicos,
by contrast, offer grades 1-9 in an effort to expand access to lower secondary education to
rural populations. So while Telebásica, as a pilot program within Centros Básicos, does
have a somewhat different target population than traditional secondary schools, it does
not, like the other programs we investigated, target working, overage, or returning
students. Telebásica has extremely low direct costs of schooling because there is no
enrollment fee, schools are located locally, and textbooks are donated by Mexico. In
Honduras, Telebásica students on average spend less than US$10 per year on direct costs
(see Table 25).
41
Funding for Telebásica comes from the SE, the Secretariat of Public Education in
Mexico, and international funding, such as from the Inter-American Development Bank.
Telebásica has the highest per student social cost (US$347) among the six programs
although it is only US$50 more than SAT (see Table 25). This high cost is largely due to
teacher salaries as well as the donated books. Even so, part of the high cost of the
Telebásica program is due to economies of scale, where the Telebásica program has high
capital and start-up costs for curricular development and adaptation, etc., but not the high
numbers of students that other programs like IHER, SEMED, Institutos Nocturnos, and
EDUCATODOS have.
42
Telebásica participants take specific program exams. The AIR report found that academic
achievement was higher in Telebásica schools than in comparable Centros Básicos
without the Telebásica program (2001). The report also found that student retention was
higher in the Telebásica program.
Efficiency. We created a reconstructed cohort analysis for Telebásica from 2005 and
2006 data using the UNESCO Institute for Statistics method. According to our cohort
analysis, Telebásica is a fairly efficient program comparatively. Promotion rates are
roughly 85 percent in grades 7 and 8 and are significantly higher in grade 9. Most of the
students who do not go on to the next year are dropping out. Grade 7 has a 16 percent
drop-out rate and grade 8 has a 12 percent drop-out rate. Few students are repeating, with
repetition rates under two percent for all three years.
SEMED
SEMED is a distance learning modality for upper and lower secondary education run by
the Secretariat of Education. It began in 1992 in response to the Education for All
Conference held in Jomtien, Thailand, as a means of providing a distance-learning option
for youth and adults who wished to continue their education but could not attend
conventional schools. SEMED is a large program, serving 27,000 students in grades 7-12
nationally in 17 of Honduras’ 18 departments.
Policies. SEMED is a fully state-run program operated out of the Secretariat of Education
and offering a distance education program based on self-instruction during the week and
weekend face-to-face reviews and exams. It is open to any individual 15 years or older
who has completed grade 6 and serves a range of participants -- youth, adults, and seniors
from both urban and rural areas. Private costs for SEMED include an enrollment fee
(although this was waived last year and is expected to be waived for the next few years)
and textbook purchase. SEMED is offered in conventional secondary education institutes
in urban areas, thus resulting in significant transportation costs for students traveling
from rural areas.
The private costs of schooling in SEMED are high. Students report spending between
US$200 (lower secondary) and US$343 (upper secondary) per year in direct costs alone
(see Table 25). The bulk of these costs are in textbooks and monthly fees. Transportation
to SEMED centers and food also are expensive.
The social costs of SEMED are very low at an estimate US$130 per student per year in
lower secondary and US$140 in upper secondary (see Table 25). The low social costs are
due to the use of existing infrastructure, hourly, rather than salaried, pay for teachers, and
the fact that students, by purchasing textbooks, cover most of the costs of educational
materials. Financing for SEMED comes largely through the Secretariat of Education with
additional support from student contributions and the Inter-American Development Bank.
43
adaptation, manuals, and standardized exams. The local management, administration, and
supervision are conducted at the school level where each SEMED program has a SEMED
program director and an academic coordinator in addition to regular school staff such as
the school director. As mentioned earlier, SEMED program sites are within conventional
public secondary institutes and the SEMED program is under the purview of the general
school management.
Curriculum. SEMED follows the curricula of conventional schools with some minor
adaptations for the distance learning modality. At the lower secondary level there is only
one national curriculum, and SEMED follows the national plans and programs for this
level. At the upper secondary level where there is a range of academic programs,
SEMED offers only one bachillerato, that of business administration. The adaptations are
minor, such as removal of physical education, but SEMED has developed its own
textbooks, designed for self-instruction, and teachers’ manuals.
At the upper secondary level each of the three years is divided into six periods. In total,
students cover 36 subject materials and do three practicums. SEMED participants are
evaluated using standardized SEMED exams that are given simultaneously in all SEMED
sites. Evaluation also consists of teachers’ assessment of student homework.
Instruction. SEMED “tutors” are teachers – generally from the same institute where the
SEMED is located – who are selected and offered positions in SEMED. For this
additional work they are given additional pay from the SE. The pay SEMED teachers
receive is hourly, at the same rate as their weekday teaching, but they are hired on a
temporary basis, allowing for their periodic evaluation or removal. They are paid only for
the time they teach and do not receive some of the benefits they receive as weekday
teachers, such as a two-month bonus pay. The role of SEMED tutors is to review
material, answer questions, and administer assessments. They are not supposed to “teach”
the material, as students are supposed to learn it on their own, but several of the teachers
we talked to said that they often actually must teach the material as their time with the
students is limited. The main learning resource for the program is designed to be the auto-
instruction textbooks. The tutors are all required to have a university degree in education;
however, they have not been given any training in SEMED pedagogy for several years.
44
They do receive some supervision and support at the school level from the SEMED
program director and academic coordinator.
Institutos Nocturnos
Institutos Nocturnos, or night schools, are the oldest of the programs we investigated in
this study, having begun in the 1970s. Night schools, like Telebásica, differ less from
traditional schools, although in a very different manner. Telebásica has the same schedule
and target population as conventional schools but a different pedagogy and use of
technology. Night schools follow the exact same pedagogy and curriculum as traditional
schools, use the same learning resources, but have a different target population and are
offered at night to suit the needs of this working, urban, and semi-urban population. The
program was initiated as a means of expanding secondary education access to this
population that works during the day or is over-age and does not want to attend
traditional secondary schools. Night schools exist across the country, in both public and
private secondary education institutes, serving more than 40,000 students.
Policies. The main policy that separates night schools from conventional schools is that
classes take place at night and there is no age limit on enrollees. Private costs vary
significantly for night schools because those housed in private schools may charge
whatever enrollment fee and/or monthly fees they choose. Public schools that offer night
classes do not charge monthly fees and this year the enrollment fee was waived.
Estimated direct private costs from our survey are between US$80-90 per year per
student although students reported very high indirect costs from transportation and food.
Transportation costs may be more expensive and difficult to access due to the late hour
when night schools end (around 9pm).
We estimate that the social costs for night schools are also relatively low, around US$200
per enrollee per year, largely because of the size of the program and large class sizes,
estimated by program personnel at around 45 students per class at the beginning of the
academic year.
One of the qualities that separates the night schools from the other programs analyzed
here is that the night schools have no separate management structure. They are managed
through the regular secondary education departments in the SE or through the private
schools that operate them, and they have no specific staff. Similarly, at the school level
there is no separate management for night schools. They are supported and run by the
regular school staff where the night schools take place.
Structure and Organization. The target population for night schools includes
nontraditional students, many of whom are youth who work in maquilas. Others are
unemployed youth, adults, or youth working in other sectors such as the service sector.
Nearly all participants are poor. The only real difference between traditional programs
45
and night school programs is the hours of class. Night schools are held in the evening
hours, generally for 3.5 or 4 hours per day, Monday through Friday, from around 5:30 to
9 p.m. Individual classes are shorter to accommodate this shortened time period (which,
in day programs, is usually 5 hours a day), lasting 30 minutes each. Like SEMED, night
schools are held in traditional secondary education institutes which are in urban (or semi-
urban) areas. The SE reports that there are more night schools held in private schools
today than are held in public schools.
Most night schools are now organized and run in private secondary schools with little
supervision by the SE.
Curriculum. Night schools offer both lower and upper secondary education. At the
lower secondary level they offer the unitary national curriculum. At the upper secondary
level night schools offer a host of different programs including the academic
bachillerato, as well as many technical bachilleratos including accounting, business
administration, computer sciences, etc. Whichever the program, night schools use the
same curriculum, the same plans and programs, and the same textbooks as traditional
schools. There are some very minor adaptations, such as with physical education or
compression of the curriculum due to the shortened hours that are done ad hoc on an
individual teacher basis.
No separate evaluations of the night school program in Honduras have been undertaken.
It is generally held, however, that the quality of teaching and learning in these programs
is lower, with teachers having lower expectations of students and students facing multiple
responsibilities and challenges in their participation in the program.
46
programs. Whenever possible we have attempted to triangulate findings, for example by
asking stakeholders their opinion on something we observed in class or heard from
student focus groups. As in the preceding section, this analysis of strengths and
weaknesses is organized into the five organizational areas.
At times we will refer to the survey opinions of in-program and deserter youth on a
number of characteristics of the six programs. On a scale of “very good” (1) to “very
bad” (5), these groups of youth rated 10 aspects of their respective programs. Table 26
and 27 report findings from these questions. The survey asked about the quality of the
programs’ content, the schedules, location, attendance, training and treatment of the
teachers, and the educational resources of the programs and level of private program
costs. The first table reports average responses across the entire sample. These findings
are representative at a national level. The second table reports program-specific averages.
The sample was not designed to be representative at the level of the individual programs
so differences in the average ratings across programs could simply be the result of the
centers that happened to be selected for the sample. Nonetheless, Table 27 reports mean
responses by program to provide a possible sense of participant and prior-participant
perceptions of the programs individually. The tables will be referred to in the discussion
below.
Table 26: Average student and deserter ratings of various aspects of alternative education program
quality
In terms of the program you Count Mean
are (or were) enrolled in, how
would you rate:
47
Table 27: Average student and deserter ratings of various aspects of alternative education program
quality, by program
In terms of the program Program
you are (or were)
enrolled in, how would EDUCA SEMED TELEBÁSICA SAT IHER Inst.
you rate: TODOS Nocturnos
Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean Mean
The contents that are 1.37 1.30 1.44 1.14 1.41 1.55
taught
Class schedule (hours) 1.43 1.74 1.85 1.82 1.76 1.72
Policies. Many program policies are specific to one of the other organizational areas
below and are discussed therein. A few examples of broader policies are discussed here.
One broad policy is that program sites need to receive sufficient support to ensure their
sustainability. Most of the programs reviewed here have this local site-specific
sustainability, but EDUCATODOS program sites may have a serious closure problem. In
the 2005 Marshall, et. al., study, 20 percent of the cohort followed had their program site
closed during the course of the lower secondary cycle, preventing them from finishing the
cycle. In most cases, the study reported, the centers closed because facilitators decided
not to continue. Also, closings are particularly high (39% - 50%) in centers located in
homes and churches. Marshall, et. al., suggest that this problem be addressed by
increasing the formality of each center, ensuring that they receive the necessary
resources, and offer the facilitators some level of pay. In our interviews centers also
reported that resources were insufficient and not delivered in a timely manner. The same
48
problem may also be present in IHER, where one teacher reported that the lack of
incentives given to program instructors (“animators”) led to high teacher turnover rates.
Other policies revolve around promoting access and enrollment in each program by the
program’s target population. All six programs appear to be doing reasonably well in this
area. Programs targeting the out-of-school or working population -- IHER, SEMED,
Institutos Nocturnos, and EDUCATODOS -- open enrollment to all ages. We noted one
example of a continued barrier to access – although it did not involve any of the six
programs we studied -- when we held a focus group with incarcerated youth.
EDUCATODOS, impressively, has three functioning sites within a penitentiary, but
because the formal secondary education school within the prison operates on a traditional
school calendar, it becomes difficult for participants to proceed through grades or
graduate as they turn over in and out of the prison. Indeed to date, no participant has been
able to graduate from that program.
While a certain level of cost-sharing by participants can increase buy-in and the
legitimacy of a program, alternative programs that target the poor and extreme poor need
to question the benefits of cost-sharing, namely the barriers private costs create for
program enrollment and completion. One of the somewhat surprising results of our
teacher interviews was that teachers in nearly all six programs were very concerned about
the level of costs to students. Many reported that this was one aspect about the program
they would change and others referred to costs as one of the main reasons behind
program dropout rates. Many teachers suggested that textbooks be cost free to
participating students or that grants be made available to the poorest students. The level
of costs was also one of the lowest rated characteristics of the six programs among our
youth survey. Costs were rated particularly poorly in EDUCATODOS and Telebásica.
This does not necessarily indicate that costs are highest in these programs – indeed the
survey does not suggest that this is the case – but might instead reflect the students’
socioeconomic level, at least in the case of EDUCATODOS.
Table 25 provides summary costing information for the six programs. In all cases, social
costs were calculated using data obtained from the programs themselves, while private
49
costs (except for textbooks) were calculated from the national youth survey. Private costs
are those costs incurred to students. Private direct costs are costs for the program itself,
and include the costs of textbooks, enrollment and or monthly fees, other school
materials, and school field trip costs. Private indirect costs are those costs incurred by
students simply by being in the program. These include transportation costs to and from
classes and the cost of food purchased while in class. Social costs include all those costs
not incurred by the student. They include funding from the government, from national
and international donors, or from the private sector used to develop, produce, and
distribute materials, to pay and train teachers and facilitators, and to manage the program.
Table 25 shows subtotals for these cost areas.
The direct costs of schooling to students are highest in SEMED, with students paying
US$220 per year for lower secondary and US$340 for upper secondary. IHER,
EDUCATODOS, and Institutos Nocturnos all have direct private costs of around
US$100, while SAT has the lowest direct costs charging only for textbooks and a small
enrollment fee. Students of Telebásica benefit from having almost no direct private costs,
given that both books and enrollment are free.
On the other hand, social costs – those incurred by program funders – are highest in
Telebásica and SAT, at roughly US$350 and US$300 per student per year, respectively.
SEMED and Institutos Nocturnos are roughly half that amount, at US$140 and US$200
per year, respectively, while we estimate that EDUCATODOS spends only about $40 per
student per year. By far the highest costs in all the programs except EDUCATODOS are
teacher pay expenses. Volunteer facilitators in EDUCATODOS explain that program’s
low social costs. We were not able to obtain costing information from IHER but we
expect that it is low because, like EDUCATODOS, it uses volunteers rather than paid
teachers.
Summing up both the private direct and social costs of the five programs other than
EDUCATODOS leads to a surprising finding: all the programs except for
EDUCATODOS spend roughly the same amount per year per student -- US$350. This is
rather remarkable due to the vast diversity among the program characteristics, some
being located in urban schools, others in rural community centers, some having salaried
teachers, others receiving hourly pay, some having specialized curricula, and others using
conventional curricula and textbooks. The combined private direct and social costs of
EDUCATODOS are only US$140, less than half that of the others, again largely because
of having unpaid facilitators.
We separated out the private indirect costs of the programs because they skew the costing
information somewhat in that some programs require students to travel daily to class
while others meet only infrequently. Moreover, the figures we obtained for food
purchasing highly skew our findings although they may be accurate. Summarizing the
analysis, we found that private indirect costs range from less than US$100 (IHER) to
more than US$400 (Institutos Nocturnos) largely because of food consumption. We are
unclear if survey respondents might have misunderstood the question or if, in fact, food
50
consumption is a very high percentage of total program costs in certain programs
(Nocturnos, Telebásica, and EDUCATODOS).
Structure and Organization. This study has shown that issues of program organization –
such as the times and locations of classes – are of the utmost importance in terms of
lowering the barriers to schooling for nontraditional participants. As we saw earlier, the
need to work and work hours were the single largest obstacle for youth in terms of
participating in an education program and in Table 26 and 27 above, the lowest rated
characteristic of the alternative education programs in Honduras is the distance of the
program from participants’ and deserters’ homes. Four of the programs we studied –
SAT, EDUCATODOS, IHER, and Telebasica -- target rural youth by locating program
sites in local rural settings. This type of organization accommodates rural participants
and prevents the cost and time required to travel to urban centers. On the other hand,
locating program sites in rural areas reduces potential access to highly qualified teachers,
the ability to borrow or share existing infrastructure in other secondary schools, and the
ability to create economies of scale by serving large groups of participants in a reasonable
number of centers. SEMED and Institutos Nocturnos are both able to generate
economies of scale, use existing infrastructure and resources, and employ qualified
teachers but night schools serve very few rural students because the location and the daily
classes combined make it nearly impossible for rural students to attend, and SEMED does
serve rural students but has much higher transportation costs, also introducing greater
security risks for students traveling from rural locations.
The six programs operate during a range of different hours. Nocturnos are at night, SAT
in the afternoon, Telebásica in the morning, and SEMED over the weekend. Perhaps the
best accommodation to students is demonstrated by EDUCATODOS and IHER, both of
which allow individual program centers to choose their own hours – to meet a required
number of hours – based on when participants and teachers can be present. Students and
teachers communicated that this was a strength in these programs. Telebásica has the
least convenient schedule for nontraditional participants as their morning classes do not
allow for rural workers (who typically work in the morning) or full-time workers
(although it should be noted that Telebásica does not attempt to target these populations).
Nocturnos are much better organized to suit working youth but many participants,
particularly young women, face security risks heading home after 9 p.m. (according to
interviews with teachers and focus groups with participants).
51
system where tired teachers who have already taught one or two shifts earlier in the day
have lower expectations of students.
The highly decentralized management of IHER also appears to have generated some
management problems, specifically in the area of supervision and data collection. IHER
staff receives no supervision or training and there is no information available on student
flow or other such basics as enrollment figures or where program centers are located.
Curriculum. Several strengths and weaknesses were observed in the area of curriculum.
First, several programs do not appear to have sufficient class time to cover the necessary
material. Dropout rates in SEMED are extremely high and we heard from multiple
stakeholders that this was largely because students lacked the skills necessary to
undertake learning on their own without instructor support. In Telebásica we learned of
the problem of frequent school closings which limit the amount of instructional time and
leads teachers to skip video instruction. In night schools teachers are attempting to cover
the exact same number of subjects and amount of material as they do during the day, but
with less time and with lower performing students who are often coming to school after
having worked all day. We suspect that in all cases these situations lead to decreased
learning outcomes.
The quality and content of the curriculum also are critical. Teacher, student, and
administrator impressions of the curricula of EDUCATODOS and SAT appeared to be
favorable. These two programs have taken national guidelines and adapted them into
integrated curricula that suit the context and needs of their target populations.
EDUCATODOS, however, has yet to update its curriculum to align it with the new
National Basic Curriculum (as has IHER). SEMED textbooks, too, received favorable
reviews from stakeholders and we even heard that many traditional school students
receive SEMED textbooks because they are preferred over their own. The content of the
Telebásica curriculum is very rich but some problems remain regarding its alignment
with the Honduran context given that much of the material comes from Mexico. In the
case of IHER, which offers the academic bachillerato there is evidence that students do
not have the same level of interest in an academic degree as in a technical one which they
believe opens more doors for work and income (based on interviews with teachers and
focus groups with students).
Instruction. The quality of instruction is, arguably, the most important aspect of any
education program, particularly so if the students are academically weaker and face more
significant disadvantages than traditional students. Instruction does not necessarily need
to be face-to-face time with teachers but, as noted before, research shows that the amount
of instruction time is the largest predictor of alternative and distance learning program
success (World Bank, 2005). Several of the programs appear to have too little
instructional time to meet the learning needs of participants. These programs assume that
students will study and learn on their own and that the meetings with instructors are only
to clarify doubts. Often, however, students lack the skills to learn independently. IHER,
for example, has only five hours of instruction per week (one of which is by radio), and
SEMED and EDUCATODOS have only have 10. On the other hand, Telebásica, with 30
52
hours of instruction per week, is probably not well suited to a working population.
Clearly a balance needs to be struck between fewer hours which lower the costs of
programs and allow working youth to participate, and more hours, which provide
sufficient instructional time for participants to learn.
The same balance needs to be struck between having lower qualified teachers, which
again lower the costs of programs, and more qualified teachers, which support improved
learning. We argue that the sophistication of material that needs to be learned at the upper
secondary level requires teachers with a teaching degree or another university degree as
well as sufficient training. Programs like EDUCATODOS and IHER, which use
volunteers without higher education degrees, severely restrict the ability of students to
turn to their instructors for support, clarification, and instruction (based on interviews
with program staff and teachers of both programs). Several teachers in EDUCATODOS,
for example, shared that there were difficulties with math because teachers did not have
sufficient knowledge of the subject area and students needed more support than the tape
and textbook. SAT, SEMED, Telebásica and night schools all use fully qualified
teachers. SAT, however, uses the same teacher as the primary learning resource for all
subject areas. This can be problematic given the sophistication and depth of upper
secondary education content. We observed as well as heard from teachers and
administrators that teachers do not always feel prepared or able to teach unfamiliar
subject areas.
Using cassettes (in the case of EDUCATODOS), radio (IHER), or textbooks (SEMED)
as the primary learning resource does not appear to be successful. As described earlier,
our survey found that the majority of youth surveyed believed that in an alternative
secondary education program they would learn best through a teacher. In the case of
EDUCATODOS, a facilitator we interviewed told us that it is very difficult for students
to follow long tape segments on their own, and that the tape segments are not always
aligned with their textbooks. In SEMED, teachers reported that students often do not do
the independent learning during the week and turn to teachers for instruction despite the
fact that teachers are there to clarify rather than teach the material. In the end, teachers
do not have sufficient time to cover all the material and students are not learning on their
own. Finally, in IHER we also heard from teachers that students often lack the discipline
and other skills necessary to study and learn on their own. When alternative learning
resources are used as complements to, rather than supplements of, teachers, such as is the
case with videos in Telebásica, the learning results appear to be more successful.
53
The employment conditions of teachers in these programs also emerged as important in
our investigation. Using volunteers runs the risk of lowering the quality and sustainability
of instruction (EDUCATODOS, IHER). In one interview an IHER animator discussed
how the lack of incentives was a severe limitation on the quality of instructors in the
program. On the other hand, having fully salaried teachers with no accountability also
can have a negative impact (Telebásica, night schools). In Telebásica, for instance, some
teachers do not attend special trainings because they feel no need since their job and
salary are secure. In night schools there is indication that teachers have lower standards
and less commitment to their classes in part because they are not held accountable to the
teaching or learning in their classrooms. SEMED and SAT appear to have more
successful policies in this regard. Both programs hire and pay qualified teachers but do
so on a temporary basis, allowing for the evaluation of teachers and increasing teacher
accountability. In both cases teachers also compete for these positions, and program
officials (SAT) or school officials (SEMED) are able to select the teachers they think
best.
We now have a fairly detailed understanding of the context for alternative secondary
education in Honduras. Section II of this study presented a synthesized account of the
larger context of secondary education in Honduras, including the current reform agenda
and Education for All (EFA) and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) goals. The second
section presented findings from our national survey of an alternative program target
population and focus groups with in-school and out-of-school youth. That section found
that there is a huge demand for an accessible alternative for upper secondary education
and detailed the specific needs, obstacles, and interests of different groups of youth who
would benefit from such a program. The third section, then, described and evaluated the
strengths and weaknesses of the alternative secondary education programs that currently
exist in Honduras.
This final analytic section of our study will bring the previous three sections together,
presenting a series of recommendations for characteristics of a promising large-scale
alternative upper secondary program. Rather than design a new program or programs,
however, it is likely to be more politically appropriate and fiscally sound to scale-up and
adapt one or more of Honduras’ existing programs. Our methodology, therefore, was to
lay out our recommendations based on our findings from sections II, III, and IV in a
matrix and then compare them to the characteristics of the existing programs. Using a
point system we were able to identify which of the existing programs are most suited to
our recommended criteria for the current demands and obstacles for an alternative upper
secondary program. We identified SAT and EDUCATODOS as the best-suited programs.
Using our same recommended criteria we then propose adaptations to these two programs
to better suit the needs we have identified, and analyze the start-up and recurrent per
student costs of adapting and scaling up these programs.
54
Our recommendations are organized into the same six areas: policies, finance, structure
and organization, curriculum, instruction, and efficiency. Table 28 through Table 33
display our recommendations and the allocation of points for each of the existing
programs.
Why? Our research suggests that many of these individuals who aspire to continue their
education cannot because they cannot access traditional schools. Forty-seven percent of
the Honduran population is rural, 60 percent live below the poverty line, and a full 46
percent of 16-22 year-olds work (INE, 2006). With PRS and EFA goals of 70 percent
lower secondary net enrollment and 50 percent upper secondary completion by 2015,
Honduras has little choice but to prioritize educational programs that are accessible to
these large segments of society (Government of Honduras, 2001).
Still only 1.7% of education funding currently goes to alternative education programming
at any level, despite the fact that an estimated 57,000 youth are currently enrolled in
upper secondary alternative education alone (Government of Honduras, 2005). A 2005
World Bank comparative study of education in the Central American countries found that
Honduras spends more on central administration that it does on its entire secondary
education system (2005a).
Alternative secondary education programs do exist in Honduras but they are disjointed,
under-funded, and generally perceived to be of inferior quality to that of Honduras’
problematic traditional school system.
There are no unifying policies for alternative secondary education nor for secondary
education generally. Current secondary education reform efforts are continuing to
marginalize and ignore the critical importance of alternative delivery.
55
by the SE and graduates are given the same certification as graduates of traditional
programs, but the government should go further to prioritize alternative modalities at the
upper secondary level.
Rather than being seen as obstacles, many of the characteristics that differentiate
alternative programs from traditional ones can be used as strengths. Alternative
secondary students are generally older and more mature and can apply what they are
learning to their life experiences. With the lower number of instructional hours in most
alternative programs, partnerships can be cultivated with local industry and businesses for
internships. (Ideally, these internships should be paid, as most alternative education
students need to earn an income.)
56
quantities and good working condition in the hard-to-reach areas of developing countries
(UNESCO, 2001; World Bank, 2005c).
These international findings support our fieldwork in Honduras where we found, in the
youth survey, that students feel they would learn best with a teacher, and that technology-
based programs often forgo the technology because of lack of equipment, scheduling
difficulties, or non- or poorly functioning equipment and resources (EDUCATODOS,
Telebásica, and IHER).
Using teachers as the primary instructional resource will increase costs but we believe
that it will produce better results. One of the identifying characteristics of alternative
secondary programs, as defined in this paper, is providing education at affordable or
lower unit costs. In Honduras, a very poor country, this will inevitably be one of the
attractions of alternative education. Nonetheless, as argued in Meeting the Challenges of
Secondary Education in Latin America and East Asia: Improving Efficiency and
Resource Mobilization (World Bank, 2006), alternative education programs can save
money be being input-efficient, or by being output-efficient. The quality of input-
efficient programs is that they get the same results with fewer initial resources. The
quality of output efficient programs is that they get better results for the same initial
inputs. Both of these are cost saving measures. We urge the Government of Honduras and
donors to consider both as options in the development of alternative secondary education
programs. Along the same line of reasoning, a program that invests $1000 but only
graduates five people is actually more expensive than a program that invests $2000 but
graduates 30. We believe that a quality program led by teachers will have better
outcomes and thus be more cost-efficient than one that attempts to bypass the use of
teachers.
Finally, it may be most appropriate for Honduras to maintain two, rather than one,
primary alternative upper secondary education programs. In this study we have
proposed one large-scale program which could function in both rural and urban areas.
Another possibility, however, is to establish one main program in rural areas and another
in urban areas. If this option is selected, however, it is critical that both programs offer
equivalent quality education to avoid the perception that one offers a better education
over the other.
Policies
57
Table 28: Policy Recommendations
Indicator Recommendations Source EDUCA- SEMED SAT TELE- IHER NOCT-
TODOS BASICA URNOS
58
The first recommendation deals with target population. Based on development priorities
and the current socioeconomic context in Honduras, an alternative upper secondary
education program needs to target the extreme poor and the poor. An alternative upper
secondary education program should be accessible to any person who has completed
lower secondary education; therefore, we set the age target to 16 on the low end, the age
when youth are scheduled to complete lower secondary. An alternative program can be
open to participants of all ages and due to low average educational attainment in
Honduras, some adults may wish to go back to study upper secondary in an alternative
program. In our fieldwork we met many program participants in their 40s and 50s. We
suggest that a program be open to adults of any age but that the program particularly
target the secondary-age population of youth in their teens and twenties to help Honduras
meet its EFA and PRS goals and to build the alternative program as a viable continuation
of traditional studies. Students should feel comfortable switching from a traditional (or
alternative) lower secondary program directly into the upper secondary alternative
program.
All of the six programs we investigated fit this criterion at least partially.
EDUCATODOS, SAT, and IHER all received a value of 2 because their programs target
the very poor of all ages. Telebásica received only one point because its participants are
rural, most of whom are poor, but its daytime schedule prevents many of the poorest from
attending because of work. Furthermore, Telebásica is designed for age-appropriate
students rather than over-age students. We gave a value of 1 to SEMED and Nocturnos as
well because of their high private costs which bar many of the very poor.
Finally, we have included some broad management recommendations in the policy area.
The first of these recommendations is that there be a strong vertical management
structure that supports quality supervision, data collection and management, and
accountability for local program sites. Capable central management is important to ensure
quality and equity in a program (UNESCO, 2001). Central management can ensure that
teachers and facilitators receive sufficient and appropriate training, that all centers have
necessary resources, and that the program is functioning appropriately with positive
outcomes.
We found there to be a wide dispersion of management capacity among the six programs.
EDUCATODOS and Telebásica both have reasonably strong central management with
supervision and data collection capacity. Both have room for improvement but compared
59
favorably to SAT and SEMED where central management structures exist but lack
critical capacities such as data collection and management. IHER and Nocturnos are far
from meeting this criterion -- IHER has a central office but with very limited jurisdiction
over a highly decentralized management system, and Nocturnos have no separate
management.
Finally, we recommend that the program have some level of a formal relationship with
the Secretariat of Education. Such a relationship would help to ensure the sustainability
of the program and give the program credibility in the eyes of participants, community
members, and employers. We rated all the programs a 1 on this criterion because while
all of the programs do have a formal relationship with the SE, we think that the SE could
play a more meaningful role in them, such as monitoring and evaluating the quality of the
programs.
In sum, we established five recommendations for the policy and general management
area. EDUCATODOS is the program that best fits these criteria, satisfying 90 percent of
our recommendations. This makes sense as EDUCATODOS serves a highly
nontraditional population, has wide access throughout the country and in many different
kinds of locations, and has a strong central administration that supports EDUCATODOS
daily operations. SAT and IHER both satisfied 70 percent of our recommendations,
while SEMED, Telebásica, and Institutos Nocturnos satisfied 50 percent or less.
60
Table 29: Organizational Recommendations
Recommendations Source EDUCA- SEMED SAT TELE- IHER Nocturno
TODOS BASICA
1. Schedule Flexible schedule based on Youth survey. Focus 2 1 1 0 2 1
local participants’ needs. groups with program
Probable schedules include participants. Interviews
afternoon or evening hours with teachers.
Monday through Friday or
weekend hours.
3. Location Location should be Youth survey. Focus 2 0 2 1 2 0
accessible, ideally near to groups with program
where participants live, or participants. Interviews
alternatively, accessible by with teachers.
safe and affordable
transportation.
4. Infrastructure needs Classroom 1 2 1 1 0 2
Infrastructure resources necessary to observations.
operate an upper
secondary education
program (most likely a
secondary or primary
school)
5. Face-to- 15 hours per week Interviews with 2 2 2 1 0 2
face approximately. Weekly program directors.
instructional hours needs to balance Comparison with
hours competing responsibilities international alternative
of participants with teaching secondary education
and learning needs for the models.
upper secondary level.
Program Total 7 5 6 3 4 5
Total Possible 8 8 8 8 8 8
61
Organization
Our first organizational arrangement recommendation is that each program site select its
hours of operation based on the needs of its participants. In the case of a small
community-based program, the group of 15 or 30 students could decide on weekly hours
such as occurs in EDUCATODOS and IHER. In the case of a larger program center, the
local center administrators or instructors could select a schedule based on their
knowledge of their population’s needs. Alternatively, if this flexibility is not possible,
the most appropriate schedules reported in the youth survey were Monday through Friday
evening hours or weekend hours. In scoring the programs we gave 2 points each to
programs with flexible schedules, and 1 point each to programs with fixed schedules but
that operated on schedules that fit out survey results.
Location was another clear factor affecting accessibility in our youth survey. Our
recommendation based on these findings is that a program ideally should be located
within the community it is serving or, if impossible, in a location where safe and
affordable transportation is available for students coming from other communities. We
gave SEMED and Nocturnos zeros on this particular criteria because private costs of
transportation were very high for both programs and many students and deserters
expressed safety concerns about traveling at night (daily for Nocturnos and on Saturdays
for SEMED).
While the local community-operated programs are more accessible, they also are more
likely to lack adequate infrastructure. An upper secondary education program,
particularly one geared toward technical education, ideally should benefit from labs, land,
or other infrastructure relevant to the program curricula. Many students and teachers
complained that their infrastructure was lacking, either in ability to cover the curriculum
or in basic needs such as sufficient light (especially for night programs), space, desks,
and full walls to block noise and rain. For this criterion we gave Nocturnos and SEMED
full points because they operate in secondary institutes which typically have electricity,
water, libraries, and laboratories. We found through field visits and interviews with
stakeholders, however, that even infrastructure in secondary institutes is often lacking.
SAT, EDUCATODOS, and Telebásica often operate in schools, but these are primary
schools or Centros Básicos which offer basic infrastructure but not necessarily that
required of an upper secondary program.
62
is sufficient enough, hopefully, to cover the depth and breadth of a quality upper
secondary education curriculum. To determine a more precise figure it would be
necessary to look at the standards and guidelines that need to be mastered at the upper
secondary level, a task not within the purview of this study. We gave those programs
who have between 10 and 20 instructional hours per week full points on this criterion; we
gave Telebásica only 1 point because, as a full-time program, it does not condense
instructional time for nontraditional learners, and we rated IHER zero points because,
with only four instructor hours and one radio hour per week, it is unlikely that it can
cover a quality upper secondary education curriculum.
The current six programs fit our four organizational recommendations to very different
extents, ranging from only 38 percent concordance with recommendations in Telebásica
to 88 percent concordance in EDUCATODOS. Telebásica, of all the programs, is the
least organizationally suited to meet the current need for a large-scale alternative upper
secondary program. It is not designed to serve or meet the needs of a nontraditional
population who cannot attend school the same weekly number of hours or during the
same time of day because of competing responsibilities. EDUCATODOS and SAT are
the best suited programs in this area with accessible locations and nontraditional and
condensed hours.
63
Table 30: Curriculum Recommendations
Indicator Recommendations Source EDUCA- SEMED SAT TELE- IHER NOCT-
TODOS BASICA URNO
1. Curricular Teaches practical skills and Focus groups with 1 1 2 1 1 1
orientation competencies that facilitate students and out-
entrance to and success in of-school youth.
the labor market and higher Youth survey.
education.
2. Graduate Upper secondary school Focus groups with 2 2 2 2 2 2
certification diploma validated and students and out-
approved by the Secretariat of-school youth.
of Education. Interviews with
program
coordinators.
3. Subject Organized to be relevant Interviews with 2 0 2 1 0 0
material and interesting to program directors.
organization participants, preferably using
integrated thematic areas.
64
Curricular Recommendations
None of the programs meet this criterion exactly, but SAT comes the closest, offering one
general technical curriculum that focuses on important technical skills of rural and
community development well-suited for the population it serves and suitable, as well, for
entrance into higher education. Telebásica and EDUCATODOS have well-received
curricula but neither has any curriculum for the upper secondary level and both need to
be better aligned with national curricular guidelines. Nocturnos, by contrast, offer scores
of different curricula, while SEMED offers only one but it is highly specialized (business
administration) and not up-to-date.
65
leads to significant student discouragement and academic struggle, and may be a reason
behind dropout.
Related to this, we recommend that the curriculum also be adapted to the context of the
programs’ participants. Alternative program participants are different from those in
conventional schools and what they learn should be relevant to their lives, communities,
cultures, and backgrounds. One surprise in the youth survey was the strong valuation of
curricula that support personal growth and community development. To date, however,
only SAT and EDUCATODOS of the six alternative program curricula are adapted to
student’s lives.
Finally, it is critical that curricula be aligned with national standards and guidelines for
upper secondary. In recent years there has been a great effort in Honduras to specify
curricular standards and guidelines. As discussed earlier, the Secretariat of Education has
developed a National Basic Curriculum which, to date, presents only broad guidelines for
the upper secondary level. Building upon this, however, the secondary education
curricular reform has developed a proposal and curriculum for a first foundational year in
all upper secondary education programs. USAID’s MIDEH Project, in collaboration with
the Secretariat of Education, has developed standards for grades 1-9 and also may
develop upper secondary education standards aligned with the DCNB guidelines. We
urge that the curriculum used in an alternative upper secondary education program be
aligned with the Secretariat’s standards, guidelines, and requirements of upper secondary
education content. Aside from EDUCATODOS, which is currently going through this
process of alignment, all of the other programs are reasonably well aligned, with the
partial exception of Telebásica which confronts the challenges of having to modify and
complement the Mexican textbooks and videos.
In sum, we developed five curricular recommendations. SAT meets all five of those
criteria, EDUCATODOS meets 70 percent of them, while the other four programs only
meet 50 percent of them. The primary weaknesses of IHER, Nocturnos, SEMED, and
Telebásica lie in the organization and adaptation of content in a relevant, meaningful way
for nontraditional students.
66
Table 31: Instruction Recommendations
Indicator RECOMMENDATIONS SOURCE EDUCA- SEMED SAT TELE- IHER NOCT-
TODOS BASICA URNOS
1. 1.1 Teachers should be contract staff Classroom 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1.
Teachers who receive economic remuneration observations. 0 2 2 2 0 2
either in the form of salaries or hourly Interviews 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2.
pay or incentives. with teachers
1 2 1 0 0 0
1.2 The program itself, either at the and program
central, regional, or local level, should directors. 1.3. 1.3. 1.3. 1.3. 1.3. 1.3.
select teachers and conduct periodic Marshall, e.t 1 0 2 2 1 0
evaluations. al. (2005). 1.4. 1.4. 1.4. 1.4. 1.4. 1.4.
1.3 Teachers should receive regular in- World Bank 0 2 1 2 0 2
service training and supervision (2005).
specifically in program content areas
and methods.
1.4 Teachers should be qualified
teachers or have university degrees.
2. Method- Active methodology led by teachers Interviews 0 1 1 1 1 1
ology who gradually teach and incorporate with
self-instruction. Applied learning teachers.
through projects and internships. Focus groups
with students.
Youth survey.
3. Textbooks should be the primary Interviews 1 2 2 1 1 1
Learning learning material, designed specifically with teachers
resources for the program, aligned with program and program
content and standards, and in support directors.
of quality self-instruction. Focus groups
Other supplementary materials such as with students.
video, CD, or cassettes can be used to
complement the teacher and textbook
instruction.
Program 3 9 9 8 3 6
total
Total 12 12 12 12 12 12
possible
67
Instructional Recommendations
The next area of recommendations deals with instruction. We have divided this category
into three sections -- teachers, methodology, and learning resources. We already have
argued for the use of teachers in our general recommendations; here we specify the
details of their role.
First, we recommend that teachers receive remuneration for their work. While
EDUCATODOS and IHER have had some degree of success using volunteer facilitators,
finding many extremely dedicated and talented community leaders, retired teachers, and
the like, both programs also have encountered challenges with their facilitators (Marshall,
et. al., 2005; Spaulding, 2002; Van Steenwyk, 1999). Van Steenwyk (1999) found that
EDUCATODOS programs with high student retention were associated strongly and
positively with the degree of work of the facilitators, and Marshall, et. al. (2005) found
that facilitator desertion was strongly associated with whether or not they received
remuneration.
Like Marshall et. al. (2005) our field work and review of the international literature
indicate that remunerating teachers will increase teacher motivation and professionalism,
and attract and retain better qualified individuals. There are many ways to remunerate
teachers. One way we propose is akin to that used currently in the SEMED program.
Active teachers are selected locally to teach SEMED during the weekends. They are hired
as contract teachers on a yearly basis allowing for their period evaluation and removal if
they do not perform well, and they are paid on an hourly basis for their work. SEMED
teachers are not salaried for their work with SEMED and do not receive the annual two
months bonus pay. They also are required to continue working even if teachers in the
traditional system are on strike. This system pays teachers, giving them incentive to
remain in their positions, holds them accountable by hiring them on a temporary basis
subject to evaluation, and avoids the problem of lost instructional time during teacher
strikes.
68
most training and supervision, allotting one coordinator per 10 instructors and mandating
six weeks of training per instructor per year.
Our last recommendation regarding teachers is that they, indeed, be teachers. Alternative
upper secondary program teachers should be qualified teachers, having graduated from
the National Pedagogical University. At the very least they should be university
graduates in a relevant field and receiving teacher preparation. The SAT program
demonstrates that when positions are paid and training is provided there are more than
enough applicants even for very rural locations. Whenever possible it is ideal for teachers
to come from the communities in which they teach, but because this is the upper
secondary level where the content is often sophisticated and difficult, we recommend
having qualified teachers over local instructors.
While we have emphasized the importance of using teachers as the primary learning
resource, an alternative upper secondary education model in Honduras should not rely on
strictly traditional teaching methods. The need to condense learning to fewer hours
requires that students be more responsible for their own learning than in traditional
systems where the teacher can guide them through every subject. At the same time, our
discussions with teachers and focus groups with students indicated that alternative
education students frequently do not, at least initially, have the skills and behaviors
necessary for self-instruction (this also is found in international research such as
Figueredo and Anzalone, 2003). We recommend, therefore, that the content and teaching
methodology be structured such that students gradually acquire the skills of self-
instruction and that as they progress through the program their learning is more and more
self-directed with the teacher serving a facilitator role, clarifying doubts, guiding
students, and assessing learning.
Currently, this is not occurring in any of the programs. Certain programs, such as SAT,
EDUCATODOS, and Telebásica, use very little self-instruction. The others – Institutos
Nocturnos, SEMED, and IHER – are highly self-instructional but do not teach self-
instruction skills in a gradual way, rather they are assumed from the onset of the program.
69
In sum, we have put forward six instructional recommendations. SAT and SEMED meet
those criteria best, both complying with 75 percent of the recommendations.
EDUCATODOS and IHER are least aligned with our recommendations, both only
complying with 25 percent of the recommendations.
70
Table 32: Finance Recommendations
RECOMENDACIONES FUENTE EDUCA- SEMED SAT TELE- IHER NOCT-
TODOS BASICA URNOS
1. Private 1.1 Low or free private direct Youth survey 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1. 1.1.
costs costs for learning resources 1 0 0 2 1 0
(textbooks and other 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2. 1.2.
materials. 1 2 2 2 1 2
1.2 No enrollment fee. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1.
1.3 Accessible transportation 1 1 2 2 1 0
costs.
2. Social 2.1 The Government of Interviews with 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1. 2.1.
costs Honduras assumes greater program directors.
commitment to and financial FONAC, 2000 1 1 1 1 0 1
and political support for (Propuesta para la
alternative upper secondary Transformación 2.2. 2.2. 2.2. 2.2. 2.2. 2.2.
education. Educativa en
2.2 Sufficient funding to Honduras). 2 1 2 1 2 1
provide necessary learning
and infrastructure resources.
3. Diverse funding sources Interviews with 1 1 2 1 2 1
Funding (public and private) to ensure program directors.
sources sustainability.
Program 7 6 10 9 8 5
total
Total 14 14 14 14 14 14
possible
71
Finance Recommendations
The final area of recommendations is finance-related and presented in Table 32. The first
issue relates to the appropriate levels of private costs incurred by participants; our
recommendations are the result of the youth survey and the international literature. The
second and third issues relate to social costs and financing sources and these
recommendations emerge from the international literature as well our interviews with the
alternative education program directors.
One of the primary reasons a large-scale alternative upper secondary education program
is necessary in Honduras is because of the economic constraints on the secondary school-
age population. Thus, creating a program with inaccessible private costs defeats the
original purpose of the program. At the same time, the Government of Honduras has
significantly increased its investment in education while its resources are limited severely
by the economic situation in the country. A World Bank comparative study of Central
American education systems identified a potential to divert administrative funds, which
are very high in Honduras, into the secondary education sector (2005). The ideal scenario
is one where alternative upper secondary education students do not have to pay at all but
this may not be possible, at least initially, and the private high rate of return at the upper
secondary level gives potential students a motivation to invest in their education at this
level.
We recommend that private direct costs be kept minimal, perhaps with students paying
for textbooks – but limiting the number of textbooks required – and continuing with the
government’s current policy of enrollment and monthly fee abolishment. The indirect
private costs of schooling are more difficult to control, but we already have
recommended that programs be located within the communities in which they operate
whenever possible and that, if impossible, they operate in areas where there is safe and
affordable transportation. As we saw in the costing analysis above, private direct costs
among the six programs are by far the highest in SEMED due to textbook costs, while
they are extremely minimal in Telebásica where textbooks are free and there is no
enrollment or monthly fees.
We also recommend that the program administration ensure that program sites have
sufficient resources and that those resources are in usable condition. This appears to be a
problem in all of the programs to varying degrees.
72
Finally, it is important that a large-scale alternative upper secondary program be fiscally
sustainable. One proven method of fiscal sustainability is the combination of political
will and support and diverse funding sources. Currently, Telebásica, SAT,
EDUCATODOS, and IHER all have reasonably diverse funding sources. Nonetheless,
Telebásica is still a very small pilot program and EDUCATODOS faces the challenge of
losing its USAID funding in 2008.
Overall, Telebásica and SAT have the closest fit with our six finance recommendations.
Nocturnos and SEMED are in the weakest shape financially, meeting 50 percent or fewer
of our recommendations.
Table 33 summarizes the percent of compliance with our recommendations for each
program in each area. It then shows the total points earned out of the total possible, gives
a simple percent compliance and then a weighted percent compliance. The weighted
percent compliance is the total percent compliance we used because it weights each of the
organizational areas equally rather than based on the number of recommendations we
created for each area. SAT has the highest overall percent compliance, at 79 percent.
EDUCATODOS is a somewhat distant second with 66 percent. The remaining four
programs, Telebásica, SEMED, IHER, and Nocturnos, reach only between 56 and 45
percent compliance with our recommendations.
This does not at all mean that the other four programs are bad or should be ended.
Rather, it means that SAT and EDUCATODOS are the best suited programs to meet the
current need for a large-scale alternative upper secondary program in Honduras. The
remaining programs might fill more specific needs. Nocturnos, for instance, are directed
particularly at working and overage urban students. Telebásica, on the other hand, targets
rural traditional students. These programs may or may not be successful at meeting their
own specific goals but they do not appear to be the best suited programs to meet the
broader national need for a large-scale program to meet PRS and EFA goals.
SAT and EDUCATODOS are the best candidates for program adaptation and scale-up.
Both programs need significant adaptation, however, to be appropriate large-scale upper
secondary models. For example, SAT, to date, only functions in rural areas and has a
rural-focused curriculum. It would need to widen its scope to marginal-urban and urban
areas. EDUCATODOS, meanwhile, has never operated at the upper secondary level and
would need to plan for operations at the upper secondary level. Table 34 takes these two
73
programs and identifies specific recommendations for each of them to meet or move
toward each of the general design recommendations we laid out in the previous section.
We also developed a series of recommendations for the other four programs, not because
we would promote them as models to be scaled-up necessarily, but simply for quality and
efficiency enhancement purposes.
Aside from Table 34, we do not describe our recommendations for SAT and
EDUCATODOS in detail in the text because, taken with the program description and
analysis of this paper and the program recommendations described above, we feel they
are self-explanatory. We do, however, briefly summarize them below.
The SAT program has strong policies and organizational arrangements, relies on teachers
and textbooks as we recommend, and has a well-designed integrated curriculum adapted
to the target population. Our main suggestions for SAT if it were to be identified as a
program to serve as a large-scale national alternative upper secondary education program,
would be to expand its target population and coverage to marginal-urban and urban
populations, to strengthen some aspects of program administration, such as supervision
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Table 34: Specific recommendations for adaptation of SAT and EDUCATODOS programs
SAT EDUCATODOS
Policies
1. Target Expand to marginal-urban and urban
population areas.
2. Regional Expand geographic coverage.
coverage
3. Management Strengthen supervision and support to Strengthen supervision and support to
structure program sites. program sites
4. Relationship SE should strengthen data collection, SE should evaluate program more
with Secretariat monitoring, and evaluation of program. regularly.
of Education Come to a consensus with SE regarding Come to a consensus with SE regarding
a general technical curriculum for a general technical curriculum for
alternative upper secondary. alternative upper secondary.
Organization
1. Schedule Allow flexible scheduling based on
student needs and the local economic
and labor context.
2. Location
3. Infrastructure Ensure pedagogically adequate Ensure pedagogically adequate
infrastructure. infrastructure.
4. Instructional Increase weekly instructional hours to
hours per week around 15.
Instruction
1. Teachers Hire teachers on contract to allow for Increase the basic qualifications of
periodic evaluation. teachers to have teaching or other
Ensure that teachers teach in areas that university degrees.
they were trained in or have mastery of. Provide teachers with compensation.
Improve selection and training of
teachers.
Hire teachers on contract to allow for
periodic evaluation.
Ensure that teachers teach in areas that
they were trained in or have mastery of.
2. Methodology Develop students’ self-instruction skills. Decrease dependence on cassette
tapes (use as supplement to instruction
rather than primary teaching resource).
3. Learning Adapt materials to broader target Design and produce materials for upper
materials population (urban and marginal-urban). secondary level.
Curriculum
1. Curricular Develop general technical curriculum to Develop general technical curriculum for
orientation be used in/adapted for all contexts. upper secondary that can be used
in/adapted for all contexts.
Strengthen focus on transversal
competencies for the labor market.
2. Graduate
certification
3. Subject matter
organization
4. Curricular
adaptation
5. Alignment with Ensure that materials are aligned with
curricular national guidelines.
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standards and
guidelines
Finance
1. Private costs Ensure that private costs are accessible Ensure that private costs are accessible
to target population. to target population.
Provide scholarships for individuals with Provide scholarships for individuals with
need and merit. need and merit.
2. Social costs
3. Financing Ensure program sustainability with Ensure program sustainability with
sources diverse funding sources and diverse funding sources and
government commitment and support. government commitment and support.
and data monitoring, to develop a general technical curriculum that could be used and
adapted in both rural and urban areas and that teaches self-instruction, and to hire
teachers on a contract, rather than permanent basis, and ensure that teachers are teaching
in areas where they have training and expertise. Rather than having one teacher per class,
we recommend having at least two who rotate between two classrooms, one for hard
sciences and math and one for social sciences and language.
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